REESE LIBRARY 
 
 UNI\^HSITY OF CALIFpRNIA. 
 
 Clius No. 
 
^ \ 
 
 M^ 
 
THE MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 JAMES, MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 
 
■^ OFTHS r 
 
 UNIV.:-':3iTY 
 
3wa.n Eleolnc Er.gra.viiig C° 
 
%\ft Mtmoivs of 3fantes 
 
 MARQUIS OF 
 
 MONTROSE 
 
 1639 — 1650 
 
 BY THE 
 
 REV. GEORGE WISHART, D.D. 
 
 (BISHOP OF EDINBURGH, 1662-1671) 
 
 TRANSLATED WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, APPENDICES, AND THE 
 ORIGINAL LATIN (PART II. NOW FIRST PUBLISHED) 
 
 BY THE 
 
 REV. ALEXANDER D. MURDOCH 
 
 F.S.A. SCOT., CANON OF ST. MARy's CATHEDRAL, EDINBURGH 
 EDITOR AND TRANSLATOR OF THE GRAMEID MS. 
 
 AND 
 
 H. F. MORLAND SIMPSON 
 
 M.A. CANTAB., F.S.A. SCOT. : FETTES COLLEGE 
 
 NIL 
 MEDIVM 
 
 LONDON 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK: 15 EAST i6th STREET 
 1893 
 
 AH rights reserved 
 
«.%"* 
 
 9 A 
 
 / 
 
 H 'ST 
 
 Printed iiy Ballantyne, Hanson & Co. 
 Ai the Ballantyne Press, Edinburgh 
 
C|)E Cnttors' preface. 
 
 HE amount of historical matter brought 
 together in our notes and appendices 
 (much of which is printed for the first 
 time, and was unknown to ourselves at 
 the beginning of our undertaking) obliges 
 us to limit our Preface to a brief memoir 
 of the author, with a passing glance at 
 his times, mainly in special reference to 
 the career of Montrose and his biographer. 
 The difficulty of collecting even the few fragmentary elements 
 for such a notice has been increased by confusion with the life 
 of another Wishart.^ The times were out of joint ; the ancient 
 family to which he belonged was breaking up ; hence data 
 sufficient for a complete biography have eluded our search. 
 
 George Wishart, born in 1599, was the younger son, as is 
 generally assumed, of John Wishart of Logie Wishart^ in the 
 county of Forfar, and grandson of Sir John Wishart of that ilk. 
 The family had long been in possession of the estates, having 
 held charters from Gilbert de Umphraville, Earl of Angus, in 
 1272.^ In 1526 John Wishart, on resigning his charter from the 
 
 ^ Following Keith (Catalogue of Scottish Bishops) most writers identify George Wishart with 
 William Wishart, parson of North Leith, who suffered in the same cause. 
 
 2 Inq. Spec. Forfar, i88, 189. 
 
 2 Nisbet's Heraldry, and Jervise' Mem. of Angus and Mearns, ii. 132. The distinguished 
 family of Wishart, according to Jacob Vanhassan, quoted by Nisbet, originated in Robert, a 
 natural son of David, Earl of Huntingdon, who, from a slaughter of Saracens, got the sobriquet 
 Guishart (a derivation not clear). He was the founder of the noble family of Brechin, whose 
 
 V b 
 
 'J 
 
vi T?IE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 Earls of Angus, then under forfeiture, received a royal charter * 
 converting the estates into a free barony, to be called " the barony 
 of Wishart." This John was perhaps the great-grandfather of 
 our author. 
 
 Wishart's father did not come into the property till Sir John 
 died in 1629. Probably, therefore, he had sought other fields 
 than those of Angus, and is said to have made his home in East 
 Lothian. Here George Wishart was born, and according to the 
 same authority the University of Edinburgh was his Alma Mater. 
 But a careful review of the Laureate Roll shows that he did not 
 there take his degree. As at St. Andrews we find a Georgius 
 Vyshart entered in 161 2 as a student in St. Salvator's College, 
 and taking his degree in 16 13, it is probable that the alumnus of 
 St. Salvator's who became M.A. in one year's time, had received 
 part of his education elsewhere.^ Did Wishart study first at 
 Edinburgh and take his degree at St. Andrews .-* 
 
 In 16 1 2 the University of St. Andrews was weak at its centre, 
 though things were beginning to improve. Andrew Melvill, 
 who had held rule up to 1608, though a good scholar, was more 
 
 blazon, "Argent, three piles in point gules," is identical with the shield of the two Wisharts of 
 I'itarrow and Logie Wishart. Nisbet, in describing the Queensberry arms, gives as part of the 
 Douglas contribution to that shield "Argent three piles in point gules for Wisharts of Brechin," 
 the right to carry these "three Passion Nails" having passed to the Douglasses, Earls of Angus, 
 with the heiress of Brechin. From the Brechin stem sprang the two families of Pitarrow and 
 Logie about the same time. The earliest charter evidence is supplied when John of the Mearns 
 witnesses local charters about 1200, and in 1242, when Adam, Abbot of Arbroath, conveys to 
 Pitarrow the mills and lands of Conveth, Scotston, &c. From that time the Pitarrow branch takes 
 a prominent place in Scottish history. William Wishart, Bishop of St. Andrews, was an eminent 
 statesman and prelate, 1256 to 1278. He rebuilt in stately manner the east end of his cathedral, 
 after it had been thrown down by a tempest ; Robert, Bishop of Glasgow, one of Edward's 
 regents, joined Wallace, and from his own wardrobe supplied Robert Bruce with coronation 
 robes ; John Wishart, Archdeacon of Glasgow, a patriot sent to the Tower of London, released 
 in 1322, became Bishop of Glasgow ; Sir James Wishart, Justice-Clerk in 1513, whose son George 
 is supposed to have been the famous Protestant martyr ; and lastly, the greedy comptroller of 
 Queen Mary, Sir John, of whom Scotstarvet said, "the laird of Petteraw was an earnest professor 
 of Christ, but the meikle devil receive the comptroller." This was the highest position in wealth 
 and importance attained by the family. From that time it began to decay. The property was 
 sold in 1622 to Sir John Carnegie. See Grub, Eccl. Hist. i. 345 n; Jervise, Mem. of Angus and 
 Mearns, with References, ii. 174-178 and 132. 
 
 * Acts Pari. Scot., ii. 379, where see charter at length. 
 
 » Mr. Maitland Anderson, the obliging keeper of the Acta Redorum, in his letter to us says, 
 "It is rather unusual to find a person graduating in the year immediately after his entrance, and 
 the customary explanation is that he may have had a year or more of study at another university 
 before coming here." 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. vii 
 
 a party leader than an administrator. Robert Howie/ his suc- 
 cessor, was a vicar of Bray, determined, whatever happened, to 
 live and die Principal of St. Mary's. James Martin, Provost of 
 St. Salvator's, was engaged in lifelong struggle with the "proud 
 plunderers who, contrary to justice," had seized the college 
 revenues. Students were few and very young.'^ There was, 
 however, a dawn of hope. King James founded and enriched 
 the library, and sought to restore something of its ancient glory 
 to the ecclesiastical metropolis of Scotland. The titular arch- 
 bishopric had been revived in the person of George Glad- 
 stanes, ** a man of good learning, ready utterance, and great 
 invention, but of an easy nature," ^ on whom anti-Prelatists such 
 as Row, and even Calderwood, lavished foul calumny without 
 stint.^ His son Alexander, the newly appointed minister of the 
 town church, was a figure likely to impress our youthful scholar. 
 " Handsome, genteel, of a competent estate, an excellent scholar, 
 very eloquent, wise and discreet, free of vice, and in favour with 
 king, court, and country." ^^ Alas, that his end should have proved 
 unworthy of this beginning ! 
 
 For nine years after taking his degree, Wishart's life has left 
 no record, save that he married Margaret Ogilvy, and had two 
 sons, Thomas and Patrick. The lady's name may perhaps account 
 for the glow which tints his narrative of all that concerns the 
 house of Airlie, but her origin is as yet unrecovered history. His 
 opportuneness in writing a book which at once obtained European 
 attention, and his alacrity in printing it, may be some evidence of 
 a touch with continental feeling and with the foreign publisher, 
 gained by travel. In any case, the book is evidence that his 
 youth was not wasted. A degree at fourteen leaves a good deal 
 of time for the education of the Master of Arts, and foreign travel 
 was a natural and ordinary method for obtaining it. Search in 
 the Baptismal Register of St. Andrews shows that that city was 
 
 " Rothes, in his Relation, calls him " the fearfuU Robert Howie," meaning timid. St. Mary's 
 still bears his device in stone. He appears frequently in Baillie's letters. 
 
 ^ Our author, like the Admirable Crichton, took his M.A. degree at fourteen. 
 
 ' Spottiswoode, History, iii. 227. » See Row, Calderwood, Index, and Book of Pasquils. 
 
 " See Scott's Fasti, St. Andrews. 
 
viii THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 not his home when his sons were born, but where it was has yet 
 to be disclosed. Kirk-session records will some day tell. It may 
 be a fair conjecture, from his subsequent intimacy with Spottis- 
 woode and his family, and from his appointment to Monifieth and 
 ordination at Dairsie, that he was well known to the archbishop 
 before 1625. Was he engaged in secretary or librarian work for the 
 metropolitan in St. Andrews, or at Dairsie, his favourite abode ? 
 
 On Tuesday, September 20, 1625, Wishart received ordination 
 at the hands of Spottiswoode, in his new church of Dairsie, " built 
 at his own cost after the English forme, which," as is quaintly said, 
 " if the boisterous hand of a mad reformation had not disordered, 
 was one of the beautifullest pieces of work that was left to our 
 unhappy country."" Wishart had been appointed by the King 
 to the parish cf Monifieth in place of Patrick Durham,^^ who died 
 on 23rd August 1624. The date of the appointment is given as 
 August 26, 1624, but this must be a clerical error for 1625, three 
 days being insufficient even for communicating Durham's death 
 to the King. The kirk-session of Monifieth thus notes the ordina- 
 tion and appointment. " The quhilk day, 18'^ Sep 1625, the 
 Archbishop his Edict was servit at the Kirk doore for admissione 
 of Mr George Wishart to the ministrie of Monifieth on Tuysday 
 nixt the 20^*" of Sep instant. The 20'^ of September the said Mr 
 George resavit ordinatione in Dairsey." ^^ The ordination was by 
 the "New Ordinal," issued with authority in 1620. There was 
 then no order of deacon in the Church of Scotland, those bearing the 
 name being only lower members of the kirk-session, and exercising 
 secular callings. The ordaining of ministers and consecrating of 
 bishops alone fell within the scope of the Ordinal, and gave to the 
 former power and authority to preach the Word of God, to mini- 
 ster His holy Sacraments, and exercise discipline. 
 
 ^^ Spot. Miscel. i. 7. (The words were written in 1678.) The church had but a short lease 
 of its beauty. In 1641 its "superstitious monuments" were subject of inquiry by the Synod of 
 Fife, and in 1645 ^^ order was given for "the levelling of the queer." The portion of it still 
 standing, seen among its trees, takes one back beyond its date to the architectural spirit of pre- 
 Reformation times. See Sihbald's Fife and New Stat. Account, ix. 773. 
 
 ''' Doubtless a relation of the Durhams of Grange, a leading family in the parish. He was thirty- 
 five years of age, and had been only eight years minister. He married the daughter of his prede- 
 cessor, Andrew Clayhills, in whose time the " mans and gleib were perfyte." Synod Records, 
 Fife, 69. " Parochial Registers (in Register House), Co. of Forfar, vol. ii. (1624-26). 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. ix 
 
 Apparently there had been no service in Monifieth from June 
 27, 1624, till Wishart's arrival on September 25, 1625, save once 
 in January. The old church^* was meanwhile being- repaired with 
 stones brought down the Tay from the ruins of Balmerino, and 
 carted from the shore by the various heritors. Elders and deacons 
 took charge of such matters, and when Wishart entered upon the 
 incumbency, he found himself in all parochial matters limited to 
 his seat as chairman of the kirk-session. In his preaching he was 
 free. The breakdown of the Church under Roman supremacy had 
 been mainly in morals, and in such an emergency of pastoral 
 failure, common-sense, acting with the democratic spirit of the 
 Reformation, made the parishioners themselves judges of parish 
 morality. The eighth head of the first Book of Discipline laid 
 down that men of " best knawledge in Goddis Word, of cleanest 
 life, men faithfull, and of most honest conversation that can be 
 fund in the church, must be nominat to be in electioun." From 
 these elders and deacons were chosen. Supervision of parochial 
 morals extending to power of divorce, and of the minister to the 
 extent of deposing him, was included within the extensive juris- 
 diction of these parish magnates. ^^ Monifieth could at one time 
 boast of twelve elders and twelve deacons in its session. During 
 Wishart's short tenure of office — from 20th September 1625 to 
 April 3, 1626 — the session was occupied with the repairing of the 
 chancel at the expense of the parish.^^ Masons, skleiters, glassen, 
 wrichts, had all to be satisfied, and the work was finished just as 
 Wishart left. The "church yaird" was used, under pretence of 
 " shearing" {i.e., cutting the grass), as a pasture-ground. A sharp 
 penaltie repressed " this abus of beastis," and the whole parish 
 was gathered for getting good walls put round the sacred enclosure 
 " after the bairseed." A high price was put upon "kirk burial" 
 {i.e., burial within the kirk), " lest it ouirgo the hole kirk." Sunday 
 desecrations, as working of mills, playing " gouff," ale-drinking in 
 
 ^* The ancient church was on the site of a Culdee chapel, which had replaced a pre-Christian 
 sacred enclosure. See Sculptured Stones of Scotland, Anderson's Early Christian Times, and New 
 Stat. Account, Scotland. 
 
 ^' See Kirk-session Register of St. Andrews, Pref. xxii. 
 
 ^* A point which indicated the settlement of an old dispute as to whether the parson should not 
 repair the chancel at his own expense. See Dunlop Paroch. Law, 4. 
 
X THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 time of service, slackness in church attendance on the part of the 
 ferry-people, are dealt with ; and in the case of the ale-drinking 
 two elders were dispensed from service that they might peram- 
 bulate the town. The poor were seen to out of the collections 
 and fines, and even ** Inglish" supplicants, such as John Bull and 
 Richard Ives, are generously supplied, the latter getting 24s. Scots. 
 The bulk of the session's work, however, lay in dealing with 
 unhallowed unions, some of them " inveterate." Michael Ramsay 
 and a frail Euphemia were well acquainted with all the stages of 
 "citation," "appearance," "repentance," and "penalty;" and their 
 relatives, after frequent forfeiture of bail for future good behaviour, 
 gave them up. Michael was on his way to the higher court, the 
 Presbytery, when we part with him in these records. ^^ The 
 " presumful abus " of drunkenness does not much appear in this 
 part of the record. Perhaps the memory of the culprit who, in 
 the first vigour of the session, had been sentenced to be "brankit, 
 stockit, dukit, and banisit ye heile paris," had still survived as a 
 warning against the " vyce." We may hope too that the vigour 
 of Wishart's sermons obviated the necessity experienced by the 
 session in the time of his successor, in 1643, of keeping the women 
 awake. " Five shillings for tar to put upon the women that holds 
 the playds about their head in the church "^^ is surely an inde- 
 fensible barbarity perpetrated on the poor sufferers under long 
 sermons. Sermons were by this time regarded as wholesome 
 penalties. Poor Helen Scott, for " sclandering and fly ting," got a 
 daily attendance on the preaching, and that in a visible part of the 
 church, within sight of the minister. She had a choice which 
 some might have preferred, viz., "the jougs" and banishment. 
 William Carmichael, in Wishart's time, called Isobel Webster a 
 " thief," and stuck to his guns for one session, but satisfied by 
 penalty and repentance in the next. The only matter of personal 
 interest to our author appearing in these records " is the baptism 
 
 ^^ Grissel Kid is cited for her fornication with William Durham, a reversal of the order we should 
 have expected. Was the session tuned by the rage of the laird of Grange, who would naturally re- 
 gard Grissel as the seducer of his son, and not vice versA ? Durham does penance, however. 
 
 '^ See Aberdeen Eccl. Records for notice of like and other extraordinary customs. 
 
 ^* The Parochial Registers of Monifieth in the Register House, though decayed in parts, are, on 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. xi 
 
 of his daughter Jean, on Friday, December 23, 1625. The wit- 
 nesses were Thomas Wishart of Ballindarg,^*^ Wishart's second 
 cousin ; John Durham,^^ minister of Monikie, who died father of 
 the Church in 1639, "an aul agit man" (his memory went back 
 to the proceedings of 1560); and William Maule, in Giuldie.^^ 
 This was his third child. She shared the vicissitudes of her 
 father's fortunes, and appears in his will as the spouse of William 
 Walker, minister of North Berwick. 
 
 Wishart's last service in Monifieth was on April 3rd, 1626, 
 and on April loth he took up his duties in the Town Church of 
 St. Andrews as colleague to Alexander Gladstanes. John Ruther- 
 ford, from Dairsie, now more given to physic than to theology, 
 succeeded him at Monifieth. 
 
 The change to St. Andrews no doubt meant more money, but 
 it also brought him into the society in Scotland most agreeable to 
 a man of scholarly tastes. The policy of strengthening the bishops 
 had had a wholesome effect in rousing a movement for restoration of 
 things befitting the name and ancient glory of the first cathedral and 
 university city of Scotland. There were plans for rebuilding the 
 cathedral and repairing the colleges. The New Library was being 
 enriched day by day. Dairsie was a pattern for parochial churches. 
 Liturgical revision, and restoration of church and college costume, 
 were accompanied with the solid good of restored tithes. Church, 
 college, and castle were all putting on something of a brighter 
 garb under the new regime. Sir Robert Spottiswoode had re- 
 turned with his spoils recovered from foreign libraries, whither 
 flying ecclesiastics had carried them on the first outbreak of the 
 Reformation. In especial, the Black Book of Paisley was restored 
 to Scotland by his hand. His and his father's books were reckoned 
 to be worth ^6000 sterling. The number of students increased, 
 and the sons of the great families of Scotland naturally sought 
 
 the whole, in a good state of preservation. They go back to 1552, and indicate zeal for morals from 
 the start. We are indebted to the Rev. W. Macleod for transcript of portion belonging to Wishart's 
 time, and to Dr. Young the present minister of the parish for valuable notes. 
 
 *" Ballindarg was originally included in the barony of Wishart, but had passed to a branch of the 
 house. See Inq. Spec, and Gen. Forfarshire. 
 
 •^ Scott Fasti, Monikie. 
 
 *^ We cannot identify this place. The word may be Dundee badly written. 
 
xii THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 education at St. Andrews. Montrose entered Wishart's old 
 college on January 26, 1627, and he was preceded by Lord 
 Lorn (his future enemy, Argyll), the Earl of Morton, the Earl 
 of Wemyss, Lord Robert Douglas, and a host of other good 
 Scottish names are his contemporaries. Hunting, hawking, horse- 
 racing, archery, golf, and tennis provided the recreations repre- 
 sented by the outdoor pastimes of the modern undergraduate. 
 Classics, poetry, romance, chess, and cards, with frequent visits 
 to country houses, in Montrose's case, and doubtless in that of 
 others, filled up the time stolen from severer studies.^ The Golf 
 Links and Archery Butts brought together gay gatherings, when 
 the silver arrow ^* or the championship had to be won. The 
 important, though sometimes despised, culinary art was well 
 forward in those days in Scotland. As Napier says, " they knew 
 how to live as well as how to die. Their domestic records of the 
 larder, the pantry, and the cellar, whether in reference to the 
 funeral, the wedding, or the sick chamber, might create an appetite 
 under the ribs of death." He is referring to the accounts of 
 expenditure kept by the young Montrose's purse-bearer.^^ These 
 accounts suggest scenes of deep interest, when they tell of the 
 hiring of " three extra horses for my Lord's visit to the Archbishop 
 of St. Andrews at Dairsy." The scaffold and exile ended the 
 days of the home party and their guest, and probably of many 
 more who were wont to meet in the hospitable mansion. Montrose 
 himself, his friend Sir Robert "the good President," and young 
 Dairsy died by the hand of the executioner. The Archbishop 
 died in exile, and Sir John, his eldest son, escaped only by 
 the loss of his property. There was east wind at St. Andrews 
 of more than one kind, and much anxiety from the vigorous 
 sombre spirits of the first Reformation, who were preparing for 
 the second, when an opening should appear. Yet on the whole 
 
 ^ For the facts of this picture compare Lyon's Hist. , Napier Mem. , Sprott's Scottish Liturgies, 
 Connell on Tithes, Billing's Baronial Remains, Preface to Sir Robert Spoltiswoode's Practicks. 
 
 ^* Napier gives an engraving of Montrose's medal as a winner of the silver arrow in 1628, and 
 a facsimile of his name as entered by himself in the Matriculation Roll, Jan. 26, 1627, " Aetat 14. 
 Jacobus Gramus, Comes Monterouse." 
 
 ** Napier, Mem., Chap, iv., &c. 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. xiii 
 
 it was a pleasant place for a man who loved books, good society, 
 and (no doubt) good wine. 
 
 Mr. John Lambye's accounts show that Montrose stood on 
 terms of intimacy with Wishart. On leaving St. Andrews for his 
 early wedding, his trunks were intrusted to the minister's care. 
 " Item given to the minister, Mr George Wishart his servants, 
 who had kept and transported the furniture and trunks, twenty 
 four shillings." ^^ The numerous entries we have found in the 
 St. Andrews Register ^^ of the baptism of Wishart's children 
 evince a comfortable relationship with Church, college, county, 
 and city, inasmuch as the sponsors are the Archbishop, Sir John 
 and Sir Robert Spottiswoode, Sir James Sandilands, Dr. Martyne, 
 Gladstanes the Archdean, Dr. Howie, the Provost John Carstairs, 
 and the eminent citizen Hew Scrymgeour, who so took to heart 
 the death of Sir Robert Spottiswoode, his old master's son, that 
 the sight of the scaffold, some days after the event, sent him 
 home to die on his own threshold. The child to which he was 
 sponsor was named Huego after him. 
 
 Such a family and such society in St. Andrews required means, 
 but happily there was an improvement in ministers' stipends. 
 The admirably conceived and courageously executed policy of 
 Charles First to restore the tithes of the Church was the one 
 statesman-like and successful act of his reign of lasting benefit to 
 the stipends of the present Presbyterian Establishment. It was 
 an Act, however, resented by the nobility, the great impropriators 
 of tithes, who dreaded the threatened Act of Revocation, a still 
 more drastic measure. ^^ Yet with the immense boon conferred 
 on every other class, and with the relaxing of the Articles of 
 
 ^^ Napier, Mem., 70. 
 
 "" Register House. The names of Wishart's children were Thomas and Patrick, bom before 
 1625. Jean, baptized Monifieth, December 23, 1625. Margaret, baptized St. Andrews, May 
 26, 1628. Robert, baptized October 14, 1629. Marie, baptized June 16, 1631. Huego, August 
 10, 1632. A child unnamed, baptized January 15, 1634. James, baptized February 3, 1637. 
 All the children who came after Robert died before their father's imprisonment in 1644. He had 
 then only five children, and the names above, including Robert, appear in Wishart's will shortly 
 before his death. The Provost's descendant was the well-known Principal William Carstares. 
 
 ^8 See Connell on Tithes, passim, also his quotation from Vigneul Marville of remarks of 
 Clarendon on the importance of the tithes question in bringing about the Revolution. Cf. Burnet, 
 Dukes of H., " the whole progress of the design for the resumption of the Tithes into the crown 
 
xiv THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 Perth, Charles could afford to despise their opposition, and might 
 have done so to the end had his next measures been conceived 
 with the same common-sense. But they insulted the self-respect 
 and the religious sense of the nation, made opposition patriotic, 
 and undid their author and his friends. The nobles now saw their 
 chance, coalesced with the opposition ministers, gained many of 
 the moderate sort, and roused the nation. 
 
 In 1629 John Wishart succeeded his father Sir John in his 
 estates, and this event may have improved Wishart's position. 
 He became a D.D. of St. Andrews,^ and appears in the dignity 
 on the roll of the Court of High Commission, Oct. 21, 1634. 
 The storm was now, however, brewing which was to cast down 
 crown and mitre, and Wishart with them. He was, however, 
 to see both restored, and was himself to become a bishop. 
 
 Our want of space forbids any attempt to tell again the story 
 of the rise of the Covenant and fall of the King. Loyalty in 
 Scotland had not risen much beyond devotion to feudal chief or 
 head of clan, and the King as King at no time had focussed the 
 national life. In Charles' case, he was unknown in his native 
 land, and report of his English contempt for Scotland made him 
 suspected. His representatives in the kingdom were mostly 
 self-seeking, weak, or treacherous, and the nobles were on the 
 defensive, while a deep undercurrent of repressed religious feel- 
 ing pervaded the nation. Here surely was a most unhappy time 
 in which to try experiments in absolute government in Church 
 and State. Many were his mistakes in the experiment. — his long 
 deferred coronation, with the insulting proposal for bringing the 
 Scottish regalia to England ; the prominence of Laud in Scottish 
 Church affairs and coronation ceremonies; the King's appearance 
 with pencil in hand to note opponents in his first Parliament ; 
 the Balmerino trial on the Infamous Libel; the replacing of peer 
 and lawyer by bishops in offices of state ; the Book of Canons, 
 
 and the restoring them to the church " had much influence. See also Large Declaration ; Acts 
 Pari. Scot. V. 189-219; Gardiner, Hist. Eng. vii. 277, where story of Act of Revocation is con- 
 densed. Grub, Eccl. Hist. ii. 336, 337. Gard. quotes Poetical Remains, ed. Maidment. 
 
 ** James brought in the "noveltie," says Calderwood, "without advice or consent of the Kirk," 
 yet in 1569 he records an Act of Assembly as to proceeding by degrees in schools to the degree 
 of "Doctor of Divinitie." Ch. vii. 222, ii. 478, and Lyon's St. Andrews, ii. 193-198. 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. xv 
 
 issued without ecclesiastical countenance ; and the Prayer Book, 
 imposed by Royal authority alone — these mistakes, had the King's 
 purposes been ever so beneficial for the country, would have 
 ruined them. The stool of Jenny Geddes (whether she existed 
 or no) symbolised that which discharged a deep mine of discon- 
 tent in Scotland. Laud's policy had alienated Spottiswoode and 
 the bishops from touch with the nation, and made them merely 
 servants of the King. They failed to make a stand, and lead the 
 nation against the royal claim to dictate without the Church in 
 Church affairs. Alexander Henderson stepped into the deserted 
 position, and fought the battle of Kirk freedom till it became 
 exaggerated into the license of ecclesiastical tyranny. His peti- 
 tion against the '* bookes," though careful and judicious, yet 
 sounded the note which gathered the people. Its echo in our 
 own time founded the Free Kirk. Rothes, Loudon, and Bal- 
 merino had neither brains nor religion enough for a great struggle ; 
 Henderson had both, and his accession to their party resulted in 
 the General Supplication which, for their personal safety, brought 
 the Privy Council to their knees before the supplicants — the riots 
 of September and October 1637 had convinced them of their 
 strength. The cry of " Poperie at the door," maintained on Eng- 
 lish pamphlets, which, new every day, did " adde oyl to this 
 flame," made dangerous any stand for the King. " I think our 
 people to be possessed of a bloody devil far above anything that 
 ever I could have imagined though the masse in Latin had been 
 presented. The ministers who has the command of their mind 
 does disavow their unchristian humour, but are noways so zealous 
 against the devill of their furie as they are against the seducing 
 spirit of the Bishops." ^'^ Rothes and the minister of Methven, by 
 "travail" and " canniness," brought Montrose (aetat. ca. 24) to the 
 great meeting of November 15th, which resulted in the Tables, 
 and gave the future champion of the King a place on the com- 
 mittee of four nobles in that body so deadly to the throne. The 
 National Covenant gave them an enthusiastic backing from the bulk 
 of the nation. Below we shall say something on this important 
 
 ^ Baillie, Letters, i. 23. 
 
xvi THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 bond, but here we may give in David Mitchell's words the situa- 
 tion as it affected the loyal clergy, and our author among them. 
 " It (the Covenant) is the oath of the King's House 1580, with 
 strange additions, a mutual combination for resistance of all nova- 
 tions in religion, doctrine, and discipline and rites of worship that 
 have bin brought in since that tyme ; so as if the least of the 
 subscrivers be touched (and there be some of them not 10 yeers 
 of age, and some not worth 2^^) that all shall concurre for their 
 defence, and for the expulsion of all papists and adversaries {i.e., 
 all that will not subscribe) out of the Church and Kingdome, 
 according to the lawes, whereof a hundred are cited in the Carta. 
 This goes on apace. The true Pastors are brought in to Edin! to 
 cry out against us wolves ; and they with our brethren here — 
 Ramsay and Rollock — and your whilome friend the Principall 
 (crying out that they are neither good Christians nor good subjects 
 that do not subscribe, nay, nor in Covenant with God) have made 
 us so odious, that we dare not goe on the streets. I have been 
 dogged by some gentlemen, and followed with many mumbled 
 threatnings behind my back, and then, when I was up staires 
 swords drawne, and ' if they had the Papist villaine, O.' Yet I 
 thank God I am livingr to serve God and the King- and the Church 
 and your Lordship. Your chiefe (Rothes) is the chiefe in this 
 business. There is nothing expected here but civill warre ! " ^^ 
 
 The archbishop saw the work of thirty years cast to the ground, 
 and with other bishops and nobles went southward at the beginning 
 of April. Wishart, with Dr. Panter and Andrew Learmont^^ fled 
 from St. Andrews and joined Spottiswoode at Morpeth, our author 
 proceeding with him to Newcastle, and perhaps to London. There 
 is a gap in the session records of the kirk of St. Andrews at this 
 time, but the official has done his best, though not successfully, to 
 give unity to his fragments.^^ That Wishart left St. Andrews 
 
 '^ Baillie, Letters, i. App. xxvii. p. 464. Letter to John Lesly, Bishop of Raphoe. 
 
 ^"^ Howie, Bruce, Martin, and Baron subscribed the Covenant, and Gladstanes allowed it to be 
 read in church, but preached no more himself. Baillie, Letters, i. 98. 
 
 ^^ " After I April no session kept ; ther omissions was becaus off the Magistratis elders and 
 deacons of this session their subscryving of the Covenant agaynst their ministeris myndis or consent 
 so that they did not concurre together for keeping of the Session as likwyis the whole citie except 
 some verie few did subscryve the said confession of faith contained in the said Covenant" (Marriage 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. xvii 
 
 with a good character and against the wishes of his people, is 
 proved beyond contradiction by the action of the Glasgow Assem- 
 bly towards him. That body, as the legitimate expression of the 
 Divine voice, summoned before them all the bishops and uncove- 
 nanted clergy. The bishops indiscriminately were accused of 
 horrible crimes and frivolous offences, the word respective being 
 inserted in the common charge to save decency, without diminish- 
 ing vulgar odium, ^* Quite gleefully Baillie tells us *' This day we 
 put sundrie of the Bishops through our hands . . . pronounced 
 him [Edinburgh] to be deprived and excommunicat ; ... we 
 decreed him [Aberdeen] to be excommunicat," and so on. This 
 body, which dealt with the superiors they had promised to obey 
 with all the recklessness of an irresponsible tribunal, had Wishart's 
 case before them on December 4, 1638. "The toun of S' 
 Andrews complained that their minister D"" Wishart had deserted 
 them above 8 months ; they seemed content enough with the 
 man's life and doctrine if he would returne, and acknowledge 
 
 Reg. vol. ^53 j^ After entries of baptisms, ending 9th April 1638, is a note to the effect that the 
 
 baptisms preceding that date had been performed by Dr. Alex. Gladstanes, archdean, and Dr. 
 
 George Wishart, minister" (Bap. Reg. vol. ^^). Gladstanes, however, baptizes June 4th, 1638, 
 
 the son of Robertson of Clermonth. After entry of 4th September 1638 we have the following : — 
 " All this tyme Bygone was no Session holdin nather haid the Presbitrie gevin out any ordinance 
 theranent till Wadinsday the 12 of Sept it was ordaneit that everie minister that preached here, in 
 their course about, suld convene the Session and moderat the samyn till it pleased God to procure 
 
 a settled ministerie for this citie" (vol. ^?). After entry July 1st, 1638, *' Nota — About this tyme 
 
 and before our last ministeris preaching for the Covenant and uthoris supplied as you see they ar 
 partlie here insert and moir particularlie and specially are insert in the booke of the poores common 
 collection at the Kirk doores with the ministeris that baptized the bairnis I mean collation the dayis 
 together of the moneth and the year " (ibid. ). By October the overthrow of King's and Archbishop's 
 work is thus indicated: — '■^Sunday list October 1638. — Quhilk day the Holie Communion was 
 celebrat with great Solemnitie in the old fashion sitting, My old Lady Marquess of Hamilton, my 
 Lord Lyndesay, and sundrie utheris baronis Ladyes and gentlemen strangers being present thereat, 
 the bellis rang at three houris to the mornyng service. The ministeris thereof wer, Mr George 
 Hamilton haid the preparatioun sermon, Mr Andrew Auchinlek the mornyng, and Mr Alexander 
 Hendersone the foirnoone service, and Mr David Forret the sermone of Thanksgiving. The Magis- 
 tratis and cheiff of the Session attending the services, the brodis, basonis [ ? alms dishes, patens, and 
 
 chalices] and Elements." (Reg. of Marriages, vol. ^^^). 
 
 ** The unreality of these charges is evinced by the appointment of the three bishops who after- 
 wards took the Covenant to cure of souls, without more adoi though they had lain under these 
 horrible charges. Baillie's account of the Assembly should be read to understand the situation. 
 How Montrose could continue to sit in such an assembly is unaccountable. 
 
xviii THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 the Assemblie : howbeit malitious desertions so long a tyme be 
 sufficient for deposition yet we referred the case to farder con- 
 sideration. We deposed Dr. Gladstanes with one mouth." ^ 
 Again, under December 14th, we read, " S' Andrews Complaint 
 against D'' Wishart who had deserted them for manie moneths 
 was heard ; their supplication also that they might have Mr A. 
 Henderson for minister." The case was still left over, and not 
 till 1639, after being absent eighteen months, was he deposed. 
 The charges then were heavy enough, but there was no bringing 
 an action for libel at that time against the judicatories of the 
 Assembly, and the only remedy now is to appraise their value- 
 lessness. Judgment was the main thing, evidence a trifle of 
 secondary importance. 
 
 Early in May 1637 Spottlswoode, in London, took part in a 
 conference with the King, Laud, Bishop Maxwell, and Hamilton, 
 and presented the complaints as to bad treatment of the bishops 
 left in Scotland and their clergy, brought up by Andrew Lear- 
 mont.^^ Hamilton was decided on as the peace-maker, and the 
 bishops were advised to return to Scotland under his safe keeping. 
 They went to Newcastle, but were too wise to go farther on the 
 strength of the promises of that weak and shifty guardian. The 
 archbishop took up his abode in Newcastle early in 1639, and 
 we find Wishart appointed to a lectureship in All Saints there 
 on 19th October of that year.^^ Spottiswoode returned to London, 
 where he died 26th November 1639,^^ worn out with the troubles 
 of his age, and oppressed with the gloomy prospects of his 
 Church. 
 
 For sequence of events in Scotland our dates at page 18 
 may be consulted, to which we shall refer in speaking of Mon- 
 trose's earlier and later attitude. Meanwhile we note the few 
 facts known as to Wishart's life at this time. The King's 
 
 35 Baillie, i. 151. 
 
 ^® Burnet, Dukes of Ham., 41. 
 
 ^^ Brand's Hist, of Newcastle, i. 387. Robert Jennison, S.T. P., had been lecturer from 1622. 
 In 1631 a subscription had been raised for his "better encouragement." For nonconformity he 
 was suspended in 1639. W. took his place, and with him was associated (December 17, 1639) 
 Robert Bonner, who suffered suspension and imprisonment in the Royal cause during the Civil War. 
 
 ** Preface to Spottiswoode's History, cxxx., where see his confession of faith and his will. 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. xix 
 
 failure with his subjects both north and south, and the good 
 understanding between the revolutionary parties in both king- 
 doms, made the position of a "malignant" clergyman very try- 
 ing, even in Newcastle. It would seem, however, that in 1640^^ 
 Wishart was appointed to an afternoon lectureship at St. Nicholas, 
 which he could hold with his other preferment. He was in the 
 enjoyment of these offices when his old enemies the Covenanters, 
 with his young friend Montrose still in their ranks, though now 
 sick of the connection, disturbed his peace. Doubtless he aided 
 the good citizens and Astley's force in repairing the fortifications 
 as best they might against the advancing Scottish army, but with 
 Gateshead unfortified, their work was of little avail. Leslie made 
 for the open side of the town, meaning to cross the Tyne at 
 Newburn. Conway left half his force in garrison, and with the 
 remainder marched out to guard the ford where all should have 
 been. On 30th August Leslie was in Newcastle, drinking the 
 King's health, to the Mayor's surprise. Wishart retired with the 
 garrison, having lost all but life. Doubtless Wishart kept away 
 till Leslie recrossed the Tweed, which was not till September 25, 
 1 64 1. On his way to Edinburgh the King was entertained at 
 Newcastle by the rough old soldier, to whom he promised an 
 earldom.^*' Wishart returned to his duty in Newcastle, and 
 though the journal of the House of Commons, June 18, 1642, re- 
 cords his dismissal from his preferment as a frequenter of taverns, 
 it is probable that the occupation of the town by the Earl of 
 Newcastle, June 17th, made this order a brutum fulmen. 
 
 On May 12, 1643 we have the notice "Afternoon Lecture- 
 ship," St. Nicholas, " Dr. Wiseheart, or Wishart, was appointed 
 to this Lectureship."*^ The Vicar of Newcastle from 1630 was 
 Yeldard Alvey.*^ Prynne calls \\\w\ the Arminian and superstitious 
 vicar of Newcastle. In Wishart he found a fellow-worker. The 
 
 » Scott's Fasti, Wishart. 
 
 *** In the records as given by Brand we have the following notices of the Scottish occupation of 
 Newcastle. St. Andrews Parish, Oct. 25, 1640, "one of the Redshanks buried of the Scottes 
 army. Feb. 9, 1640 (? 41), Thomas Karr and Jane Lanton married— one of the Scottes army and 
 would pay nothing to the church." 
 
 *^ Brand, i. 312. 
 
 *^ May 26, 1645, he was removed by order of Lords and Commons. 
 
XX THE EDITORS' PREFACE 
 
 King set up the Royal Standard at Nottingham. Aug. 22, 1642.*' 
 The Scottish army, bought by the English Parliament's sub- 
 mission to the new Solemn League and Covenant (wherein Vane 
 nevertheless outwitted Henderson), again crossed the Border, 
 20,000 strong, "in a dismal snowie season," 15th January 1644. 
 The snow was knee deep, "and blowing and snowing so vehe- 
 mently that the guides could with great difficulty know the way, 
 and it was enough for the followers to discern the leaders." With 
 the snow there came " a frost so great (the like whereof we had 
 not seen) that in two nights the river of Twede freesed so strong 
 that our army and ammunition, which was at Kelso, marched 
 over upon the ice, which otherwise could not have come over." " 
 On Saturday, Feb. 3rd, Leven drew up before Newcastle ; but 
 the Marquis of Newcastle had thrown himself with a strong force 
 into the town, and the summons of the Scots met with a spirited 
 answer from the Mayor, Sir John Marley, and the common 
 council. The circuit of the walls was "2 miles 239^*^* jft"46 
 A considerable number of houses lay outside the walls, and these 
 were all burned down, so as to deprive the besiegers of cover. 
 By the 22nd February the siege slackened, and Leven moved on 
 Sunderland, leaving about Newcastle six regiments of foot and 
 some horse. Then began the manoeuvring about Bowden Hill 
 and Hilton, and Montrose came upon the scene demanding help 
 from the struggling Marquis.*^ By the 8th of April, Leven, who 
 had acted on the defensive, resolved in concert with Fairfax, to 
 attack, and marching from Easington to Quarrendon Hill, drew 
 up within two miles of Durham, where Newcastle lay. Pursued 
 by Leven, the Royalist general fell back on York, which he entered, 
 April 19th, taking with him a strong contingent from the garrison 
 of Newcastle town. Montrose having failed at Dumfries, made 
 with Crawford a diversion in the north of England by the siege 
 of Morpeth in the early part of May,^' and he was then in free 
 communication with Newcastle, and doubtless with Wishart, who 
 was pursuing his clerical duties within the well defended walls. 
 
 ■" Gardiner, Hist. Eng. x. 219, where see interesting notes. 
 
 ** From "The Siege and Storming of Newcastle," p. 5. 
 
 « /M. 9. « See p. 42. *' P. 46, n. 4. 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. xxi 
 
 The battle of Marston Moor was fought on 2nd July, and Leven 
 turned northward again. Callander, with a fresh army from 
 Scotland, had crossed the Tyne at Newburn, taken Lumly and 
 Stockton Castles and Hartlepool, and turned back to the Tyne. 
 Gateshead was his first point of attack, which he carried in two 
 days, and obtained command of half the Tyne bridge. This was 
 in the beginning of August. Meantime Leven was approaching 
 to take up the siege in earnest. To oppose him were some 
 " 1700 men made up of 800 of the train-band and 900 volunteers, 
 forest-men, colliers, keilmen, and poore tradesmen. In the town 
 also were the Scottish Lords Crawford, Rea, and Maxwell. These, 
 taking a different side to the great bulk of their countrymen, 
 fought for the king behind the walls." ** Throughout the siege 
 George Wishart continued to deliver his lectures, inspiriting 
 the defence. Some of these have come into the possession of the 
 Rev. W. D. Macray, Assistant-Librarian of the Bodleian, who, 
 on learning our interest in the matter, has most kindly allowed 
 us to make extracts from the interesting: volume. The note*^ 
 
 *^ Lithgow quoted in "The Siege and Storming of Newcastle," 19. 
 
 *^ The quarto volume, bound in calf, has the book plate of George Chalmers, Esq., F.R.S.S.A., 
 and a note by Mr. Macray, giving some account of its history. It appeared in " Part III. of 
 Chalmers' Auct. Cat., 1842, as No. 1695, and in Part IV. of the Cat. of Jos. Lilly's stock (the 
 London Bookseller), at whose sale it was bought by Salkeld, bookseller, of Orange Street, Red Lion 
 Square, for 3s., of whom I bought it in March 1873 for 5s. All the three catalogues described the 
 volume as containing sermons of the latter part of the i6th century." Mr. Macray proceeds : 
 " These anonymous sermons for Saints' days and Ascension Day are written in a Scottish hand. 
 They were preached at a lecture by one who had been recently appointed lecturer in a town then 
 besieged by Parliamentary forces. It had been besieged for some months, and successfully defended 
 by a handful. The Mayor had been elected to that office for a third time. Two gates are men- 
 tioned, Westgate and Sandgate ; a shot fired from the former slew ' a whole crew of enemies,' and 
 at the latter a blow had been averted. Mention is also made of a narrow escape of the blowing up 
 of the powder magazine, and of a shot passing between the Mayor and his sword-bearer on the day 
 of his election. 
 
 " It appears from the foregoing allusions that the town was Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and the 
 preacher George Wishart, chapl : to the Marq : of Montrose, and afterwards Bishop of Edinburgh. 
 For Newcastle was besieged by the Scottish army from Feb. to Oct. 1644, when it was taken ; 
 and Sir John Marley was Mayor for the 3rd time in that year. There were gates of the above- 
 mentioned names there. Wishart was appointed lecturer at S' Nicholas, 12 May 1643, as stated 
 in Brand's Hist, of Newcastle. He had been lecturer at All Saints' from 1639. (For the authorship 
 of the one sermon in a different hand, there does not appear to be any clue.) 
 
 " The writer of the sermons says that he had written on the question of the original language of 
 St. Matthew's Gospel." 
 
 So far Mr. Macray's note. We have ourselves remarked the following, and made an extract 
 
 C 
 
xxii THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 below will give the history of the volume and a sketch of its 
 contents. 
 
 from the sermon on St. Michael and All Angels, as specially interesting to our readers in the 
 " canny town." 
 
 On a spare leaf at the beginning is written, Auxilium nostrum sit in nomine Domini qui fecit 
 coelum et terram ! Also, in darker ink — 
 
 Raro aconita bibuntur 
 fictilibus, tunc ilia time cum pocula sumes 
 Gemata, et late setinum ardebit in auro. 
 
 Dicite pontifices in sacris quid facit aurum ? 
 
 The sermons are on — l. S. John the Baptist ; 2. S. Matthew and the Apostles; 3. S. Peter ; 
 4. S. James ; 5. S. Bartholomew ; 6. S. Matthew the Publican ; 7. S. Michael and All Angels. 
 A sermon in another hand, on the text, " When He was come near, He beheld the city and wept 
 over it." In the original handwriting, fourteen lines on the text, " These are they which came out 
 of great tribulation," — evidently part of a sermon for All Saints' Day. Was it cut short by the 
 taking of the town, October 19th? 
 
 In the second handwriting the text for a sermon, Prov. xx. I : " Wine is a mocker, and strong 
 drink is raging, and whosoever is deceived thereby, is not wise." A long sermon in original hand 
 on Gal. iv. 4. Next comes a short sermon on the Ascension, Mark xvi. 19. A sermon on the 
 Coming of the Spirit, having a reference to the previous discourse, follows, the text being Cor. iii. 
 r6, 17. 
 
 The following extract from the Lecture on St. Michael and All Angels will present the reader 
 with some features of Wishart's character and style. 
 
 "Come I now then to my exhortation, and I shall deliver it in the very words of Joab to 
 Abishai his brother, and to the Host of Israel, when they fought against the children of Ammon. 
 ' Let us be of good courage and play the men, and behave ourselves valiantly, and God will do 
 what seemeth Plim best ; ' and let no man say ' Oh our help is far from us,' for if our eyes were 
 but opened we might perhaps see all the mountains about us full of those fiery chariots and horses, 
 so that they were more that were for us, than all that are against us. I attest the consciences of 
 you all when you look back again to the weeks and months of this siege which are already passed, 
 and call to mind your own opinions and judgements; what thought you that this handful of ours 
 could not only have resisted that equally mighty and malicious enemy ; but also so often beaten, 
 killed, and taken them in their very forts and works, in so far that our friends are stricken with 
 admiration and joy, our enemies with amazement and fear, and ourselves more encouraged and 
 strengthened than at the first hours ? and from whom is this I pray you ? I will not definitely say 
 from the present and ready ministry of the Angels, for I know that God is not tied to use their 
 services but when and where He pleaseth (and yet I think the ministry of the Angels the most 
 likely and probable means that can be alledged) but sure I am it is from the Lord of Angels who 
 as He creates, so He also ruleth, and disposeth all things verba omnipotenticc suce, and that is 
 enough. Let Him but say the word as the faithful Centurion witnessed, and we his servants shall 
 be saved. I know the minds of many, and the very speeches of some. ' O say they when cometh 
 our help from such or such great men,' and I know not what princes, ' they stay too long, we 
 shall not be able to await their coming,' &c. What impatient murmuring is all this ? What 
 distrust and diffidence ! What tempting of God ! for first I tell you that I am of good hope that 
 that very human help, those same noble princes are nearer than we are aware, and may come in 
 a good time ; but are we Christians, and do we not look higher, to the King of kings and princes, 
 whose sure forces are always present, and ready, whose arms are ever on them, whose armies fly 
 with wings swifter than the wings of the wind, who in a night, in an hour, in an instant, can, and 
 will, deliver us, and defeat greater armies than our enemies, if we be not wanting to ourselves. 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 By Michaelmas things were getting very serious. " CoUiers 
 of Elswick and Benwell were employed under John Osbourn, a 
 
 First we being faint-hearted and discouraged, that is to say distrustful infidels who have no faith, 
 next in being needy and avaricious wretches, we will not open our garners, our cellars, our purses, 
 to the needy soldier and the poor neighbour ; that's again to say, worse than infidels and to deny 
 the faith. I know that many of you would take it in a great huff and indignation if I should say 
 that you were very cowards who would not hazard your persons and limbs in so good a cause ; and 
 what a miser art thou, who will give thy life, and will not give thy loaf of bread ; who will give 
 thy person, and will not give thy purse in that same cause. If we had but hearts of men in us, 
 the poorest of the town needed neither want meat nor clothes yet for a long time, even until the 
 Lord should give us help from his holy place. Neither let any man say that I preach and press 
 this doctrine much upon others, but am as backward from the practice of it as any else, saying 
 I am like the Pharisee who laid heavy burthens upon other men's shoulders &c. Nay I hope 
 I am not so base. Most of you know veiy well that I am a man who cannot brag much of my 
 riches, yet will I not complain much of my poverty, but as I am, I am ready to lay down at the 
 feet of our rulers, as much spare clothes as will help to apparel, as much good plate as will help 
 to maintain half-a-dozen of soldiers until we get what help the Lord shall send us ; neither shall 
 I keep up a spoon or a blanket unbestowed, before any poor soldier or neighbour wants, but 
 bestowed in the hands of our rulers, to be dispensed in an orderly way, and I take God to witness 
 that if I had either spare corn or coin, it should all go that same way. For to lay aside all 
 argument taken from humanity, from country, from Christianity I pray you what will your corn 
 and coin avail you if yourselves, and your town, and all that you have, come into the hands of 
 those bloodgales {su) who after so many great spoils, cannot yet say satis? And lastly, if we 
 be not wanting in humbling ourselves, and seeking the Lord's face, in turning from our wicked 
 ways, and making prayers and supplications with strong crying and tears until he have mercy upon 
 us, and in offering unto Him the sacrifice of praise, &c. . . . 
 
 " But I now endeavour to raise up your hearts to remember a recent experience or two of this, 
 that our souls may be the better quickened to bless and praise the God of angels for some singular 
 services of this kind. Who amongst us was so wise and vigilant as to foresee and so prevent that 
 blow intended against us by blowing up of our own powder, whereby many of us had been miserably 
 massacred, and the rest made an easy prey and spoil to our cruel enemies? When a great part of 
 the match was burnt, when the fire was come within a finger length of the powder, and we all 
 sleeping secure, who was there so ready with water to quench that fire, to prevent that blow, and 
 not only to preserve us, but that same powder, to work much vengeance upon our enemies ? Sure I 
 am, God Himself was the Author of that deliverance, and if by the ministry of any second cause, 
 surely none so likely as this of our text, that of some holy angel at His charge and command. And 
 blessed be His name for it, for evermore. So yet more recent amongst many notable experiences of 
 that kind since the beginning of this siege, on Monday last, the day of the election of our Magis- 
 trate, when that thundering shot came between the sword-bearer and our chiefest Magistrates, who 
 pulled them back, and made them halt the while ? Who interposed his shield to receive it, or his 
 dagger to divert, and' put it by? Who did it? Sure I am it was only God, and likelier no means 
 than this same ministry of the angels, at His charge and command. So, who took the aim, who 
 gave the fire, to that our piece at West gate, whose breach was covered with their pieces which 
 caw'd (Scotch for knocked) a crew of our enemies to the ground at once ? Surely He who directed 
 the stone of David's sling against the brain pan of Goliath, who maketh His arrows sharp in the 
 hearts of the king's enemies ; and by no ministry more likely than that of His Angels at His charge 
 and command. 
 
 " And now howbeit this be a general doctrine, and a duty belonging to all men, yet must I tell 
 you, and I pray you advert unto it, that it more especially concerns you that are Magistrates whom 
 God hath also made liturgical persons, howbeit not spirits, and sent you also forth to minister for 
 His people, to whom He hath given charge to keep, to nurse, to lead, to rule the same in all their 
 
xxiv THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 false rebellious Scot, to undermine the walls, which they did, and 
 blew them up and so got and plundered the town." ^^ The elo- 
 quence of Wishart, the fighting determination of the Mayor, and 
 the reputation of Crawford were all needed to maintain spirit in 
 the defence. Wishart's cassock scarce concealed the soldier 
 within him. The fatal day arrived, the 19th October, when 
 Leven carried the town, and Wishart, with the Mayor and Scottish 
 lords, sought refuge in the Castle, which they held out till the 
 22nd. He had begun to prepare an All Saints' Day lecture in a 
 spirit prophetic of earthly woe and heavenly consolations, his text 
 being, " These are they which came out of great tribulation " 
 (Rev. vii. 14) ; but he had only written a few lines when his 
 quarters were beaten up for the third time by the Covenant. He 
 had established a home in Newcastle, and doubtless it was cleared 
 of all his possessions — his third loss of all things.^^ Leven gave 
 no terms, and Sir John Marley and his companions surrendered at 
 discretion. The noblemen and the clergyman, with the prisoners 
 from Ribble Bridge — Lord Ogilvy^^ and others — were, after a little 
 delay, sent to Edinburgh, where the prisons were already choked 
 with captives. The Thieves' Hole received our author. 
 
 Imprisonment had Its degrees in Scotland as elsewhere. To 
 be " wardit " in your own house with a long purse and plenty of 
 friends might not be altogether unpleasant ; to be "wardit" in the 
 house of a criminal officer had alleviations which money or friends 
 could purchase ; to be sent to the Castle meant some air and exer- 
 cise ; but the Thieves' Hole meant bad company, scanty food, foul 
 bedding, dim light, and a stench even worse than the stench of 
 the neighbouring close through the Luckenbooths, named the 
 " stinking style." Wishart's experience of the Hole for nearly 
 
 ways, and joined in that same service with the blessed Angels of Heaven, to whom as He hath 
 committed the name and dignity, so hath He much more the service and duty." 
 
 Then follows, after some scriptural quotations, a strongly worded exhortation to the magistrates, 
 and especially to the mayor, who is addressed as " our thrice repeated Mayor and Governour." 
 
 Sir John Marley escaped from prison after the surrender of Newcastle ; and after the Restora- 
 tion was twice elected mayor. His neck was to have met with " Straffords Courtesie," but he died 
 in his bed in 1670. 
 
 *" Brand, Hist. Newcastle, 467 n. 
 
 " Who took possession of the precious MS. vol. in which Wishart had just begun his All Saints' 
 lecture ? *- See pp. 48 and 49, n. 9. 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. xxv 
 
 twelve months made him a friend of prisoners for ever. In the 
 days of his episcopate he could not enjoy the good things of 
 his table till he had sent some of them up to the Tolbooth to 
 alleviate the hunger pangs of his Covenanting successors in the 
 place of suffering. 
 
 We gather that Wishart's family had gone with him to New- 
 castle, as he speaks there of a house, blankets, and plate ; but they 
 soon followed him to Edinburgh in woeful plight. At the end of 
 1644 the poor man, counting on a kindly side in the Covenanting 
 heart for a kindly Scot, petitioned Parliament for something for 
 himself and his family with this result, 28th January 1645 : — 
 
 " Prayeres said. Rolles called. 
 
 " Reference in favour es of M'! Giorge Wisharte. 
 
 " The Estates of Parliament Haveing heard and Considdered the petitione 
 Givine in be M'^ George Wishart Minister Desyreing some reas"= mentenance to him 
 his wyfe and fyve childrine so longe as he is Detenit in prisone be the estates in 
 the Tolbooth of Ed"' where he remaines incarcerat wanteing meanes to menteane 
 themselves And craveing warrand that his wyffe and childrine may have accese to 
 visite him at all occasiones The estates Remittes the foir'*' supplicatione and Desyre 
 thereof to the committie appoynted for provyding of moneyes To grant modifica- 
 tione to the supplicant for interteaneing of him his wyfe and childrine Dureing his 
 aboade and deteineing in waird be the estates And that according as that committie 
 shall thinke ffitt." 
 
 By this time Montrose had won his battles of Tippermuir and 
 Aberdeen, and was ravaging Argyll, but Kilsyth was yet far 
 distant. The spring and summer of 1645, with their pestilence 
 and misery for the Scottish capital, had to wear away over the 
 heads of the surviving Royalist sufferers in the loathsome prisons ; 
 but at last, on the 15th of August, among the Kilsyth hills, 
 Montrose struck the blow which opened their doors. Kilsyth 
 had a wonderful effect, as Wishart experienced, in changing the 
 estimation in which prisoners were held. They became at once 
 the arbitrators of the fate of Edinburgh and its inhabitants.^^ The 
 delivered captives at once sought Montrose's " Leaguer " at Both- 
 well, and Wishart soon found himself in congenial employment as 
 
 ^ See p. 131. 
 
xxvi THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 secretary and chaplain in the household of the Governor-General 
 of Scotland, and once more in friendly intercourse with his old 
 friend Sir Robert Spottiswoode, who had brought down the great 
 commission for the hero of Kilsyth. It was a gay time for him 
 after all his sufferings, when nobility and gentry were pouring into 
 the camp, and " passes and securities " were being given out with- 
 out number. We may fancy his enjoyment as, in critical vein, he 
 scanned for Montrose the lines of adulatory literature ^^ which now 
 came in from unexpected quarters, and in anticipation of restored 
 peace contemplated a share in "putting to the press" Drummond's 
 " Irene" and such like. Alas for Montrose and the King, Philip- 
 haugh lay in the immediate distance, and Wishart's elaborate 
 sermon at Cranston Kirk could not be heard, for time was more 
 precious than exhortation ^^ as the little army moved to its doom. 
 From this time our author's memoir is the work of an eye-witness. 
 He appears to have followed Montrose throughout the remainder 
 of the campaign, and put to sea with him and his companions on 
 September 3, 1646, when all hope was for the present gone.^^ 
 They landed in Norway, September loth, and, after some wan- 
 dering, the Hague became the headquarters of the exiles. By 
 October i, 1647, Wishart had written the Dedication of his 
 important " Commentarius," and by the beginning of 1648 it was 
 spreading through Europe, and had come before the Commission 
 of the General Assembly in Scotland. Mr. Alexander Petrie, 
 their informant in Holland, had intimated its appearance, and 
 their reply to him, March 13th, is preserved in their minutes. 
 " For that you wrytt concerning a treatise, De rebus gestis M. 
 Montis Rosarii, we shall be glad you send some of them to the 
 
 '* We are reluctantly compelled to give up our quest for the " pieces" alluded to by Wishart at 
 p. 131. 
 
 *'' In his Covenanting days Montrose had listened " attentivelie and reverentlie" to the longer 
 discourses of the Rev James Rowe, his chaplain. One notice of this is under May 6, 1637, when 
 he was marching his force to join Leslie at Duns Law. See Churches of St. Baldred, 90. 
 
 ^ What had the parsons being doing in the Mearns or Aberdeen before they sailed, or what 
 influence had they left behind them for working trouble to the Commission of Assembly ? " It is 
 this day recommended that particular informations with the evidences therof be given to the Clerk 
 concerning the malignant carriage of Mr George Wishart, Mr James Wood and Mr Andro Sandi- 
 lands, that the Com" may tak course for their excommunication. " Records Gen. Assembly, Dec. 22, 
 1646, p. 158. 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. xxvii 
 
 Moderatour, that after sight therof we may accordingly take such 
 course in it as shall be found fitting." ^^ The curious letter which 
 we print at page 7 from Prince Charles, refusing the Dedication 
 of the work, and asking for its suppression, does not seem to 
 have had a serious purpose, or mean a lasting alienation of the 
 author from court favour. Clarendon is responsible for the fol- 
 lowing notice : — 
 
 "A learned and worthy Scotch divine, Dr. Wishart, being 
 appointed to preach before the king, they [the Scotch Com- 
 missioners] formally besought the king that he would not suffer 
 him to preach before him, nor to come into his presence, because 
 he stood excommunicated by the kirk of Scotland for having 
 refused to take the covenant, though it was known that the true 
 cause of the displeasure they had against that divine was, that 
 they knew he was author of that excellent relation of the Lord 
 Montrose's actions in Scotland — which made those of his Majesty's 
 council full of indignation at their insolence ; and his Majesty 
 himself declared his being offended, by using the Marquis of 
 Montrose with the more countenance, and hearing the Doctor 
 preach with the more attention." ^^ 
 
 The scene with Montrose on the arrival of the news of the 
 King's execution argues a great intimacy, coupled with mutual 
 respect on the part of the hero and his historian ; and this 
 subsisted to the end. Wishart was doubtless absorbed in all 
 the negotiations of the time, and remained in connection with 
 Montrose's household while it held together. A separate purse 
 was, however, necessary, and Wishart sought and obtained 
 the chaplaincy of a regiment of Scots in the pay of Holland, 
 quartered at Schiedam, the Colonel of which would appear 
 to have been in sympathy with Wishart's politics. "My 
 Colonel had been on his journey before now, but that the 
 Prince of Orange took him with his Highness in a progress 
 that he is making towards Guelderland. I know he will make 
 
 ^'' Records of Gen. Assembly, 391. See Baillie to Spang, Glasgow, March 27 [1648], "That 
 book you wrote of, J^es Gestae Marchionis Montis Jiositii, let us have it." Did the Kirk supply 
 the copy hung about Montrose's neck at his execution ? 
 
 ^* Clarendon, quoted in W.'s Montr. (181 9), 4. 
 
xxviii THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 the speediest return that may be." So writes Wishart from 
 Schiedam to Lord Napier at Hamburg, Jan. i, 1650/^ The 
 letter has a cry of anxiety in it as to the expedition upon which 
 all loyal exile hearts were set. " Oh, the God of armies and 
 giver of victory, bless the same to the end." Here Wishart's 
 stout heart met the blow of his hero's failure and death. The 
 Anniversary poem tells something of the love that could not 
 die (pp. 486-491). His military charge was converted into a 
 civil one, and Wishart became minister of the Scottish Con- 
 gregation at Schiedam. The differences between Episcopal 
 and Presbyterian forms at this time were trifling, and there 
 was no question of a bishop's authority in Schiedam. Wishart 
 as a kindly Scot, good companion, and well-read clerk and 
 politician, was sure to win his way were he let alone. But 
 again, the Covenant beat up his quarters with persecution. The 
 Queen of Bohemia was his friend with the States, and aided him 
 in holding his post against the representations of the bitter Kirk 
 at home. He is said to have been her chaplain, we know not 
 on what evidence. The statement, as in the similar representa- 
 tion of his relations with Lord Napier, may only mean that he 
 secured a place in her favour, and obtained her help and protec- 
 tion. The amount of hostility of the Kirk, and the measure of 
 its success against our author at Schiedam, have yet to be brought 
 to light. We may presume that Wishart's family shared part 
 of his exile. 
 
 The Restoration brought return, and was promptly effective 
 in establishing our author in Newcastle as lecturer at St. Andrews, 
 in room of Mr. Stephen Dochray, who died August 11, 1660. 
 In September the Common Council appointed him on "the 
 Kings letter" at a salary of ^80. This disposes of the story 
 of his return with the Queen of Bohemia, who did not visit 
 
 "* Napier, Mem., 730. In the Napier charter-chest is a bond for loco merks, borrowed by 
 Archibald Lord Napier, and Mrs. Lilias Napier, our sister, from Mr. James Weems, lawful son 
 of Dr. Ludowich Weems, payable "thirty days after this our bond shall be shown and intimated 
 to Lady Elizabeth Erskine, Lady Napier." It is dated "Shiedam in Holland 7-17"' of October, 
 1652," and witnessed by "Dr. George Wiseheart, minister of the Scots Congregation there, and 
 writer thereof." Napier, Mem., 810. 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. xxix 
 
 England, and her ungrateful nephew, till May 26, 1661/" In 1660 
 Wishart, without having drawn this salary, passed to St. Nicholas 
 on a stipend of ^150. Did he here complete in another MS. the 
 sermon on those who came out of great tribulation ? 
 
 The " valetudinarie " condition of Wishart at this time no 
 doubt prevented him from taking part in the State funeral of his 
 great hero or visiting his remains as they lay in state at Holy- 
 rood from January 7th to May nth 1661. Early in April of that 
 year he applied to the Parliament of Scotland for some support 
 out of vacant stipends, and obtained a grant of ^300. The 
 petition throws some light on his history, and is given below.^^ 
 
 '" After forty years of exile in Holland, and nearly fifty of absence from England, the brave 
 bright daughter of James I. landed at Gravesend, only as the guest of Lord Craven. She hired 
 Lord Leicester's House, where now is Leicester Square, and there sitting in her chair in the early 
 morning of February 13-23, 1662, the Queen of Hearts passed away in full possession of all her 
 powers. See Mrs. Green's " English Princesses," ii. 82. Her chaplain was George Beaumont. 
 
 " WNTO his Maiesties Commissioner his Grace, And the honourable Estates of Parliament, 
 The Supplicatione of D'' George Wiseheart, sometyme Minister of Gods word at 
 S' Andrews, 
 
 Humblie sheweth 
 Whereas your Lo", has ordaind (for encurageing of others to loyaltie heirafter) That all vacand 
 Stipends shall be conferred upon such Ministers (or the wyfes and children of such of them as are 
 dead) who during these lait trowbles. Have suffered for their loyaltie ; And seing your Lo', 
 Petitioner, for his loyaltie suffered as earlie, as much, as long, as constantly and patiently, as any 
 of his statione in the Kingdome ; Being in Anno 1637 for'ct to flie to another Kingdome, from 
 his charge at S' Andrews, and since, once and againe rob'd, of all his goods, Imprisond, banisht, 
 and for persisting in his knowne avowed loyaltie, and in that christiane deuty of holdeing up his 
 Majesties conditione, and just cause, to Almightie, in publick worshipe, followed with Persecutione, 
 even beyond Seas, by the late Usurpers, and that even till the blessed day of his sacred Majesties 
 wonderfuU restitutione. Theirfor and becaus your Lo', Petitioner is not only valetudinarie, and 
 past sixtie alreaddie, bot also in regaird your Petitioners poor wyfe and children (In caice Providence 
 should remove him) should be vnable to defray some litle burden, the contracteing wheirof being 
 inevitable, by any in your Petitioners conditione, these tuentie zeirs by gone. 
 
 May it Please your Grace, and the Honorable Estaits of Parliament To take your Petitioners 
 former Sufferings, upon account of his loyaltie, and his present burdens theirby contracted, to your 
 consideratione, And in regaird theirof, and that your Petitioner is valetudinarie, past sixtie, and 
 so affrayed of not being able to attend the Privie Councell, To determine at present, what your 
 Lo% shall think fitt to allow your Petitioner, And grant a precept upon M"" John Wilkie Collector 
 of the said vacand stipends, for paiment of what shall be allowed, out of the first and readdiest 
 of the said vacand stipends, that are or shall be thereafter receaved be him or his deputies, And 
 your Petitioner, as bound in deuty, shall ever pray &". 
 
 Ed' 15 Apryle 1661. 
 The Lord Com"' and Estaitts of Parliament doe ordain ane precept to be drawen upon M'' Jo° 
 Wilkie Collector of the vacand stipends for pay' to the petitioner of the sowme of Thrie hundreth 
 punds sterling mo^^f out of the first & reddiest of the vacant stipends. 
 
 Glencairne Can"-rius I P D Par. 
 
 The warrant for payment is dated May 14th 1661. Acts Pari. Scot, vii. 240, and App. 59, 76. 
 See grants to widow of William Wishart, " person " of Leith, ibid. 384, and App. 84. 
 
XXX THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 Scotland meanwhile was in doubt and anxiety as to the effect 
 of the Restoration on its ecclesiastical future. Presbyterian ism 
 was no longer a unity. Resolutioners and Protesters divided the 
 Kirk. The former were the Moderates of a later date, " the wise 
 men of the via 7nedia',' as a living professor ^^ of Church History 
 calls them, "the peaceable, liberal, constitutional" majority, who 
 had abolished the Act of Classes in 1651. The Protesters were 
 more infected with Puritanism and the energetic piety of the sects, 
 and resisted the restoration of the Engagers to public trust. 
 Strange to say, Dickson (the reputed author of the paean, " The 
 wark goes bonnily on "), Douglas, and Baillie were the preachers 
 of moderation. Rutherford led the minority of perfervid Puritans. 
 Sharpe was the agent of the Resolutioners, first with Cromwell, 
 then with Monk, and lastly with Charles. His letters are perfectly 
 open with his employers, and little by little the party submitted to 
 the inevitable. The grand idea of a Solemn League and Cove- 
 nant to bind the three kingdoms was surrendered, and they fell 
 back on a covenanted Scotland. This too was given up for a 
 simple maintenance of Presbyterianism. The Rescissory Act 
 opened their eyes, and the execution of Argyll and Guthrie made 
 many tremble. In September 1661 the restoration of Episcopacy 
 was proclaimed, and on November 14th a writ passed the great 
 .seal, nominating Sharpe to the primatial see of St. Andrews in 
 succession to Spottiswoode. Two other Resolutioners were at 
 the same time appointed, Fairfoul to Glasgow and Hamilton to 
 "Galloway. Leighton was preferred to the see of Dunblane. They 
 were consecrated together in Westminster Abbey on December 
 i5th. Edinburgh was offered to Douglas, but declined, and 
 Wishart was appointed. David Mitchell,*^^ his fellow-sufferer, got 
 Aberdeen, and Sydeserf, the surviver of Charles I.'s bishops, 
 exchanged his old seat of Galloway for the better endowed and 
 peaceful Orkney. Resolutioners obtained all the other sees. On 
 June I, 1662, at St. Andrews, "in the communion isle," Wishart 
 was consecrated by Sharpe and two transformed Covenanters, 
 
 82 See Rev. R. H. Story's William Carstares, p. lo. 
 
 ® Mitchell in his poverty during the Commonwealth had lived by skill in watchmaking. He 
 died in 1663. Lauderdale wished to translate Wishart to Orkney, "if it can be with his good 
 liking." Grig. MS. letter, 4th Feb. i66f in Episcojal Chest. 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. xxxi 
 
 Haliburton of Dunkeld and Murdoch Mackenzie of Moray (the 
 latter had been ill to guide under the Covenant). The bishops 
 took their seats in Parliament as of yore, and we find Wishart in 
 his place in 1662, 1663, ^^^ 1665 taking- his share in committee 
 work as to articles, taxation, and supply, and on commissions for 
 universities and *' planting kirks." The Court of High Commis- 
 sion was revived in 1664, but died a natural death before two 
 years were out.^* The lower courts of Presbyterian discipline, 
 synod, presbytery, and kirk-session, remained, and a General 
 Assembly was always possible. Their relations with the bishop 
 are illustrated by the document printed below,*^^ in which the name 
 Andrew Cant, once familiar on the Covenant side, reappears in 
 an Episcopal license to a descendant who became a bishop. At 
 first Wishart had difficulties with the ministers of Edinburofh, 
 three of whom ^^ refused to join with him in discipline, and were 
 
 ®* See Grub, iii. 209, on misrepresentations of this court under the Restoration. 
 
 ^ The subjoined license has been kindly put at our disposal by the Bishop of Edinburgh. It is 
 from the " Episcopal Chest," and bears Wishart's autograph as bishop. It is docketed " 5 License, 
 upon trial had, by ye Bp of Ed"" to Mr Andrew Cant, to preach March 15'h 1670. O. 5." 
 
 " We the Moderator and Remanent Brethren of the Presbytery of Ed"^' Doe Testify to the Right 
 Reverend George Lord Bishop of Ed''= that the Bearer M"^: Andro Cant younger (upon the Recom- 
 mendation of Mi^^ W"»- Keith, Professor of Divinity) hath been tryed in the Ordinary pairts of tryall 
 taken of such who are to be licenssiat to preach in publick, and in all of them did abundantly satisfy 
 us and was by us Well Approven. So that Wee cannot bot Recommend him to your Lordship for 
 obtaining of License to preach in publick whensoever he shall be Lawfully called thereunto being 
 confident that he by Earnest prayer and Diligence shall prove a profitable Instrument in the Vine- 
 yard of the Lord whensoever it shall please the Master of the Harvest to call him forth to be a 
 Labourer therein — And in Witness of the premisses, these presents are Written at our Command 
 and subscrived in Our names At Ed"" the second of March One thousand six hundred three score 
 and ten years by 
 
 Ar : Turner Moderator 
 Charles Lumisden Clerk.''' 
 
 '* In consideratione of ye premyss within written and in regard ye within named M"" Andrew 
 Cant y""- has owned and acknowledged ye Kings Majestys dutie and subjection be his subjects 
 togedder with due obedience to ye p"' (present) Church governnment by Archbyshops and Byshops 
 as ye same is now established be law — Theirfor We witt ye us to have granted licence as be these 
 presents we grant full Libertie and Licence to ye said M"" Andrew Cant y°'' to preach the word of 
 God in any church within our Diocese of Ed" where he may be lawfully desired — Given under our 
 hand att Cannogait the fyfteen Day of March 16 hundred three score and ten yeirs 
 
 Geo: Edinburgen." 
 
 '* James Hamilton, John Smith, and George Hutchieson. Douglas and the remaining ministers, 
 except Andrew Laurie, who became Dean, were forbidden to preach. Their places were supplied 
 by sufferers, or sons of sufferers in the Rebellion, such as James Kid, who had ;i^ioo given him by 
 Parliament and the parish of Holyrood, John Paterson of Ellon, son of the late Bishop of Ross, and 
 
xxxii THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 deposed by Parliament. The Protesters thus obtained some sup- 
 port from divisions among the Resolutioners. Fanaticism began 
 to manifest new vagaries,^'' and the broken Covenant became a 
 rallying cry for the pious peasantry of the West, with Rullion 
 Green as the termination of their rising. The prisoners, after the 
 fight, met with Wishart's sympathy, and from his table in his 
 Canongate lodging a good portion of the bishop's dinner went 
 daily up to the Tolbooth. Compulsory worship at an Established 
 shrine had the same effect under Episcopacy as under Presbytery : 
 the young and independent would not go to church ; but now 
 the "fervid Covenanters" gave them a reason why, and an 
 opportunity of seeking pastures new. The situation called for 
 discretion and spiritual zeal as well as authority. Authority un- 
 fortunately took too readily to force as a remedy for the trouble. 
 Our conception of Wishart's character suggests that he would 
 have dealt much more successfully with delinquents, had the state 
 machinery not so hampered his action. There was no prayer- 
 book now or difficulty as to worship, but there was Middleton 
 and Lauderdale, and the Privy Council and statecraft, and the 
 Bishop of Edinburgh was only a wheel in the machine. Innova- 
 tions in worship and observance were, however, inevitable, and 
 we find the laird of Brodie noting, August 15th 1662, "Yester- 
 day the Bishop of Edinburgh did baptis the Advocat's son, and 
 us*^ som of the ceremonies, and Service Book. I desird to spread 
 this befor God and committ it to him." ^^ 
 
 The Bishop's family consisted of Thomas, Patrick, Robert, 
 Jean, and Margaret. Thomas and Patrick were married, and 
 in 1667 the Rev. William Walker, parson of North Berwick, a 
 
 Wm. Annand. Lament names John Robertson of Kirkcaldy, and three Fife ministers as admitted 
 by Wishart to charges in Edinburgh. William Colville became Principal of the college. Hutchieson 
 and Douglas were " indulged" in 1669, and their people flocked to hear them ; but as they only 
 preached morality, and " not to the times," they were called " dumb dogs." 
 
 ^ See Sir George Mackenzie's Vindication, &c. , for " Solemn League," " West Kirk Declara- 
 tion of 13 Aug. 1650," Exact copy of Treasonable and Bloody Paper, called " The Fanaticks' 
 New Covenant," " The True Presbyterian Anti-Prelatick Declaration," " Blasphemous and Treason- 
 able Paper emitted by the Phanatical Undersubscribers." Also see Turner's experiences among the 
 Covenanters of this time, Mem., 158 ff. 
 
 ^ Brodie's Diary, 270. See also p. 239, " I did see Dr. Burnet, and heard that the Bishop 
 of Edinburgh (then at Newcastle, January 27, 1662) was a stomacked proud man. Oh Lord ! bring 
 forth good out of the euels, sins and corruption of men. " 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. xxxiii 
 
 young widower (he was only forty-three when he died in 1682), 
 carried off Jean for his second wife. Margaret married Mr. James 
 Aikenheid, and their son, the Bishop's namesake, comes in for 
 1000 merks in his grandfather's will. Two men and two maid- 
 servants seem to have formed the Episcopal establishment. They 
 each get ^20 by the will, and an additional ^20 is given to 
 William Littlejohn, "our servitor." He left to the poor of 
 Holyrood parish ^500 Scots, "to be disponed at the sight of 
 M'' James Kid, Minister, and George Herriot, balzie of the 
 Canongate." Wishart made his will on his deathbed within his 
 house in the Canongate, on July ist 1671. There is no mention 
 of his wife in it, and it is probable, notwithstanding Scott's 
 statements to the contrary in the Fasti, that she predeceased 
 Wishart. Patrick is appointed sole executor, with ample powers. 
 The deed is drawn by George Haliburton, son of the late Bishop 
 of Dunkeld, a writer in Edinburgh. The witnesses were Patrick 
 Forbes Bishop of Caithness, son of the distinguished minister 
 of Alford, and John Wiseheart, "one of the Commissars of 
 Edinburgh," who obtained the barony of Balgavie, and bought 
 back Logie Wishart, the old family possession, which had been 
 lost to the family in the troubles. ^^ Thomas Wishart, the Bishop's 
 eldest son, became "caution" when the deed was registered. 
 The Bishop, knowing death to be certain and the hour un- 
 certain, and wishing while his memory lasted to adjust his affairs, 
 leaves his soul to God, hoping to be " saved throughe the onlie 
 merits of our dear Saviour Jesus Christ, and ordanis our bodie 
 to be decentlie and honestlie buried amono^st the faithfull when 
 and where it sail pleas God to call us out of this mortalitie." He 
 died 25th (?) July 1671, in the 72nd year of his age. 
 
 He was buried " within the Kirk of Halyroodhous upon the 
 
 ®^ The poor commissar who thus won back the estate, lost his two sons, and again the 
 property went into the market. It is now held by Colonel Kinloch of Logie. 
 
 On the death of Wishart's father, the estate was found to be deeply involved, and Moncrieff 
 of Moncrieff and others held bonds over it which they put in force. Wishart's brother, W^illiam, 
 stuck to the place and is charged "with troubling them and dispossessing them furth of their lands 
 and barony, and doing certain other outrages. He does sitt and dwell in the maner place and 
 principal mansion situat upon the maines of the said barony." They have a bad time with him 
 in the barn-yard and mills, and even in the courts of law, till a committee of parliament reports, 
 and he is ousted. May 17, 166 1. 
 
xxxiv THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 north side on Satterday the 29th July," where his epitaph — becom- 
 ing illegible — may still be seen ; we give it as a note below.^*' 
 The following contemporary "character" of the Bishop will be 
 read with interest. 
 
 "A character of D''' George Wishart Bishop of Edinburgh 
 who died in July 167 1." 
 
 " Here are consigned the ashes of That Reverend Prelate George Bishop of 
 Edinburgh ; in whome did meet the Innocence and persecution of the Primi- 
 tive Christians ; worthy of better times, but necessary for ours : his practice, 
 having been in the midst of so many distractions one of The Clearest Rules 
 for discovering Clouded Truth ; to whose breast it fled for sanctuary in an 
 age wherein almost every man els got up his owne designe or caprice of 
 religion : so yt while Aaron's rod was a serpent in the hands of others it 
 blossom'^= in his as in its Ark. On many accounts the miracle of his age : 
 for he was the best churchman even then when thrown out of the church : 
 the best subject, when declar''- Traitor; and the best country-man when he 
 was rail'^^ upon as its barbarous enemy. But thereafter he had wearyed the 
 cruelty of his enemys, and starvd their malice, then upon him as a center did 
 rest the praise of all opposite partys who agreed in nothing but in admiring 
 of him, and said his Principles were the best since all men thought they 
 were so near each to his owne. A churchman who was reverenc''- as a 
 Bishop while he was a minister, and desired to be esteemed but as a Minister 
 when he was a Bishop ; wishing to be higher than his bretherin in nothing 
 
 70 Epitaph on the Mural Tablet, Wishart's Tomb, in Holyrood Abbey Church. 
 
 Hie recubat Celebris Doctor Sophocardius alter, Excelsus sine fastu animus, sine fraude benig- 
 
 Enlheus ille Zo^os KapSiav Agricola nus, 
 
 Orator fervore pio, facundior olim Largus opis miseris, intemerata fides. 
 
 Doctiloquis rapiens pectora dura modis. Attica rara fides ; constantia raraque, nullis 
 Ternus ut Antistes Wiseheart, ita ternus Edinen. Expugnata, licet mille petita, malis. 
 
 Candoris columen nobile, semper idem. In regem, obsequii exemplar, civisque fidelis, 
 Plus octogenis hinc gens Sophocardia lustris, Antiquam venerans, cum probitate, fidem. 
 
 Summis hie mitris claruit, atque tholis : Omnibus exutum ter, quern proscriptio, career, 
 Dum cancellarius regni Sophocardius, idem Exilium, lustris non domuere tribus. 
 
 Praesul erat fani, Regule Sancte, tui. Ast reduci Carolo plaudunt ubi regna secundo, 
 Atque ubi pro regno, ad Norham, contendit Doctori Wiseheart insula plaudit ovans. 
 
 ^vilo Olim ubi captivus, squalenteque carcere laesus, 
 
 Brussius, indomita mente manuquc potens ; Annos ter ternos, praesul honorus obit. 
 
 Glasguus Robertus erat Sophocardius alter, Vixit Olympiadas ter quinas ; Nestoris annos 
 
 Pro patria, qui se fortiter opposuit. Vovit Edina : obitum Scotia moesta dolet. 
 
 Nee pacis studiis Gulielmo, animisve Roberto Gestaque Montrosei, Latio eelebrata cothvirno 
 
 Agricola inferior, caetera forte prior ; Quantula (proh !) tanti sunt monumenta viri 
 
 The Register of Burials, Canongate, has the entry of burial but not of death. 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. xxxv 
 
 more than in Devotion, nor to be richer than they in nothing but in Virtue ; 
 who never invaded the secular power, nor ever yealded to their invasion 
 upon the Church, the Churchis Athanasius in Religion and its Ambrose in 
 government, A subject who thought his duty his reward and made the Law 
 his Reason. A soldier who retained the innocence of an Hermite in a Bar- 
 barous camp and who brought with him the valour of a Martyr to a barbarous 
 barr thus he was neither afraid of his Enem3's Courage in the field nor of 
 their Malice upon the bench And was still at once reddy to shed his blood 
 against them and his tears for them. His revenues were the Poor's Exchequer 
 his discours his Enemys best Apology, his conversation one of the best argu- 
 ments for Episcopacy and his life the most preferable paterne for a geneous 
 and Pious Churchman. But as he desir'*^ no other witness to his best actions 
 than his own conscience so he needs no other monument but his own fame 
 for he Lived much nearer to what he ought to have been than to what I can 
 Discribe hini."''^ 
 
 We do not think it necessary to refute the misrepresentations 
 of Wodrow ; they are destitute of any semblance of evidence, and 
 are contradicted by the tenor of Wishart's life, and his reputation 
 among his contemporaries. He was a genial, kind-hearted, free- 
 spoken man, unconcerned as to hovi^ he looked in Puritan eyes, as 
 he mingled with kindly Scots in feast or fray ; but his comfortable 
 relations with the best men of his time, and women too, whether 
 Episcopalian or Presbyterian, evince that his standard was at 
 least as high as that of his age. 
 
 As to his children we have been unable to trace their history. 
 Jean's husband died and left her a good library, which, however, 
 did not meet his debts. Captain Patrick took a good position 
 in the army, and is noted by Lauderdale for promotion. His 
 daughter Jean married Thomas, fifth son of James Dundas of 
 Morton and Philipston. Thomas Dundas acquired the lands of 
 Drumcross in West Lothian. His son Thomas, by Jean Wishart, 
 was the father of the Thomas Dundas who, in Douglas's time, was 
 the male representative of the Dundases of Newliston.^^ A Colonel 
 Wishart of Cliftonhall appears later on in the Acts of Parliament. 
 
 " From Episcopal Chest. It is docketed with another paper thus ; " Dr Tillotson's Letter to 
 the Lord Russell dated July 20'' 1683. Also A character of Dr George Wisehart Bishop of Edin- 
 burgh." 
 
 "* Douglas Baronage, Dundas of Newliston. 
 
xxxvi THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 A few words on the literary merits of Wishart's Latin work 
 will not be out of place in this sketch of his life. Bearing in 
 mind the haste of travel and anxieties of exile, under which the 
 book was composed, and hurried through three editions in a 
 twelvemonth, we venture to think that occasional slips of 
 grammar and inelegancies of expression will be lost sight of in 
 admiration for the author's vigour and command of language. 
 The personal interest of the narrative is deepened by the know- 
 ledge that, behind the author, stood his subject. Montrose was 
 in fact so completely identified with the work that it came to 
 be known as " his book," and as such was his proudest ornament 
 on the scaffold. At times there is in it a clear Caesarean terse- 
 ness of Commentary , in which we seem to trace Montrose's own 
 trenchant phrase. As a party manifesto and personal vindication, 
 its success was immediate, and is gauged by the animosity it 
 roused in the extreme section of Scottish rebels. In the main 
 it is just, temperate and faithful, as the reader may assure him- 
 self by reference to our notes. And these are qualities not 
 generally conspicuous, even in writers whose heat might have 
 been tempered by time. In spite of its frank strictures on those 
 whose selfishness and shifty loyalescence it exposes, probably, no 
 book or pamphlet of the period, except, perhaps, the ** Eikon 
 Basilike," did more service to the exiles in rousing interest abroad 
 and winning sympathy for their cause. Latin was naturally 
 chosen as the fittest medium, in an age when it was still a living 
 language ; in courts, camps, and trading marts the common tongue 
 among the polite of all nations. But the very circumstance which 
 then ensured a wider circulation for the book tended in later 
 days, as the spoken language fell into disuse, to obscure its merits 
 and narrow the circle of its readers. Nor have previous transla- 
 tions adhered so faithfully to the meaning and spirit of the 
 original as to justify its reputation among contemporaries. The 
 merits of our own version are submitted to the reader's judgment. 
 By reprinting the rare Latin, we challenge criticism, but discharge 
 ourselves of a debt due to earnest students, and due to the author's 
 fame. 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 Montrose, Argyll, and the Solemn League 
 AND Covenant. 
 
 Montrose is a historical paradox ; the victorious Covenanting 
 leader of the Bridge of Dee is the champion of the King unto 
 death; the friend of Spottiswoode is a ruling elder in the Glasgow 
 Assembly which excommunicates him. 
 
 Montrose, a soldier by nature, with true patriotic principles 
 of constitutional government working within him, and religious 
 toleration more than latent, returned, aged 24 years, to Scotland, 
 by way of the English Court, and there found his country and 
 religion practically at the mercy of Hamilton, a contemptuous 
 Scot whom he despised, and of an Englishman, Laud, whom 
 he suspected. His own reception by Charles no doubt intensified 
 the interpretation he was already giving to the situation, and 
 he came down to Scotland in revolt. His political idea was 
 practically a Reform Bill, which would give representation and 
 influence to the People as represented by the lesser Barons, 
 gentry, and educated Classes. The elevation of the Masses 
 was not then in view. In revolt, and with reform in his mind, 
 he was ready to fall in with the National Movement, when pre- 
 sented to him with the skill of Rothes and the zeal of Robert 
 Murray. As a soldier he should have seen more of the field and 
 known his comrades better, before he engaged, but he was young 
 and impulsive. He found himself at war with the King and 
 constitutional principle, when he thought himself engaged only 
 in sweeping from Scotland the domination of such as Hamilton, 
 and the religious tyranny of the Court as exemplified in the rule 
 of Bishops. When, however, he engaged, he did so thoroughly ; 
 the Covenanters rejoiced, the Bishops feared. In the corrupt 
 state of the times, his union with politics was like a breath of 
 pure Highland air sweeping through the closes of Edinburgh. 
 His more than ordinary pride made him ill to guide, and he would 
 not bear the shackles which the real leaders of the party sought 
 to fasten upon the spirited young nobleman. He was not long 
 in discovering, that he was only exchanging Hamilton and a 
 
xxxviii THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 misguided King for Argyll without a King at all, and the rule of 
 the Bishops '^^ for a Presbyterian intolerance, that was preparing 
 to force its system on the three kingdoms at the point of the 
 sword. Hence his readiness at Aberdeen to accept signatures 
 to the Covenant with loyal qualification ; hence the Cumbernauld 
 Bond, in which so many noblemen and officers joined against the 
 Argyll policy; hence "the Plot" to bring the King down to 
 Scotland, and the undying antagonism between Montrose and 
 Argyll. 
 
 Montrose was a leader in constitutional reform, and sought 
 the Nation's deliverance from the oppressive influence of the 
 three Scottish magnates — Hamilton, Huntly,^* and Argyll. 
 
 The triumph of the Royalists at the Restoration was too short- 
 lived to establish Montrose in tradition as a hero whose deeds, 
 genius, and character should have been his country's pride. That 
 triumph was marred by gross cruelty and folly of administration. 
 When the reaction followed, and Presbyterianism emerged trium- 
 phant from fifty years of strife, inevitably, with the fall of the house 
 of Stuart, popular sympathy was estranged, not only from the 
 ardent partisans of that house, but also from the men of moderate 
 counsels, who fought and died for those noble principles of consti- 
 tutional grovernment in state and tolerance in relio-ion which the 
 
 ^' It is a matter of dispute whether Montrose was an Episcopalian or a Presbyterian. The 
 disputants should agree first as to a "definition of terms," and understand the significance of these 
 during the period in question. Episcopacy was only assuming its distinctive features, and taking 
 up in some cases what Presbytery was laying down. It is a common mistake to suppose that " Read 
 Prayers " and " Book Devotions " were Episcopal innovations. They were in use from the time 
 of John Knox, on week-days and Sundays, and Laud's Prayer-book was an English supplanter of 
 a liturgy developed out of the Book of Common Order by Committees of Assembly, and presented 
 to King James for royal approval. It was thrown aside for Laud's book, which put read prayers 
 out of fashion with Presbyterians, and into favour with Episcopalians. There was little religious 
 in the early features of Reformation Episcopacy. Episcopacy was first revived to save for the 
 Church the relics of her property, then to superintend a Presbyterian organisation, and only later 
 for the conveying of Holy Orders. Montrose was a religious man, but we should say he was 
 indifferent as to the form of Church government. He would certainly never have expressed him- 
 self in the words of Lord Napier's Remonstrance (Napier, Mem., App. iii., xliv.), and there is no 
 evidence that he ever saw it. The Rev. P. Simson cannot be relied on as to the words on bishops 
 with which he credits Montrose, but they may fairly enough represent his attitude. Ibid. 185-189. 
 
 '* For Huntly we must refer our readers to the notes in the text. Had he been able to get 
 over the sense of his own greatness, and fall in loyally with the King's lieutenant, the campaign 
 of Montrose would have had a successful ending, and Huntly might have died with honour in 
 his bed. 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. xxxix 
 
 common-sense of the two nations has finally established. Popular 
 sympathy is still bestowed mainly on those who stood forth as 
 champions against the arbitrary abuse of prerogative. The 
 ignorance of English writers, and the ignorance and latent 
 bigotry of some Scottish writers have tended to perpetuate a 
 view of Montrose which repeats the sneers of his enemies, and 
 represents him merely as an erratic genius, whose mainspring was 
 vanity, pique, and vulgar ambition. To repeat such imputations 
 is vastly more easy than candidly to recognise the essential differ- 
 ence, the broad line of cleavage which first separated Montrose 
 and the Banders, and afterwards the mass of the nation in the 
 Engagement, from the extreme clerical fanatics and the powerful 
 handful of noblemen, headed by Argyll. (See p. 205.) The 
 Covenant of 1637 united the nation in just opposition to the 
 King's and Laud's arbitrary interference in matters of Church 
 government in Scotland. The King gave way, and in the words 
 of his Parliament, he left Scotland a contented king of a contented 
 people. The Solemn League of 1643 was an unprovoked invasion 
 of England on the part of Presbyterian propagandists, seeking by 
 help of a faction in England to impose on that country an alien 
 form of Church discipline — the very thing which had aroused such 
 vigorous and successful opposition in Scotland in 1637. It was 
 an attempt to force Presbyterianism on England and Ireland at 
 the sword's point. As such it stands condemned by the common- 
 sense of modern times, happily expressed in the practice of all 
 denominations. It is not necessary to go further than this, and 
 point out the essential difference in the royal prerogative as esta- 
 blished by law and custom in England and the limits of the royal 
 prerogative in Scotland. For the course pursued by the Solemn 
 Leaguers of 1643, we can find no moral justification that would 
 not entitle their defenders at the present day to invade England 
 and Ireland with the same absurd demands. 
 
 The Marquis of Argyll identified himself with this party of 
 irreconcilables. Fanaticism, reasoning with severe logic from 
 narrow premises, is in its nature essentially unreasonable. Had 
 Argyll remained consistent to the principles on which he esta- 
 blished his triumph in 1648, we should have regarded him as a 
 
xl THE EDITORS' PREFACE. 
 
 dangerous fanatic, but entitled to respect for sincerity of life. 
 Between such a man, if sincere, and the sectaries of England with 
 their professions of toleration, there could have been nothing in 
 common. Yet to his personal interest he sacrificed the party 
 which had climbed to power by his support ; and it is impossible 
 to account for his acceptance of Cromwell in 1648, and after 
 Worcester, on any theory but that of personal aggrandisement. 
 We do not condemn him so much for accepting the seemingly 
 inevitable, and acquiescing in Cromwell's Protectorate, as for his 
 support to principles which should have made that acquiescence 
 impossible, and for his cruel treacherous conduct to those who 
 dissented from those principles. Making every allowance for that 
 self-deception which sees in personal success the Divine sanction, 
 we cannot regard Argyll as a martyr to any motive but that of 
 selfishness. Presbyterianism, triumphant under a new dynasty, 
 has swelled its roll of martyrs with a motley array of men 
 who, in their lives, were not merely (though not always) fiercely 
 opposed to the Stuarts, but also fiercely opposed to one another. 
 The true representatives in 1660 of those who had condemned 
 Montrose were the " Supplicators," a section represented later 
 on by the rigid Cameronians and other irreconcilables. For 
 such men all government not based on the sanctions of Old 
 Testament law (narrowly misread) was an impossibility. On 
 conspicuous occasions, such as that of the Sanquhar Declara- 
 tion, they stood condemned even by writers like Wodrow, who 
 from their ranks recruited the heterogeneous martyrology of the 
 Kirk. And certainly such enthusiasts in their stern unbending 
 consistency, seem far more deserving of our sympathy or pity than 
 the weaker or craftier bigots who veered to shifting gusts and 
 flaws in the storm of politics and religion. Of such was Archibald, 
 Marquis of Argyll. Driven on by the force of public opinion, he 
 had acquiesced in the proclamation of Charles II. as King, yet 
 continued to intrigue with and derive help from that party in 
 England which refused to acknowledge the King. Later on he 
 repudiates and oppresses the party of his own countrymen whose 
 voice had been loudest in that proclamation ; and having illegally 
 constituted his own section a Committee of Estates, proceeds by 
 
THE EDITORS' PREFACE. xli 
 
 votes of that committee to execute the King's commander-in- 
 chief. Occasions may arise when armed resistance to the royal 
 authority becomes a duty. But this pretext of making war on the 
 King in the King's name, however well it may have served the 
 rebels as a legal quibble, was beneath their professions of sincerity, 
 and inconsistent with their conduct to the King's supporters. We 
 do injustice to Argyll's penetration as a statesman if we imagine 
 for a moment that he was imposed on by Charles II.'s wry-faced 
 acceptance of the Covenant and League. Yet this acceptance 
 was the sine qua non of government in Scotland to Argyll and 
 his clerical supporters. If it was impossible to accept Charles 
 and his loyal supporters without it in 1650, how was it possible to 
 accept Cromwell without it in 1652 ? And why, before Charles had 
 repudiated his bad bargain, did Argyll not only decline to support 
 Glencairn in 1653, but actively sought to prevent his son Lorn 
 from doing so ? Such was the man to whose malice and ambition 
 Montrose fell a victim. Both perished the victims of a heartless 
 monarch. Yet there the likeness ceases. Let those who crawl 
 on the base level of so-called expediency defend Argyll's states- . 
 manship if they will, and condemn his victim as an impracticable 
 visionary in politics. Yet Montrose's principles have triumphed, 
 even in the Church whose misguided zeal has condoned Argyll's 
 practices. Set the men side by side, action by action, face to face 
 — " Hyperion to a satyr ! " 
 
CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 PREVIOUS EDITIONS, TRANSLATIONS, AND 
 MANUSCRIPTS.— THE PRESENT TEXT. 
 
 Part I. Editions of the Latin. 
 
 1. First Edition. Title-page, dated 1647, without place. 8vo. Size 5-nr 
 in. by 3A ; PP- 248, the last two pages in smaller type, to save another 
 sheet. The Dedication is dated October i, 1647, at which time Montrose, 
 and doubtless Wishart with him, were at the Hague. The style of the 
 book and printing are Dutch. The Signet and University Libraries con- 
 tain copies, the latter with a fine frontispiece portrait of Montrose. The 
 Bishop of Edinburgh also has a copy (lacking the portrait), which he kindly 
 allowed the present Editors to send to the British Museum for comparison 
 with their " first edition," with which it was found to be identical. In the 
 British Museum Catalogue the place of printing is conjecturally assigned as 
 Amsterdam {v. Ed. 3 below) ; but the EngHsh translation of 1647 (?) was 
 printed at the Hague. The British Museum possesses two copies of this 
 edition, one in the Grenville and one in the General Library. It consists 
 of 135 leaves Svo, 5x0 in. by 2)Tn. 
 
 2. Second Edition. Paris, Ex Typographia loannis Bessin, prope Colle- 
 gium Remense. Cum privilegio Regis 1648. The most beautiful of all the 
 editions, Svo, pp. xxiv. and 563, finely printed on good paper, in large 
 thick type, 18 lines to the page, with broad margins. Date of Dedication 
 October i, 1647. On p. xxiv. is the French Imprimatur, as follows : — 
 
 Extraict du Privilege du Roy 
 
 Par Grace et Privilege du Roy donn^ k Paris le 28. jour de Janvier 164B. 
 Signd par le Roy en son Conseil, Beraud : il est permis k Jean Bessin Maistre 
 Imprimeur & Libraire k Paris, d'imprimer, vendre & distribuer un Livre intituld, 
 De Rebus auspiciis Serenissitni Caroli Dei gratia Magnae Briianniae Regis &c. 
 
 xlii 
 
CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. xliii 
 
 pendant le temps et espace de cinq ans, k compter du jour qu'il sera acheve d'im- 
 primer, et defenses sent faites k toutes sortes de personnes de quelque quality & 
 condition qu'ils soient de Timprimer, vendre ny distribuer sans le consentement 
 dudit Suppliant, k peine d'amende arbitraire, comme il est plus amplement port^ 
 par les Lettres de Privilege. 
 
 Of this edition the Editors have two copies. 
 
 3. Third Edition. Amsterdam, tmpensis loanm's Crosse, 1648. Editio 
 secunda quant aniehac locupletior el longe accuratior, namely, the second 
 Dutch edition : 4 in. by 3, i2mo. ; pp. xiv. and 221. A few typographical 
 errors in the first edition have been corrected, but a great many fresh ones 
 introduced, and there are absolutely no additions to the text. The above 
 note on the title-page is a mere flourish. The Dedication is dated " 7 
 Febr. 1648." The Editors possess the only copy known to them. 
 
 4. Edition of 1649 (?)> mentioned in the Publisher's Pref., in 1756 
 translation. 
 
 5. The present edition is the first to give the complete Latin of both 
 parts, so far as it has been possible to ascertain from the existing MSS. 
 what Wishart actually wrote in Part II. The spelling of the Latin has 
 been slightly modernised, and obvious errors corrected. The punctuation 
 is revised, but on the whole the text is conservative. Wishart's punctua- 
 tion, as shown in previous editions of Part I., was " heavy " and inaccurate. 
 As a specimen of his orthography and punctuation the present edition con- 
 tains an exact copy of the Dedication and Author's Preface, reproduced as 
 a clue to the identification of the lost original MS. of Part II. 
 
 The Latin of Part II. will be more fully discussed below, in the section 
 on the MSS. 
 
 Date and Place of Composition. 
 
 After the battle of Kilsyth, August 15, 1645, Wishart was liberated 
 from the Tolbooth, and joined Montrose, probably before the month 
 was out. From that time he appears to have accompanied him till 
 the Marquis left France for Austria in April 1648. Following Mon- 
 trose, in his camp at Bothwell, throughout the remainder of the campaign, 
 and on his journeys abroad, till April 1648, Wishart stands foremost 
 as an authority in the events he describes. Of much he was himself 
 an eye-witness. For events prior to his release, he had the best 
 opportunities in the camp, and among the exiles, of acquiring information 
 at first hand, from officers and men, and from Montrose himself. His 
 information in Part II. was doubtless derived from many who had shared 
 in the campaigns of the Hamiltons and Montrose. His authority for the 
 
xliv CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 expedition of the Engagers is in the main supported by the Memoirs of 
 Turner, who shared in the Preston campaign. But there seems to be a 
 subtle difference in the Latin of Parts I. and II. This does not appear 
 in the diction, nor even in minute peculiarities of punctuation, in which 
 our MSS., especially D, have retained traces of the characteristics of Part I. 
 In the latter there is a vivid force and soldierly brevity of style, which 
 suggests that in the Latin we are frequently reading Montrose's own words 
 translated. Montrose himself is said to have been an accomplished scholar. 
 Latin was then the common medium of intercourse with foreigners, and 
 probably he was familiar enough with it to fully appreciate what his 
 biographer was writing. Part II., on the other hand, with many turns 
 of phraseology sufficient to establish the identity of authorship, shows a 
 greater tendency to rhetoric and long periods, in a somewhat pulpit- 
 controversial style. Where, however, the author describes events, his 
 narrative is succinct and clear. His account of Monro's dash at Stirling 
 and Argyll's flight, recall the historian of the march from Dundee ; and 
 the story of Montrose's trial and death is told with a simple force and 
 elegance worthy of the great tragedy. For the source of this, see English, 
 Pt. II., Ch. X. nn. i, lo, 20, 33, &c. 
 
 We have seen that Wishart accompanied Montrose to Norway in 
 September 1646. The travellers reached Hamburg, probably in October. 
 There they stayed " for some time," till about February 1647. The first 
 edition is dated October i, 1647. Probably, therefore, most, if not all, 
 of Part I. was composed during their residence at Hamburg ; for Montrose 
 seems to have made no great stay in Holland on his way to Paris, which 
 he reached about the end of March, and remained there till he went to 
 Austria in April 1648. Unless, therefore, Wishart had already commenced 
 his narrative before they left Scotland, it must have been composed mainly 
 between October 1646 and February 1647, at Hamburg. It was not till 
 the receipt of Montrose's letter from Geneva (in April or May ?) that Lord 
 Napier retired to Brussels. Napier's letter to his wife, beginning " I did 
 forbear these two months to write unto you, till I should hear from my 
 Lord Montrose . . ." is dated Brussels, 14th June 1648 {v. Napier, Life 
 of M., Ed. 1840, p. 433). Probably Wishart was among the "gentlemen 
 belonging to my lord " who accompanied Napier by " Haver-de-grace " and 
 Middelburgh to Brussels. But at no time prior to the publication of the 
 first edition do we find Wishart making any considerable stay in Holland, 
 unless we suppose that when Montrose went on to Paris, Wishart remained 
 behind, a conjecture without any evidence but the fact of publication in 
 Holland, in October 1647, when Montrose was at Paris. In any case, the 
 
CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. xlv 
 
 work was most probably written between October 1646 and the end of 
 September 1647, during which period the exiles made no permanent stay 
 except at Hamburg, and after their arrival at Paris. Possibly the arrange- 
 ments for printing the work in Holland were made during their short halt 
 there in March 1647/ when Montrose waited for Ashburnham's visit 
 (pp. 190, 191). 
 
 Translations. - ^ 
 
 I. The First Translation is said to have been printed in 1647. ^^^ 
 the Editors have been unable to see or hear of any copy with this date. 
 The information rests on the anthnrifv n? thr^ ^riifr^r /->f «-ho T'7o/-^ T^„.r,^i„ 
 
 ERRATUM. 
 
 Critical Introduction, p. xlv. 
 
 Translations— ^honXd have included a Quarto (pamphlet) Edition, 1648, 
 pp. 119. The Translation is the same as that of 1649. Two copies, bound 
 up with other contemporary pamphlets, are in Advocates' Library. Robert 
 Mylne's MS. note on Montrose's invasion, 1650, has unfortunately been 
 partially destroyed by the binder. 
 
 n_pnjULH-cu III tlXC iVlUINlKOSE 
 
 Redivivus, or the Portraidure of James late Marquess of Montrose, Earl of 
 Kincardin &c. i. In his Actions, in the years 1644, 1645, and i6dfi, for 
 Charles the First. 2. In his Passions, in the years 1649.. 1650. for Charles 
 the Second K. of Scots. London, printed for Jo. Ridley, at the Castle in 
 Fleet-street, neer Ram-alley, 1652. 8vo. ;'pp. viii,, 202; 51V in. by 3|. 
 With a rude portrait of the Marquis holding a baton. 
 
 The Advocates' Library and the British Museum have copies of this 
 
 1 The Queen's letters to Montrose (Napier's Life, pp. 422, 423) are dated Paris, February sth, and 
 Paris, March 15th. In the latter she says she had just been "apprised of your arrival in Holland.' 
 
xliv CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 expedition of the Engagers is in the main supported by the Memoirs of 
 Turner, who shared in the Preston campaign. But there seems to be a 
 subtle difference in the Latin of Parts I. and II. This does not appear 
 in the diction, nor even in minute peculiarities of punctuation, in which 
 our MSS., especially D, have retained traces of the characteristics of Part I. 
 In the latter there is a vivid force and soldierly brevity of style, which 
 suggests that in the Latin we are frequently reading Montrose^ s own words 
 translated. Montrose himself is said to have been an accomplished scholar. 
 Latin was then the common medium of intercourse with foreigners, and 
 probably he was familiar enough with it to fully appreciate what his 
 
 Napier retired to Brussels. Napier's letter to his wife, beginning " 1 did 
 forbear these two months to write unto you, till I should hear from my 
 Lord Montrose . . ." is dated Brussels, 14th June 1648 {y. Napier, Life 
 of M., Ed. 1840, p. 433). Probably Wishart was among the "gentlemen 
 belonging to my lord " who accompanied Napier by " Haver-de-grace " and 
 Middelburgh to Brussels. But at no time prior to the publication of the 
 first edition do we find Wishart making any considerable stay in Holland, 
 unless we suppose that when Montrose went on to Paris, Wishart remained 
 behind, a conjecture without any evidence but the fact of publication in 
 Holland, in October 1647, when Montrose was at Paris. In any case, the 
 
CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. xlv 
 
 work was most probably written between October 1646 and the end of 
 September 1647, during which period the exiles made no permanent stay 
 except at Hamburg, and after their arrival at Paris. Possibly the arrange- 
 ments for printing the work in Holland were made during their short halt 
 there in March 1647/ when Montrose waited for Ashburnham's visit 
 (pp. 190, 191). 
 
 Translations. " — - 
 
 I. The First Translation is said to have been printed in 1647. ^^^ 
 the Editors have been unable to see or hear of any copy with this date. 
 The information rests on the authority of the editor of the 1720 Transla- 
 tion, but appears doubtful, as he dates the first Latin edition in 1646, and 
 the second in 1647. He adds, "I have not seen any in Latin of a later 
 date, and am apt to think there has been none since." These errors in 
 dates might lead us to suppose that he had not seen the Latin at all, were 
 it not that his preface does show some slight acquaintance with it. 
 
 Mr. W. Y. Fletcher of the British Museum, to whom the Editors are 
 indebted for valuable information on the copies there, informs them that 
 they have two copies of the second edition of this translation, undated, 
 printed by Samuel Rogers, an English bookseller residing at the Hague. 
 
 This translation, identical with the Redivivus (see below), was repro- 
 duced in 1649 under the title, The History of the Kings Majesties Affaires 
 in Scotland, Vnder the Conduct of the most Honourable fames Marques of 
 Montrose, Earl of Kincardin, &c. and Generall Governour of that Kingdome, 
 In the Years, 1644, 1645 ^'^^ 1646. Printed in the Year, 1649. Small 
 8vo, 192 pp. (last leaf in smaller type to save another sheet), with an 
 atrocious portrait, Earle of Montros, signed ]?. At the end of the preface 
 " to the reader " are Montrose's verses Vpon the Death of King Charles the 
 First. A copy of this edition was kindly lent to the Editors by the Rev. 
 Fr. G. Congreve of Oxford. 
 
 In 1652 the same translation was reproduced in the Montrose 
 Redivivus, or the Portraicture of fames late Marquess of Montrose, Earl of 
 Kincardin &c. i. In his Actions, in the years 1644, 1645, '^^^ 1646, for 
 Charles the First. 2. In his Passions, in the years 1649.. 1650. for Charles 
 the Second K. of Scots. London, printed for fo. Ridley, at the Castle in 
 Fleet-street, neer Ram-alley, 1652. 8vo. ;'pp. viii., 202; 5 A in. by 3 J. 
 With a rude portrait of the Marquis holding a baton. 
 
 The Advocates' Library and the British Museum have copies of this 
 
 ^ The Queen's letters to Montrose (Napier's Life, pp. 422, 423) are dated Paris, February 5th, and 
 Paris, March 15th. In the latter she says she had just been " apprised of your arrival in Holland.' 
 
xlvi CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 work. Besides the translation of Part I. of Wishart's Commentary, it con- 
 tains, (l) The Continuation of Montrose s Historie, pp. 167— 1 88, which appears 
 to be independent of Wishart's Part II., and was probably by an English 
 writer, as it contains errors in Scottish names similar to those in the 
 first translation of Part I. (2) A true and perfect Relation, of all the passages 
 concerning the Examination, Tryall and Death of the most Honourable James 
 Marquesse of Montrose, Earl of Kincardin, Lord Graeme, Baron of Mont- 
 dieu, ^c. Knight of the most Honourable Order of St. George, Lieutenant 
 Governour, and Captain Generall for his Majestic in the Kingdom of Scotland, 
 pp. 1 89-198. Of this, pp. 189—196 are from the same sources as Wishart's 
 Part II. after the great lacuna, and beginning Conjurati proceres . . . 
 (Ch. X. in our translation). It is quite impossible that a scholar of 
 Wishart's skill should have had anything to do with the first translation 
 of Part I., which is not only written in wretched style and full of 
 errors, but in the Latin of names makes blunders such as no Scot 
 could have fallen into. Pages 197—199 contain some interesting details 
 of Montrose's personal appearance, character, and accomplishments. (See 
 pp. 521—2.) (3) Pages 199 to the end contain The Speech of Collonel 
 William Sybbald intended by him to have been spoken on the Scaffold at 
 time of his Execution at Edenborough, Jan. 7. 1650, but hearing that libertie 
 would not be given him to speak so freely, he gave a Copie of it to a speciall 
 friend. (See pp. 244, n. 2.) 
 
 Between 1647 ^rid 1660 "there were several editions in 4to and 8vo," 
 according to the editor of the 1720 Translation. 
 
 2. Second Translation. — A Complete History of the Wars in Scotland; 
 Under the Conduct of the Illustrious James Marquis of Montrose, in two 
 Parts. The ist Part describing the wars in the Years 1644, 45, 46. The 
 2d Part containing an Account of Montrose's Negotiations Abroad, and the 
 State of Affairs in Scotland, from the Year 1647, to the Year 1650 Inclu- 
 sive. This 2d Part being never before published, is now first done into 
 English, from the Latin of the Right Reverend Father in God, Doctor George 
 Wis heart, Bishop of Edinburgh. With an Appendix, containing is/, A 
 Description of Montrose's pompous Funerals in the Year 1661. 2dly, A 
 Character of King Charles the 1st, by the famous Mr. Alexander Henderson, 
 on his Death-Bed. ^rdly, Montrose's Declaration when he returned to Scot- 
 land, Anno 1650. 4thly, The Declaration of the Commission of the Kirk 
 in Answer to it. Sthly, Two Poems done by Montrose. As Also, Fifteen 
 letters to Montrose, from King Charles the isf.. His Queen, King Charles 
 the 2d, and Prince Rupert. Now first published from the Originals, in the 
 Hands of the Publisher. Printed in the Year, 1 720. 
 
CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. xlvii 
 
 The Editors' copies are 8vo, 5f by 4^ in., with a poor portrait, "W. 
 Elliot, sculp.," pp. xvi., 200, and (Appendices) Ivi, and 24. There is no 
 place of printing or name of editor. In the 1756 Tr. it is said to have 
 been printed at Edinburgh, i2mo, 1720, edited by Mr. Adams. The 
 references on p. 9 of the Publisher's Preface to that edition show that the 
 number of pages and size were different. There must then have been 
 two editions of it in 1 720. The book is rare. Neither the Advocates* 
 nor Signet Library contains a copy. Part I. in this translation is a reprint 
 of the old 1647 or Redivivus translation, with a few errors corrected, chiefly 
 in names. 
 
 This edition contains the first translation of Part II. (referred to as 
 Tr, I in our Crit. Notes to the Latin of Part II.) as far as the great lacuna 
 {v. Lat. c. vi., n. 15). The remainder is taken from the Redivivus. The 
 editor, in his Preface, speaks of " the Original," but gives no information 
 as to the MS. or MSS. he used. He is accused by the editor of the 1756 
 Tr. of " inexcusable inadvertency " in his omission of entire sentences and 
 paragraphs, and perhaps he was to blame. But it is quite clear, not only 
 from his omissions, but also his additions (viz., cap. i., nn. 5, 6), that he 
 did not use either of the MSS. now in the Advocates' Library, and from 
 his note at " the great chasm " it seems that his MS. terminated there. 
 His ch. vii. (p. 188, 8vo Edn.) was taken, as his note testifies, from the 
 " true and perfect Relation " appended to the Montr. Rediv. (v. above). 
 Either, then, his MS. was not the original, or it was the original, but more 
 mutilated than the copies in the Advocates'. From the evidence in c. i. 
 n. 5, it seems Hkely that the Editor of the 1756 Tr. had access to this 
 MS. or to the original. Otherwise he would hardly have substituted 
 Maelstrand for Malstrand. (See p. 435, n. 5, and Index.) There cannot 
 be a shadow of doubt that Wishart wrote Marstrand, perhaps with a looped 
 r, mistaken for an / by copiers or translators. Unhappily the Advocates' 
 foHo (D) lacks c. i., and the smaller MS. (E) has a blank of one word to 
 the name. Either, then, E was written before 1720, or the copier, Robert 
 Wodrow, was unacquainted with this edition. For the discussion of these 
 MSS. V. below. 
 
 3. Third Translation (referred to as Tr. 2 in our Crit. Notes to the 
 Latin of Part II.). — Memoirs of the Most Renowned James Graham, Marquis 
 of Montrose. Translated from the Latin of the Rev. Doctor George Wishart, 
 afterwards Bishop of Edinburgh. With An Appendix, Containing many 
 curious Papers relating to the History of these Times; several of them never 
 hitherto published. Edinburgh : printed for W. Ruddiman jun. and Com- 
 pany &c. 1756. This is a small 4to, 5| in, by 4f, in. 
 
xlviii CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 In this translation the whole text has been revised ; but the editor was 
 largely indebted to his predecessor. In Part II. " the original MSS, " have 
 been used and omissions supplied; but the editor's alterations of the 1720 
 Tr, are not always made with taste and judgment. He was, in fact, satu- 
 rated with the false notion of " the dignity of history," and models his 
 style on the "Johnsonese" style of the period. He makes many serious 
 errors of omission and commission. His reproduction of the previous 
 editor's note at the great lacuna, " Here the Bishop's narration stops," is 
 mere carelessness, as his chapter vii. shows that he had access to a Latin 
 MS. Perhaps his worst mistake is that noted to p. 436, n. 8, where he 
 reproduces the absurd translation "to whom they were obnoxious," which 
 occurs in the 1720 Tr., but is one of three Errata corrected by that editor : 
 "Page 136. Obnoxious, read obliged" 
 
 4. The 1756 edition was reproduced with the fresh matter added in notes 
 and appendix, by A. Constable & Co., Edinburgh, 18 19 — 8vo., 8|^ in. by 
 51^, pp. xvi. and 5 30 — as a result of revived interest in Montrose, aroused 
 by "the last series of the Tales of My Landlord." The frontispiece 
 portrait was "from a rare print published in the year 1648," the original 
 of which appears to have been the portrait prefixed to the 1647 edition — 
 probably cut out by one of those detestable people who plunder old books 
 for the framing and print shops. The top left-hand corner bears the 
 Montrose arms, and in the top right corner is a gauntlet issuing from a 
 cloud and grasping a hedgehog, with the motto, " Col senno e con la 
 mano." 
 
 5. On the merits of the present edition, which completes the series, 
 it is not for the Editors to pronounce any opinion. They venture, however, 
 to hope that a less pretentious style of English and greater fidelity of 
 translation will commend it to the reader. The Introduction, Notes, and 
 Appendices will be found to contain much information now first collected ; 
 and scholars will welcome the first appearance in print of the original 
 Latin of Part II. Part II. Chapters vii. viii. ix. contain their own addition 
 to complete the narrative omitted in the great lacuna. 
 
 Of the Manuscripts of Part II. 
 
 Of these only two are known to exist, both in the Wodrow collection 
 of the Advocates' Library, quoted as D and E in our Critical Notes. 
 
 MS. D is a folio, roughly stitched in quires of eight pages. The pages 
 contain thirty lines each, and are numbered up to 60, the last word 
 on p. 60 being sacrosancfum, the catch-word of the next page. Probably 
 
CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. xlix 
 
 therefore four pages have been lost (v. c. vi. n. 96). The first quire, containing 
 the whole of c. i., is also missing, the first page being numbered 9. In 
 c. vi. pp. 49—52 are also wanting {v. c. vi. n. 15). This gap occurs at the 
 great lacuna noted in all editions. As p. 48 has space for a few more lines, 
 it seems probable that the missing pages here were blank, purposely left 
 so, to be filled in by what the writer supposed to exist in the original. If 
 so, we may suspect that he either did not copy from the original, or did 
 not recognise it as such. In the main the text is sound, punctuated in the 
 same style as Part I. in the printed editions, and written in a clear round 
 hand. In the few instances where its readings have seemed inferior to 
 those of D, the errors are mostly of the nature of " slips " and omissions, 
 or due to obscurity of writing in the MS. copied (v. especially cap. ii. n. 37 ; 
 iii. nn. 32, 86; iv. n. 20, where both are wrong; but D is nearer the true 
 reading suggested by Tr, i, &c.). In general where Tr. i affords a clear 
 indication of the true reading, it supports D. In the mass of variae 
 lectiones which the reader will find in the Critical Notes, the readings of D 
 are so manifestly more correct, that in any case of doubt its authority is 
 almost always to be preferred. The readings noted do not by any means 
 exhaust the divergencies in minutiae of spelling and punctuation. In the 
 latter respect it is particularly bad. In our text the spelhng is slightly 
 modernised, in conformity with that adopted in our text of Part I. But for 
 the critical valuation of these two MSS. the Editors hope that no varieties 
 of importance are omitted, and enough given to justify their estimate and 
 choice. 
 
 MS. E. On the title-page of E we find " MSS. vol. ^ (with v scored 
 out). I. Extracta de Chronicis Scotiae. 2. Historia Montisrosana from 
 Bh (?) Brisbans papers written by Bishop Wishart 165 1 Collated by," 
 and then follows a monogrammatic signature for " Robert Wodrow." The 
 handwriting appears to be certainly his, on the evidence of his vast corre- 
 spondence, entombed in the Library. It is beautifully neat and clear, and 
 in a style similar to that of D, namely, early eighteenth century. On the 
 inside of the cover are the words ^r\ vTrepcjipovei 'Trap 6 Set (ppoveiv aWa 
 (ppoveL €cs TO Co(ppov€V€iv (si'c), a quotation from Rom. xii. 3, which possibly 
 is Wodrow's comment on Montrose's character, and shows him to have 
 been as ignorant of Greek as he was of Latin at the period when he 
 transcribed this MS. The writing shows that the errors were not due to 
 hasty copying. Making every deduction for obscurity of writing in the 
 MS. or MSS. he " collated," we are forced to conclude that Wodrow was 
 lamentably ignorant of Latin in its simplest rules of grammar and ortho- 
 graphy, and seems to have copied with astonishing fidelity, considering his 
 
1 
 
 CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 apparent ignorance of the sense. But bad as the MS. is, it remains the 
 more valuable of the two. For, excepting such stray hints as the 1720 
 and 1756 translations afford, it is our only authority for the text of c. i., 
 part of c. vi. (x. in our translation), and the Latin poem by Wishart. 
 
 Strictly speaking, the expression " collated " should mean the use of 
 more than one MS. But the text affords no clear evidence of more than 
 one. The note to the great lacuna {v. c. vi, n. 15) shows that one of 
 Wodrow's MSS. was a folio. This cannot have been our folio D. For 
 D, which shows the same lacuna, has 4 pages blank, and Wodrow could 
 scarcely have written " a page " for " a sheet." It is inconceivable that 
 many of the errors of E could have been made by the most careless copier, 
 with D before him. It is impossible that the additions and few superior 
 readings of E should have occurred to a copier of D, especially to so poor 
 a Latinist as Wodrow. But the strongest internal evidence against such 
 a supposition is the omission, with lacunae, of a few words, e.g., mulctator 
 and palam facta {v. p. 460, nn. 74, 75), where the reading of D is clear 
 as day. Happily, Wodrow has himself left a record that his folio was 
 not our D. On a loose scrap of paper in the volume the editors found 
 the following, in Wodrow's hand : — 
 
 M. R. W. 
 
 Lacunae. 
 
 Book. 
 
 Sheet 2" p. I lyn 39 
 Sheet 2 p. I lyn 41 
 Sh: 2 p. 2 — lyn 2i 
 Sh : 3 p. 4 lyn 28 — 
 Sh : 4 p 4 lyn 12 
 Sh : 4 p 4 lyn 16 
 2 pag of ye verses 
 lyn penult : ye first 
 w^ yrof wanting 
 
 That the " Book " was a folio is shown by the absence in the above 
 references of any page higher than 4 to the sheet. That it was the 
 "folio" referred to in the text of E, is probable from the absence of 
 quotations from any other MS. That it was not our folio D is evident 
 from the fact that the "Book" contained at least 41 "lynes" to the page, 
 and secondly, the references do not agree with the paging of D, and 
 thirdly, the lacunae in E of the words mulctator and palam facta do not 
 
 
 
 my own. 
 
 sh 
 
 2. p. 
 
 I. lyn ii. 
 
 sh 
 
 2. p. 
 
 r. lyn 13. 
 
 sh 
 
 2. p. 
 
 4. lyn 13. 
 
 sh 
 
 3- P- 
 
 13. lyn. 2. 
 
 sh 
 
 4. p. 
 
 14, lyn 2. 
 
 sh 
 
 4 p. 
 
 14. lyne 9. 
 
 4 page of ye verses 
 
 ye 
 
 same 
 
 word is 
 
 left blank at ye 
 
 foot of y 
 
 ' page. 
 
CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. li 
 
 occur in D. We conclude, therefore, ( i ) that the " Book " was a folio 
 MS., now lost; and (2) that as it contained lacunae, it was not the 
 original} 
 
 From the English of the 1720 Tr. it is evident that the editor did 
 not use either E or the " Book." His translation supplies the lacunae in 
 E, and some of them, especially the names, in c. i. {v. nn. 5, 6), are such 
 as no editor would guess. In the absence of c. i. to D it is not easy to 
 say whether he had access to that MS. ; but his additions and omissions 
 in the text {v. c. i., n. 8, &c.) render this highly improbable, even if we 
 suppose, with the editor of the 1756 Tr., that he was "inexcusably inad- 
 vertent." It is difficult, on such a supposition, to account for his curious 
 error in writing " Malstrand " for "Marstrand" (c. i. n. 5) unless he was 
 using a MS. written in a difficult crabbed hand, such as Wishart himself 
 wrote, whereas the writing of D is very clear. On the other hand, his 
 note in ch. vi. (n. 15) shows that he was unacquainted with any MS. 
 which continued the narrative beyond the great lacuna, and probably 
 therefore did not use the original, or else found it in a mutilated condition. 
 
 The editor of the 1756 Tr. speaks of " MSS.," but gives not the 
 slightest direct clue to their nature, contents, or whereabouts. But as 
 he has altered " Malstrand " to " Maelstrand " (which is equally incorrect), 
 and supplies direct from the Latin that portion of ch. vi. for which the 
 1720 translator depended on the Montr. Rediv., he must either have had 
 the original or D in a more perfect condition than that in which it now 
 exists, or, as he seems to assume, he used the MS. or MSS. used by the 
 former translator. His correction of Malstrand supports the last hypo- 
 thesis. In c. i., n. 17 is an indication that for that chapter at least the 
 editor had only one MS. 
 
 To sum up the conclusions to which the present Editors incline, D and 
 E are entirely independent MSS., the former perhaps copied from the 
 original, the latter from a lost folio, not the original, and apparently not 
 used since Wodrow handled it. The translator of the 1720 edition used 
 a fourth MS., probably not the original, and certainly neither E nor the 
 lost folio ; probably also not D, even when less mutilated than at present. 
 The translator of the 1756 edition assumes that his "MSS." were those 
 used by his predecessor, but we incline to think this doubtful, or true, 
 perhaps, of only one of them, namely, that in which " Marstrand " appeared 
 (to him) to be " Maelstrand." The omissions he supplies are drawn 
 
   For the actual lacunae in E, v. Lat. text, c. i. notes 5, 6, 24 ; c. iii. notes 74, 75 ; c. iv. n. 
 45 ; c. vi. n. 25 ; besides the greater gaps ; c. vi. nn. 15 and 104. 
 
Hi CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 perhaps from D (less mutilated than at present). Neither of these editors, 
 nor the editor of the 1819 reprint, seems to have known anything of the 
 poem appended to E — indirect evidence that this MS. was unknown to 
 them. The lost Latin MSS. of Part II. are therefore the original^ the folio 
 copied by IVodrow, and one or more others, used by previous editors. 
 
 For fuller evidence on this subject the critical reader is referred to the 
 notes on the Latin text. In the hope that this summary may stimulate a 
 search for the missing documents they will not apologise for claiming so 
 much of the reader's attention to many seemingly trivial points of verbal 
 criticism. 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 Herr Oberlehrer August Seraphim, of Mitau, Courland, has 
 favoured the Editors with valuable notes and transcripts of 32 
 letters, accounts and documents in the Ducal Archives at Mitau, 
 which throw much light on the relations of the Stuarts to the House 
 of Kettler, and Sir John Cochran's movements and negotiations 
 with James, Duke of Courland, and the King of Poland in 1645- 
 1647, and 1 649-1650. These copies are only an instalment of what 
 Herr Seraphim finds there, and he has kindly promised to continue 
 his researches. The Editors regret that the papers arrived too late 
 to embody in this work. In the main they confirm with interesting 
 details the account given in the text of the aid accorded by Duke 
 James to Montrose, and throw much light on the allusions to this 
 in the Montr. Redivivus, and in Sir John Maclear's letter. These, 
 with Sir John Cochrane's report to Charles II. on his mission in 
 1649 to Hamburg, and some fragments kindly communicated by 
 the keeper of the Royal Archives at the Hague, will appear in 
 the forthcoming miscellany of the Scottish Historical Society. 
 
 On some Contemporary Printed Papers in the Bodleian 
 
 Library, Oxford. 
 
 We regret that our notes on Part I. should appear without 
 the additional light which the various contemporary pamphlets 
 
POSTSCRIPT. liii 
 
 enumerated below would have contributed, had we discovered 
 their existence in time. Mr. Firth called our attention to the 
 first, and the proximity on the Bodleian Catalogue of another 
 reference to Montrose led us to a second volume full of interest- 
 ing papers. A hasty inspection gave us the following titles and 
 some matter bearing on our subject. How much truth may 
 underlie these relations remains to be seen — 
 
 I. " A True Relation of the happy successe of His Majesties Forces 
 in Scotland under the conduct of the Lord James Marquiss of 
 
 Montrose His Excellencie, against the Rebels there ; Also 
 
 Causes of a Solemne Fast and Humiliation kept by the Rebells 
 in that Kingdom according to a copy printed formerly at 
 Edinburgh. 
 
 Printed in the yeare 1644." 
 
 It credits Montrose with the taking of " Morpeth Castle and 
 the Fort of South Sheele," and with "driving the rebels out of 
 Durham, Lumly Castle, Blythnooke and all other places beside 
 Sunderland." It contributes additional details as to Tippermuir, and 
 the murder of Lord Kilpont, giving the words of the victim which 
 brought on him the "durk" of Stewart, " Lord forbid man, would 
 you undoe us all." " Fourteen stobs " followed to make sure he 
 should not speak again. Stewart, we are told, "fell mad and so 
 still continueth seeking by all means to murther himself." Aldbar, 
 Dun, and Crathes Castles are mentioned en route, and some spirited 
 passages of the battle of Aberdeen are noted. " The laird of 
 Innerwharity was run in the thigh with a lance, Sir Thos Ogilvy 
 dishorsed, the Earl of Kinnoul had his horse shot with a canon, 
 Sir John Drummond was wounded in the head. Montrose orders 
 Major Lachlan to bid his men throw away their pikes and guns 
 and take to swords and durks, saying ' resolution must do it.' " 
 " Montrose hasted into the town to save it from being plundered 
 whereby it had little loss save by those who were killed in the 
 battle." Some of the fighting men were pursued into the town 
 and killed. The soldier who parted with his leg so bravely is men- 
 tioned. Later on Lord Carnegy killed two straggling Irish, and fled 
 before Colonels Hay and Gordon to Dundee. They burnt some 
 
liv POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 houses at the Town End. " The news " only covers the events 
 up to Fyvie. To prove its truth it quotes in full a document 
 calling a Solemn Fast for four causes, of which the fourth is, 
 " By the breach already made by a contemptible crew, naked 
 and unarmed, upon our dear brethren in Stratherne, Fyfe, 
 Aberdeen and other parts of the north." The document is 
 signed "A. Ker." 
 
 There are two copies of above, Bodleian 40. L. y^)- 
 
 II. " Chancellor Loudon's speech before a grand Committee of both 
 
 Houses of Parliament. 
 
 Published by authoritie. 
 Printed at London by E. P. for Hugh Perrey in the Strand 1645." 
 
 It is a vigorous appeal to the English on the claim of the 
 mutual League and Covenant for aid to meet the catastrophe 
 of Kilsyth. 
 
 It gives his views of the battle. 
 
 III. "Montrose totally Routed at Tividale in Scotland on Saturday 
 last by Lieutenant General Lesly where were taken and killed 
 Two thousand Foot, Eight hundred Horse, and nine Knights ; 
 and all the King's Papers and Writings sent to Montrose are 
 taken. 
 
 Sent to a Member of the Honorable House of Commons, and appointed 
 to be forthwith printed. 
 
 London, Printed for Edward Husband Printer to the Honorable House 
 of Commons, Sep 18^ 1645." 
 
 " To the Worshipfull Edmund Prideaux Esq.y One of the Honorable 
 House of Commons. 
 
 Sir — I think it my duty to give you notice at present, of the good 
 News come hither this night out of the North by Sir James Hachet, of a 
 Battell fought in Tividale, on Saturday last in the morning betwixt 
 Montrose, and Lieutenant General David Lesly, where Montrose, after a 
 short dispute, was totally Routed, his army consisting of one thousand 
 Horse, and Two thousand of his prime Foot, of which not twenty escaped. 
 
POSTSCRIPT. Iv 
 
 About Two hundred of his Horse with himself saved themselves by flight. 
 There are 9 Knights taken Prisoners amongst which Sir David Murray, 
 Sir Alexander Lesly, Sir William Rog, Sir William Tewes slain, with 
 whom is found all the Writings from the King to Montrose. 
 
 We had this News about nine this night, and to "second it, we Received 
 yours about eleven at night of the taking of Bristoll, which was welcome 
 News here, for which I expresse mythankfulnesse and rest your humble 
 servant 
 
 William Thompson. 
 
 Hull, 15 Sept 1645 
 \\ at night. 
 
 For Yourself. 
 
 Sir — In few words Montrosse had this day One thousand four hundred 
 Foot and One thousand horse or thereabouts in the Field ; the Foot are 
 most of them killed many of the Horse are escaped ; Lanerick took 
 Spotwood prisoner, with the Seal of Secretary in his pocket : One thousand 
 four hundred Foot and Horse were sent by Monroe into the Highlands, 
 and six hundred another way, being confident that Lieutenant Generall 
 Lesly was south of Newcastle when in truth he was in Scotland. All 
 Montrosse his Papers are taken : Two thousand two hundred Scottish sent 
 for into Ireland, are landed in the North of Scotland. We hear no further 
 News of a Meeting about our businesse ; My Service to your Master 
 
 from Your Servant. 
 
 The good service of some English in Commissary Generall Middleton's 
 Regiment is much spoken of. 
 
 Barwicke, i-^^ Sept 1645. 
 
 Finis." 
 
 The above is the entire sheet. 
 
 IV. " The Great Victories " 
 
 " Commanded to be printed, and pubhshed according to order. 
 London Printed by Jane Coe 1645." 
 
 The great victories are ist, at Chester by Col. Jones, 2nd, at 
 "Divizes" by Cromwell, and 3rd, Philiphaugh. The account 
 of Philiphaugh is supplied by David Lesly himself to Leven. 
 
 " Here followeth the copie of a Letter from Lieut Gen David Leshly 
 
Ivi POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 to General! Leshly his father (sic) ; of his great Victory against Montrosse 
 on Saturday and Sonday Sep the 13th and 14th 1645. 
 
 For his Excellency the Earl of Leven, these present. 
 May it please Your Excellency; 
 
 It hath which God to give us (sic) a Notable and unexpected Victorie 
 highly begun on the 13 of Sept between 11 and 12 a clock and was 
 pursued the next day. All Montrosse's forces which were Irish and 
 Highlanders, killed upon the place, the strength of horse and dragoones 
 were about 2000, which are all fled severall wayes. I protest I never 
 fought with better horsemen and against more resolute foote who were 
 drawn up amongst the closes. The commanded horsemen, and Middleton's 
 Regiment were put once back but advanced againe and did most gallantly." 
 Then follows commendation of Nobles and officers by name, and he states 
 his purpose of going to Glasgow to keep "Colekintoe" in the west. It 
 is dated "From the place where the Battle was fought 15th of Sept 
 1645." 
 
 Then we have a 
 
 " List of the particulars of this great Victory obtained by Lieut Gen 
 Leshly against Montrose Sep I7*^ 
 
 3 Barons slain upon the place, 2500 killed upon the place, 300 killed 
 in pursuit, 500 run to their own homes. 
 
 Taken prisoners — Earle of Tarquire, Lord Linton, Lord Seaton, Lord 
 Dunnould, Lord Grey, Lord Ogleby, 1700 taken prisoners. Montrose fled 
 with not 20 men with him, 200 Irish shot to death against posts after they 
 were taken straggling in the country." 
 
 There is then a note to the effect that "the Scots have not 
 lost one Nobleman," only Middleton's father whom Montrose 
 '' murdered (before the fight too) in his bed a grave ould gentle- 
 man, that never took up armes at all." ' 
 
 V. "A True Relation of the totall Routing of the Lord George Digby 
 and Sir Marmaduke Langdale by the Scottish Forces under the 
 Command of Sir John Browne of Fordell, Knight. 
 
 Published by Authority. 
 
 Printed by M. B. for Robert Bostock at the Kings Head in Pauls 
 Churchyard 1645. 
 
POSTSCRIPT. Ivii 
 
 The Papers from II. to V. inclusive are in one Vol. in the 
 Bodleian, Ash. 107 1. 
 
 In the first named vol. there are t,t, pamphlets besides the 
 " True Relation," several of them having reference to Scotland. 
 No. 22 is a collection of Letters from Argyll, Lanark, Warriston, 
 and others, " now at Edinburgh, to their friends at London, 
 intercepted by Sir Rich. Willys, Governour of Newark " printed 
 at Oxford 1645. 
 
 Two of our Illustrations claim a special note, the Frontispiece and the Seal on 
 our Title. 
 
 The Frontispiece is a reproduction of Faed's engraving for the Maitland Club 
 of the beautiful portrait of Montrose by Gerard Honthorst {Gherardo dalle notte), 
 now at Brechin Castle. Mr. Mark Napier brought the picture to light, and has 
 given a full account of it both in the Memorials and in the Memoirs of Montrose. 
 It was painted in 1649, immediately after the death of Charles the First, and 
 presented, it would seem, to the Queen of Bohemia by Montrose himself. She 
 hung it in her cabinet "to fright away the Brethern." "The figure appears clad 
 in black armour, significant of the profound but menacing grief of the warlike 
 mourner for his martyred King; the right hand grasps the (red) baton of the 
 Empire ; the left rests on a helmet overshadowed by funeral plumes ; and a back- 
 ground of sombre scenery, illuminated by a single gleam, supports the dignity of 
 the composition, and marks the genius of Gherardo." These are the words of 
 Lord Napier, in an article in Fraser's Magazine, June 185 1. 
 
 The Seal which adorns our title-page was found attached to some of the last 
 private letters written by Montrose. A Lion crouches on the pinnacle of a preci- 
 pice in act to spring across a deep ravine to a higher precipice beyond. The 
 motto is Nil Medium — the " win or lose it all " " of his wild ballad." The device 
 and motto appear on Montrose's own standard in his last expedition. " That he 
 was wont to write the fatal sentiment to Prince Rupert, that in his troubadour vein 
 he sang it to an imaginary mistress, that he bore it on his banner, and had it 
 engraven on his signet, all shows how deeply it was graven on the hero's heart. 
 The trammelled Lion, tripped by the treaty of Breda, missed its spring, and fell 
 in the yawning gulph." So writes the chivalrous yet laborious historian of Mon- 
 trose, Mr. Mark Napier, to whose work the Editors owe, and gladly record, great 
 indebtedness. 
 
 They have also to express their obligations to his son. Lieutenant Napier, R.N., 
 for permission to use these engravings, as likewise to his publisher, Mr. Thomas 
 Stevenson, for ready aid and concurrence. 
 
 Special thanks are due to Keepers of Archives, Herren C. F. Bri^ka, Copenhagen; 
 
Iviii POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 C. F. Oedhner, Stockholm ; Friedliinder, Berlin ; Dr. Hagedorn, Hamburg ; 
 Gabriel Gustafson, Bergen ; Kr. Koren, Throndhjem ; Baron Biihler, Moscow ; 
 Arneth, Vienna; Mons. Servois, Paris; Th. H. F. van Rienndyk, The Hague; 
 and Mr. W. G. Fletcher, British Museum, for their researches in our favour : also 
 to Dr. Joass, Golspie ; the Rev. W. D. Macray, and Mr. Firth, Oxford ; Mr. 
 Slight, Court of Justiciary, Edinburgh; Mr. William Mackay, Inverness; Mr. 
 W. W. Graham-Watt, Skaill, Orkney, for valuable information ; and the Advo- 
 cates for leave to use the MSS. and Wodrow letters in their library. 
 
 Mr. A. Graham Murray, M.P., by the loan of the Acts of Parliament of 
 Scotland and other books of difficult access, has greatly lessened our labour, and 
 Mr. Alex. T. Y. Simpson, Newcastle-on-Tyne, has rendered great assistance in 
 compiling the Index. The courtesy of librarians has been unfailing. Our thanks 
 to others for material aid has been in most cases expressed in our notes, but want 
 of space forbids the recognition of much for which we are grateful. 
 
 A. D. M. 
 H. F. M. S. 
 May I, 1893. 
 
AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO IN THIS EDITION. 
 
 Aberdeen, Description of, in 1661 (Spalding Club). 1842. 
 
 Extracts from Burgh Records of (Spalding Club). 2 vols. 1844. 
 
 Extracts from Ecclesiastical History of (Spalding Club). 1846. 
 
 Records of University of (Spalding Club). 1855. 
 
 Anderson, Joseph, "Scotland in Early Christian Times." Edinburgh. 1881. 
 Antiquaries, Proceedings of Society of, of Scotland. Index vol. 1893. 
 Assynt MS. (see Taylor), " History of the Parish." 1832. In the Dunrobin archives. 
 Ayton, "Life of Alexander Henderson." 
 
 Baillie, Rev. Robert, " Letters and Journals." 3 vols. Edinburgh. 1841. 
 
 Balcanquall. See " Large Declaration." 
 
 Balfour, Sir James, " Annales of Scotland." 4 vols. Edinburgh. 1825. 
 
 Bates, T., " Elenchi motuum nuperorum." 
 
 Billings and Burns, " Baronial Remains of Scotland." 
 
 Black, David D., " History of Brechin." Brechin. 1839. 
 
 Blackhal, "Narration" (Spalding Club). 1844. 
 
 Brand, John, " History of Newcastle-on-Tyne." 3 vols. 1789. 
 
 "Britane's Distemper," by Patrick Gordon (Spalding Club). 1841. 
 
 Brodie, Diary of Lairds of (Spalding Club). 1852. 
 
 Bryce, James, " Confessions of Faith, Catechisms, Collection of Acts, &c." Glasgow. 
 
 1761. 
 Burnet, Bishop, " Lives of James and William, Dukes of Hamilton." London. 1677. 
 
 "History of his own Time." London. 1883. 
 
 Burton, J. H., "The Scot Abroad." Edinburgh. 1881. 
 
 " History of Scotland." 
 
 Calder, " History of Caithness." Glasgow. 1861. 
 
 Calderwood, " History of the Kirk of Scotland." 8 vols. Edinburgh. 1844. 
 Carlyle, "Cromwell's Letters and Speeches." 3 vols. London. 1857. 
 Chambers' " History of the Rebellion in Scotland under Montrose." Edinburgh. 
 
 1828. 
 "Chanut, Memoires de." 1677. 
 
 " Churches of St. Baldred " (A. J. Ritchie). Edinburgh. 1880. 
 Clarendon, " History of the RebelKon," 6 vols. Oxford. 171 7. 
 " Cloud of Witnesses " (see Naphtali). 
 " Confessions of Faith." Glasgow. 1761. 
 Connell, Sir John, "Treatise on Law of Scotland respecting Tithes." 3 vols. 
 
 Edinburgh. 18 15. 
 
 lix 
 
Ix AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO IN THIS EDITION. 
 
 " Coronation of Charles I." (Henry Bradshaw Society). London. 1892. 
 
 Craven, Rev. J. B., " History of the Episcopal Church in Moray." London. 1889. 
 
 Danske Magazin. 
 
 " Douglas Peerage " (Woode). 2 vols. Edinburgh. 181 3. 
 
 Dunlop, Alexander, " Parochial Law." Edinburgh. 1841. 
 
 Evelyn, John, "Memoirs and Diary of" (Ed. W. Bray). 5 vols. London. 1827. 
 
 Fife, Extracts from Minutes of Synod of (Abbotsford Club). 
 
 Forbes, Bishop Robert, "Journals," by Rev. J. B. Craven. London. 1886. 
 
 Gardiner, S. R., "History of England." 10 vols. 8 vo. London. 1886. 
 
 " History of the Great Civil War." 3 vols. London. 1886. 
 
 Gordon (of Sallagh), continuation of " History of Earls of Sutherland." Edinburgh. 
 
 1813. 
 Gordon ("Parson of Rothiemay"), "History of Scots Affairs" (Spalding Club). 
 
 3 vols. 1 84 1. 
 Grameid, James Philp (Scottish History Society). 1888. 
 Grub, George, "Ecclesiastical History of Scotland." 4 vols. 8vo. i86r. 
 Guthrie, James, Life of (Free Kirk General Assembly Committee). Edinburgh. 1 846. 
 Guthrie, Bishop Henry, "Memoirs." Glasgow. 1747. 
 Gwynne, "Military Memoirs" (Ed. Sir Walter Scott). Edinburgh. 1822. 
 Green, Mary A. E., " Lives of Princesses of England." 2 vols. London. 1854-55. 
 
 Heath, John, " Chronicle of the Late Intestine War." Second Edition. London. 
 
 1676. 
 Henderson, Alexander, Life of, by Free Kirk General Assembly Committee. Edin- 
 burgh. 1 846. 
 Henderson, John, "Caithness Family History." Edinburgh. 1884. 
 Hutchinson, " History of Durham." 2 vols. Newcastle. 1785. 
 
 " History of Northumberland." 2 vols. Newcastle. 1778. 
 
 Innes, Family of (Spalding Club). 1864. 
 
 Jervise, Andrew, "Land of the Lindsays." Edinburgh. 1882. 
 
 " Memorials of Angus and Mearns." 2 vols. 1885. 
 
 "Epitaphs" (vol. ii.). 1879. 
 
 Keith, "Catalogue of Scottish Bishops." Edinburgh. 1824. 
 
 Lamont, John, "His Diary, 1 649-1 67 2." Edinburgh. 1810. 
 "Large Declaration, The King's." Dr. Balcanquall. London. 1638. 
 Lyons, " History of St. Andrews." 2 vols. Edinburgh. 1843. 
 Mackay, William, in "Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness" (vol. xvi.) 
 1889-90. 
 
AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO IN THIS EDITION. Ixi 
 
 Mackenzie, Sir George, "Vindication of the Government in Scotland during the 
 
 Reign of King Charles II." London. 1691. 
 Mackenzie, "History of the Macdonalds." 
 
 " History of the M'Leods." 
 
 M'Dowall, William, " History of Dumfries." Edinburgh. 1867. 
 Mahon, Lord, "Essay on Montrose" ("Quarterly Review," p. 157, Dec. 1846). 
 Maidment, " Book of Scottish Pasquils, 1568-1715." Edinburgh. 1868. 
 Maitland, " History of Edinburgh." Edinburgh. 1753. 
 Masson, David, " Drummond of Hawthornden." London. 1873. 
 Maxwell, Alexander, " History of Old Dundee. " Edinburgh. 1884. 
 " Memorie of the Somervilles." Edinburgh. 181 5. 
 " Mercurius Aulicus," 1643-44 (Advocates' Library, Edinburgh). 
 " Mercurius Britannicus," 1643 and 1659 (Advocates' Library, Edinburgh). 
 " Mercurius Caledonius," 1648 (Writers' Library, Edinburgh). 
 Mitchell, Prof Alexander F., D.D., "Catechisms of the Second Reformation.'" 
 London. 1886. 
 
 " Records of the Commissions of the General Assemblies " (Scottish History 
 
 Society). 1892. 
 Monteith, Robert, of Salmonet, " History of the Troubles of Great Britain," Trans- 
 lated by J. Ogilvie. Second Edition. London. 1738. 
 
 " Histoire des Troubles de la Grande Bretagne." First Edition. Paris. 1661. 
 
 " Montrose Routed at Tividale," and numerous contemporary pamphlets in Bodleian 
 
 Library, i vol. 
 Morris, Mowbray, "Montrose." London. 1892. 
 
 " Naphtali and Cloud of Witnesses." 8vo. Glasgow. 1846. 
 
 Napier, Mark, " Memoirs of Dundee." 3 vols. 8vo. Edinburgh. 1859. 
 
 " Life of Montrose." 1840. 
 
 " Memoirs of Montrose." 2 vols. 8vo. Edinburgh. 1856. 
 
 "Memorials of Montrose" (Maitland Club). 2 vols. 4to. 1850. 
 
 "Newcastle, Siege and Storming of." Compiled by Thos. Allan. Newcastle. 1889. 
 " New Statistical Account of Scotland." 15 vols. Edinburgh. 1845. 
 
 " Ormonde Papers," Edited by Thomas Carte. 2 vols. London. 1739. 
 
 Pococke, Right Rev. Richard, " Tours in Scotland " (Scottish History Society). 1887 
 
 " Presbytery Book of Strathbogie " (Spalding Club). 1843. 
 
 PubUc Records, "The Forty-Seventh Annual Report of Deputy- Keeper of." 
 
 Ritchie, A. J., "Churches of St. Baldred." Edinburgh. 1880. 
 
 Rothes, John, Earl of, " Relation of Proceedings concerning the Affairs of the 
 
 Kirk of Scotland " (Bannatyne Club). 1830. 
 Roundhead Officers, Letters of (Bannatyne Club). 1851. 
 
 Row, "History of the Kirk of Scotland" (Woodrow Society). Edinburgh. 1842. 
 "Rupert, Prince, Memoirs of," Edited by Warburton. 1849. 
 
Ixii AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO IN THIS EDITION. 
 
 " Ruthven Papers " (Roxburgh Club). 
 
 Scot, Hew, " Fasti Ecclesise Scoticanse." 6 vols. 
 
 Sculptured Stones of Scotland (Stuart). 2 vols. fol. Spalding Club. 1867. 
 
 " Seaforth Archives." 
 
 " Seton, Memoirs of Chancellor." Edinburgh. 1882. 
 
 Shaw, Lachlan, " History of Moray." 3 vols. Glasgow. 1882. 
 
 Shiels, Rev. Allen, " Hinde let I-oose." Edinburgh. 1744. 
 
 "Siege and Storming of Newcastle" (told by eye-witnesses). Newcastle. 1889. 
 
 Skinner, " Ecclesiastical History of Scotland." 2 vols. London. 1788. 
 
 Spalding, " Memorials of the Troubles " (Spalding Club). Aberdeen. 1851. 
 
 " Spalding Club Miscellany." Aberdeen. 1852. ' 
 
 "Spottiswoode Club Miscellany." 2 vols. 1844. 
 
 "Spottiswoode Club Miscellany." 2 vols. Edinburgh. 1845. 
 
 Spottiswoode, Sir Robert, " Practicks of the I^ws of Scotland." Edinburgh. 1706. 
 
 Archbishop, " History of the Church of Scotland " (Spottiswoode Club). 
 
 3 vols. 185 1. 
 Sprot, Rev. G. W., " Scottish Liturgies of the Reign of James VI." Edinburgh. 1871. 
 " St. Andrews and Cupar, Selections from Presbyteries of" (Abbotsford Club). 1837. 
 " St. Andrews Kirk-Session, Records of" (Scottish History Society). 2 vols. 
 
 1889-90. 
 Stephen, " History of the Church of Scotland." 4 vols. London. 1844. 
 "Stirlingshire, History of," by Nimmo. 2 vols. 8vo. 1817. 
 Story, Rev. R. H. " Career of William Carstares." Edinburgh. 1874. 
 
 " Thurloe Papers," Edited by J. Birch. 7 vols. London. 1742. 
 "True Relation of Happy Success in Scotland." 1644. With 33 other contem- 
 porary pamphlets in Bodleian Library, i vol. 
 Turner, Sir James, "Memoirs" (Maitland Club). 1829. 
 
 Urquhart, Sir Thomas, " Memoirs." (From Burton's " Scot Abroad.") 
 " Universal Kirk, Booke of." 
 
 Walker, Clement (" Theodorus Verax "), " Anarchia Anglicana, or History of Inde- 
 pendency." First Edition. 1649. 
 
 John, " Sufferings of the Clergy." London. 1714. 
 
 "Wardlaw MS.," by Mr. John Fraser, in Dr. R. Carruthers' "Highland Note- 
 Book." Edinburgh. 1843. Reprint. 
 " Westminster Confession of Faith." Edinburgh. 1889. 
 " Whitelocke's Journal." 
 
 " Wigton Papers." Miscellany, Maitland Club. 
 Wilson, Daniel, " Memorials of Edinburgh " 2 vols. Edinburgh. 
 "Wodrow MSS.," fol. Ixvii. (Advocates' Library). Edinburgh. 
 
 fol. MS. of Wishart, Part II. 
 
 4to MS. of Wishart, Part 11. 
 
LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 
 
 Her Grace the Duchess-Dowager of Athole. 
 
 The Lord Bishop of Aberdeen and Orkney. 
 
 The Lord Bishop of Argyll and the Isles. 
 
 The Right Hon. Lady Addington, Winslow, Bucks. 
 
 The Rev. F. L. M. Anderson, North Berwick. 
 
 R. Row and Anderson, Esq., LL.D., Colinton. 
 
 Edward G. Allen, Esq. (for Library of Parliament), Ottawa. 
 
 John Ramsay Anderson, Esq., Edinburgh. 
 
 Thomas and George Allan, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
 
 Archibald Anderson, Esq., Oxford Square, London. 
 
 Thomas Andrew, Esq., Doune. 
 
 Miss Addie, Birkenshaw, Edinburgh. 
 
 James Allan, Esq., Helensburgh. 
 
 B 
 
 The Right Hon. Lord Blythswood, 
 
 The Rev. G. Stewart Burns, D.D., Glasgow. 
 
 The Rev. James Beale, Duns. 
 
 The Rev. S. Gilbert Beal, Darlington. 
 
 Joseph Bell, Esq., M.D., Edinburgh. 
 
 F. T. Barret, Esq. (Mitchell Library), Glasgow. 
 
 Robert Blair, Esq. (Secretary, Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle). 
 
 J. P. M. Blackett, Esq., B.A., Elstree, Herts. 
 
 Miss Black, Glencairn Crescent, Edinburgh. 
 
 John S. Black, Esq., Oxford Terrace, Edinburgh. 
 
 John Blair, Esq., W.S., Ettrick Road, Edinburgh. 
 
 Robert Fitzroy Bell, Esq., Heriot Row, Edinburgh. 
 
 J. W. BowHiLL, Esq., B.A., Trinity, Edinburgh. 
 
 James Bruce, Esq., W.S., St. Bernard's Crescent, Edinburgh. 
 
 Miss Mary Burton, Liberton. 
 
 John William Burns, Esq., Cardross. 
 
 James Brookman, Esq., W.S., Ravelstone Park, Edinburgh. 
 
 Ixiii 
 
Ixiv LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 
 
 R. P. Brereton, Esq., M.A., Oundle. 
 
 William Barrie, Esq., St. Vincent Street, Glasgow 
 
 James H. Bisset, Esq., Burnside House, Aberdeen. 
 
 G. W. Bruce, Esq., Leven. 
 
 Charles B. Balfour, Esq., Newton Don, Kelso. 
 
 Sir Thomas D. Gibson Carmichael, Bart., Peeblesshire. 
 
 T. Craig-Christie of Bedlay, Esq., Glasgow. 
 
 The Rev. J. B. Craven, Kirkwall. 
 
 The Rev. Hugh C. R. Cunnynghame, Edinburgh. 
 
 J. T. Clark, Esq. (Advocates' Library), Edinburgh. 
 
 Joseph Cowen, Esq., Blaydon-on-Tyne. 
 
 Mrs. J. H. Chaplin, Pen-y-wern Road, London. 
 
 Alastair Currie, Esq., Trinity, Edinburgh. 
 
 James Curle, Esq., junr., W.S., Melrose. 
 
 Mrs. CocHOT, Gibson Square, London. 
 
 Thomas A. Croal, Esq., London Street, Edinburgh. 
 
 Robert Carfrae, Esq., George Street, Edinburgh. 
 
 Miss C. H. Charters, Gillespie Crescent, Edinburgh 
 
 Miss CuLLEN, Panmure Place, Edinburgh (2 copies). 
 
 Miss Jane Bothwell Curry, Montpelier, Edinburgh 
 
 Duncan Cameron, Esq., Tain. 
 
 James Cowan, Esq., 35 Royal Terrace, Edinburgh. 
 
 D 
 
 Lady Douglas, Edinburgh. 
 Lady Douglas, Watford, Herts. 
 Mrs. Home-Drummond, Stirlingshire. 
 Arthur Dickson, Esq., Montrose. 
 Douglas & Foulis, Edinburgh (3 copies). 
 
 E 
 The Lord Bishop of Edinburgh. 
 
 The Rev. Henry Fyfe, Fraserburgh. 
 
 The Rev. W. Y. Fausset, M.A., Ripon. 
 
 J. R. Findlay, Esq., Rothesay Terrace, Edinburgh. 
 
LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. Ixv 
 
 W. HowDEN Ferme, Esq., Haddington. 
 
 R. B. FiNLAY, Esq., Phillimore Gardens, London. 
 
 J. B. Fleming, Esq., Kelvinside, Glasgow. 
 
 E. G. Fraenkl, Esq., Osborne Villa, Dundee. 
 
 The Lord Bishop of Glasgow. 
 
 The Rev. J. Stewart Gammell of Drumtochty, Fordoun. 
 
 Lieut. -Col. R. C. Gr^me, Naval and Military Club, London. 
 
 Lieut. -Col. G. Gardyne, Forfar. 
 
 John Grahame, Esq. (Sheriff-Substitute), Perthshire. 
 
 Thomas Grahame, Esq., St. Enoch Square, Glasgow. 
 
 Mrs. Grant of Kilgraston, Bridge of Earn. 
 
 Henry O. Ogilvie Grant, Esq., Blythswood Square, Glasgow. 
 
 George Gray, Esq., Glasgow. 
 
 Norman J. N. Gourlie, Esq., Wardie, Edinburgh. 
 
 James L. Greig, Esq., B.A., Oxford Terrace, Edinburgh. 
 
 H 
 
 (The late) Sir John D. Hope, Bart., Pinkie House. 
 
 The Rev. W. A. Heard, M.A., Fettes College. 
 
 The Rev. J. W. Hunter, Callander. 
 
 The Rev. C. G. Henderson-Hamilton of Dalserf, Hamilton. 
 
 W. J. Haggerston, Esq. (Public Libraries), Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
 
 R. Harrison, Esq. (London Library). 
 
 John Howkins, Esq., Queensberry Lodge, Granton Road, Edinburgh. 
 
 G. C. Harrison, Esq., M.A., Fettes College. 
 
 John Hurd, Esq., Lenzie. 
 
 E. A. Hansell, Esq., M.A., Oundle. 
 
 W. C. Henderson & Son, St. Andrews. 
 
 I 
 
 The Rev. R. Mitchell-Innes, Edinburgh. 
 
 (The late) Alexander Forbes-Irvine, Esq., of Drum. 
 
 J 
 
 George Auldjo Jamieson, Esq., W.S., Drumsheugh Gardens, Edinburgh. 
 
 Henry Johnston, Esq., St. Colme Street, Edinburgh. 
 
 Mr. George P. Johnston, George Street, Edinburgh (2 copies). 
 
 Mrs. Johnstone, Moray Place, Edinburgh. 
 
Ixvi LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 
 
 K 
 
 The Rev. Canon Keating (for Episcopal Theological Library), Edinburgh. 
 Mrs. W. Douglas Kirkpatrick, Leek, Kirkby Lonsdale. 
 Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, & Co., London (2 copies). 
 
 James Lymburn, Esq. (for Glasgow University Library). 
 Thomas G, Law, Esq. (for Signet Library), Edinburgh. 
 B. P. Lascelles (for Harrow School Library). 
 Miss J. D. Langlands, Strathearn Place, Edinburgh. 
 Frederick T. C. Linton, Esq., Leith. 
 
 M 
 
 Sir W. A. MacKinnon, K.C.B., London. 
 
 The Rev. A. Gray Maitland, Dudley. 
 
 John Mackenzie, Esq., Manor Place, Edinburgh. 
 
 Henry Dunning Macleod, Esq., Oxford and Cambridge Club, London. 
 
 Alexander Macpherson, Esq., Kingussie, N. B. 
 
 David MacBrayne, Esq., Royal Exchange Square, Glasgow. 
 
 Alexander W. MacDougall, Esq., Wantage. 
 
 J. E. SwiNTON Maxwell, Esq., Canning Street, Liverpool. 
 
 J. W. MoRKiLL, Esq., M.A., Killingbeck, Leeds. 
 
 Ian MacIntyre, Esq., M.A., Albany Street, Edinburgh. 
 
 R. C. H. Millar, Esq., Montrose. 
 
 Mrs. Moreton Macdonald, Largie. 
 
 John Methuen, Esq., Ross-shire. 
 
 Mrs. MacInnes, Great Stuart Street, Edinburgh. 
 
 David Murray, Esq., West George Street, Glasgow. 
 
 Mrs. Meakin, Adamson Road, London, N.W. 
 
 William Mackay, Esq., Inverness. 
 
 N 
 
 The Right Hon. Lord Napier and Ettrick, Selkirk. 
 The Rev. W. S. Nicholson, Dundee. 
 Robert T. Norfor, Esq., Morningside Drive, Edinburgh. 
 Miss Anne Napier, Alva Street, Edinburgh. 
 
LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. Ixvii 
 
 O 
 
 Sir Reginald Ogilvy, Bart., Inchture. 
 
 Henry T. N. Hamilton Ogilvy, Esq., Biel. 
 
 Sir David F. Ochterlony, Bart., St. Andrew Square, Edinburgh. 
 
 George A. Paterson, Esq., M.D., Coates Crescent, Edinburgh. 
 
 Frederick Pitman, Esq., Great Stuart Street, Edinburgh. 
 
 Howard Pease, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
 
 R. Y. Pickering, Esq., Montgomery Quadrant, Glasgow. 
 
 J. Parsons, Esq., Ann Street, Edinburgh. 
 
 Mrs. R. O'B. Prichard, Edinburgh. 
 
 Miss Platt, Kirkby Lonsdale. 
 
 T. L. Paton, Esq., M.A., Rocester, Stafford. 
 
 R 
 
 John Ramsay, of Barra, Esq., Aberdeen. 
 
 Colin G. Ross, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
 
 J. S. Reid, Esq., Litt.D., Cambridge. 
 
 J. C. Roger, Esq., Essex. 
 
 W. Brown Robertson, Esq., Dundee. 
 
 Cecil Reddie, Esq., M.A., Ph.D., Abbotsholme, Derbyshire. 
 
 The (late) Lord Bishop of St. Andrews. 
 
 The Right Hon. the Earl of Southesk, K.T., LL.D. 
 
 Sir John R. Sinclair, Bart., of Dunbeath, Wick. 
 
 The Rev. C. E. Searle, D.D., Pembroke College, Cambridge. 
 
 The Rev. W. Stephen, Dumbarton. 
 
 The Rev. C Pressley Smith, Edinburgh. 
 
 W. S. Thomson-Sinclair, of Freswick, Esq., Dunbeath Castle, Caithness. 
 
 The Secretary of the Antiquarian Society, Newcasde-on-Tyne, 
 
 Patrick Stirling, of Kippenross, Esq., Dunblane (3 copies). 
 
 H. Scott, of Brotherstone, Esq., Johnshaven. 
 
 David Stewart, Esq., Banchory House, Aberdeen. 
 
 Francis R. Sanderson, Esq., Galashiels. 
 
 J. Struthers, Esq., Drumsheugh Gardens, Edinburgh. 
 
Ixviii LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 
 
 Mrs. Sinclair (of Barrock), ii St. George's Road, London 
 
 Miss Stuart, Torphichen Street, Edinburgh. 
 
 Mr. Thomas G. Stevenson, 22 Frederick Street, Edinburgh (4 copies), 
 
 James S. Sturrock, Esq., Bruntsfield Place, Edinburgh (2 copies). 
 
 Herr Oberlehrer A. Seraphim, Mitau, Courland, Russia. 
 
 Sheriff George H. M. Thoms, Edinburgh. 
 
 D. W. Tanqueray, Esq., M.A., Fettes College. 
 
 Edwin Temple, Esq., M.A., Glenalmond College. 
 
 W. ToMLiNSON, Esq., Victoria Villas, Whitely-by-the-Sea. 
 
 Mr. James Thin, South Bridge, Edinburgh (3 copies), 
 
 W 
 
 The Rev. H. A. Wilson, Magdalen College, Oxford (2 copies). 
 The Rev. J. Wiseman (Diocesan Library), Aberdeen. 
 Messrs. D. Wyllie & Son (University Library), Aberdeen, 
 Richard Welford, Esq., Gosforth, near Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
 George W. Watson, Esq., Walker Street, Edinburgh. 
 Cecil White, Esq., Drummond Place, Edinburgh. 
 W. L. Watson, Esq. (of Ayton House), Perthshire. 
 Louson Walker, Esq., Greenock. 
 Miss Wingate, Park Circus, Glasgow. 
 
 Y 
 
 J. S. Yeo, Esq., M.A., Fettes College. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 ENGLISH TRANSLATION. 
 
 PAOK 
 
 The Author's Dedication i 
 
 The Author's Preface 9 
 
 PART /.— (1644-1646.) 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Pretexts of the Covenanters — Montrose detects their designs, 1639 — They invade 
 England and seize Newcastle, August 1640 — Montrose's correspondence with 
 the King betrayed — He forms an Association for the King — Charles's letters 
 intercepted and Montrose imprisoned — Parliament at Edinburgh, July 1641 — 
 Montrose released 13 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Conduct of the English malcontents, 1642 — Montrose in England — Meets the 
 Queen at York, February 1643— His advice rejected for that of Hamilton — 
 Convention of Estates at Edinburgh, June 1643 — Montrose's conference with 
 Henderson, from whom he learns the designs of the Covenanters ... 24 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Montrose joins the King at Gloucester— His plan approved, December 1643 — 
 Antrim promises help from Ireland— Hamilton and Lanark arrive at Oxford, 
 December 1643— Arrest of the Duke and flight of Lanark to London — Montrose 
 sets out for Scotland — Interview with the Marquis of Newcastle ... 34 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Montrose at Dumfries — The English soldiers desert — He returns to Carlisle — His 
 movements in Northumberland— Interview with Prince Rupert — State of Scot- 
 land — Montrose enters Scotland in disguise, and reaches Graham of Inchbrakie 
 in Perthshire 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 45 
 
 Arrival of the Irish — Montrose meets them in Athole— Is joined by Lord Kilpont 
 
 and Sir J. Dnmunond — Battle of Tippermuir and surrender of Perth . . 54 
 
 Ixix f 
 
Ixx CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PACK 
 
 March from Perth to Cupar in Angus — Assassination of Kilpont — Montrose joined 
 by the Earl of Airlie and his two sons — March to Dundee — Defeat of Lord 
 Burleigh at Aberdeen 63 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Huntly prevents the Gordons from joining — Montrose retires into Badenoch — His 
 illness causes rumours of his death — Returns to Athole and Angus, and crosses 
 the Grampians to Strathbogie — Surprised by Argyll and Lothian at Fyvie — 
 Beats his assailants off and retreats to Balveny 70 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Montrose lays Argyleshire waste — March north to Loch Ness — Seaforth's levies to 
 oppose him — Montrose turns back and crushes the Campbells at Inverlochy — 
 Sir Thomas Ogilvy is killed 79 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Return northwards — Surrender of Elgin — Lord Gordon joins — Montrose enters the 
 Mearns and defeats Hurry near Fettercaim — Offers battle to Baillie and Hurry 
 on the Isla — Lewis Gordon deserts with most of his clan — Montrose retires 
 north — Seizes Dundee — Extraordinary march to evade Baillie and reach the 
 Grampians 87 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Montrose at Crieff— Attacked by Baillie — Retreat by Stratheam — Joined by Aboyne 
 — Pursues Hurry across the Spey to Elgin, Forres, and Inverness— Battle of 
 Auldearn, May 1645 96 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Hurry joined by Baillie — They challenge Montrose— March up to Badenoch— The 
 enemy retreat to Inverness — March southwards to attack Lindsay — Desertion 
 of the Gordons — Battle of Alford — Lord Gordon killed . . . .104 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 March southwards to the Dee— Strong reinforcements from the Highlands— Con- 
 vention of the Covenanters at Perth — Attack on Montrose's camp at Methven 
 Wood— Montrose retreats to Little Dunkeld— Joined by the Gordons and 
 Ogilvies — March into Stratheam . .113 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Fife men join the Covenanters — Montrose marches to Kinross — Crosses the 
 
 Forth — Battle of Kilsyth, and utter rout of Baillie, August 1645 . . .119 
 
CONTENTS. ixxi- 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 FACE 
 
 Flight of the Covenanting Lords — Montrose enters Glasgow — Joined by many 
 noblemen — Edinburgh surrenders and releases the Royalist prisoners — Settle- 
 ment of the west country 126 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Intrigues of Roxburgh, Home, and Traquair — Montrose appointed Commander-in- 
 Chief and Lieutenant-Governor in Scotland — Macdonald and the Highlanders 
 retire home, followed by Aboyne and his men — The King orders Montrose to 
 march to the Borders and join Traquair and Roxburgh, who deceive him . 135 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 March to Selkirk, September 1645 — Surprised by Leslie at Philiphaugh, and over- 
 powered — Cuts his way through, and with half his forces regains Athole . . 142 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Montrose joined by four hundred men of Athole — Butchery of prisoners by the 
 Covenanters — Huntly refuses aid — Aboyne joins Montrose, but soon leaves 
 him — March to Perthshire — Death of Lord Napier 149 
 
 CHAPTER XVIIL 
 
 Montrose in Lennox — The Covenanters execute RoUock, Alexander Ogilvy, Nisbet, 
 O'Kean, and Lachlan — Montrose marches to Athole — His overtures again 
 declined by Huntly, whom he surprises into an interview — They concert a plan 
 to reduce Inverness and gain over Seaforth 157 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 A party of Argyll's men invade Athole, but are defeated at Callander — Convention 
 at St. Andrews — Lord Ogilvy escapes — Nathaniel Gordon, Sir Robert Spottis- 
 wood, Andrew Guthrie, and William Murray are executed . . . .165 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Montrose refuses to retaliate on his prisoners — Huntly disappoints him — Montrose 
 obliged to raise the siege of Inverness and retreat before Middleton — Huntly 
 again shuns a conference — Huntly pillages Aberdeen 174. 
 
 CHAPTER XXL 
 
 The King at Newcastle orders Montrose to disband — The order is repeated, with 
 terms for himself and friends — He disbands — The Covenanters try to prevent 
 his departure — He escapes with his friends to Norway, September 1646 . . 182 
 
hadi CONTENTS. 
 
 PART //.—(1 646- 1 650.) 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PACE 
 
 Montrose in Norway — His journey to France — The Queen's courtiers endeavour to 
 keep him from Court — Lord Jermyn's opposition — Montrose's advice to the 
 Queen — The Queen accepts the overtures of the Presbyterians — Montrose 
 leaves Paris 189 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Character of the Presbyterians and Independents^ — The latter seize the King — The 
 Presbyterians invoke Scotch aid — The Scotch raise an army — Hamilton 
 appointed General — Factions of Hamilton and Argyll . . , . .199 
 
 CHAPTER HI. 
 
 Hamilton invades England — Joined by Musgrave, Langdale, and others, who hand 
 over Berwick and Carlisle — Defeated by Cromwell at Preston — Flight and 
 surrender — A new army raised in Scotland under Lanark — Monro defeats 
 Argyll at Stirling — Lanark's loyalty suspected — He concludes a dishonourable 
 peace with Argyll — Cromwell and Argyll in Edinburgh 208 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 1649. — The King's execution — Conduct of the Scotch Commissioners in London — 
 Montrose's journey to Prague and reception by the Emperor — He reaches the 
 Hague, where he hears of the King's death — Attends Charles II. at the Hague 
 — His advice opposed by Lanark and Lauderdale — Execution of the Duke of 
 Hamilton 224 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Message to the Hague from the Estates, with their proclamation of Charles II. as 
 King of Scotland — Arrival of Cassilis and the Commissioners — Huntly executed 
 — The Commissioners present their demands — The opinion of the Scotch Peers 
 — Charles leaves for France, attended to Brussels by Montrose . . . 235 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Montrose prepares for his descent on Scotland — State of affairs in Scotland and 
 Ireland — His prospects of assistance from foreign courts thwarted by Scotch 
 intrigues 244 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 1649. — Preparations for a descent on Scotland 249 
 
CONTENTS. Ixxiii 
 
 CHAPTER VIIL 
 
 PAGE 
 
 State of Scotland in 1649-1650 — Parliament, Courts, Kirk, Army — Affairs in Orkney 
 — Montrose at Kirkwall — Orders to Hurry — Lands in Caithness — Declaration 
 at Thurso — Caithness gentry — Effect of the news in the North — Dunbeath 
 Castle taken — March to Carbisdale — Preparations at Edinburgh — Negotiations 
 at Breda (Livingstone's Letter) — Lieutenant-Colonel Strachan ; his letter to 
 James Guthrie— Council of War at Tain — The local levy (Monroes and Rosses) 
 — April 27, Strachan surprises Montrose at Carbisdale and cuts his army to 
 pieces 289 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 Montrose's flight, capture, and journey south 310 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Sentence passed on Montrose — His entry into Edinburgh^ — Speech in the House — 
 
 Last words and execution 322 
 
 English of Latin poem on the death of Montrose 335 
 
 LATIN TEXT. 
 
 Part 1 341 
 
 Part II 439 
 
 Wishart's poem on the death of Montrose 486 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 I. Battle of Carbisdale — List of those killed and taken — Sequel of the expedition . 493 
 
 — Fate of the detachments left in Dunbeath, Strath Naver, and Orkney . 496 
 
 Rewards to the victors 501 
 
 II. (i.) Two letters from Montrose, Doune, Ap. 20, 1645, and Cullen Aboyne, 17 May 
 
 1645, extracted from the Mercurius Aulicus 501 
 
 (2.) News from his Majesty's army in Scotland, to be presented to the Most Hon- 
 ourable the Lord Lieutenant-General of Ireland ; written at Inverlochy in 
 Lochaber the 7th of February 1644 [1645] by an Irish officer in Alexander 
 Macdonald's forces. (Carte's Ormonde Papers.) 503 
 
 III. Verses written by the Marquis of Montrose upon the murder of King Charles I. 505 
 
 — Dr. Wishart's Latin version of Montrose's verses 506 
 
Ixxiv CONTENTS. 
 
 PACK 
 
 IV. Two letters from the Berlin archives. Montrose to the Marquis of Branden- 
 burg, Hague 22 Jul : 1649, and the reply thereto, Cleves, 27 July, 1649 • 506 
 
 V. Commission from Charles II. to Montrose, for settling the differences with 
 the town of Hamburg and borrowing a sum of money from the Senate. 
 St. Germains, 5th Sept. 1649 S°7 
 
 VI. Letter from Montrose to Frederick III., King of Denmark, Copenhagen, 
 
 19 Oct. 1649. From the royal archives in Copenhagen .... 508 
 
 Letters and extracts from the royal archives in Stockholm 
 VII. Proposals on behalf of Charles II., submitted by Robert Meade to Queen 
 
 Christina 509 
 
 VIII. Correspondence concerning Montrose at Gothenburg, 14 Nov. 1649 — 22 Feb. 
 1650, between Per Lindormsson Ribbing, Provincial Governor, Field-Mar- 
 shall Count Linnart Torstensson, Governor-General, and Admiral Thyssen- 
 Ankerhielm. (Eleven letters or extracts.) 510 
 
 IX. List of the papers found in Dunbeath Castle, when taken by Leslie. Advo- 
 cates' Library, Edinburgh 515 
 
 X. Terms offered to Charles II. by the Scottish "Estates." Thurloe, State 
 
 Papers 516 
 
 XI. Extracts from records of the Presbytery of Dingwall, and letter from Smyth 
 
 of Braco 518 
 
 XII. Letter from Louis XIV. of France to the Estates of Scotland, and personal 
 
 details on appearance of Montrose 520 
 
 XIII. Did Neil Macleod betray Montrose ? 522 
 
 XIV. Relics of Montrose 534 
 
 INDEX 538 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Portrait of Montrose in 1649 by Gerard Honthorst . Frontispiece 
 
 Montrose's Seal Title-page 
 
 Facsimiles, Orders signed by " George Drummond ; " 
 
 "March 8, 1650, Kinnoule" to face page 2^2 
 
 Map, Montrose's March and Journey South (1650), 
 
 with View of Ardvreck Castle, Assynt . . . „ ,, 294 
 
 Battlefield of Carbisdale, April 27, 1650. . . • „ „ 306 
 
 Relics of Montrose; his Forearm and Sword 537 
 
%f)t autl)or's ©eliicatton. 
 
 To THE Most High and Mighty 
 CHARLES 
 
 Of Scotland by the Grace of God, and Prince of Wales, 
 
 Duke of Rothesay, 
 
 Heir of Britain, France, and Ireland, ^c. 
 
 ITH all humility, most exalted Prince, this slight sketch of 
 your most admirable servant Montrose is presented to 
 your Highness. Though a rude, unpolished portrait, 
 and clad in barbarous Latin, it will not fear the light, 
 nor shrink from inspection, if your Highness will deign 
 to receive it with that gracious favour you are wont to 
 bestow on strangers introduced into your presence.^ He 
 may claim audience the more boldly as not wholly foreign to your notice,^ 
 but a true son of your paternal kingdom, though disowned, as it were, by 
 the deadly wrong of the times, and reared and nurtured in a foreign land. 
 Nor are there wanting many strongly marked features to reveal his father- 
 land and race. He is come of Scotland, your own country, the kingdom 
 of a hundred and nine of your ancestors, whose sacred blood and lives 
 survive in you. Receive, then, the son of that ancient realm, the humble 
 servant of your beloved sire, his most gracious lord, and, amidst all the 
 chances of adversity, your most devoted liege. 
 
 ^ As to the Prince's reception of the work, see a very curious letter printed at the end of this 
 Dedication. It has not appeared in print before, as we believe. Burnet refers to the subject 
 (Dukes of Hamilton, 344). " To oblige the Duke the more, a book being dedicated to his Highness 
 containing some passages much to the Duke's dishonour, he refused to accept of it, and ordered it 
 to be called in." At least three editions appeared in 1647-8 {v. Grit. Introd.). 
 
 ^ There is some confusion in the Latin between the portrait and the subject of it. 
 
 A 
 
2 THE AUTHOR'S DEDICATION. 
 
 Yet if this suffice not to win your favour and induce you to bestow life 
 upon our feeble offspring, deign at least in your great mercy to grant this 
 poor little portrait, though sketched with unskilled pencil, some recognition 
 of its lineaments and form. Even so endow it with life, if not with immor- 
 tality. For who would despise the image of Alexander, Caesar, Scipio, or 
 of your grandsires, James the Peaceful, or Henry the Great, because it had 
 been hewn by the hand of some obscure and clumsy artist ? Montrose 
 will not, I predict, want his Apelles or Leucippus, nor perchance a Homer 
 to recite his deeds.^ Meantime may it please you, gracious Prince, to 
 accept this work of ours until their advent. Nor heed the roughness of 
 our speech, but yield a generous audience to deeds of true Roman heroism, 
 such as in fame and difficulty far transcend the crowd of common souls. 
 The blots and errors you may detect, you will attribute, as is but just and 
 fair, not to his genius, but rather to our lack of it. I can with confidence 
 promise that your Montrose will fail neither to gratify nor be of service 
 to your Highness. 
 
 What could be more gratifying to a Prince, second only to his sire, so 
 nobly born and royally educated, accustomed from his cradle to all that 
 savours of heroism, than to behold, embrace, and honour a hero, who, 
 without boasting, is to be esteemed inferior to none of our age — 
 
 " Quern sese ore f evens, quam forti pectore et armis ! " 
 
 Under the best of kings, your most gracious father, by his conduct in war 
 he foreshadowed, as it were, the vigour of your own manhood. His 
 achievements have won the admiration of the present, and the unceasing 
 praises of all posterity. Envy attends on glory and dogs its footsteps. 
 But envy is transitory and perishable ; it will never overtake or obscure a 
 firm and imperishable fame. Here, however, illustrious Prince, we show 
 you no 
 
 ^'- Antiphaten Scyllamque, et cum Cyclope Charybdtn;" 
 
 no fabled monsters or specious miracles, but enemies, monsters in very 
 semblance, and victories over them gained by a miracle. For what 
 arrogant attempt of the Giants in the legends of " false Greece " have not 
 these plotting " Sons of Earth " dared against God, religion, faith, law, and 
 right in opposing your most august parents, yourself, and all your loyal 
 subjects ? By heaping up mountains of lies and calumny they have erected 
 
 ' Prophetic of Aytoun, of the magnificent monument in St. Giles', Edinburgh, by Dr. Rowand 
 Anderson, and the many efforts to give his features, culminating in Faed's reproduction of Honthorst's 
 portrait {v. Frontispiece). 
 
THE AUTHOR'S DEDICATION. j 
 
 those strongholds from which they have made war on heaven with their 
 impious force. What storied deed is told of Apollo, Pallas, or Mars in 
 overthrowing those giants, which our hero has not undertaken, with no less 
 valour, and accomplished with like success ? That he has not entirely 
 overthrown those whom he had conquered, is, we think, wholly to be 
 attributed to your destiny, unwilling that your country should owe its 
 glorious salvation to any but yourself. For the Enceladus and Titans who 
 kept the sire in chains are destined to be hurled into the caves of Etna by 
 the thunderbolts of the son alone. 
 
 And what could be more profitable to your Highness, in an undertaking 
 to which you are bound by laws both human and divine, the rescue of 
 your sire and country from a cruel tyranny, than ever to have before your 
 eyes, as your forerunner and guide, him who first detected the secret plots, 
 wiles, and treachery of the rebels, and almost alone showed how to over- 
 throw their impious boldness and shatter their forces, grown to a head 
 before they were recognised. Certainly you will not find in him mere 
 " force without soul." For he is not more brilliant in the field than in the 
 council. He advised (would to God his advice had prevailed !) that the 
 monster should be throttled in the cradle; and when it had grown to 
 maturity, only failed to crush it, that your valour might not be deprived of 
 so glorious an exercise. In addition to his lofty courage and rare skill in 
 war, you will find in him proofs of distinguished statesmanship, which 
 though, to our misfortune, too little trusted, is destined hereafter to be of 
 service to you and posterity. He urged that the rebels, who relied on 
 the exceeding mercy of a most excellent sovereign, on his clemency to 
 offenders, his trust in the unworthy, his generosity to ingrates, his indulg- 
 ence to all, rather than on their own powers, should at once be assailed 
 and quelled by righteous force of arms, the only possible remedy, ere 
 their power, grown strong by forbearance, had surpassed all bounds. If 
 only this had been done, Britain would not have shuddered with civil 
 bloodshed, the splendid temples of our Lord would not have been impiously 
 desecrated, our market-places would not have reeked with the blood of 
 nobles and priests, your sire and brothers would not have languished in 
 ignoble durance, nor would you and your mother, so widowed, as it were, 
 now be exiles on a foreign though a kindred and a friendly shore. 
 
 " Quzs taliafando 
 Temperef a lachrimis ? " 
 
 But though in achievements glorious even beyond envy, the hand of God 
 Almighty is most brilliantly made manifest, that to Him alone the whole 
 
2 THE AUTHOR'S DEDICATION. 
 
 Yet if this suffice not to win your favour and induce you to bestow life 
 upon our feeble offspring, deign at least in your great mercy to grant this 
 poor little portrait, though sketched with unskilled pencil, some recognition 
 of its lineaments and form. Even so endow it with life, if not with immor- 
 tality. For who would despise the image of Alexander, Caesar, Scipio, or 
 of your grandsires, James the Peaceful, or Henry the Great, because it had 
 been hewn by the hand of some obscure and clumsy artist ? Montrose 
 will not, I predict, want his Apelles or Leucippus, nor perchance a Homer 
 to recite his deeds.^ Meantime may it please you, gracious Prince, to 
 accept this work of ours until their advent. Nor heed the roughness of 
 our speech, but yield a generous audience to deeds of true Roman heroism, 
 such as in fame and difficulty far transcend the crowd of common souls. 
 The blots and errors you may detect, you will attribute, as is but just and 
 fair, not to his genius, but rather to our lack of it. I can with confidence 
 promise that your Montrose will fail neither to gratify nor be of service 
 to your Highness. 
 
 What could be more gratifying to a Prince, second only to his sire, so 
 nobly born and royally educated, accustomed from his cradle to all that 
 savours of heroism, than to behold, embrace, and honour a hero, who, 
 without boasting, is to be esteemed inferior to none of our age — 
 
 " Quem sese oreferens, quam forti pectore et arntis / " 
 
 Under the best of kings, your most gracious father, by his conduct in war 
 he foreshadowed, as it were, the vigour of your own manhood. His 
 achievements have won the admiration of the present, and the unceasing 
 praises of all posterity. Envy attends on glory and dogs its footsteps. 
 But envy is transitory and perishable ; it will never overtake or obscure a 
 firm and imperishable fame. Here, however, illustrious Prince, we show 
 you no 
 
 ^* Antiphaten Scyllamque^ et cum Cyclope Charybdinj" 
 
 no fabled monsters or specious miracles, but enemies, monsters in very 
 semblance, and victories over them gained by a miracle. For what 
 arrogant attempt of the Giants in the legends of " false Greece " have not 
 these plotting " Sons of Earth " dared against God, religion, faith, law, and 
 right in opposing your most august parents, yourself, and all your loyal 
 subjects ? By heaping up mountains of lies and calumny they have erected 
 
 ^ Prophetic of Aytoun, of the magnificent monument in St. Giles', Edinburgh, by Dr. Rowand 
 Anderson, and the many efforts to give his features, culminating in Faed's reproduction of Honthorst's 
 portrait (p. Frontispiece), 
 
THE AUTHOR'S DEDICATION. j 
 
 those strongholds from which they have made war on heaven with their 
 impious force. What storied deed is told of Apollo, Pallas, or Mars in 
 overthrowing those giants, which our hero has not undertaken, with no less 
 valour, and accomplished with like success ? That he has not entirely 
 overthrown those whom he had conquered, is, we think, wholly to be 
 attributed to your destiny, unwilling that your country should owe its 
 glorious salvation to any but yourself. For the Enceladus and Titans who 
 kept the sire in chains are destined to be hurled into the caves of Etna by 
 the thunderbolts of the son alone. 
 
 And what could be more profitable to your Highness, in an undertaking 
 to which you are bound by laws both human and divine, the rescue of 
 your sire and country from a cruel tyranny, than ever to have before your 
 eyes, as your forerunner and guide, him who first detected the secret plots, 
 wiles, and treachery of the rebels, and almost alone showed how to over- 
 throw their impious boldness and shatter their forces, grown to a head 
 before they were recognised. Certainly you will not find in him mere 
 " force without soul." For he is not more brilliant in the field than in the 
 council. He advised (would to God his advice had prevailed !) that the 
 monster should be throttled in the cradle ; and when it had grown to 
 maturity, only failed to crush it, that your valour might not be deprived of 
 so glorious an exercise. In addition to his lofty courage and rare skill in 
 war, you will find in him proofs of distinguished statesmanship, which 
 though, to our misfortune, too little trusted, is destined hereafter to be of 
 service to you and posterity. He urged that the rebels, who relied on 
 the exceeding mercy of a most excellent sovereign, on his clemency to 
 offenders, his trust in the unworthy, his generosity to ingrates, his indulg- 
 ence to all, rather than on their own powers, should at once be assailed 
 and quelled by righteous force of arms, the only possible remedy, ere 
 their power, grown strong by forbearance, had surpassed all bounds. If 
 only this had been done, Britain would not have shuddered with civil 
 bloodshed, the splendid temples of our Lord would not have been impiously 
 desecrated, our market-places would not have reeked with the blood of 
 nobles and priests, your sire and brothers would not have languished in 
 ignoble durance, nor would you and your mother, so widowed, as it were, 
 now be exiles on a foreign though a kindred and a friendly shore. 
 
 " Quts taliafando 
 Temperet a lachnmis f " 
 
 But though in achievements glorious even beyond envy, the hand of God 
 Almighty is most brilliantly made manifest, that to Him alone the whole 
 
6 THE AUTHOR'S DEDICATION. 
 
 protect them against their powerful and warlike enemies, especially the 
 English, over whom, as long as they stood by their kings, they had gained 
 many glorious victories. Though they had experienced many vicissitudes 
 in war with various peoples, both abroad and in Britain, they had never 
 been forced to hand over their kings to the will of others. To do so now, 
 the spirits of their ancestors, the sacred reverence due to royal authority, 
 their honour and duty, their reputation here and hereafter, every law, 
 human and divine, forbade. It was, in short, a flagrant violation of their 
 own treaty. They had invoked the Everlasting God, to bear witness, 
 and punish them, if they fought not to the last gasp against all men, to 
 protect their king, his dignity, prerogative, and life. Indeed, except those 
 rebellious and profane men, who by their evil arts had raised and com- 
 manded an army, and were ready to cut the throats of those who were 
 without arms, without a leader, almost all Scots longed beyond all things 
 for a time to prove their loyalty, and even seal it with their blood. Doubt- 
 less the victims of that most cruel tyranny will return to a mild and 
 righteous government, so soon as ever the longed-for light of your sire's 
 countenance or your own hath shone upon them like a healing star. 
 
 It is for you, then, most noble and mighty Prince, to bend all your 
 powers of mind and body to succour your distressed fatherland and sire. 
 To this end all earnestly demand, entreat, and expect your active aid, and 
 pledge their own. By right of birth and inheritance this land is yours. 
 The eyes of the nation — of the whole world — are on you. All devout 
 men pray that, with God's help and good fortune, you may undertake with 
 energy the task of restoring the Church, which lies prostrate and polluted 
 by the filth of abominable sects, of establishing anew your father's king- 
 dom, and recovering the ancient prosperity and glory of the realm, and 
 that you may successfully terminate the work of restoring peace and order. 
 They pray that hereafter, in God's good time, this, the most ancient realm 
 in Europe, may acknowledge, love, and venerate you as its lord and master, 
 and that the same prosperity may ever attend your offspring, 
 
 " Et natis natorum, et gucB nascentur ab illis." 
 
 Wherefore, most gracious Prince, deign to raise, embrace, and cherish 
 your faithful Montrose, and use him, whether as general in warfare, or 
 councillor in peace, as one who, we hope and dare affirm, will never put so 
 great a prince to shame. 
 
 ist October 1647. 
 
THE AUTHOR'S DEDICATION. 7 
 
 The following curious letter of Prince Charles against Wishart's book occurs in 
 a copybook of the Prince's letters in July-Sept. 1648, in Bodl. MS. 895, p. 49. It 
 is kindly supplied by the Rev. W. D. Macray of the Bodleian, who had never seen 
 it noticed by historians. 
 
 " Charles P., 
 
 " Right trusty and right entirely beloved cousen, Wee greet you well. Wee have seen 
 a booke which hath beene published and dedicated to us, conteynlng a relation of your 
 proceedings in the late unhappy warre in Scotland, and are well pleased that your actions 
 and conduct therein bee made knowne to the world with such advantage as they deserve ; 
 but finding a liberty used by the Author of that discourse concerning ye actions and car- 
 riage of severall persons of Quality whereby they are respectively charged with many 
 crimes of a high nature, wee conceive wee cannot in justice afford our Patronage to 
 accusations which render persons of honour infamous before they be heard, and wee 
 therefore desire that the said booke be suppressed, and that there bee no further publi- 
 cation made thereof ; and to ye end that our desire herein may bee accordingly effected, 
 wee thinke fitt to recommend the doing of it to your care and endeavours, rather than to 
 send [to] ye Author, being a person altogether unknown to us. Given at St. Germaines, 
 ye 5th of March i64§. 
 
 " To our right trusty and right entirely beloved cousen 
 James, Marques of Montrose." 
 
 This disclaimer was so tardy that we may reasonably suspect the Prince himself 
 regarded it as merely formal, and never intended it to be acted on. 
 
Ci)e auti)ofs ^refact. 
 
 HERE are a few things of which it is desirable to inform 
 the reader of these slight memoirs, whereof some relate 
 to the Marquis of Montrose, whose actions in his own 
 country for the space of two years are the subject, and 
 others respect the author himself. 
 
 As to the Marquis, he is chief of the Grahams, a 
 most ancient and famous family in Scotland, called in the 
 old Scotch tongue Graham-More, or the Great Graham. He is descended 
 from that Graham,^ so famous in the histories of the realm, who was father- 
 in-law to Fergus H., King of the Scots, and was the first who in the 
 reign of his son-in-law attacked and demolished the wall built by Severus 
 from the Firth of Forth to the mouth of the River Clyde, which is the 
 narrowest part of Britain, and was the utmost limits of the Roman Empire ; 
 and by this exploit checked the growth of the Roman province. Hence 
 the ruins of this wall, which may still be clearly traced, retain his name 
 to this day, and are called by the natives Grahanis Dyke. This same 
 Graham, who was the founder of this noble family, having survived his 
 son-in-law, Fergus, was, on account of his great civil as well as military 
 skill, appointed Regent of the kingdom and Guardian to his grandson. 
 When he had restored the teachers of the Christian religion, who had 
 been banished by the late wars, and established both Church and State 
 by excellent laws, he voluntarily resigned the government into the hands 
 of his grandson, when he came of age. He lived in the times of the 
 Emperors Arcadius and Honorius, about the year of our Lord 400. From 
 him, through a long and prosperous line, sprung this noble family, who 
 by imitating the valour of their ancestor, have grealty distinguished 
 themselves through succeeding ages. Eminent among these was the 
 bold Graham who, with Dunbar, brought such timely aid to his country 
 when threatened by the Danes, who were already masters of England, 
 
 1 Our author had read Buchanan and Fordun. 
 9 
 
TO THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 and had more than once made unsuccessful attacks on Scotland with 
 very powerful armies. In later times the reputation of the family for 
 courage and renown was maintained by the noble John Graham, who, 
 after the death of Alexander III., in the interregnum, while Bruce and 
 Baliol disputed for the crown, was, with that famous viceroy, William 
 Wallace, a foremost champion of his country's freedom against the unjust 
 tyranny of Edward, King of England, and after many heroic deeds died 
 on the field of honour, fighting gallantly in its defence. His tomb may 
 still be seen in a little chapel called Falkirk or Valkirk^ (Fanum Valli), 
 which takes its name from Graham's Dyke above mentioned, near which it 
 stands. Near it the Marquis of Montrose owns a large and fertile estate, 
 inherited from his ancestor, the first Graham. 
 
 But that I may not seem to derive the nobility of our illustrious hero's 
 race only from the faint traces of remote antiquity, I must not omit his 
 grandfather,^ Earl of Montrose, who almost in our own memory was 
 advanced to the highest offices, and discharged them with the greatest 
 success. He was Lord Chancellor of Scotland when King James VI., of 
 blessed memory, succeeded to the crown of England, and was made his 
 Lord High Commissioner in Scotland, and enjoyed that highest honour 
 bestowed on a subject, with the love and affection of both king and people, 
 till his death. The father of the Marquis was a man of singular gifts of 
 mind and body, distinguished both at home and abroad. After having 
 performed many honourable embassies for King James, he was appointed 
 President of the Council by King Charles, but was snatched away by 
 an untimely fate from the service of his country and all good men, to the 
 great grief of all.* As to their descendant, the Marquis, his actions during 
 a year and a half, when as yet he has hardly attained the thirty-sixth year 
 of his age, are left to the reader's judgment to commend our opinion and 
 expectation of him. 
 
 One thing I beg leave to add. There have been three periods which 
 have almost proved ruinous to the realm of Scotland. The first by the 
 oppression of the Romans, whose yoke our ancestors cast off" under the 
 leadership of the first Graham, a son of the noble British family of the 
 Fulgentii ; the second by the Danes, who were repulsed by the signal 
 valour of the second Graham we have mentioned ; and the third by the 
 English and Normans, whom the third Graham twice drove out of Scot- 
 
 ' See true derivation of Falkirk in Skene, Books of Wales, vol. i. p. 93. The monument is 
 frequently noted by travellers, and is still to be seen. 
 
 ' John, third Earl, Chancellor 1598-9, Viceroy of Scotland 1604. 
 * See the Dyet of his Burial, Napier, Mem., p. 25. 
 
THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. ii 
 
 land, inflicting on them many severe defeats. So that what was said of 
 the Scipios of old in Africa seems to be true of this family, that the 
 Grahams are destined to relieve their country in its hour of direst need ; 
 and that it is not without the special will of Providence that the Marquis 
 in these worst of times has arisen to preserve the royal prerogative, the 
 peace, lives, and ancient liberties of the subject, and the ancestral glory 
 and splendour of his own house. So much I have thought necessary to 
 premise concerning Montrose. 
 
 As for the author,^ he professes no great skill in such studies, and 
 expects no reputation for genius, of which he has little or none, nor profit 
 and advantage, which are to many writers their chief incentive. His sole 
 object in putting hand to this slight work has been to spread the truth 
 among other nations and transmit it to posterity. He has learned by 
 recent and lamentable experience in a similar case, that prosperous villany 
 finds many friends, while truth in distress has but few to plead its cause. 
 "When the confederates in both kingdoms had by their usual arts of lies 
 and calumnies overthrown the Church, to sate their greed with the sacri- 
 legious spoils of its revenues, and heap a curse upon posterity, there 
 were many to extol them to the skies for it, as men who had deserved 
 well of their country, of the Church itself, and even of mankind in general ; 
 while they excommunicated the most revered servants of God, confessors 
 and martyrs, and loaded them with reproach and blasphemy, because they 
 steadily opposed their designs. There was, therefore, no reason to doubt 
 that these persons, who are practising the same artifices to uproot and 
 destroy the royal authority, that they may enjoy the prerogatives which 
 they have seized by treason and treachery, would find many to use the 
 like freedom in railing, and rave against this excellent nobleman and his 
 most brilliant deeds, and instil their venom into the unwary and ignorant ; 
 like wasps, which are said from the most sweet and wholesome herbs to 
 store up poisonous juices in their tongue and sting. To remedy this evil, 
 the writer gladly offers this brief and simple little narrative, as a timely 
 antidote, to lovers of pure truth. The truth he has resolved to defend 
 stubbornly, undeterred by the heavy load of hatred and malice sure to fall 
 upon him, without flattery and without vague and ambiguous phrase. Born 
 and bred in freedom, he has resolved to lose it only with his life. Though 
 he makes no claim to the applause bestowed on a great historian for his 
 genius, skill, or elegance of style, yet he thinks himself justly entitled to 
 claim credit for the plain truth. In the defence and spread of this he has 
 despised what are held to be the most cherished of worldly goods. Thrice 
 
 * See Preface, Life of Author. 
 
12 THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 he has been stripped of all he had. Thrice he has been imprisoned in most 
 foul and squalid jails. And now for the third time he is an exile in the 
 same cause. The consciousness, however, of innocence, and the satisfac- 
 tion of being thought by God worthy to endure so much for truth and 
 justice, fill him with joy and gladness. Therefore, candid reader, love the 
 truth at least that is in him, and kindly excuse his faults. Farewell. 
 
PART I. 
 NARRATIVE OF THE DEEDS 
 
 OF 
 
 JAMES, MARQUIS OF MONTROSE, 
 
 IN SCOTLAND IN THE YEARS 1 644-1 64^i<;Ji- 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Pretexts of the Covenanters — Montrose detects their designs, 1639 — They invade Eng- 
 land and seize Newcastle, August 1640 — Montrose's correspondence with the King 
 betrayed — He forms an Association for the King — Charles's letters intercepted and 
 Montrose imprisoned — Parliament at Edinburgh, July 1641 — Montrose released. 
 
 JAMES, Marquis of Montrose,^ had hitherto sided with 
 the Covenanters in Scotland, and employed his energies 
 in the cause only too vigorously and successfully. Their 
 specious pretexts were the maintenance of religion, the honour 
 and dignity of the King, the laws of the land, and the freedom of 
 this ancient realm, which had been valiantly and happily defended 
 against their most powerful enemies — the Romans, the Saxons, 
 Danes, and Normans — by the sweat and blood, the lives and 
 fortunes, of our ancestors. Their own false inventions they spread 
 among the people by means of suitable ministers. It was given 
 out that the sole object of the English Court was to reduce a free 
 race to the condition of a conquered province, and enslave them 
 to the empire of their ancient foes. Meantime they had bound 
 themselves by public declarations and a solemn oath not to 
 
 ^ For Montrose's " first siding" with the Covenanters, and for an account of the National Carve- 
 nant and Solemn League and Covenant, see Preface. For sequence of events, dates, &c., with notice 
 of Banders, Plotters, and the " Incident," see n. at end of chapter. 
 
 13 
 
14 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 engage in any attempt by force or arms, or otherwise than by 
 petitions, to induce the King to assent graciously to the humble 
 supplications of his subjects, and interpose his authority to save 
 the religion and liberty of their dearest native land. 
 
 But at length, in the year 1639, Montrose found out that these 
 fair tales were invented to steal the hearts of the silly and super- 
 stitious multitude, and alienate them from the King, as an enemy 
 to religion and liberty. For the Covenanters did not dissemble to 
 him their opinion that Scotland had been too long ruled by 
 kings ; that it would never be well with them as long as one of 
 the royal house of Stuart survived, and that in extirpating that 
 family they ought to begin with the King. Montrose perceived 
 that His Majesty's person and royal authority were aimed at. 
 Filled with loathing for so horrible a crime, he resolved to 
 abandon the Covenanters, frustrate their designs, reduce their 
 resources, shake their power, and with all his might preserve 
 the King and kingly power entire and inviolate. But as the 
 Covenanters, by force or fraud, had brought over almost the 
 whole nation to their side, he judged himself too weak alone to 
 check their power. He therefore determined not to declare his 
 purpose too suddenly or rashly. Among them he had many 
 friends, men of great power in the number of their followers and 
 clansmen, in influence and wealth. These he resolved to detach 
 from them, and recall them to the King's service. By this means 
 he might gather a considerable body to secure the King's safety 
 and his own. 
 
 Meantime the Covenanters raised a strong army against the 
 King, and in a solemn convention at Duns, at which Montrose 
 was not present, they determined to invade England. This 
 resolution had been taken by their leaders six weeks before in 
 their secret conclave. With this end in view, they had been at 
 pains to disseminate many apologetic pamphlets throughout the 
 whole of Britain, in which they laboured to explain the reasons of 
 the expedition. When Montrose returned, as he could not pre- 
 vent their resolution, he determined to give it his approval in 
 appearance. He commanded in this army two thousand foot and 
 five hundred horse. Five thousand more were under the orders 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 15 
 
 of his most intimate friends, who had solemnly engaged to help 
 him in this business for the King. Had the greater part of them 
 kept their word, they would have brought the whole army over to 
 the King, or at all events would easily have baffled the Cove- 
 nanters. The camp lay at the river Tweed, on the border. The 
 officers and nobles cast lots, and it fell to Montrose to be the first 
 to cross. This he did on foot, at the head of his own infantry, 
 and with great readiness, the better to conceal his design and 
 allay suspicion. Indeed, his influence in the army and his frank 
 honest disposition began to be so much dreaded by those guilty 
 rebels, that they kept a strict watch on all his behaviour, words, 
 and deeds. 
 
 Four miles above Newcastle they crossed the river Tyne, and 
 seized that town by the treachery of the English commanders, 
 who fell back on York with the King's army, though it was very 
 strong. Commissioners were appointed on both sides to settle 
 the terms of peace, and a truce was agreed on. During the truce 
 Montrose had written to the King to assure him of his loyalty, 
 duteous obedience, and readiness to serve His Majesty. This 
 was the entire substance of his letters. Some gentlemen ^ of 
 the Kings bedchamber, in whom the King placed the fullest 
 confidence, and whose practice it was every day to communicate 
 to the rebels the King's most secret plans, of which they them- 
 selves were often the advisers or promoters, stole these letters by 
 night, and transmitted copies to the Covenanters at Newcastle. 
 Some of the most forward of the rebels were not ashamed to tax 
 Montrose sharply with this correspondence. They dared not 
 make an open quarrel of it or call him publicly to account, because 
 of his great power and influence in the army ; but among the 
 common people they loaded him with slander and reproach. 
 
 * " Word came here that the King was under some suspicion of his cubicularies (bed-chamber- 
 men) that they were revealing what they heard him say, to the Scots, which I believe was not far 
 by, so long as he keeped the Marquis of Hamilton beside him" (Spalding, i. 246). "Queen 
 Henrietta Maria in 1642 advised her husband to be careful of his pockets, where he then kept 
 the key of the cipher used between them " (Gardiner, Hist. Eng., viii. 361). The gentleman 
 suspected by Montrose (Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 117) was William Murray of the bed-chamber, after- 
 wards Earl of Dysart. He was suspected of betraying the King's intention to arrest the five 
 members. Clarendon, quoted in Gard., Hist. Eng., x. 135. For note on Murray see Ch. iii. 
 
i6 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 Throughout the kingdom most of the preachers were devoted to 
 their interests, and their venal tongues were employed to sway 
 the people's minds. Nothing has contributed more effectually to 
 promote and foster the present rebellion than the virulence with 
 which these worthy orators in their public assemblies revile the 
 King and all his faithful subjects as " the enemies of Christ," to 
 quote their favourite phrase — men who are themselves a scandal 
 and reproach to the name of Christian. 
 
 On his return to Scotland, Montrose bent his whole attention 
 to avert from His Majesty the impending storm of rebellion. 
 Finally, he determined to bind a large number of the leading men 
 and nobility in an engagement, a solemn compact to defend His 
 Majesty, with all his privileges and ancient and lawful prerogatives, 
 against all enemies, foreign and domestic, with their lives and 
 fortunes, to the last gasp. Matters had gone so far that there 
 would have been an open division, which was his aim, when some 
 of the associates, through fear, fickleness, and irresolution — the 
 worst sort of men to keep a secret — betrayed the whole affair to 
 the Covenanters.^ They made a great stir and hubbub about it, 
 but for a while things were accommodated, for they durst not yet 
 resolve on any open violence to Montrose. 
 
 Soon afterwards the Covenanters contrived a new oath,* to 
 secure the obedience of the army. They also entered into a very 
 close league ^ with the English Parliament. They now thought 
 themselves sufficiently secure from the plots of any private man. 
 But Montrose's unbending sense of honour, and lofty enterprising 
 genius were intolerable to them, and they began seriously to 
 deliberate how to make away with him. 
 
 To pave the way for their wicked purpose, they bribed some 
 
 ' See note on Cumbernauld Bond at end of chapter. 
 
 * We do not know of any special oath imposed at this time. Leslie had his regulations for the 
 army, which may have been stiffened. The General Assembly reimposed the Covenant from time 
 to time, and was supported by the Estates. Is Wishart, who was in England at the time, reading 
 here his English experiences into those of Montrose, and confusing dates ? The imposing of the 
 Solemn League and Covenant on soldiers met with prolonged opposition in England. 
 
 ' M'Crie (Life of Henderson, p. 43) speaks of the effect of the treatment of their Commissioners 
 at Oxford as being that the Scots soon after entered into a very close alliance with the Parliament 
 of England. There is no doubt that the leaders of the party in England and Scotland were in 
 close relations. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 17 
 
 of the people about Court with promises and rewards to give 
 information of some letters written by the King to Montrose. 
 Through them they learnt that they were sewn in the saddle of 
 the messenger, a man named Stewart/ a dependent of the Earl of 
 Traquair. As soon as the messenger crossed the border, he was 
 seized, his saddle ripped open, and the letters discovered. They 
 contained nothing that the best of kings might not command, or 
 the best of subjects perform. Nevertheless, these master-craftsmen 
 in the art of slander set their suitable ministers to work to spread 
 the most tragic reports, that they had at last discovered the plots 
 of the King and Montrose to overthrow religion and ruin their 
 country. Even then they shrank from an open trial. Without 
 warning, and when he had no suspicion of their design, they 
 arrested him, along with Lord Napier of Merchiston and Sir 
 George Stirling of Keir, his relatives and most intimate friends, 
 and thrust them into the Castle of Edinburgh. 
 
 On the conclusion of peace between the two nations, though 
 in fact there had been no war between them, but an agreement to 
 wage war on their most just and gracious sovereign, a Parliament^ 
 was summoned to Edinburgh, at which the King himself was 
 
 " Captain or Lieutenant-Colonel Walter Stewart, pronninent in the history of the plot (see note 
 at end of chapter), was a cousin and domestic of Lord Traquair, who describes him as a " fool, or 
 at least a timid, half-witted body," whom men of common-sense like Montrose and Napier would 
 never have trusted with the secrets of a plot. He was an officer in the army under Leslie, spoke to 
 treasonable language of Sir Thomas Hope of Kerse at Newcastle, employed by Sir Thomas Stewart 
 of Grantully to report Argyle's words at Balloch Castle, and later to convey to the Duke of Lennox 
 the desires of Montrose and the others with him for the King's presence in Scotland. On his 
 return journey, between Cockburnspath and Haddington, he was captured " by one sent expressly 
 to meet him," and conveyed to Balmerino's lodgings at nine o'clock at night. Sir Thomas Hope of 
 Kerse was " the first that came in after him," and in a letter, dated 7th June (Napier, Memoirs, 
 308-309), gives the account of the ripping of the saddle and finding the King's letter to Montrose, 
 and fixes the date of the capture of Stewart as Friday the 4th. Spalding gives different date, place 
 of arrest, and Christian name of Stewart ; but Hope's letter is the more direct evidence. .See 
 Napier. 
 
 ^ Second Parliament of Charles L Sat from 15th July to 17th November 1641, the King being pre- 
 sent from 17th August to the end. He had come determined to satisfy the Scots, in the hope of at 
 any rate reducing the number of his foes, if he could not gain them and their army as allies against 
 his southern opponents. Charles grew in confidence. " You may assure every one," he wrote to 
 Nicholas, September 3, " that now all difficulties are passed here." On September 25 Sir Patrick 
 Wemyss writes, " There was never King so much insulted over ; it would pity any man's heart to 
 see how he looks, for he is never quiet amongst them, and glad he is when he sees any man that 
 he thinks loves him ; yet he is seeming merry at meat " (Carte's Ormond Papers, i. 4 ; Card., 
 Hist. Eng., x. 19-21). Besides guaranteeing all previous concessions, he gave authority for Par- 
 
 B 
 
i8 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 present. In vain Montrose entreated to be tried before the King 
 and Parliament. The Covenanters, conscious of his innocence 
 and their guilt, were resolved to detain him in prison without a 
 trial, until the King had left Scotland and conceded all their 
 demands in Parliament. They were greatly afraid that his wisdom, 
 courage, and influence with the peers and commons would induce 
 the great majority to adopt his plan for the safety and preservation 
 of the throne. On the return of the King to England, Montrose 
 and his friends were at last set at liberty. As an order in Parlia- 
 ment had been passed that he should hold no intercourse with the 
 King, he retired for a while to his own house. This was towards 
 the end of the year 1641. 
 
 SEQUENCE OF EVENTS WITH DATES EMBRACED UNDER 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 1639. 
 
 Jun.18-19. Montrose heartily on the side of the Covenant, fought the battle of the Bridge 
 of Dee and took Aberdeen. 
 „ 21. News of the Pacification of Berwick reached Aberdeen on 20th. 
 
 Montrose disbanded his forces, returning south with Earl Marischal. 
 " They went to Duns to have their part of the joy, as weell they did deserve in 
 the common peace ; where they were made most welcome both to their 
 commerads and their King" (Baillie, Letters, i. 223). 
 „ 24. Riots in Edinburgh ; Hamilton jostled and denounced. 
 July 3. "Tumult of women invaded Traquair, Kinnoull, and Lord Aboyne in their 
 coaches." 
 „ 16. Rothes, Montrose, Lothian, Johnston, and others went to the King at 
 Berwick as Covenanting leaders. Argyll, Loudon, and others excused them- 
 selves, though sent for. 
 „ 29. King went south from Berwick without going to Edinburgh, owing to distrust 
 shown. 
 Aug. 12. Traquair as Commissioner opened General Assembly and closed it, after sanc- 
 
 liament to meet every three" years without royal assent, and resigned all right of appointment to 
 offices of state, justice, and law. His chief opponents received honours and good posts, while his 
 friends got at most a bare toleration. Argyll was made a Marquis, and General Leslie received an 
 Earl's coronet, placed on his head by the King's own hands in open Parliament. They told him on 
 his going away that he was leaving them " a contented King of a contented people." Guthrie, 
 108 ; Balfour, iii. 165 ; Act. Pari. Scot. 
 
Jan. 
 
 3- 
 
 )5 
 
 31- 
 
 Feb. 
 
 __ 
 
 Mar. 
 
 — 
 
 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 19 
 
 Aug. 30. tioning its abolition of Episcopacy " as contrary in itself to the Word of 
 God." 
 „ 31. Opened Parliament, and eventually succeeded in proroguing it. 
 Nov. 14. Parliament prorogued under protest. Montrose fell under suspicion of the 
 
 extreme men. 
 Dec. '" — The King invited him to Court. 
 
 „ 26. He courteously declined by letter of this date from Edinburgh. 
 
 1640. 
 
 Letter from Johnston of Warriston to Lord Johnston, commending the 
 example of Montrose to him in declining to go to Court. 
 
 Loudon, DunfeiTnline, and other Commissioners sent up to London owing to 
 growing troubles. 
 
 Preparations for war going on in England, and the same in Edinburgh. 
 
 Lord Southesk and twenty-three Royalists put in prison or in ward in 
 Edinburgh. 
 
 Loudon sent to the Tower, and other Commissioners in London put under 
 ward. 
 May I. Four citizens, in the operations against the Castle, killed by the cannon of 
 General Ruthven — first blood of new Civil War. 
 „ 28. Aberdeen and the North, under Monro, compelled to take the Covenant. 
 
 Parliament sat without royal authority. 
 
 Parliament adjourned till November 19th. 
 
 Leslie ordered to muster the army at Dunglass and march to Duns. 
 
 Argyll, with commission of fire and sword against Athole and the Braes of 
 Angus, mustered at Inverary. 
 
 Loudon delivered from the Tower and sent down to Scotland. 
 
 Montrose went into Perth and Angus to raise two regiments for the 
 Covenanting army. 
 
 By the 30th he had taken over Airly Castle, and, having placed in it Colonel 
 Sibbald, marched south with his force to join Leslie. 
 
 Before July 7, Argyll had dishonourably got the Earl of Athole and other 
 Royalist chiefs of the district into his hands, removed Sibbald, and de- 
 stroyed Airlie Castle. 
 „ 13. Leslie marched to Duns and encamped at Choicelee Wood, four miles south 
 of Duns. His strength was 24,000 foot and 2500 horse. The prevailing 
 feature in the way of uniform was the blue bonnet with the bunch of blue 
 ribbons — " Montrose's whimsies." The cavalry included a contribution from 
 the " Parliament House," in the shape of a " College of Justice troop," com- 
 manded by Sir Thomas Hope, younger. 
 
 Three undated manifestoes were issued at this time : — 
 
 1. Six considerations of the lawfulness of the expedition. 
 
 2. Intentions of the army declared to their brethren in England. 
 
 3. Information frae the Scottish Nation to all the true English. 
 
 „ 31. Before this date Montrose was asked to sign a paper to support the making 
 of Argyll dictator, or at least supreme beyond Forth, but said " he would 
 die or he did it." 
 Aug. — Montrose came to Edinburgh, and found Lord Lindsay not averse to the 
 dictator idea. 
 
 June 
 
 2. 
 
 )? 
 
 II. 
 
 J) 
 
 18. 
 
 ?? 
 
 27. 
 
 5» 
 
 30- 
 
 July 
 
 7- 
 
20 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 At Cumbernauld House (Lord Wigton's) he was instrumental in getting the 
 Conservative Covenanters to join in a " Band " early in August. The 
 following is the CUMBERNAULD BAND :— 
 
 " The copy of the bond subscribed by Montrose and the rest 
 of these noblemen : — 
 
 " Whereas we under-scribers, out of our duty to Religion, King, and Country', 
 were forced to join ourselves in a Covenant for the maintenance and defence 
 of eithers, and every one of other, in that behalf : Now finding how that, by 
 the particular and indirect practising of a fen\ the country, and cause now 
 depending, docs so much suffer, do heartily hereby bind and oblige ourselves, 
 out of our duty to all these respects above mentioned, but chiefly and namely 
 that Covenant already signed, to wed and study all public ends which may 
 tend to the safety both of Religion, Laws, and Liberties of this poor kingdom ; 
 and, as we are to make an account before that Great Judge at \;he last day, 
 that we shall contribute one with another, in a unanimous and joint way, in 
 whatsomever may concern the public or this cause, to the hazard of our lives, 
 fortunes, and estates, neither of us doing, consulting, nor condescending in 
 any point, without the consent and approbation of the whole, in so far as they 
 can be conveniently had, and time may allow. And likeas we swear and 
 protest by the same oath, that, in so far as may consist with the good and 
 weal of the public, every one of us shall join and adhere to others (each other) 
 and their interests, against all persons and causes whatsoever, so what shall 
 be done to one, with reservation foresaid, shall be equally resented and taken 
 as done to the whole number. In witness hereof," &c. 
 
 " The subscribers of the principal bond, and in this order : — 
 
 Marschell. Stormont, 
 
 Montrose. Seaforth. 
 
 WiGTON. Erskinp:. 
 
 Kinghorn. Kircubrycht. 
 
 Home. Amond. 
 
 Athol. Drummond. 
 
 Mar. Johnston. 
 
 Perth. Lour. 
 
 Boyd. D. Carnegy, Master of Lour" 
 
 Galloway. 
 
 These are names on the principal bond, but " Napier," " Keir," and others 
 were added. See Napier, Mem., 269-270 ; Guthrie, Mem., 90. 
 
 Aug. ly. The army moved to Coldstream. 
 
 „ 21. Crossed Tweed, Montrose leading. 
 
 By Cornhill, Millfield, Middleton Haugh, Edglie ISIoor, Newton of Eglesham, 
 Long Framlington, Nethenvitten, and Trewick, they came in sight of 
 
 „ 27. Newcastle, August 27th. 
 
 „ 28. Conway defeated and Newburn ford taken. 
 
 „ 29. Conway and Ashley the Governor of Newcastle marched out early. 
 
 „ 30. Sir William Douglas presented himself at the gates later in the day, and New- 
 castle was occupied in force. The advance party dined with the Mayor, 
 who was surprised at their drinking the King's health. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 21 
 
 On the 29th Dumbarton Castle surrendered to the Covenanters. 
 
 Sept. 15. Edinburgh Castle surrendered by the brave General Ruthven. 
 
 Oct. 2. Negotiations begun at Ripon. 
 
 About this time Montrose wrote one letter to the King, which was communi- 
 cated to Leslie " by some bedchambennan (as many deemed) who searched 
 the King's pockets when he was asleep" (Guthrie, p. 87). "The coolness 
 of the General cast water upon the spunk which was beginning untimeously 
 to smoke" (Baillie). 
 
 Nov. 19. Lord Boyd, one of the Banders, died, revealing in his illness the existence of 
 the Bond. 
 Argyll, hearing of this, visited Lord Almond, who with Montrose had come 
 north, and from him gathered the story of the agreement. The Banders 
 were immediately cited and the paper ordered to be burned ; but though 
 some pressed for their lives, it was thought best to " pack up the business." 
 
 Dec. 16. Bond burned, according to Spalding. 
 
 1641. 
 
 Jan. 16. Bond burned, according to Guthrie. 
 Montrose with army at Newcastle. 
 
 Feb. — Montrose in Scotland, bent on thwarting Argyll. His paper on sovereign 
 power written about this time, and his views of the true policy for the King 
 given in a letter to him written at this period {v. Napier, Mem., 280-311). 
 The Plotters, Montrose, Napier, Stirling of Keir, and Stewart of Black- 
 hall, met frequently, and determined to urge the King to visit Scotland, 
 guarantee religion, liberty, and constitutional government, and so end Argyll's 
 rule. Colonel Walter Stewart, going to London on his own account, took 
 up missives from the Plotters to the Duke of Lennox, begging him to urge 
 the King's visit to Scotland. Their schemes involved the ruin of Argyll, 
 and their chief reliance was upon the unguarded language of that potentate 
 at the Fords of Lyon and at Balloch Castle, and the jubilant songs of his 
 followers about " King Campbell." John Stewart, younger of Ladywell, 
 was the original evidence. 
 
 Feb. 28. About this time Montrose was at Scone on a visit to Lord Stormont, where 
 the Earl of Athole, John Stewart, and others connected with the Balloch 
 
 Mar. Castle scenes were staying. Here came Mr. Robert Murray, minister of 
 
 Methven, to whom Montrose was too free about his evidence against 
 Argyll. Murray gave the story to Mr. John Graham, minister of Auchter- 
 arder, who by and bye used it in the pulpit against Montrose. 
 
 May 19. Graham, summoned to Edinburgh, gave Murray as his authority. 
 „ 27. Murray " taken off the street " and brought before the Committee of Estates, 
 when Montrose accepted responsibility for the story, giving Ladywell and 
 Lord Lindsay of the Byers as part of his authority. 
 „ 31. Stewart examined, and, in face of Argyll, stuck to the charge. Lord Lindsay 
 cleared himself as to any special reference to Argyll. 
 Stewart sent to prison, and, being dealt with by " two profound men, Balmerino 
 
 June 5. and Durie," wrote next day to Argyll humbly craving an interview. 
 „ 6. Argyll took with him a deputation of other profound men at night, with the 
 
 „ 7. result that next day Ladywell withdrew his statements and declared them 
 
 forgeries. 
 
22 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 June 4. Colonel Walter Stewart, on his return journey from London, was arrested 
 between Cockburnspath and Haddington. His pockets were searched and 
 saddle ripped up. A letter was found from the King to Montrose, quite 
 in general terms (Napier, Memoirs, 316), also many other papers, of which 
 he gave confused accounts, but which were considered damaging to the 
 Plotters. He was sent to prison in the Castle. 
 „ 10. John Stewart's declaration was sworn to. 
 „ II. Montrose, Napier, Keir, and Blackball arrested and imprisoned apart in the 
 
 Castle. 
 „ 22. The Earl of Sutherland was sent to bring Montrose for a private examination 
 
 to the Council, but he refused a private trial. 
 „ 23. He was taken down under guard of 400 men, but declined to answer, except 
 in a public trial. 
 
 Lord Napier, examined the same day, was offered liberty, but declined it till 
 the disgrace was removed from himself and his friends. 
 
 Montrose and the others made frequent petitions from their prison as to their 
 afifairs and trial. (See Wigton Papers, Mait. Club Misc., ii. 428-433, for 
 important documents, and Acts of Pari. Scot., 1641.) 
 
 Parliament met. 
 
 Montrose before Parliament twice, and sent back to prison. 
 
 John Stewart of Ladywell executed. 
 
 In London the King sanctioned the treaty with Scotland, securing payment 
 to the Scots after their army had recrossed the Tweed. ^220,000 still due. 
 
 The King rode into Edinburgh at six o'clock at night. 
 
 Heard Mr. Alexander Henderson preach in Holyrood. 
 
 Attended Parliament in state. 
 
 Montrose's case delayed till the 24th. 
 
 Hamilton and Argyll at agreement. 
 
 Strong feeling among the King's friends against Hamilton. 
 
 Lord Ker challenged Hamilton (Baillie says, in drink), calling him "ajuglar 
 with the King and a traitor both to him and to his countrie." He sent Lord 
 Crawford with the challenge. 
 Sept. 10. An impeachment of Hamilton contemplated; an arrest, even an assassination, 
 
 under certain circumstances, talked of. 
 Oct. II. Hamilton went to the King in the garden at Holyrood, and, after speaking 
 " in a philosophicall and parabolicall way," ended in asking leave to retire 
 from Court that night, because of the envy and malice which hatched plots 
 against him, to which he would never believe the King " wer in aney wayes 
 accessorey" (Balfour, Ann., iii. 95). 
 
 About this time Montrose wrote three letters to the King, the last on the nth, 
 offering to prove treason against important men. The bearer of the letters 
 was William Murray, groom of the bedchamber. 
 „ 12. The Incident fully developed by the flight of Hamilton, Argyll, and Lanark 
 to Kineil House, near Bowness. 
 
 The names connected with the Incident are the Earls of Crawford and Cam- 
 wath, who, as alleged, spoke of assassination, the latter saying "there 
 were three kings in Scotland, and two of them behoved to lose their 
 heads;" Lieut.-Col. Alexander Stewart, Captain William Stewart, who 
 betrayed him, Lieut.-Col. Hume, Col. Ludovicke Leslie, Colonel Cochrane, 
 Captain Robert Kennedy, and Colonel Hurry. Lords Almond, Ogilvy, and 
 
 July 
 
 15- 
 
 » 
 
 27. 
 
 )> 
 
 28. 
 
 Aug. 
 
 10. 
 
 » 
 
 14. 
 
 >> 
 
 15- 
 
 » 
 
 17- 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 23 
 
 Gray, at Lord Airth's house, are mentioned in the evidence. Through a 
 slip in Clarendon's note, which escaped his editor, a story crept into history 
 that Montrose offered to assassinate Hamilton and Argyll ; but this is now 
 given up. Montrose was a close prisoner in the Castle in the hands of 
 Argyll and his party, and wrote his strongest letter only on the nth, when 
 the Incident had developed, and it merely indicated Hamilton, without 
 naming him, as a traitor. (See Reports of Committee to Parliament, 
 and other evidence in Balfour, iii. 94-137.) Gardiner (History of Eng- 
 land, X. 26) acquits Montrose of the charge, and suggests that Clarendon 
 in his blundering way had confused Montrose with Crawford, who might 
 have made such a proposal. 
 
 Oct. 30. Sir Thomas Hope humbly entreats His Majesty to show the Committee 
 Montrose's last letter. The King answered that at two o'clock he would 
 show it. 
 
 Nov. 2. Montrose, Napier, Keir, and Blackball petition for liberty on security. No 
 
 answer to be returned till Montrose should say what he meant by his letter 
 
 to the King. He was ordered to be examined by the Committee on the 
 
 Incident at two o'clock. 
 
 „ 3. Committee reports that he declines to say more than he has already said to 
 
 the King or Committee, an answer " which did not give satisfaction." 
 „ 17. Parhament ordered Montrose and his friends to be liberated under caution, 
 and to appear before a Committee appointed by the King, January 4. 
 Parliament dissolved and feasted, and the King rode south on Thursday, 
 November 18, at eight o'clock in the morning. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Conduct of the English malcontents, 1642— Montrose in England— Meets the Queen at 
 York, February 1643— His advice rejected for that of Hamilton— Convention of Estates 
 at Edinburgh, June 1643 — Montrose's conference with Henderson, from whom he 
 learns the designs of the Covenanters. 
 
 IN the year 1642 the Covenanters of both kingdoms began to 
 lay aside the mask and carry on matters more openly. In 
 England the rebels harassed the King with their unjust, foolish, 
 and unreasonable complaints. They loaded him with calumnies, 
 profaned his sacred name with scurrilous ballads, reviled him in 
 infamous libels and pasquils, stirred up riots, and incited the scum 
 of the people to assail him with arms, mob him in his very palace, 
 and threaten him with the direst extremity. Though he might 
 very justly have punished them by his own authority, he chose to 
 refer the matter to Parliament, thinking by that means to secure 
 their obedience. But it was vain for the gracious King to defer 
 in this and other matters to ungrateful men, themselves the authors 
 and abettors of these crimes. All his predecessors, from William 
 the Conqueror downwards, had not done so much to lighten the 
 alleged grievances of their subjects and secure their liberties. At 
 last, much against his will, he was forced to withdraw from London/ 
 for the safety of himself and family. For the Queen's security 
 he sent her to Holland. He himself retired to York. The 
 
 ^ The King and Queen left Whitehall (to which they never returned, save he for his death and 
 she as a widow) January 10, 1642. They went to Hampton Court in such haste, that, from want of 
 preparation, the King, Queen, and three children had to sleep in one room. After short visits to 
 Windsor and other royal residences, the King bade a tender and very touching farewell to the 
 Queen and Princess Royal at Dover on February 23. They sailed for Holland, where the young 
 Prince of Orange at Helvoetsluys received his bride and her mother. The Queen had crown jewels 
 with her, to be converted into war material ; and the King, to secure northern ports for its recep- 
 tion, moved to York, March 19. See Card., Hist. Eng., x. 150; Green, Princesses of Eng., ii. 
 126-127, with their references. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 25 
 
 Estates of Parliament, as they call themselves, at once flew to 
 arms, and, under officers of their own nomination, employed the 
 forces which the King had intended for Ireland, and which were 
 then in readiness, against the King himself. 
 
 The rebels in Scotland, who knew well that the King had a 
 sufficient force to reduce the English, resolved not to fail their 
 brother allies in their need. Though the King, in the recent 
 Parliament held at Edinburgh, had graciously conceded all that 
 they could wish, as they have recorded in their public acts, yet 
 now they prepared to wage war against him in England. 
 
 It was necessary to secure themselves at home. Montrose 
 was almost the only man they dreaded, and they spared no efforts 
 to win him again to their side. Of their own accord they offered 
 to make him lieutenant-general of the army, and whatever else he 
 might desire within their power. But perceiving that a terrible 
 storm was lowering over the King's head, he set out for England 
 to warn him of the danger, accompanied by Lord Ogilvy, who was 
 in his confidence. 
 
 At Newcastle he heard that the Queen had returned from 
 Holland, and had just landed^ at Bridlington in Yorkshire. 
 Thither he hastened, and gave her a detailed account of the 
 state of affairs ; but being fatigued and ill after a very stormy 
 passage, she told him that she would advise with him more 
 
 ^ The Queen sailed from Scheveling on |f January, but was driven back by a tempest, in which 
 she showed her courage, while her attendant ladies, in terror, were making loud confessions to her 
 chaplain. "Comfort yourselves, my dears; Queens of England are never drowned," she said. 
 After a stay at the Hague, where she got the better of the States-General, who had laid hold of one 
 of her ships, she sailed again from Scheveling amid the adieus of a brilliant company, and, escorted 
 by Van Tromp, landed at Bridlington, February 22, bringing with her much warlike store, and, it 
 was said, ^^2,000,000 in money. Admiral Batten, for the Parliament, with four ships, says Mon- 
 teith — with six, says Spalding — fired on her lodging in the town. Spalding, who errs somewhat in 
 dates and distances, gives the scene in picturesque Scotch : " Hir Majestie, haveing mynd of no 
 evill, bot glad of rest, now wiryt by the sea, is cruellie assaulted ; for thir sex rebellis schipps, 
 ilkane be courss, settis thair bred syde to hir lodging, batteris the houss, dings down the rooff or 
 sho wist of hirself. Alwaies sho gettis up out of hir naiked bed in hir night walycot, bairfut and 
 bairleg, with her maidis of honour (quhairof one, throw plane feir, went straight mad, being ane 
 nobleman of Englandi's dochter), scho gettis saiflie out of the houss. Albeit the stanes war flisting 
 about hir heid, yit couragiouslie scho gois out, thay schooting still ; and scho escaipes, and gois to 
 ane den, which the cannon culd not hurt, and on the bair fields scho restit, insted of statelie lodg- 
 inges cled with curious tapestrie" (Spalding, ii. 233. See also Monteith's Troubles, 135; Gard. 
 Civil War i. 108; and Green's Princesses, ii. 135.) 
 
26 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 fully when they came to York.^ On her arrival there she sent 
 for him, and he again laid the matter fully before Her Majesty, 
 and showed her that the Scotch Covenanters were likely to prove 
 as dangerous as the English, if not promptly suppressed. Being 
 asked for his advice, he replied that force must be resisted by 
 force ; the King had many faithful, brave subjects in Scotland 
 able and willing to resist the Covenanters, should they dare to 
 make any attempt against the King; all they lacked was the 
 King's warrant, without which they would attempt nothing ; with 
 it there was nothing they would not attempt, supported by his 
 authority. The only risk was in delay, for the Covenanters, 
 when once they had raised an army, would easily suppress any 
 attempt at a rising. A stand should be made at the outset 
 and the viper's egg crushed ; it was too late to apply medi- 
 cines when the poison had infected the whole body. 
 
 The advice was wholesome and seasonable, such as the wise 
 Queen would doubtless have approved ; but just as the project 
 was fairly afloat, it was checked by the arrival of the Duke of 
 Hamilton.* He came from Scotland ostensibly to pay his respects 
 
 * After a stay at Boynton Hall, Sir William Strickland's house, where she *' borrowed " all the 
 family plate, leaving only her portrait in pledge, the Earl of Newcastle (created Marquis, October 
 27, 1643) conducted the Queen to York, where she arrived March 5. Her reception of the various 
 proposals of Montrose and Hamilton, as given by Wishart, is supported by Burnet. 
 
 * James, third Marquis of Hamilton, was created Duke of Hamilton by patent dated Oxford, 
 April 1643. The intimate friend and trusted kinsman of the King, who upheld him under circum- 
 stances of grave suspicion, Hamilton, perhaps without deliberate intention of treachery, proved 
 himself as destitute of support as a breaking reed, and as capable of piercing the hand leaning upon 
 it. With a great sphere and opportunity, he exhibited no elevated principle or practical skill, and 
 the centre of consistency in his life, on any platform above present selfish convenience, is difficult to 
 find. His affection for Charles, which was real, gave him no strength of sacrifice for his sake, nor 
 could it hinder his contributing to his humiliations in the days when a staunch friend in such a 
 position might have saved him. Secure in the King's affections and in his own influence with him, 
 he used him as his own piece on the chessboard. His diplomacy, which was reckoned great in 
 Scotland, ended in his going over to the opposite side, without his seeming to know it, and in his 
 warfare he was chiefly anxious to avoid strife. His last efforts in the " Engagement " added no 
 lustre to his policy or his skill in war, though it showed his heart was in the right place, and his 
 death for his master, and faithfulness to his friends under great temptation to betray their names to 
 Cromwell, imparted a sunset brightness to a dusky day of many promises. 
 
 Born June 19, 1606, at the age of fourteen he married Lady Mary Fielding, daughter of William, 
 first Earl of Denbigh, and niece of Buckingham. In 1625 he succeeded his father, who died at the 
 age of thirty-five ; he carried the sword of state in that year at the coronation of Charles I. In 
 1628, though only twenty-two years old, he was Master of the Horse in place of Buckingham, Lord 
 of the Bedchamber, and a Privy Counsellor of both kingdoms. In 1630 he was sponsor at the 
 baptism of Prince Charles, as proxy for the King of Bohemia, and was made a Knight of the 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 27 
 
 to the Queen and congratulate her on her safe return ; but in 
 reality he had posted thither, with the knowledge and consent 
 of the Covenanters, to thwart Montrose's plans. He did not, 
 indeed, deny the danger from the Scotch Covenanters, but he 
 endeavoured to extenuate it, and condemned Montrose's advice 
 as rash, imprudent, and unseasonable. That stout and warlike 
 nation, he said, was not to be reduced by force of arms, but by 
 gentleness and good treatment. War, especially civil war, ought 
 to be the last remedy, as even the conqueror had usually cause to 
 repent it. The chances of war were uncertain. Were the King 
 to conquer, it would be a sorry triumph over his own country- 
 men, while defeat would entail consequences which he shuddered 
 to mention. Every effort should be made to preserve peace with 
 that nation, and matters had not yet come to such a pass that 
 they need despair of peace and reconciliation. In short, he 
 would himself undertake the whole business, if the King would 
 trust his loyalty and zeal as his Commissioner. Montrose 
 
 Garter. He carried over a force of 6000 men to Germany to assist Gustavns Adolphus, and met 
 with some success and poor treatment. He was Commissioner of the King at the General Assembly 
 of 1638 in Glasgow Cathedral, which he failed to control or to close. In 1639 he commanded the 
 fleet in the Forth, which did nothing (it is said that it brought down Anne Cunninghame, his 
 mother, to Leith, with a pistol for him in case he landed), and afterwards joined the King at 
 Berwick, and acted for him after the pacification there. In 1641 he accompanied the King to 
 Scotland, but fell much into the hands of Arg}dl, with whom he fled to Kineil on the scare of the 
 "Incident." In 1642 he was in a measure the tool of Argyll and the Covenanters, and in 1643 
 Charles became convinced of the culpable conduct of Hamilton and his brother Lanark, and had 
 them arrested at Oxford in December. Lanark escaped, but Hamilton was sent to Pendennis 
 Castle, and afterwards to St. Michael's Mount in Cornwall, whence he was released by the Par- 
 liamentary forces, April 1646. In July he joined the King at Newcastle, and was employed by him 
 to conciliate the Scots. He took the Covenant as Earl of Cambridge in the House of Lords and 
 afterwards in Scotland. On 12th August he compeared before the Commission of Assembly, and 
 on a "representation in write," presented on the 13th, be was forgiven his delay, and signed the 
 Solemn League and Covenant. He entered England with an army of 10,500 men on July 8, 1648, 
 and occupied Carlisle for the King; was defeated at Preston, August 17, and surrendered to Lambert 
 on security of their lives and safety of their persons, August 25. For details see below. Part ii. 
 Chap. iii. He was conveyed to Windsor and lodged in the house of one of the " poor knights." Here 
 he had a short interview with the King as he passed through the town to Whitehall. He escaped, 
 but was taken in Southwark, and after a lengthy trial, when he pleaded the quarter given at his 
 surrender and his position under the Scottish Parliament, he was, as a peer of England, condemned 
 to death. Resisting many tempting offers to betray to Cromwell the names of those who had invited 
 him into England, he made a good end on the scaffold with Lords Holland and Capel, March 9, 
 1649. "Infelix Hamiltonius " is his pointed epitaph in Wishart's poem. See Burnet's Dukes of 
 Hamilton, 405 and passim; Turner's Mem., 50-76; Monteith's Troubles, 504 and passim; 
 Napier's Montrose, /aj-jm ; Gard. Civil War, iii. 421-448 and passim; Records of Commissions 
 of General Assemblies, Scot. Hist. Soc, 23-24. 
 
28 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 replied that this advice could only serve to waste time, until the 
 Covenanters raised an army and deprived the King of any 
 chance of defending himself and his friends from their tyranny. 
 His warning was only too true, as the melancholy catastrophe 
 proved. But in this debate Montrose was borne down. He 
 was not such an accomplished courtier, and the brilliant quali- 
 ties which have now made him famous throughout the world 
 were then unknown to the Queen. Hamilton returned in triumph 
 to Scotland, and appeared to be leaving no stone unturned in the 
 King's interest. 
 
 Meantime, the Covenanters, on their own authority, summoned 
 a Convention of the Estates at Edinburgh/ June 22, 1643, in direct 
 violation of the laws. All intelligent and loyal men foresaw that 
 this would prove destructive to the King's affairs, and abhorred it 
 so much that they resolved not to honour it with their presence ; 
 but Hamilton summoned them all by writs in the King's name 
 and authority to attend ; for that he did not doubt that they 
 would have the majority of votes, if they did not fail His Majesty 
 at this crisis ; but, should they be out- voted, he was prepared with 
 his friends to protest against the Covenanters and at once with- 
 draw. Most of the nobility, excepting Montrose and the few who 
 adhered to him, came up to the Convention, enticed by the King's 
 name and the hopes held out to them. Thereupon Hamilton 
 employed his friends to beg Montrose, by his allegiance and 
 reverence for the King, to join the Convention. Montrose, who 
 justly suspected all Hamilton's proceedings, replied that he was 
 ready to face any danger at the commands of the King's Commis- 
 sioner ; but on this condition, that he must pledge his word of 
 honour that, if they could not obtain just and reasonable terms 
 
 ^ " It was under Argyll's influence that on May lOth the various bodies which together acted as 
 the Government of Scotland resolved to summon a Convention of Estates — a kind of informal 
 Parliament — to meet on June 22, 1643, without the royal consent" (Gard., Civil War, iii. 
 205). Hamilton offered the King's sanction, if they abstained from military preparation. On the 
 26th they declared themselves a free Convention. On the 2nd August the General Assembly was 
 opened in Edinburgh, Sir Thomas Hope being Commissioner, having the "honours" carried before 
 him, and sitting in the " King's loft in St. Giles' Kirk." Mr. Alexander Henderson was the Mode- 
 rator, the ablest man for the crisis. The Assembly and Convention had frequent consultations. 
 The English Commissioners were received, and the Solemn League and Covenant was devised at 
 this time. (See our Preface, and Guthrie, 135 ; Spalding, ii. 259.) 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 29 
 
 in the Convention, he would endeavour to gain them by force of 
 arms. To this Hamilton replied that he would protest, but 
 would not fight. After weighing the matter, Montrose retired 
 to his own house, resolved to keep his hands clean and await 
 the issue. 
 
 When the Convention met, the Covenanters had a majority of 
 some seventy votes. They trampled on the royal authority, and 
 arrogated to themselves the right of calling Parliaments, levying 
 troops, and contracting treaties with foreign nations, with other 
 powers as yet unheard of, except by consent of the King. To 
 crown all, they resolved to raise a strong army against the King, 
 and send it to the assistance of their English allies. To this end 
 they burdened the people with subsidies and new taxes,^ far 
 heavier than a hundred and nine monarchs in their greatest straits 
 had imposed, even were all they had levied for two thousand 
 years reckoned together. 
 
 Montrose perceived that the King would be ruined by his own 
 royal authority. But as he could not oppose both the power of 
 the Covenanters and the King's commands, with . sorrow and 
 anxiety he was forced to disguise his views. The Covenanters, 
 however, imagining that his heart was estranged^ from the King 
 by the repulse he had suffered at York and the preference shown 
 to Hamilton, renewed their advances and employed friends to 
 win or bribe him over.^ They offered him places, money, and the 
 highest offices, both civil and military. He appeared to listen to 
 their proposals not altogether unfavourably, his object being to 
 penetrate their secret designs. To satisfy his scruples more fully, 
 and to cement and sanctify this friendship, they sent him Alexander 
 
 ^ See Spalding, ii. 267, as to the pressure of taxation : — " Whereof the like was never heard in 
 any King's time, and now imposed without warrant of the King by subjects upon subjects. Let 
 any discreet man judge how the loyal subjects of this poor kingdom were borne down and daily 
 oppressed. . . . Besides, see the excise and other grievous and intollerable burdens." For the 
 Act see Spalding, ii. 266. 
 
 7 The Queen's letter to Montrose, dated York, 31st May 1643 (Napier, Memorials of 
 Montrose, ii. 77-78, and Mem., 380), indicates a suspicion of the existence of this feeling in Montrose. 
 After the interview with Huntly at the beginning of June (Spalding, ii. 252), there was a strong 
 suspicion of a Royalist rising under Montrose. 
 
 8 See Guthrie's Mem., 129, as to the oflers of Argyll and the other leaders through Sir 
 James Rollock and Sir Mungo Campbell. 
 
30 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 Henderson,^ that great apostle of their Covenant. Montrose was 
 eager for a conference with this man, as he fully expected to fish 
 all their secrets out of him. But lest a private meeting with such 
 a man should give offence to the King's friends, he determined to 
 take with him as witnesses the Lords Napier^*^ and Ogilvy/^ Sir 
 
 8 Alexander Henderson. Baillie says of him : " He was most incomparably the ablest man of 
 us all for all things" (Letters, i. 122). " Our best penman," " these dainty sheets of Mr. Hender- 
 son," 189-90. He was without doubt the ablest man all round among the Presbyterian leaders. 
 Born about 1583, he studied at St. Andrews, and became a professor of philosophy there, when 
 he was very Episcopal, taking Archbishop Gladstanes as his patron in a flattering dedication, 
 which gained him the kirk of Leuchars. Guthrie adds that "for gravity, learning, wisdom, 
 and state policy he far exceeded all " the others on his own side. Robert Bruce and William 
 Scott are credited with influencing his change of view. The enforcing of the Prayer-book 
 brought him out as the leader of the opposition in 1637. As Moderator of the Glasgow Assembly, 
 he met all the difficulties of the situation with determination and dexterity, and carried every point 
 of his party. From that time nothing was done without him. " He was so looked upon and 
 reverenced by the generality of the ministry throughout the land, that they (the extreme party) 
 could scarce have had them on their side without him " (Guthrie, p. 135). When the King came 
 down for the Parliament of 1641, Henderson, then minister in Edinburgh, stood high in his favour, 
 and had much influence with him. He received from him the rent of the Chapel Royal. As Moderator 
 of the Assembly of 1643, he had a difficult part to play, and the Solemn League and Covenant 
 was his creation, though subsequently modified by the skill of Vane and the influence of the 
 Independents. He was one of the Commissioners from the General Assembly to England, took 
 part in the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, and for three years was employed in London 
 in all the negotiations affecting Scotland at that critical time. He visited the King at Newcastle 
 in May 1646, and stayed there till the beginning of August. His health giving way, he returned to 
 Scotland by sea, and arrived in Edinburgh August nth, much exhausted. He died, enjoying much 
 peace of mind, August 19th. He was buried, says Alton, on the 21st, in St. Giles' Churchyard, 
 near John Knox, but the remains were afterwards removed to the Greyfriars' Churchyard, where a 
 monument detailing his virtues and triumphs was erected to his memory. It was defaced at the 
 Restoration, it is said, and renewed at the Revolution. A rumour went out to the effect that 
 Henderson before his death had gone over to the King's views and party, and that he died of a 
 broken heart at sight of the misery he had brought on the country. Clarendon states this posi- 
 tively, and Dr. Barwick says he died ex dedecore. These reports had reached Holland, and had 
 been quoted to Baillie before October, as in a letter to Spang of October 2nd (ii. 398) he contradicts 
 the story. See also notes to the above reference. Shortly after Henderson's death a pamphlet 
 appeared purporting to be "The Declaration of Mr. Alexander Henderson . . . made on his 
 Death-Bed," in which the King is much lauded and the teaching of the Covenant rescued from 
 disloyal interpretation. It was thought to be the work of some moderate Presbyterian among the 
 " Engagers." The Assembly of the time condemned the pamphlet as forged, scandalous, and false. 
 It is given as an appendix in the 1720 (English) edition of Wishart. See General Assembly 
 Commission Records, Scot. Hist. Soc, p. 583, note, and for Henderson, see his Life by Alton 
 and by M'Crie. 
 
 ^^ Lord Napier. See note end of Ch. xvii. 
 
 ^^ James Lord Ogilvy, eldest son of James, first Earl of Airlie, born before 1616, at first held 
 out Airlie Castle in the absence of his father, but afterwards surrendered it to Montrose. Dis- 
 regarding the " taking in " of the " bonnie house " by Montrose, though both were acting under the 
 same authority, Argyll destroyed it in 1640, acting throughout with much savage violence, and, if 
 Gordon is to be believed (which Gardiner questions without giving sufficient reason), with great 
 cruelty towards Lady Ogilvy in the house of Forther in Glen Isla, where she was expecting her con- 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 31 
 
 George Stirling of Keir/^ and other staunch supporters of the 
 King ; and so they met on the banks of the river Forth, not 
 far from Stirling. 
 
 Montrose professed himself very happy in the visit of so 
 worthy a man, one on whose honour, integrity, and judgment he 
 could rely in difficulties. He told him that in consequence of 
 recent differences he had lived at home, in order to remove the 
 jealousy of his enemies. He was ignorant of all that was going 
 on in the Convention, and was quite at a loss how to act in so 
 ticklish a state of affairs. He begged him, therefore, to inform 
 him freely and with his usual candour of their intentions. 
 Henderson, taking it for granted from these expressions that he 
 was inclining to the Covenanters, in order to engage him more 
 fully, answered plainly and without reserve that they were re- 
 solved to send as powerful an army as possible to the assistance 
 of their brethren in England against the King's forces ; and that 
 all the Covenanters in both kingdoms were unanimously agreed 
 either to die or force the King to order ; that nothing was more 
 earnestly desired than that he should join in favour and friendship 
 
 finement (Gordon, Scots Affairs, iii. 165). Lord Ogilvy acted loyally with Montrose throughout, 
 was taken prisoner in Lancashire in July 1644, and sent to the loathsome prison of Edinburgh, 
 where he lay till released by the victory of Kilsyth. As he was escaping from Philiphaugh he was 
 taken prisoner under condition of quarter, but would have shared the fate of the other victims at 
 St. Andrews, had he not been rescued by his sister. See Ch. xix. He survived the troubles, and 
 died second Earl of Airlie at an advanced age in 1693. His wife was daughter of the first Lord 
 Banff and granddaughter of Sir Alexander Irvine of Drum and Lady Marion Douglas. See Scot. 
 Act. Pari., Index ; Gordon, Scots Affairs, as above ; Pref. to Sir George Mackenzie's Practicks ; 
 Napier, Index ; Gard., Hist. Eng., ix. 167-168, and note 3. 
 
 ^^ Sir George Stirling of Keir, born 161 5, married Lady Margaret Napier, daughter of Archi- 
 bald, first Lord Napier. Jamieson painted his portrait, now at Keir, in 1637, when he was 
 twenty-two years of age. See Napier's Mem. for a reproduction of it. He was an Elder with 
 Montrose in the Glasgow Assembly of 1638, and followed him afterwards in his Covenanting, 
 Conservative, and Royalist sympathies. When in prison with Montrose for the plot (see note at 
 end of Chap, i.) he declares his devotion to "the good cause," meaning the Covenant. He is said, 
 after his liberation, to have ridden in 1642 with Montrose to the King at York, and been refused 
 access to him in terms of treaty. See Spalding, ii. 141. He is in prison again in 1645 in Edin- 
 burgh Castle, and afterwards in Blackness, where he was allowed to take the air on the top of the 
 tower. His wife was persecuted at the same time, and "wardit" in Edinburgh, in Merchiston, 
 and in Linlithgow. Kilsyth freed them, with many others. On 21st November 1645 he was sent 
 to prison in St. Andrews by the persecuting Committee, and on the loth of December his wife is 
 allowed to join him there "from out among the rebels." He was permitted to retire to Holland 
 in 1646. In 1652 he was a deputy to Parliament for Stirlingshire, and a deputy of Parliament to 
 England, and he was a J. P. for Stirling in 1663. 
 
 See Napier, Mem. , passim, Act. Pari. Scot., and n. end Ch. x. 
 
32 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 with his peers and the other estates of the realm ; it would bring 
 joy to all, and not only profit, but also honour to himself. His 
 example would at once bring over the few, if there were any, who 
 respected the empty shadow of royalty. As for himself, his most 
 hearty thanks would be due to God, if He would deign to make 
 him the minister and mediator of so great a work. He therefore 
 earnestly entreated him to speak out his mind, and intrust his 
 fidelity and diligence with what he would have the Convention do 
 for his profit and honour, for he was sure he would be satisfied in 
 all his heart's desire. 
 
 This was clear information, and exactly what Montrose desired 
 to get. He was anxious still to keep them a while in suspense 
 and doubt. What answer should he return ? To declare himself 
 openly their enemy would be of no service to the King, and might 
 bring ruin on himself. On the other hand, his generous mind 
 disdained to encourage their hopes. It was dishonourable to 
 promise what he had resolved not to perform. He therefore 
 adopted this course. Henderson at this conference was accom- 
 panied by Sir James Rollock,^^ the head of an ancient and wealthy 
 family, who had married Montrose's sister, and after her death a 
 sister of the Marquis of Argyll, the ringleader of the Scottish 
 Covenanters. Being equally allied with both of them, he seemed 
 a very fit mediator between them. Montrose asked him whether 
 their offers were authorised by the Convention, or suggested- 
 merely by their own zeal. Sir James replied that he imagined 
 Henderson had orders from the Convention. Henderson, how- 
 ever, denied it, but did not doubt that the Convention would make 
 good his promises. Montrose declared that he could come to ho 
 definite conclusion, unless he could rely on the public faith, espe- 
 
 ^3 Sir James Rollpck, afterwards second Lord Rollo, was the eldest son of that Sir Andrew 
 Rollock of Duncrub who on loth January 1651 was created Lord Rollo by Charles IL Sir 
 James Was knighted by Charles L, and had a charter, as junior of Duncrub, of the lands of Duncrub, 
 March 8, 1642. His mother was the Hon. Catherine Drummond, fourth daughter of the first Lord 
 Madcrty. Sir James married, first, Lady Dorothea Graham, the sister of Montrose, who died in 1638 
 without issue. He then married Lady Mary Campbell, youngest daughter of Archibald, seventh 
 Earl of Argyll, and half sister of the Marquis of Argyll, chief opponent of Montrose. His brother, 
 Sir William Rollock or Rollo, was a faithful friend of Montrose, captured at Philiphaugh, and 
 executed at Glasgow, 21st October the same year. See n. on Sir W. Rollock, Ch. iv., and Wishart 
 passim ; also Douglas Peerage, " Lord Rollo," where Edinburgh is put by mistake for Glasgow. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 33 
 
 cially as the messengers disagreed among themselves. Hereupon 
 they began to blame one another, as usually happens in such 
 cases, when they ought rather to have laid the blame on their 
 own carelessness and neglect. Thus the conference was broken 
 off. Montrose had gained his point, and they returned, as wise as 
 they came, to give an account of their success. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 Montrose joins the King at Gloucester — His plan approved, December 1643— Antrim 
 promises help from Ireland — Hamilton and Lanark arrive at Oxford, December 
 1643 — Arrest of the Duke and flight of Lanark to London — Montrose sets out 
 for Scotland — Interview with the Marquis of Newcastle. 
 
 ON returning from the conference, Montrose related all that 
 had passed to friends he most trusted. At the same time 
 he entreated them to hasten with him to the Kinor in a body, for 
 so they were more likely to be believed, that His Majesty, on 
 being- fully informed of everything, might give ear to sounder 
 counsels, and take timely measures to avert, if possible, the im- 
 pending evil. Most of them exclaimed that the King's authority 
 was ruined, and that it was beyond human power to reduce the 
 kingdom to its proper obedience ; for their own parts, they had 
 acquitted themselves before God, their own consciences, and the 
 world, by persisting so far in their allegiance, to their disgrace, 
 loss, and peril. For the future they would be merely onlookers, 
 earnestly imploring God Almighty for better times. Montrose, 
 whom no considerations could ever discourage from persevering 
 in an honourable purpose, communicated his design to Lord 
 Ogilvy, his dearest friend, and set out straight for Oxford. 
 When he came there, the King was gone down to the siege of 
 Gloucester;^ but he told the Queen what the Covenanters in 
 
 ^ Charles went to Gloucester on 8th Aug., and summoned it to surrender loth Aug. 1643. 
 He was there six days, and was called to Oxford. Montrose must have come first to Oxford about 
 the loth, and returned with the King. The letters of the King and Queen to Hamilton, 28th Aug. 
 1643, indicate that there were grounds of suspicion in their minds, and the official communica- 
 tions to Lanark and the Council, ending with the private letter to Hamilton, 28th Sep., make 
 it clear that these suspicions had grown to an opinion adverse to the brothers. Recent events 
 in Scotland and England strongly supported Montrose's contention. The Solemn League and 
 Covenant, devised by Henderson and amended by Vane (see Preface), was adopted by the 
 General Assembly, and was ratified by the Convention of Estates, 17th Aug. It reached 
 London 26th Aug. After passing through the hands of the Assembly of Divines, the Lords, and 
 Commons, it was ordered to be sworn to in St. Margaret's, Westminster, 25th Sep. It was 
 
 34 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 35 
 
 Scotland were plotting against His Majesty ; but all to no purpose. 
 Such was her confidence in the Hamiltons that she refused to 
 believe a word. 
 
 Finding he could do nothing with the Queen, Montrose went 
 down to Gloucester and laid the whole matter before the King 
 himself. He informed him that a very powerful army was being 
 raised in Scotland, and the day had been appointed for marching 
 into England. He had penetrated their plans, and the highest 
 command in the army had been offered him as a bait for his 
 friendship. But as he detested so black a crime, he had hastened 
 to inform His Majesty; if he could not apply a sufficient remedy 
 in time, he might at least thwart and delay their designs till 
 the King's affairs in England were settled. The rebels in either 
 kingdom might be easily dealt with separately ; but should they 
 join forces, it would then be a matter of the greatest difficulty. 
 There were very many people in Scotland ready to sacrifice all 
 they had in their affection to the King ; but when once the army 
 had been raised, their loyalty would be of little service to the 
 King, and probably destructive to themselves. The proud spirit 
 of the rebels ought to be crushed and their forces broken at once, 
 before they came to a head ; neglect now would breed repentance 
 when too late. Such advice he continued daily to press upon the 
 King, but in vain. He had to struggle not only with the deeply 
 rooted confidence which the King reposed in the Hamiltons, but 
 also with a set of worthless courtiers, who continually buzzed into 
 the King's ears Montrose's youth, rashness, and ambition, and his 
 hatred and envy of the Hamiltons, whose integrity, fidelity, dis- 
 cretion, and power they enlarged on in the most glowing terms. 
 i 
 
 then returned to Scotland, and on 22nd Oct. was ordered, in the King's name, without his con- 
 sent, to be sworn to and subscribed by all subjects. The mustering of the army was proceeded 
 with under Leslie, and their pay was provided for by the English Parliament, Oct. 27th. Fifty 
 thousand pounds was sent to Leith by sea, Nov. 4th. The Scots entered England Jan. 19th. 
 Hamilton and Lanark left Scotland the end of Nov., arrived at Oxford Dec. i6th, and were 
 confined to their chambers. Early in Jan. the Duke was sent to Pendennis Castle, and Ludlow 
 Castle was fixed as a prison for Lanark, but he escaped to London the night before his 
 removal. He is next found with the Covenanters in Scotland. On Feb. ist Montrose re- 
 ceived a commission as Lieutenant-General to Prince Maurice, who was named Captain-General 
 of the forces in Scotland. Burnet, Dukes of Hamilton, 246-272 ; Gardiner, Civil War, i. 233, 
 207, 351- 
 
36 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 Montrose was completely baffled. The King returned to winter 
 at Oxford, and though he began to perceive, from the incessant 
 rumours of the Scotch army, that Montrose had foretold him 
 nothing but truth, his sacred Majesty was resolved to give his 
 Scottish subjects not the slightest pretext for complaint unless 
 they entered England. He was determined to keep the pacifica- 
 tion religiously. Should they break it, he felt confident they 
 should answer for it to God and himself. 
 
 During these discussions at Oxford the Covenanters in Scot- 
 land did just as they pleased, with none to oppose their wishes. 
 They levied as large an army as possible, and already 18,000 
 foot and 2000 horse stood ready on the Borders.^ At last the 
 Hamiltons condescended to inform the King of the approach of 
 this hostile force. In their letters they endeavoured to excuse 
 their own conduct. According to promise, they had done their 
 utmost to prevent this invasion from Scotland during the past 
 summer ; but now that winter was approaching they could hinder 
 it no longer ; but they assured him that they would presently be 
 at hand with a very powerful army. When the King found his 
 confidence thus openly abused, he sent for Montrose at last, 
 showed him his letters from the Hamiltons, and, when too late, 
 earnestly requested his advice. 
 
 Montrose replied that the King could at last perceive that his 
 advice had proceeded neither from ambition, avarice, or hatred of 
 the Hamiltons, but solely from a sense of duty and allegiance. 
 For more than a year he had persistently warned both their 
 Majesties of the impending danger. It had been his misfortune 
 that his faithful service had found no credit with so good a 
 master. The affair now seemed desperate, though it might 
 easily have been cured, had His Majesty not yielded to the will 
 of those who had used his authority to stop the mouths of some, 
 and, under pretext of affection to the King, had seduced others, 
 who had never intended it, unwittingly to favour the rebellion, 
 and who, now that the army was ready, yielded everything to the 
 rebels without a blow. The King complained that he had been 
 
 ' See previous note. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 37 
 
 most grossly betrayed by those to whom he had intrusted his 
 secrets, his crown, his honour, and his life, and earnestly pressed 
 for his advice. Montrose answered that though matters seemed 
 in a deplorable state, yet if it pleased his royal master, he pro- 
 mised either to reduce the rebels to order, of which he did not 
 yet despair, or lose his life in the attempt. The King, not a little 
 cheered by Montrose's confidence, gallantry, and firmness, even 
 in these desperate circumstances, desired him to take a day or 
 two's grace for full deliberation, and so dismissed him. 
 
 At the time appointed he returned to the King and explained 
 to him that the task was one of the greatest difficulty. All 
 Scotland was under the yoke of the Covenanters ; they had seized 
 and garrisoned all the strongholds, and were abundantly supplied 
 with men, money, arms, ammunition, and provisions — in short, 
 every requisite for war. Moreover, the English rebels were 
 joined with them in a very close league to defend each other 
 against all the world. As for himself, he had neither men nor 
 money, nor even arms, or anything to help his credit at the 
 outset. Yet he would not distrust God's help in a righteous 
 cause, and, if the King commanded, he would undertake it. It 
 could do the King no further harm, for he himself would bear 
 the hatred, envy, and danger of his attachment to the King, 
 provided he would graciously accede to a few demands. In 
 the first place, it was of the utmost importance that he should 
 order some soldiers from Ireland to land in the west of Scot- 
 land. Secondly, he should order the Marquis of Newcastle 
 (who commanded the royal forces in the north of England) to 
 aid Montrose with a party of horse to enter Scotland, with the 
 help of which he would penetrate into the heart of the kingdom. 
 Further, that he should obtain some troops of German cavalry 
 from the King of Denmark. And lastly, that steps should be 
 taken to procure arms abroad and have them transmitted to 
 Scotland. Nothing further was wanting but human energy ; the 
 rest must be left to God's good providence. The King approved 
 of his plan, thanked him for not yet despairing, and encouraged 
 him to undertake the matter promptly. He also promised that he 
 would attend to his demands. 
 
38 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 He immediately sent for the Earl of Antrim^ and informed 
 him of Montrose's plan. Antrim is of Scotch extraction, de- 
 scended from the noble and ancient family of the Macdonalds, 
 a man of great estate and power in Ireland, and allied to some 
 of the highest nobility in England by his marriage with the 
 Dowager Duchess of Buckingham. Having been driven out 
 of his own country, he was living at the time in Oxford. He 
 very readily undertook to raise the Irish force, and at the same 
 time entered into a voluntary engagement with Montrose to 
 make a descent with 10,000* men in Argyleshire, opposite Ireland, 
 by the ist of April 1644. These arrangements were made in 
 December 1643. 
 
 For the foreign troops and arms the King despatched Sir 
 John Cochrane,^ his ambassador, with his commission and instruc- 
 
 ' Randal MacDonell, Marquis of Antrim, a Roman Catholic involved in the Irish plots. He 
 had been a prisoner at Carrickfergus, and escaped as a sick man carried out on a couch. In 1643 
 he was again captured by Major Ballantine, an officer of Monroe's, when landing a little above his 
 old prison at Carrickfergus. Here he was again imprisoned. Letters were found on him from 
 Aboyne and Nithsdale, indicating an extensive plot to employ the Irish rebels on the royal side. 
 This gave much alarm in Scotland and intensified the feeling against the King in England. "A 
 little Monsieur, some agent of the Queen," offered to the Scotch Council the renewal of a league 
 with the French, and made the freedom of Antrim a condition. Antrim, however, escaped in 
 October, and, with Nithsdale and Aboyne, was at Oxford when Montrose was urging his scheme 
 (Baillie's Letters, ii. 73, 105, 116). Spalding, ii. 291-292, gives his own touches to the story 
 of the " escape of this great Papist from Captain Wallace, as great a Puritan." Lieutenant 
 Gordon, an officer under Wallace, son of Sir Alexander Gordon and uncle to the Earl of Suther- 
 land, "crafftellie convoyit up unespyit in his breikis certaine towis, be the quhilk the erll escaipit 
 and wan frielie away, to Wallass' gryte greif, and the lieut. follouit and fled also." See Spalding, 
 ii. 242, for the letters of Aboyne, &c., and ' ' The Declaration of the House of Commons on the Rise 
 and Progress of the Grand Rebellion in Ireland." 
 
 * " Wishart gives 10,000 as the number of the men to be sent with Antrim. This appears from 
 the correspondence in the Carte MSB. to be wrong, and is evidently transferred from the number 
 planned to be sent to England " (Gard,, Civil War, i. 350). All the Celts destined for Scotland were 
 2000 men. 
 
 ** Sir John Cochrane was frequently employed in negotiation with foreign potentates. With 
 Henderson, another Scotchman, he had been "commissioned in 1642 to visit the King of Den- 
 mark, to urge him to send arms for 12,000 men, 24 cannon, ^{^100,000, a fleet of ships of war, 3000 
 German infantry, and 1000 horse" (Gard. Civil War, i. 45). In 1644 he is again employed 
 thus, and Charles II. sent him on an embassy to the King of Poland in 1650. He was the eldest 
 son of Alexander Blair, third son of John Blair of Blair, who, having married the sole heiress of 
 William Cochrane of Cochrane, had assumed her name. Through a letter from the Queen of 
 Bohemia particularly recommending him, Charles I. received him into his service, and he became a 
 colonel in the army. He was made an unwilling recipient of Montrose's strong views about Argyll 
 at Newcastle, and was afterwards mixed up in the history of the *' Incident." The King in his evi- 
 dence speaks of him as " having maney discourses, most of his auen praisses." Being arrested and 
 ordered to be sent to John Smith's house, he, "at the going out of the Parliament Court for that 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 39 
 
 tions. The orders to the Marquis of Newcastle were conveyed 
 by some of Montrose's own company. Montrose himself, having 
 received the King's letters and commission to be lieutenant- 
 governor of Scotland and general^ of the forces, was on the 
 point of starting for Scotland, when news was unexpectedly 
 brought that the Duke of Hamilton '^ and his brother, the Earl 
 of Lanark, were hastening to Oxford. To procure easier access 
 to the King, who had always hitherto been led by their advice, 
 and to recover their old favour with him, they gave out on their 
 way, especially to the governors of shires and towns and com- 
 manders of the army, that they had been banished by the 
 Covenanters and their estates plundered for their loyalty to the 
 King, and they were flying for their lives to Oxford. Montrose 
 and his friends maintained that these were but idle tales, invented 
 to wipe out the stain of their late guilt. Trusting to the favour 
 they had recently enjoyed with the King, and the influence of 
 a powerful faction at Court, devoted to their interests, they made 
 sure of retaining their position, could they but gain admission to 
 the King's presence. Their sole object in posting thither was to 
 defeat Montrose again, and quench the faint spark of loyalty that 
 still flickered in Scotland. Montrose frankly declared that he 
 would not stand by to see such doings. He therefore humbly 
 begged His Majesty that, if the men who had so often cheated 
 his hopes were to return to favour, he would give him leave to 
 look abroad for employment ; not that he desired any severity 
 towards them, but entreated His Majesty to beware of further 
 harm from them. 
 
 night, made ane escape at ane posterne. " He afterwards surrendered and was sent to jail, but by 
 and bye he was allowed to exchange the jail for John Smith's house (see for his evidence in the 
 Incident, Balfour, Ann. iii. 98-107), He was again summoned for assisting to draw up the Oxford 
 Declaration in 1644, and is among those exempted from pardon (Act. Pari. Scot.). He died 
 before the Restoration without children. His wife was one of the Ormond family. 
 
 His younger brother William was raised to the peerage and became the first Earl of Dundonald. 
 Douglas Peerage, "Dundonald." 
 
 ® In Ruddiman's translation there is a note here ascribing a mistake to W. in speaking of 
 Montrose as general of the forces, whereas he was only lieutenant-general under Prince Maurice. 
 The Latin is dux, and may mean any kind of general. The mistake lay in translating dux ^* com- 
 mander-in-chief." 
 
 ^ See note on page 34. Hamilton and Lanark arrived at Oxford, December 16, 1643. 
 
40 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 The King consented with reluctance to forbid their presence 
 at Court, and, after all, he allowed the Earl of Lanark ^ to stay in 
 the city. Lanark, however, at whose instigation I cannot tell, 
 left Oxford for London, where he went to the English Parliament. 
 Shortly afterwards he betook himself to the army of the Scotch 
 Covenanters, who had now entered England, and from that time 
 forth devoted himself heart and soul to their cause. The deser- 
 tion of the brother struck the King so much that he saw it was 
 high time to secure the Duke himself in prison. 
 
 Both in the Court and royal camp there were several Scots- 
 men who were suspected, and perhaps not without reason, of 
 favouring the Covenanters and betraying all the King's secrets. 
 To put them to the test, Montrose hit upon the following contriv- 
 ance. He got a protestation,^ drawn up by the King's command, 
 
 * William Hamilton, Earl of Lanark and second Duke of Hamillon, was brother of James, the 
 first Duke. He was ten years younger than his brother, by whom he was educated, being about 
 nine years old at his father's death. He studied at Glasgow College and in France, was well 
 received at the English Court, and his interests were forwarded by his brother, who arranged his 
 marriage at twenty-two with Lady Elizabeth Maxwell, eldest daughter of the Earl of Dirleton. 
 He was created Earl of Lanark in 1639, and on the death of the Earl of Stirling in 1640 he was 
 made Secretary of State for Scotland, being only twenty-four years of age. He was mixed up with 
 his brother in all matters, and was deprived of the Seal at Oxford in 1643. He then joined the 
 Covenanters, and gathered 1000 or 1500 men to attack Montrose at Kilsyth, but came too late. 
 He was a Commissioner of the Parliament in the negotiations at Newark. In the " Engagement " 
 he commanded in Scotland, while his brother marched in'o England. On his brother's death 
 he became Duke of Hamilton. Eventually he died, Sep. 12, 1651, from a wound under the 
 knee, received while bravely fighting at Worcester. Notwithstanding some slips in his faithfulness 
 he had a character for honesty. Burnet says that "from a child he could never by any temptation 
 be made to lie" (Burnet's Dukes of Hamilton, 417). Sir Philip Warwick quotes as his own opinion 
 a saying of Montrose, that *' when Lanark was in arms against him and against the King, he did 
 it open-faced and without the least treachery." Wishart commends him for his honest refusal to 
 join Montrose after Kilsyth (v. Ch. xv.; Napier, Mem., 98). When Lanark pleaded with the King 
 for his brother at the Incident time, Charles said coldly that he believed that he was himself 
 (Lanark) an honest man, and that he had never heard anything to the contrary ; but that he 
 thought his brother had been very active in his own preservation (Hard wick e's State Papers, 
 ii. 299). After his pledge of quarter to, and kindly treatment of. Sir R. Spottiswoode he left him to 
 the mercy of his enemies at St. Andrews, not even voting with the minority — a stain on his fame. 
 Wharton, the English Commissioner, writing from Berwick to Parliament, notices as a curious thing 
 that the Earl of Lanark took Sir Robert Spottiswood, his successor as Secretary for Scotland, 
 prisoner, " and in his pocket the Seal the King took from him, so as he is possessed of it again " (see 
 Records of Com. of General Assemblies, Scot. Hist. Society, Introd. xxi.). Lanark was the last 
 Duke of Hamilton in the male line. Duchess Anne, his brother's daughter, carried the title to a 
 Douglas. 
 
 * See Bond with corrected signatures in Napier's Memorials of Montrose, ii. 119-121 ; also 
 Baillie's remarks on it in letters of Feb. 18 and Ap. 2, 1644. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 41 
 
 to be subscribed by all the Scots who wished to be esteemed loyal, 
 professing therein their abhorrence of the Covenanters' designs, 
 and especially condemning their invasion of England against the 
 King and laws of the land as an act of high treason. Further, 
 they solemnly pledged themselves to avenge that crime on the 
 offenders at the hazard of their lives and fortunes. This pro- 
 test was eagerly subscribed by men of worth and honour. Yet 
 the two men in whom, next to the Hamiltons, the King had 
 most confidence, the Earl of Traquair^" and William Murray,^^ 
 a gentleman of the bedchamber, were induced, or rather com- 
 pelled, to put their hand to it with great reluctance and through 
 
 ^^ John Stewart, first Earl of Traquair, though commended by Clarendon for his ability, and 
 loyalty to King and Church, was yet generally denounced by his contemporaries on both sides of 
 politics. Wishart, Montrose, Balfour, Baillie, Scotstarvit, and the pasquil writers of the time 
 all condemn his conduct, and his character is painted as mercenary and deceitful. Clarendon's 
 panegyric on his " affection for the Church, which was so notorious that he never deserted it till 
 both it and he were overrun and trode under foot," would hardly have been so warm had he seen 
 Traquair's petition, 26th December 1646, "to be allowed to prove himself, in the sight of God 
 and man, at the sacrifice of life and fortune, a faithful Covenanter" (Napier, Mem., 580; quoting 
 Rescinded Acts ; see W^ishart, chaps, xv., xvi., on his treachery at Philiphaugh). He was a man of 
 great ability, but relied on by few except the King. He ended in begging for a copper in the 
 streets of Edinburgh, and died in 1659 smoking a pipe of tobacco. 
 
 " Thy face, thy tongue, thy heart are at a strife 
 Which of them to thy lies should add most life. 
 Bold brows attend thy double tongue, with eyes as bold," &c. 
 
 " Book of Scottish Pasquils," Edinburgh, 1868, p. 113. 
 
 " William Murray, son of the minister of Dysart, and nephew of Thomas Murray, the preceptor 
 of Charles in his youth, and afterwards, when Prince of Wales, his secretary. Another uncle was 
 Robert Murray, minister (sometimes, from his church being an old collegiate church, called Provost) 
 of Methven, who played an important part in bringing Montrose into the Covenant and sending 
 him to prison for the plot. By Thomas Murray's influence William was made the Prince's 
 whipping-boy, and grew into great intimacy and trust with Charles. In a former edition of 
 Wishart a note here describes him as one of the worst characters of that perfidious age, and he 
 seems to deserve the condemnation to a large extent. See n. p. 15 as to his supposed 
 betrayal of trust when groom of the bedchamber, in more than one direction. Notwithstanding 
 all the suspicion attaching to him, the King created him Earl of Dysart in 1643, though the patent 
 did not pass the Seals till his daughter, the clever but ill-famed Duchess of Lauderdale, got the 
 precedency of the old patent when she was made Countess of Dysart. At Breda he acted for the 
 Covenanters, and was in their confidence from the beginning. Burnet, who disliked him, says of 
 him, " His Lordship had one particular quality, that when he was drunk, which was very often, he 
 was on a most strict reserve, though at other times pretty open " (Burnet, " Own Times," i. 224 ; 
 Douglas Peerage). Charles IL seems to have given a new patent in 1651 to the Covenanting Com- 
 missioner. Lamont (37, an. 1651) says, "This year ther were sundrie of the gentrie nobilitat, 
 as the Laird of Kleish made Lord Colvin ; Will Murray, of the bedchamber. Lord of Dysert ; 
 the Laird of Frieland, Lord Ruthven, with severall others." He was on the Roll of Parliament in 
 1670, 1672, 1673 (Act. Pari. Scot.). 
 
42 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 fear of being discovered traitors. Yet even they too promised on 
 their oath to meet Montrose in Scotland with some assistance by 
 a certain day. In this matter too they broke their oath most 
 foully. 
 
 Montrose then set out for Scotland ; but he had hardly turned 
 his back, when the friends of the Hamiltons and other faithless 
 courtiers began to represent him as a vain, ambitious man, who 
 had undertaken more than he could possibly perform ; and, to 
 frighten any who might be disposed to share in so noble an enter- 
 prise, they were extravagant in praise of the forces and power 
 of the Covenanters, and took every opportunity of maliciously 
 declaring that no good could be expected from such a man. 
 
 Unmoved by the calumnies of such worthless creatures, Mon- 
 trose proceeded to York^^ and Durham, where he sent off the 
 King's instructions to the Marquis of Newcastle, and the next 
 day they met in conference. Newcastle told him that the army 
 was in absolute want of everything. The rebel Scots, in the 
 depth of winter, had unexpectedly broken in and spoiled his 
 recruiting, and were now within five miles, threatening his camp 
 with far superior numbers. In short, he could not spare him any 
 of his horse without a downright risk to the whole army. Mon- 
 trose, on the other hand, urged that nothing could contribute more 
 to the success of the war, than to send a part of his horse, in which 
 he was strong, with him into Scotland, to divert, or at least divide, 
 
 ^^ Feb. I . Montrose commissioned as Lieutenant-General to Prince Maurice for Scotland. 
 
 ,, 13. Commission changed into one as Lieutenant-General to the King for Scotland. 
 
 Mar. I (or thereabout). Montrose set out from Oxford, accompanied by Lords Crawford, Reay, 
 
 Nithsdale, Ogilvy, and Aboyne, Colonel Innes, Colonel Cochrane, John Macbrayre, 
 
 and others. Lords Crawford and Reay went off with a squadron towards Shrewsbury. 
 
 , , 8. Colonel Cochrane sent on to the Marquis of Newcastle at Durham to prepare him for the 
 
 demands of men, money, &c., to be made on him. 
 ,, 13. Montrose writes to Spottiswoode, giving Newcastle's refusal. 
 ,, 15. Montrose went on to Durham. 
 
 ,, 24. Took part in the second affair at Bowdenhill, and thought Newcastle and General King 
 " slow." 
 Apr. 13 or 14. With his own party of 200 Cavaliers, loo more from Newcastle (the Duchess says 200), 
 on worn-out horses, a few Westmoreland horsemen, and 800 foot and two guns, he 
 crossed the Border and marched by Annan to Dumfries. See Napier, Mem. , 389-396, 
 for interesting letter of John Macbrayre and letters of Montrose, with the evidence at 
 inquiry iri Scotland as to Montrose at Bowdenhill ; also Turner, Mem. , 35-36. 
 May 6. Date of Montrose's patent as a Marquis. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 43 
 
 the enemy, and by striking at them in their own homes force 
 them back to defend themselves. Newcastle ^^ courteously replied 
 that as soon as he was free from the present danger he would not 
 fail Montrose. As he was a man of honour and approved loyalty, 
 he would undoubtedly have kept his word, had he remained longer 
 in the command of those parts, and been but once convinced of 
 Montrose's honour and nobility of purpose. In the meantime all 
 the aid he could afford him in his present straits was about a 
 hundred troopers, but mounted on lean, ill-appointed horses 
 (through no fault of his, but owing to the envy of some men), 
 with two small brass field-pieces. He also sent orders to the 
 King's officers and commanders of the militia in Cumberland and 
 Westmoreland to attend Montrose in his journey into Scotland 
 with all the force they could muster, and give him every assist- 
 
 ^ William Cavendish, Earl of Newcastle, created Marquis in reward for his victory at Adwalton 
 Moor, by patent dated October 27, 1643, commanded in the northern counties, which he had 
 drawn into an Association, and to which he was imparting a unity promising well for the future of 
 the Royalists. The appearance of Leven's army in Northumberland on 19th January in aid of the 
 Parliament disconcerted his plans. He was able to give Montrose scarcely any help. Newcastle 
 was " a very fine gentleman," according to Clarendon, and his second wife, in her Life of him, 
 describes him thus : " His shape is neat and exactly proportioned ; his stature is of middle size, and 
 his complexion sanguine. His behaviour is such that it might be a pattern to all gentlemen, for it 
 is courtly, civil, easy, and free, without formality or constraint, and yet hath something in it of 
 grandeur that causes an awful respect for him" (Life of Duke of Newcastle, London, 1667; but 
 see Diet, of National Biography). His sumptuous entertainments of Charles L and the Queen at 
 Bolsover and Welbeck, on their going to Scotland and returning, were without parallel, and cost 
 over ;,^20,ooo. Ben Jonson wrote the masque " Love's Welcome to Welbeck." The Marquis 
 was a great patron of literature, and himself wrote plays, of which " The Triumphant Widow, or 
 the Medley of Humours," a comedy, has a prominent place in notices of its author, though critics 
 such as Pepys ridiculed it. His great book, with the remarkable illustrations by Diepenbeke, 
 entitled Le Methode et Invention Nouvelle de Dresser les Chevaux, is a sumptuous folio, published at 
 Antwerp, 1657, at a cost of ;^I300. It was translated by John Brindley, and published in two grand 
 volumes, London, 1743. His real interests lay in the refinements and in the cultured paths of life. 
 In war, though not a brilliant leader, he was safe, and on the whole successful, till Prince Rupert at 
 Marston Moor disgusted him with the war. He drove off to Scarborough and shipped for Ham- 
 burg, where he stayed a year. He then went to Paris, and married his second wife, a daughter of 
 Sir Thomas Lucas, and maid of honour to Queen Henrietta. Afterwards he settled at Antwerp, 
 where he was very popular, and his Riding-House there became a centre of all well-bred and courtly 
 visitors to the Low Countries. After the Restoration he recovered part of his property. In 1664 
 he was created Duke of Newcastle. His losses through the rebellion were computed by the Duchess 
 at ;^940,ooo. He died Dec. 25, 1676, and was succeeded by Henry, his second son, with whom 
 the title became extinct in the Cavendishes. See Hume's estimate of the first Marquis, Hist, of 
 Eng., vii. 13; Card., Hist, of Eng., quoting Con the Jesuit, viii. 243; literary references are 
 given in Diet, of Nat. Biog. Pepys' Diary, i8th March 1668, has a critique of the Duchess and of 
 him. See also Doyle's Extinct Peerages. 
 
44 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 ance. Accordingly, on his road to Carlisle Montrose was met by 
 the Cumberland and Westmoreland men to the number of eight 
 hundred foot and three troops of horse, who, in obedience to 
 Newcastle's orders, were to accompany him into Scotland. He 
 himself had two hundred horse, most of them nobles and gentle- 
 men, who had served as officers in Germany, France, or England. 
 With these scanty and not over-trusty forces he entered Scotland 
 on the 13th of April, in haste not to fail the Earl of Antrim at the 
 time appointed.^* 
 
 ^^ Namely, April i. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Montrose at Dumfries — The English soldiers desert — He returns to Carlisle — His move- 
 ments in Northumberland — Interview with Prince Rupert — State of Scotland — 
 Montrose enters Scotland in disguise, and reaches Graham of Inchbrakie in 
 Perthshire. 
 
 T TAVING entered Scotland, Montrose had reached the river 
 -'■ -^ Annan, when a mutiny broke out among the English 
 soldiers, occasioned by the servants of Richard Graham,^ and 
 almost all deserted and fled in haste to England. Nevertheless 
 he marched forward with his own men to Dumfries,^ which was 
 surrendered by the inhabitants. There he waited for some little 
 time, expecting to meet Antrim with his Irish auxiliaries. But 
 the time agreed on was already long past, without any message or 
 rumour of their coming. The Covenanters were gathering from 
 all sides, and he would certainly have been surprised and cut off, 
 had he not beaten a timely retreat. However, he managed to 
 reach Carlisle without loss. It was now evident that he could get 
 no assistance from England. There was no prospect of speedy 
 help from abroad. Hope of the Irish was almost gone. He 
 found too that the Earl of Callander^ had raised a new army to 
 
 ^ Richard Graham. See note below, p. 51. 
 
 ^ Montrose was peaceably received by the people of Dumfries, though his force was small. Sir 
 James Maxwell, Provost of Dumfries, was executed at Edinburgh in July this year " for receiving of 
 some of the Banders within the towne." " He was a true King's man and hater of his enemies, for 
 the whilk he sufferit" (Spalding, ii. 391). But see M'Dowall, Hist, of Dumfries, 410, where 
 Spalding is quoted (with a wrong reference) to the above effect, yet in the Appendix, 910, list of 
 Provosts, yij^w Corsatte is given as Provost in 1643. 
 
 3 The Hon. James Livingstone, third son of Alexander, first Earl of Linlithgow, acquired a 
 great reputation in military affairs in Bohemia, Germany, Holland, and Sweden. In 1633 Charles 
 made him Lord Livingstone of Almond. Lord Almond was second in command to Leslie in 
 the army of 1640, and one of the Cumbernauld Banders. He was made Earl of Callendar when 
 Charles was dispensing honours to his enemies and half friends in 164 1. In 1643 he hung back 
 from the Scotch army, but in 1644 he marched against Montrose at Dumfries with 5000 men, and 
 eventually joined Leven in the siege of Newcastle. The Scotch Committee gave him an Act of 
 approbation and exoneration, July 13. He joined in the " Engagement," and was second in com- 
 
 45 
 
46 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 reinforce Leslie, who, with the EngHsh Covenanters, had by this 
 time laid siege to York. He determined, therefore, to waste no 
 time in inactivity, but join the King's forces in Northumberland 
 and Durham. This resolve was neither unprofitable to them nor 
 dishonourable to himself. He drove a garrison of the Covenanters 
 out of Morpeth,* and took the castle by storm. All the booty he 
 gave to his English soldiers. The garrison he dismissed without 
 punishment, on parole never again to draw sword against the 
 King. His next enterprise was against a fort at the mouth of the 
 river Tyne,^ from which the Covenanters had recently expelled an 
 English garrison. This he recaptured, and sent the prisoners 
 back to Scotland on the same conditions as at Morpeth. He 
 then got together a large quantity of provisions from Alnwick and 
 the neighbourhood, with which he relieved Newcastle. After 
 these exploits he was summoned by letters from Prince Rupert, 
 Count of the Rhine Palatinate, who was hastening to raise the 
 siege at York. He obeyed with all possible despatch, but did not 
 come up with the Prince till he was falling back on York the day 
 after that unfortunate battle.^ At first the Prince freely offered 
 
 mand to Hamilton. On the failure of that expedition he fled to Holland, when Cromwell dealt 
 with his estates. He relumed at the Restoration, and died without issue in 1672, the title going to 
 his brother. See Douglas Peerage ; Turner, Mem. ; Guthrie, Mem. ; Napier, Mem., passim. He 
 was a nobleman who, between war and politics, was much put to it in steering a course for himself, 
 but on the whole succeeded. In Montrose's cypher key he is represented by *' Almanak," probably 
 from his study of the signs of the times. 
 
 * The siege of Morpeth was commenced by Montrose and the Earl of Crawford about the lothof 
 May 1644. He led his attacking party from Newcastle. The castle was defended by Lieutenant- 
 Colonel James Somerville and Captain John M'Culloch, who repulsed the first assault with great 
 loss to the assailants. Trenches were next made and six guns brought up from Newcastle. The 
 attacking party was assailed in the rear by Welden's horse, but notwithstanding, Montrose carried 
 the place. For interesting evidence as to the affair see the deposition of Captain J. M 'Culloch in 
 Napier, Mem., 4CX3. The son of the governor, vSomerville, wrote an account of the siege in his 
 " Memoire of the Somervilles." In 1666 Captain John M'Culloch was executed for high treason 
 after the battle of Pentland. Spalding, ii. 379, adds a touch to Wishart's account of the treat- 
 ment of the prisoners. " Thair was ane fight about Morpot, quhair divers of our Scottis foot 
 soldiouris were overcum by the Banderis, strijjpit out of thair clothis and armes, and send hame 
 naikit about this tyme." See letter from the English Commissioners on Montrose's activity, dated 
 Sunderland, 8th May, quoted by Napier, Mem., 398. 
 
 " Tynemouth. Montrose's activity held Callendar back from Newcastle, and enabled the town 
 to be provisioned. " The delay of Callendar's incoming so long has given time to the Marquis of 
 Montrose to make havoc of the northern counties, which will make the siege of Newcastle the 
 harder " (Baillie, Letters, ii. 196). Wishart himself was in Newcastle at this time. 
 
 " Marston Moor, fought July 2, 1644. See Card., Civil War, for full account of the battle, and 
 Rupert's relations with Newcastle and Montrose. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 47 
 
 him a thousand horse to lead into Scotland ; but some of the 
 people about the Prince, who had too much influence with him, 
 induced him to change his mind, so that the day after he had 
 made the promise Montrose could not obtain a single trooper. 
 Although disappointed by all from whom he could expect any 
 assistance, Montrose never lost heart. Returning to Carlisle with 
 those few but trusty, gallant men, his staunch adherents, he 
 despatched Lord Ogilvy with Sir William Rollock ^ into the heart 
 of Scotland, meanly disguised to elude the enemy. They returned 
 within a fortnight with word that in Scotland all was lost. The 
 passes, castles, and towns were garrisoned by the Covenanters. 
 None dared to speak of the King with the least reverence or 
 affection. Struck with these gloomy tidings, many of those who 
 had hitherto adhered to Montrose began to cast about for their 
 own safety. In this they were instigated to desert mainly by that 
 worthy nobleman, the Earl of Traquair/ who forgetting all the 
 vows and imprecations he had made before the King, undertook, 
 in the name of the Covenanters, to offer indemnity, and even 
 rewards in money and preferment to deserters, just as if he were 
 an agent for the rebels, and not, as he pretended, for the King. 
 Yet this man stood higher in the good King's favour, and was 
 more trusted than any man, excepting Hamilton. 
 
 Montrose upon this called his friends together to advise with 
 him upon this miserable state of things. Some were of opinion 
 
 ' Sir William Rollock, now spelt Rollo, was the younger brother of Sir James of Duncrub (see 
 «. p. 32). He was lame from infancy, but a brave soldier. Resigning his position as captain in 
 General King's "lifeguard of horse" at Newcastle, he took service with Montrose as major, and 
 with Colonel Sibbald accompanied him in his ride to Tullybelton. After the battle of Aberdeen he 
 fell into Argyll's hands, as he was carrying despatches to the King. (See Chap, xviii. and Napier, 
 Mem. , 459, for Argyll's proposing the assassination of Montrose to Rollock.) He was taken prisoner 
 at Philiphaugh, and beheaded at Glasgow Cross, 2ist October 1646. The date of his death has 
 been in dispute, but it is now decided by the discovery of the warrant of the Estates for the execu- 
 tion. The sederunt, held at Glasgow, 2ist October 1645, consisted of Crawford (Lindsay) pres., 
 Lanark, General David Lesly, Cessnock, Tullibardine, Elphinston, Finlater, Kirkcudbright, 
 Kilbirnie, General Baillie, Kowdoun, and George Porterfield. Rollock was called in, and sentenced 
 to be beheaded that afternoon. The Glasgow bailie, Robert Burns, who presided, gives four 
 o'clock as the hour. See Chap, xviii. «. ; also Guthrie, Mem., 20S ; Nap., Mem., index; Acts 
 Pari. Scot., vi. pt. i. 587. 
 
 8 See n. p. 41. 
 
48 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 that he should go to Oxford and inform His Majesty that affairs 
 in Scotland were past recovery ; that Antrim had not come with 
 the Irish forces, and there was no prospect of their coming ; that 
 little or nothing had been got from the English ; no news of the 
 men or arms from abroad had arrived, and accordingly it was no 
 fault of his that he had failed in his appointed task. Others 
 advised him to resign his commission to the King at Oxford, 
 with letters of excuse, and retire abroad until it should please God 
 to grant a more favourable opportunity. All were fully agreed 
 that nothing further should be attempted in Scotland. Montrose 
 stood alone in the lofty, undaunted view he took of matters, 
 intent on very different plans from these. He considered himself 
 bound, even at peril of his life, never to forsake his dearest lord 
 and King, never to despair of so just a cause. Should he attempt 
 some daring exploit beyond the reach of common souls, he foresaw 
 that it would redound to his own honour, and perhaps also the 
 interests of the King. God in His mercy might still turn the 
 King's misfortunes into joy ; and should he fall in some great 
 enterprise, he would die with honour and renown. So resolved, 
 and commending the matter earnestly to the care and protection 
 of Almighty God, he performed such exploits, without men, without 
 money, and without arms, as fill us who have heard of them, seen 
 them, and been present at them, with astonishment, and will 
 deservedly arouse the envy and imitation of the greatest generals 
 hereafter. What these were will appear in the course of our 
 narrative. 
 
 He now transferred to Ogilvy the few who had remained con- 
 stant in their fidelity to him, to be conducted to the King ; and as 
 he had always communicated his plans to him, he informed him of 
 his present design, and charged him to press the King earnestly 
 to have a supply of arms at least, if not of men, sent at once from 
 abroad. For two days he accompanied them on their return, and 
 then withdrew privately, leaving with them his horses, servants, 
 and baggage, and returned to Carlisle with the utmost expedition. 
 Not suspecting his departure, as Ogilvy and his most intimate 
 friends were still with them, the party continued their march to 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 49 
 
 Oxford. But they never reached it,^ for most of them, Including 
 Ogilvy, Sir John Innes,^" colonel of a regiment of horse, Henry 
 Graham," his brother, a youth of great promise, James, John, and 
 Alexander Ogilvy,^^ Patrick Melvin,^^ and other gallant gentlemen, 
 
 ^ See letter of Fairfax in Napier, Mem. , 405, and instructions for Lord Ogilvy, ibid. , 406-408, 
 with extract from Rushworth giving an account of the affair at Ribble Bridge. Colonel Doddington 
 and Colonel Shuttleworth achieved these captures. The prisoners were sent first to the army before 
 Newcastle, and, at the end of the siege, to Edinburgh, some to the Castle and some to the " Thieves' 
 Hole." A former editor of Wishart says that our author was among the prisoners. This is a 
 mistake ; he was lecturing in Newcastle with regularity during the siege, and only became their 
 fellow-prisoner at its conclusion. 
 
 ^^ " Sir John Innes" we have not been able to identify as to his parentage. He signed Mon- 
 trose's bond at Oxford, and went with him to York and Durham. See Napier, Mem. of Mont., ii. 
 119, and Macbrayre's letter, Napier, Mem., 389. He is sent with Sir John Hurry to invite Huntly 
 to a conference, they being " two persons of the most eminent character in his (Montrose's) army, 
 and who would be acceptable to Huntly" (Chap. xxi. infra). Several of the cadet families of 
 Innes were King's men, such as Leuchars, Coitts, and Coxton, though Innes of Innes was a supporter 
 of Argyll, and a Lieutenant-Colonel John Innes commanded a regiment of horse on the Covenant 
 side (Spalding, ii. 432). Alexander Innes of the Leuchars family, connected with Buckingham and 
 Strafford, and engaged in communicating with the Queen, writes from Oxford, June 27, 1643, saying 
 that his brother Robert has been committed by Parliament, and that James is a prisoner at Windsor. 
 John Innes of Leuchars signs the Kilcummin Bond. There are several Innes names in the long list of 
 those receiving "assurances" from Middleton in 1646, where " Harie Graham " and more than one 
 John Ogilvy and James Ogilvy occur in Act. Pari. Scot, vol. vi. pt. i. 669. "John Innes, a rebel," 
 submits, 15th May 1647, to the Commission of the General Assembly at Aberdeen (Gen. Assemb. 
 Rec, 249), where may be seen submissions of many others of the name. See also " The Family of 
 Innes," edited by Cosmo Innes, Spalding Club, 235 zxiA passim ; also Spalding, ii. 450 and 467, &c. 
 
 " Henry Graham, a natural brother of Montrose, was detained as a prisoner before Newcastle, 
 and sent to the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, and afterwards to the Castle. He accompanies the other 
 refugees from Stonehaven to Norway (Chap. xxi.). In the last expedition of Montrose he took part, 
 but being left in charge at Kirkwall, escaped the disaster at Corbiesdale. In " the true funerals " 
 of the Marquis in 1661 we have " Sir Harry Graham, in complete armour, on horseback, carrying 
 on the point of a lance the colours of the house. This noble gentleman accompanied his Excellence 
 in all his good and bad fortunes, both at home and abroad." The watchfulness of the Argyll 
 government in Scotland is shown in two extracts from Balfour, Ann., iv. 32 and 53, as to Captain 
 Hall's frigate, in which Henry Grahame escaped from Orkney. Hall and Sir Henry Grahame 
 " being themselves aland, were taken and imprissoned by the people of Norway after the shipe was 
 surprised ; bot they were releassed therafter, in respect no Scotchman would receave them off ther 
 hand." ..." The housse ordaines the Provost of Edinburgh to causse searche and try anent thesse 
 shipes that cam last from Norway, and refussed to take Sir Henrey Grahame, Captain Hall, and 
 others who were offered to be delivered to them." 
 
 ^^ We have not been able to identify the two first-named Ogilvys. More than one John and 
 James Ogilvy were out with Montrose. John of Baldovey appears at Kilsyth, and in the pardon list 
 of 1647. After the Restoration he became a justice of peace for Forfarshire. John of Gela or Gella 
 and his son John are also on the pardon list. There is also a John and a James in Littlekeny on 
 the same list. Is the Alexander Ogilvy mentioned here the same as Alexander Ogilvy, the young 
 son of Sir John of Inverquharity, who joined Montrose before Aberdeen and Kilsyth, and became 
 one of the victims of the Covenant on the scaffold at Glasgow after Philiphaugh? (see p. 118 and 
 Ch. xviii.). If so, he could not have been more than sixteen years of age at this time. Apparently 
 an Alexander Ogilvy signed the Oxford Bond. 
 
 ^* Patrick Melvin or Melvill appears as Major Melvin in the preparations for the descent upon 
 Orkney. Napier, Mem., 729. See also n. at end of Part I. 
 
 D 
 
so DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 much esteemed by Montrose, fell into the hands of the enemy* 
 They were all subjected to a long and loathsome imprisonment, 
 until set at liberty by Montrose himself next year, after which 
 they did him faithful service. 
 
 Having returned to Carlisle, he imparted his design to the 
 Earl of Aboyne.^* He was anxious that he might not have the 
 least cause to complain that he had undertaken an affair of such 
 importance without the knowledge and advice of one whose help 
 he might afterwards require in its prosecution. But as that young 
 nobleman was lacking in steady perseverance, he did not urge him 
 to share the hardships of the journey. He found no difficulty in 
 persuading him to stay at Carlisle till summoned by the news of 
 his success. It would then be more seasonable for him to return 
 to his own country. 
 
 Being now prepared for his journey, he made choice of only 
 two men as his companions and guides, ^^ Sir William Rollock, a 
 gentleman of tried honour, prompt in action and advice, and one 
 Sibbald,^^ whom Montrose held in no less honour and esteem on 
 account of his reputation for courage. This man, however, after- 
 wards deserted him in his greatest need. Disguised as a groom 
 in the service of Sibbald, Montrose was mounted on a lean jade, 
 and led another horse in hand. In this guise he reached the 
 Border, where he found all the ordinary safe passes strictly 
 guarded by the enemy. Here an accident happened which gave 
 
 ^* Lord James Gordon, Viscount Aboyne, second son of George, second Marquis of Huntly. See 
 Chap. xii. n. 
 
 " See previous note on Sir William Rollock or Rollo. Spalding repeats more than once that 
 "Crouner Hay and Crouner Sibbald cam with Montrois from England." Montrose and his com- 
 panions left Carlisle August 1 8, 1644. 
 
 ^® Colonel William Sibbald, attached early to Montrose, was left by him in charge of the " Bonnie 
 House of Airlie " on its surrender by Lord Ogilvy, and was ejected from it by Argyll, preparatory to 
 its destruction ; see note at end of Chap. i. As to his later desertion of Montrose at Fyvie, see 
 Chap. viii. As a messenger of Montrose from Holland, he was captured, and threatened with 
 torture by the Scotch Parliament (see Acts vi. pt. ii. 564), "if he give them not satisfaction in his 
 examination." He was afterwards executed, January 7, 1650. His dying speech, as he intended 
 to deliver it. Is given in various editions of Wishart as an appendix. Sir James Turner has this 
 characteristic notice of Colonel Sibbald : — " I went by land to Holland, accompanied with Colonel 
 Sibbald, who carried letters from Montrose both to Scotland and Ireland. From Rotterdam I 
 wrote with him to my wife at Edinburgh to furnish him with a considerable peece of money (for he 
 was not well stored), which she did ; and he had his heade chopd of not long after at the Crosse of 
 Edinburgh ; so I lost both my friend and my money." — Turner, Mem., 92. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 51 
 
 him still greater concern. Not far from the Border they fell in 
 with a servant of Richard Graham,^'^ who taking them for Cove- 
 nanters of Lesly's army, who were scouring the country in those 
 parts, assured them in frank confidence that his master was on 
 excellent terms with the Covenanters, and had undertaken, as 
 though he were their spy, to inform them of all who came that 
 way, if suspected of favouring the King ; an unworthy act of a 
 shameless villain, a man whom Montrose used to hold in the 
 highest esteem, one who had been raised from the dunghill, of the 
 lowest class, to say no worse of him, to the dignity of knighthood, 
 and an estate which was the envy of his neighbours, by the favour 
 and misplaced bounty of the King. 
 
 They had not parted long from this man when they met a 
 soldier, a Scotsman, who had served in England under the 
 Marquis of Newcastle. Passing by the other two, he came to 
 Montrose and saluted him. Montrose, to maintain his disguise, 
 did not acknowledge the salute ; but the man was positive, and in 
 the most respectful humble manner exclaimed, " Do not I know 
 my Lord the Marquis of Montrose well enough ? But go your 
 way, and God speed you ! " When he saw that the soldier recog- 
 nised him, he dismissed him with a few gold pieces, and the man 
 did not betray the confidence put in his fidelity. 
 
 Montrose was greatly alarmed by these circumstances. He 
 therefore resolved to push forward with the utmost speed, to 
 anticipate the rumour of his coming, and spurred on without 
 
 ^" Lord Nithsdale's opinion of Sir Richard corresponds with that of our author. In his letter 
 from Carlisle to Lord Antrim at York, May 2, 1643, he says : — " Good Sir Richard Grahame and 
 a number of roundheads in these parts, upon your servant coming post, have spread report that 
 you and I are upon ane plot to bring forces from Ireland to take in this country, in so much as I 
 have been forced to affirm the contrary with oaths, as I might justly do. This much is given out 
 by him, one Dalstoun, and others, as in aquitall to your lady, for raising him out of the dunghill, 
 which my Lord her husband did. He will be at York within two or three days, he will shift it off 
 upon the puritans of this country, whereof he is the head ; but upon my word your Lordship is 
 little beholden to him to my knowledge." — Spalding, ii. 245; copy of letters found in Antrim's 
 pocket when he was taken by Monro. Antrim's "lady" was the widow of the Duke of Buck- 
 ingham. 
 
 Sir Richard had been confidential attendant to Buckingham and Master of the Horse in his 
 establishment. He accompanied Charles and Buckingham when, as Tom and John Smith, they set 
 out in 1623 on their wild excursion to Spain to see the Infanta. James I. created him a baronet in 
 1629. He distinguished himself at Edgehill, and founded the family of Esk, from which sprang 
 other well-known families of Graham on the Borders. 
 
52 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 sparing his horse, and scarcely drew rein for four days, when he 
 entered Perthshire near the Highlands, and reached the house 
 of his cousin,^^ Patrick Graham of Inchbrakie, not far from the 
 river Tay. Inchbrakie was descended from the illustrious family 
 of Montrose, and worthy of his noble parentage. Montrose, 
 therefore, deservedly put the greatest confidence in him. There 
 he staid for some days, passing the day in an obscure cottage, and 
 the night in the neighbouring mountains alone, for he had sent 
 his companions away to his friends to get intelligence, and bring 
 him an exact account of the state of the kinofdom. 
 
 After spending some days in busily collecting information, 
 they returned with nothing but dismal news — all honest, loyal 
 subjects were crushed and prostrate under the tyranny of the 
 rebels. Of those who had dared to defend themselves by force, 
 some were fined, others put to death,^^ and others in prison, daily 
 expecting the worst. The Marquis of Huntly^° had risen prema- 
 turely, but had surrendered at the first trumpet blast of the enemy, 
 though his forces were large and only lacked a fit commander. 
 His friends and followers were now exposed to the implacable 
 hate and vengeance of their enemies, while he himself had fled to 
 
 ^^ Patrick Graham, the elder, of Inchbrakie, had been one of the guardians of Montrose on the 
 death of his father, and was still in possession of the property of Inchbrakie, though a George 
 Graham of Inchbrakie appears in 1641 as a justice for the suppression of broken men in the High- 
 lands. See Napier, Mem., 21-25, for some interesting notices of Patrick's care of Montrose's books, 
 &c. His son Patrick, called "Black Pate," was a very vigorous ally of Montrose throughout the 
 campaign ; gained him even after Philiphaugh a slight return of victory in his defeat of Argyll's 
 men in Menteith. He was excepted from pardon for some time after his forfeiture, though at 
 length he got an assurance of safety from Middleton. He was in custody in 1650 along with 
 Graham of Gorthie under the charge of Colonel Pitscottie, who is directed to put them ' ' to 
 liberty" (not "to death," as the Index of the Acts has it). Act. Pari. Scot., vi. pt. ii. 575. We 
 afterwards find him with his son George taking important places in the great funeral, he himself 
 carrying the Order of the Garter, and George carrying the great mourning banner. He held several 
 commissions in the country after the Restoration. The house which Montrose visited was not Inch- 
 brakie on the Earn, but Tullybelton, nearer the Tay. It lies about four miles south of Dunkeld and 
 five north of Methven. It has passed out of the hands of the Grahams. 
 
 ^* Gordon of Haddo, and Logie, had been executed on the 19th July, while Maxwell and others 
 suffered about the same time. There were many Royalists in prison and in exile, such as Irvine of 
 Drum in exile and his son in jail in Edinburgh, and the whole of Huntly's lands and those of the 
 other Royalists in the north were under most severe exaction. Spalding, ii. 317, and passim. 
 
 ^^ George Gordon, second Marquis of Huntly (see n. Ch. vii. and preface), had taken the field 
 in April, but immediately retired to Strathnaver, Lord Reay's country, where he remained in 
 seclusion for some time. Lord Reay himself was shut up in Newcastle along with Wishart and 
 Lord Crawford. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 53 
 
 the uttermost corner of the island, where he lay concealed on 
 another man's land. 
 
 Montrose was much troubled by this news, especially of Huntly's 
 mistake and the ruin of the Gordons ; and not without reason ; 
 for as they were famous for loyalty, courage, and renown in 
 arms, he lamented that they had suffered such signal calamity 
 through no fault of their own. However, he now began to con- 
 sider how he might induce them to join himself, and again take 
 up arms for their beloved King, but under another general. 
 
CHAPTER V, 
 
 Arrival of the Irish — Montrose meets them in Athole — Is joined by Lord Kilpont and 
 Sir J. Drummond — Battle of Tippermuir and surrender of Perth. 
 
 T N the meantime vague rumours began to spread among , the 
 -'- shepherds on the hills that some Irish had landed in the 
 north of Scotland, and were wandering about the Highlands. 
 Montrose thought it not unlikely that these were some of the 
 auxiliaries promised four months ago by Antrim. But he remained 
 in doubt, till he received letters from some Highland friends, and 
 also from Alexander Macdonald,^ whom Antrim had appointed to 
 command this small body of Irish. These letters had been sent 
 to one of their friends, an ardent Royalist, to be forwarded, if 
 
 ^ Alastair M'CoU Keitache Macdonald was the son of the fierce old Coll Keitache MacGilles- 
 pick Macdonald of Colonsay. The nickname Keitache means ambidexter. Corrupted into " Col- 
 kitto," it was appHed to both chiefs. Alastair was Antrim's cousin, and had served under that 
 incapable leader in Ireland. With Antrim's promised aid, 1600 men, he landed at Ardnamurchan 
 early in July, wasted the country for forty miles, and seized Mingary and Loch Alyne. Getting no 
 support from his kindred, he prepared to return to Ireland. The Campbells meanwhile had burnt 
 his three ships, and he was obhged to march eastwards through Lochaber, but failed to raise any 
 strength for the King. Even the loyal clans doubted his commission, or would not serve under a 
 Macdonald. After trying the Mackenzies in Ross, and nearly coming to blows with them, he came 
 down upon Badenoch, and there, through the influence of the Gordon connection, raised 500 
 men. Down the Spey he was stopped by the Laird of Grant, and turned towards Athole, where his 
 force would probably have been destroyed by the Robertsons and Stewarts but for the timely 
 appearance of Montrose. A messenger from these clansmen sent towards Perth with the fiery cross 
 encountered Montrose in Methven, and informed him of the situation. Within twenty-four hours 
 Montrose united the opposing forces. After Kilsyth Macdonald was knighted by Montrose, but 
 deserted him before Philiphaugh. He maintained himself with a force in Kintire, and refused to 
 lay down arms even on the King's command. He was attacked by David Leslie, and " like a fool 
 (for no sojor he was, though stout enough), put in 300 of his best men in a house at the 
 top of a hill called Dunavertie, environed with a stone wall, where there was not a drop of water 
 but what fell from the clouds. Then leaving Kintire he went to Islay, where he played just such 
 another mad prank, leaving his old father with 200 men in a castle called Dunneveg, where 
 was no water." . . . "Not without stain on Leslie's honour, the old man coming out on some 
 parole was hanged, and every mother's son except one put to the sword " (Turner, Mem., pp. 45-48). 
 Alastair had gone to Ireland, and in an affair in Munster, after quarter given, was basely stabbed 
 in the back by an officer of Inchiquin's, and died on the ground (Gordon's Britaine's Distemper, 
 65-75 ^r^^ passim ; Turner, 45-48 ; Napier, Mem., /'««>// ; Act. Pari. Scot., Spalding, Gardiner, &c.). 
 
 54 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 55 
 
 possible, to Carlisle, where they thought Montrose still was. 
 This gentleman, without the faintest inkling of Montrose's return 
 to Scotland, though he lived in the neighbourhood, decided, by a 
 lucky chance, to inform Patrick Graham of these letters. The 
 latter promised to take charge of them, and undertook to deliver 
 them faithfully to Montrose, even if he had to go all the way to 
 Carlisle. Thus, by the manifest favour and guidance of Provi- 
 dence, they came to hand much sooner than was expected. 
 
 He returned answer as though still at Carlisle, and bade them 
 be of good courage, as they should not want timely help and a 
 general to lead them. At the same time he ordered them to come 
 down into Athole as soon as possible. The men of Athole were 
 under many obligations to Montrose, who esteemed them highly 
 for their remarkable loyalty, devotion, and constancy to the King, 
 as well as for their distinguished bravery. And certainly they 
 fully justified his high regard to the very end of the war. 
 
 The Irish, and a very few Highlanders, almost all from 
 Badenoch, on receipt of these orders hastened to Athole. As this 
 was not more than twenty miles distant, Montrose set out on foot, 
 in Highland dress, accompanied only by his cousin, Patrick Graham, 
 as his guide, and joined them so unexpectedly that the Irish could 
 scarce be persuaded that the man before them was Montrose him- 
 self. But when they saw that he was saluted by the Athole men 
 and others who knew him well and almost worshipped him as a 
 guardian angel, they were transported with joy. He came to them 
 in the very nick of time, for they were in the utmost danger. 
 Argyll was in their rear with a strong and well-appointed army. 
 The Lowlands were in arms, ready on their coming down into the 
 plains to trample them under their horses' hoofs. The vessels 
 that had brought them over had been burned by Argyll to cut off 
 their escape. The Athole ^ men too and other Royalists refused to 
 join them in any perilous enterprise, as they were strangers, and 
 apparently supported by no royal authority. Moreover, they were 
 not commanded by any person of ancient nobility, a thing much 
 
 * The Athole men were preparing to attack the Irish and Badenoch men (Patrick Gordon, 
 Britaine's Distemper, 65-69). 
 
56 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 respected by the Highlanders; and they would never have fought 
 under Alexander Macdonald, whom they looked upon as an 
 upstart. And lastly, their number was very small, not more than 
 eleven hundred, though ten thousand^ had been promised. 
 
 Next day the Athole men to the number of 800 took up arms 
 and offered their service to Montrose with the greatest readiness. 
 With this band, and earnestly commending his most righteous 
 cause to the protection of Almighty God, he now wished for 
 nothing more earnestly than to be in the thick of the enemy. 
 Impatient of further delay, he marched that very day through the 
 plains of Athole towards Strathearn, in order that his friends and 
 supporters, if any should rise on the news, might have an oppor- 
 tunity of joining him before they could be prevented by the 
 enemy, and also that by this sudden movement he might strike 
 terror into the enemy and fall upon them before they could collect 
 their scattered forces. Passing by Weem,* a castle of the Menzies', 
 as they had maltreated a trumpeter, whom he had sent to them in 
 a friendly manner, and attacked his rearguard, he ordered their 
 lands to be laid waste and their houses and cut corn to be 
 fired, that on the very threshold of the war he might terrify 
 others. On the same night he crossed the Tay, which is far 
 the largest river in Scotland, with part of his forces ; the rest 
 followed early on the following day. On the point of marching he 
 gave the command of the Athole men, at their own earnest request, 
 to Patrick Graham,^ whom we shall often have occasion to men- 
 tion, and never without honour, and despatched him to scout with 
 a picked body of the most active Athole men. He returned with 
 intelligence that he had seen a body of armed men on a hill at 
 Buchanty.^ They were commanded by Lord Kilpont,^ son of the 
 
 ' See Chap. iii. n. 4. 
 
 * Weem Castle is Castle Menzies. The laird was Alexander Menzies. In 1645 with several 
 neighbours, allies of Argyll, he petitioned Parliament to remedy their starving condition and 
 compensate their losses. He was allowed ;if 10,000 Scots (Act. Pari. Scot., vi. pt. i. 387 and 
 
 791)- 
 
 * See Chap. iv. «. 18. 
 
 « Buchanty on the Almond. His route doubtless lay from Castle Menzies by Aberfeldy, Amulree, 
 and the Sma' Glen to Buchanty. 
 
 7 John, Lord Kilpont, was the eldest son of William Graham, seventh Earl of Menteith, then 
 known as Earl of Airth, by Agnes, daughter of Patrick, Lord Gray. His father claimed the Earl- 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 57 
 
 Earl of Menteith, a nobleman of very ancient lineage, descended 
 from the illustrious family of the Grahams, and by Sir John Drum- 
 mond,^ son of the Earl of Perth, also a kinsman of Montrose. 
 They had been summoned by the Covenanters to join in oppos- 
 ing the Irish as public enemies, and had with them 500 men, all 
 foot, and as yet had heard nothing certain about Montrose. He 
 marched straight up to them, resolving to surprise them, and 
 either bring them over to his side or overwhelm them. But 
 as soon as they understood that Montrose was in command, 
 they sent some of their chief friends to demand his intentions. 
 He replied that he acted by the King's authority, and had 
 undertaken to defend it to the utmost against an abominable 
 rebellion. Further, he required them, by the affection they 
 owed him, not to refuse their aid to the best of kings. Such 
 service became their birth, and would be acceptable to the 
 King; it would redound to their present advantage and future 
 honour both at home and abroad, should they hasten to be the 
 first to support a tottering throne. Without a moment's hesita- 
 tion they gladly came over; for both of them were at heart 
 ardent Royalists. 
 
 From them Montrose learned that the Covenanters had 
 gathered in great numbers at Perth (the second city of Scot- 
 land next to Edinburgh) and were there awaiting his descent 
 from Athole. As he knew that Argyll with his army was close 
 on his heels, to avoid being hemmed in between two armies, he 
 
 dom of Strathearn by virtue of descent from David, eldest son of Robert II., by Euphemia Ross, 
 and secured the title by patent, July 31, 1631. This concession revived a possible claim to the 
 crown, turning on the question whether Elizabeth More or Euphemia Ross was first wife to 
 Robert II. Some indiscreet boast that his blood was the reddest in Scotland gave offence. He 
 was deprived of his offices and titles and retired into private life, retaining only his title of first Earl 
 of Airth. In 1644 the Menteith lands were secured to him and his heirs, and he was styled Earl of 
 Airth and Menteith. In 161 1 he married Agnes, daughter of Patrick, Lord Gray, and had four 
 sons and three daughters. John, Lord Kilpont, married Lady Mary Keith before 1633, and left a 
 son. William, second Earl of Airth and Menteith, disposed of his whole property to the Marquis 
 of Montrose and Graham of Gartmore in 1694 (see Red Book of Menteith ; Douglas Peerage, 
 "Airth"). 
 
 ^ Sir John Drummond, fourth son of John, second Earl of Perth, founded the family of Drummond 
 of Logic Almond. He was distantly connected with Montrose. His brother is reckoned among the 
 nine nearest of kin to the deceased at the grand funeral of the hero. Sir John accompanied Mon- 
 trose to Strathbogie, but on Argyll's pass, with many others, went south before the winter set in. 
 In 1652 we find him Commissioner for Perthshire. 
 
S8 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 determined to march on Perth, and either force the enemy to fight, 
 or take the town and reduce it to obedience. Accordingly he 
 advanced three miles from Buchanty, and, after a very brief halt 
 to rest his men, resumed his march at early dawn. Not more 
 than three miles from Perth he saw the enemy drawn up for 
 battle on a broad open plain called Tippermuir.^ They were 
 commanded by Lord Elcho/** who had no great reputation as a 
 soldier. With him were the Earl of Tullibardine ^^ and Lord 
 Drummond,^^ the latter, it was reported, against his will, he and 
 all his father's family being at heart favourable to the King. 
 There were also very many knights, of whom the most dis- 
 tinguished officer was Sir James Scott,^^ who had served with 
 credit in the Venetian army. Their forces consisted of 6000 
 
 * Gardiner gives a good account of the battle, drawn from Wishart, Patrick Gordon, Spalding, 
 and the Depositions in Napier's Memorials, ii. 149. It was fought Sunday, September i, 1644. 
 
 ^° David, Lord Elcho, eldest son of John, first Earl of Wemyss. He succeeded to the earldom 
 22nd November 1649, l^is father dying on the day of Lady Elcho's funeral. " He built a commo- 
 dious harbour for Methil and greatly improved the place of Wemyss." His third wife was the lady 
 who holds a most important position in Scottish genealogy as ancestress, through her three marriages, 
 of many noble families, including Buccleuch, Leven, Wemyss, Sutherland, &c. (Book of Earls of 
 Leven and Melville, Lament's Diary, Douglas Peerage). 
 
 ^^ James, fourth Earl of Tullibardine, was son of Patrick, Lord Murray of Garth and third E^rl 
 of Tullibardine. He was a staunch Covenanter. His brother, the Hon, William, followed Montrose, 
 and suffered after Philiphaugh with Sir Robert Spottiswoode. The Earl declined to use his influence 
 for him since he had joined that wicked crew (see Chap. xix. ; Guthrie, Mem., 206. Cromwell in 
 his "act of grace" fined him ;^i50o for his connection with the Engagers. He died without issue, 
 " being ana old man," dnd his title passed to the first Marquis of Athole (Lamont's Diary, 270). 
 
 ^^ James, Lord Drummond, eldest son of the Earl of Perth and brother of Sir John above 
 mentioned. His sympathies were with the Royalists, as he signed the Cumljernauld Bond and 
 joined Montrose in August 1645, and was taken prisoner at Philiphaugh. Baillie does not hesitate 
 to attribute the defeat at Tippermuir to the "villany of Lord Drummond." He succeeded to the 
 Earldom in 1662 and died in 1675, His son James, fourth Earl, was the well-known Chancellor of 
 James VH. 
 
 ^* Sir James Scott of Rossie, in Fife, Knight and Colonel, appears frequently in the civil history 
 and military afi"airs of the time. In 1633 he assigns to David Beaton, the King's physician, the life- 
 rent of the feu-duties of Kingsbarns, and in 1641 he appears as a "gentleman of the privy chamber," 
 receiving with his wife. Dame Antonetta Willoughby, a pension of looo merks Scots, He was a 
 commissioner in the negotiations at Ripon, and in 1644 on the Commission of War for the North. 
 Was this the Colonel James Scott who, with Colonel Ludovic Leslie, in 1661 obtained a monopoly 
 for making saltpetre, tanning without bark, making iron without coal, making soap, raising water out 
 of pits, improving ground, making ploughs, saltpans, and making crystal ? He is supposed to have 
 a first right to " inventions hitherto vnknowne for draining of myns, coallpits, and other things 
 opprest with water, and for makeing of all sorts of milnes, which being put in motion shall con- 
 tinew of itselff without the force of a river, strenth of men, horses, or wind, weiks, moneths, yea 
 yeirs, or vntill materialls weir or breake, which then can speedily be repaired. In which motion 
 the same may be stopt when requisite and againe made to begin and continew as aforsaid, altho no 
 liveing creature be present" (Act. Pari. Scot., vii. 127). 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 59 
 
 foot and ^QO-Jiorse^ and, trusting to their numbers, they had 
 already in anticipation devoured their enemy. It was Sunday, 
 the I St of September, and their ministers were specially charged 
 to encourage the soldiers in their sermons and animate them 
 for batde by reminding them of their (so-called) Holy Covenant. 
 And, to give them their due, they performed their part stoutly 
 at the expense of their lungs, promising them in the name of 
 God Almighty an easy and bloodless victory. Nay, one of 
 them, Frederick Carmichael,^* esteemed by the ignorant people 
 a man of great learning and holiness, did not hesitate to declare 
 in his discourse, " If ever God spoke certain truth out of my 
 mouth, in His name I promise you to-day a certain victory." 
 
 Having finished their devotions duly, as they thought, they 
 drew up their army in order of battle. Elcho himself commanded 
 the right wing. Sir James Scott the left, and the Earl of Tulli- 
 bardine the centre. The cavalry were posted on the wings, by 
 which they confidently expected on such open ground to surround 
 the enemy. When Montrose saw the superior numbers of the 
 enemy, and especially their strength in horse, as he himself had 
 not a single trooper, and not more than three horses altogether, 
 lean, sorry jades, he had reason to fear he might be surrounded, 
 and attacked in front, rear, and flank. He therefore extended his 
 line as much as possible, in files only three deep, with orders to 
 discharge all at once, those in the front rank kneeling, the second 
 stooping, and the rear rank, in which he placed his tallest men, 
 standing erect. They were to waste no powder, of which they 
 stood in great need, and not to fire a single shot till face to face 
 
 " Frederick Carmichael, minister of Markinch in Fife, a forward Covenanter. He preached 
 before the King at Holyrood, Sunday, September 26, 1641, on the text, " Let him kiss me with the 
 kisses of his mouth; for thy love is better than wine" (Cant. i. 2). In 1641 he complains that 
 ministers sent out with the army did lack necessary maintenance (Balfour, Ann., iii. 77 and 175). 
 He was on the Commission for reforming St. Andrews and Aberdeen Universities, a Commissioner 
 of Assembly, and frequently Moderator of Presbyterian gatherings in Fife. Under 1655 Lament 
 has the following : — " Mr. Frederick Carmichael, to helpe to build the walls of his house, did cause 
 tak some stones out of the churchyeard deike ; the place is yet visibell, being on the south-west syde 
 of the church deike, over against Walter Mutray's house in Markinshe." The minister died " att 
 his dwelling house at Markinshe, and was interred att the said church, the 7th of May, in the day 
 time."— Ibid. 248. See also Act. Pari. Scot., vi.-vii. 198-394, &c.; Scot's Fasti, Markinch ; Records 
 of Commissions of General Assemblies, Index. 
 
6o DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 with the enemy ; then after one discharge, to fall on bravely with 
 drawn swords and muskets clubbed ; and the enemy, he assured 
 them confidently, would never stand their charge. Montrose him- 
 self took command of the right wing, facing Sir James Scott. The 
 left he assigned to Lord Kilpont, and the centre to Macdonald 
 with his Irish. This was an excellent arrangement, for the Irish, 
 who had neither long pikes nor swords, if placed on the wings 
 would have been exposed to the enemy's cavalry. 
 
 Montrose had sent Drummond,^^ Lord Maderty's eldest son, 
 a very accomplished young nobleman, to the leaders of the enemy, 
 to declare, in his name, that he, as well as his royal master, whose 
 commission he bore, had the utmost abhorrence of shedding his 
 countrymen's blood, and most earnestly desired a bloodless victory. 
 Such a victory both armies might gain if they would return to 
 their duty and allegiance without the hazard of war. He was 
 neither covetous of honours for himself nor envious of other men's 
 preferment, and had no designs against the lives of his fellow- 
 countrymen. All he desired was that in God's name they would 
 at length give ear to sounder counsels, and trust to the clemency, 
 faith, and protection of so good a King. Hitherto His Majesty 
 had fully complied with all the demands of his Scotch subjects, 
 both in civil and religious matters, though to the very great pre- 
 judice of his royal prerogative, and was still ready, like a most 
 indulgent father, though provoked by unspeakable injuries, to 
 embrace his penitent children with open arms. If, notwithstanding, 
 they persisted in rebellion, he called God to witness that their 
 stubbornness forced him into the present strife. 
 
 To this they made no reply. Contrary to the law of nations, 
 they seized the envoy, who had undertaken that office solely out 
 of love to his country, and sent him under guard to Perth, to be 
 imprisoned like a malefactor, impiously vowing that after their 
 
 ^' David Drummond, Master of Maderty, afterwards third Lord Maderty. His father and he 
 were staunch Royalists, and suffered imprisonment and fine in the cause. David Drummond's 
 second wife was Lady Beatrice Graham, the sister of Montrose — "the bairn Beatrix" (Napier, 
 Mem., 430). Patrick Maxwell, sheriff-clerk of Perth, depones to seeing the Master of Maderty led 
 into Perth before the battle as a prisoner " by Bachiltoun and Balmedy." After the battle he saw 
 him free in the gallery of Margaret Donaldson's house {id., 437). In 1645 he paid a fine of ;^20C)0 
 Scots ; was pardoned in 1647, and died in 1684. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 6i 
 
 victory they would cut off his head. But God was more merciful, 
 and provided otherwise than they intended for the safety of this 
 noble and accomplished man. 
 
 As soon as they were within cannon-shot/^ the enemy, under 
 Lord Drummond, sent out some picked men to skirmish with 
 Montrose and harass his line. To check them he despatched a 
 small body, who at the first onset threw them into disorder, routed 
 them, and drove them back in panic on their own line. Montrose 
 seized the decisive moment to charge ; nothing could animate his 
 men and strike terror into the enemy more effectually than an 
 immediate attack, while they were still confused and dismayed at 
 this first blow, before they had time to rally or recover courage. 
 With a loud cheer he hurled his whole line upon them. The 
 enemy discharged their cannon, which were planted in front, but 
 at such a distance, that they produced more noise than execution. 
 They then advanced, and their horse moved forward to attack. 
 But Montrose's men, though their powder was spent, and few of 
 them were armed with pikes or even swords, received them boldly 
 with such weapons as fell to hand, namely, stones, no less, of which 
 they poured in heavy volleys with such force and spirit that they 
 compelled them to sound a retreat and trouble them no more. 
 The Irish and Highlanders, in gallant rivalry, behaved with the 
 utmost courage, and pressed so hard on their retreat that at last 
 they broke and fled. On the right wing the engagement lasted 
 longer. Here James Scott for some time made a desperate effort 
 to gain the higher ground. But Montrose's men, who were supe- 
 rior in strength of body, and especially in speed and agility, seized 
 the position. Then the Athole men charged down with drawn 
 claymores, and, unchecked by a hail of bullets from the musketeers, 
 they closed with them, slashing and cutting down all before them. 
 Unable to stand the shock, the enemy at last fairly fled away. 
 Most of the cavalry saved themselves by the speed of their horses, 
 but among the foot there was a very great slaughter, as the con- 
 querors pursued them for six or seven miles. Two thousand 
 
 ^^ Lat. globi tormentarii jadum. In the 1652 trans. " musket-shot ; " but for " musket -bullets " 
 Wishart uses globuhtm above, and tormenta, &c., regularly of cannon. 
 
62 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 Covena nters^ _ar£L-.said Jtja^hay^e been slam,-and a larger number 
 captured. Some of them took the oath of service and enHsted 
 with the victor; but nearly all of them broke their word and 
 deserted. The rest were set at liberty on parole never afterwards 
 to fight against the King or his generals. On the same day Mon- 
 trose took Perth, without inflicting any damage/^ though most of 
 the inhabitants had fought against him in the battle. By this act 
 of signal mercy he hoped to win them to the King, the sole end 
 and aim of all his plans. 
 
 ^^ See Depositions, Napier, Mem., 434-444. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 March from Perth to Cupar in Angus — Assassination of Kilpont — Montrose joined by the 
 Earl of Airlie and his two sons — March to Dundee — Defeat of Lord Burleigh at 
 Aberdeen. 
 
 FOR three days Montrose halted at Perth, in the vain hope 
 that many gentlemen of those parts, who boasted much of 
 their zeal for the King, might be roused by news of the victory to 
 take arms and join him with their friends and followers. But 
 none came in except the Earl of Kinnoul,^ with a few gentlemen 
 of Gowrie, and most even of these did not remain very constant 
 to him. By this time ArgylP was drawing near with a strong 
 army of foot, and a body of horse drawn from the south. Montrose 
 therefore crossed the Tay, and encamped in the open fields (his 
 usual quarters) near Cupar, a small town in Angus, once the site 
 of a famous monastery, now in ruins.^ Here he was met by that 
 gallant youth. Sir Thomas Ogilvy,^ son of the Earl of Airlie, with 
 
 ^ George, third Earl of Kinnoul. W. is premature in giving him the title. His father d. Oct. 5, 
 1644, at Whitehall. At this date he was Lord Dupplin. He accompanied Montrose to the north, 
 and was with him at Crathes, as deponed Jan. 31, 1645, by the Master of Spynie. In 1645 the 
 process against him and his servants is stopped — he had had Argyll's pass. In 1646, on his mother's 
 petition, he is allowed to be brought from France to be " bred and brocht up as his ain son " by his 
 cousin, the sumptuous Earl of Carlisle. In 1649 the Queen of Bohemia, from Rhenen, ^-^ Aug., 
 writes to Montrose, " I am grown a good archer, to shoot with my Lord Kinnoul." In Sept. 
 1649 he landed in Orkney with the advance body of Montrose's force, and reports to his commander 
 in a long letter from Kirkwall. He died suddenly in Orkney. Douglas errs in omitting this Earl 
 from his roll, and it is a question whether he has not ignored another Earl, who is said to have 
 perished in the wilds of Corbiesdale. William Hay appears as the gallant ensign who rescued the 
 royal standard at Philiphaugh, and who later on escaped from Edinburgh Castle by sheets and 
 blankets tied together. Douglas gives him as third Earl. He was either fourth or fifth. 
 
 * Argyll. See p. 76, n. 20, and Preface. 
 
 3 The ruins of the abbey of Cupar in Angus still remain. It was founded by Malcolm the 
 Maiden, 1164 for Cistercians (Wyntoun-Cronykill, ii. 200). The rental-book of the Abbey (Gram- 
 pian Club, 1879) gives its history. The lands became a temporal lordship Dec. 20, 1607. The 
 Lord Cupar at this time was James Elphinston, second son of Lord Balmerino. See Maxwell's " Old 
 Dundee" for amusing account of Lord Cupar's efforts to recover a "great aquavyte pot spulzeit," 
 and sold cheap, by the Highlanders on this occasion. 
 
 *• Sir Thomas Ogilvy, second son of first Earl of Airhe, b. Aug. 23, 1616. For his character and 
 death, set. 39, v. p. 85 and n. 16. He married Patricia, daughter of the brave old Lord Brentford. 
 " Your Majesty had never a truer servant, nor there never was a braver, honester gentleman " 
 (Montrose's despatch from Inverlochy to the King, Feb. 3, 1645). 
 
 63 
 
64 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 other noble gentry of Angus, who readily proffered their service. 
 He received them with courtesy and thanks, and dismissed them 
 to prepare for the campaign. Very few of them, however, except 
 the Ogilvies, followed his march. 
 
 Next day at early dawn, before the drums had beat to march, 
 the whole camp was in an uproar, the men all running to arms, 
 shouting and storming like madmen in their rage and indignation. 
 Hearing the disturbance, Montrose, who thought that it was some 
 brawl between the Highlanders and Irish, threw himself into the 
 thickest of the throng. There he found that a most horrible 
 murder had just been committed. On the ground lay the noble 
 Lord Kilpont,^ foully slain. The villain who had done the deed 
 was one Stewart,^ his own retainer, whom this nobleman had dis- 
 tinguished with great familiarity and friendship. On that very 
 night they had even shared the same bed. It is reported that the 
 base slave had resolved to make away with Montrose himself, and 
 counting on his great influence over Kilpont, hoped to induce him 
 to share his crime. For this purpose he took him aside to a soli- 
 tary spot and disclosed his design. Kilpont, however, received 
 the proposal as it deserved, with loathing. Whereupon the wretch, 
 fearing betrayal, suddenly fell on his unsuspecting friend and 
 master, and stabbed him to death with several wounds. The 
 abandoned assassin killed a sentinel at the gate of the camp 
 and made his escape, the night being dark, and his pursuers 
 scarcely able to see the length of their pikes. Some said that the 
 traitor had been bribed by the Covenanters, others that he was 
 
 •* See p. 56, n 7. 
 
 ^ On the motive for this murder see the Postscript, Introd. to " Legend of Montrose." Some 
 details in the letter cannot be correct. In the Act ratifying Stewart's pardon it is said that having 
 repented of joining the rebels, and abhorring their cruelty, he resolved to desert, and carry his 
 friends with him. When he tried to win Kilpont, they fell into a quarrel and *' struggle, and 
 Stewart, for his own relief, was obliged to kill him at the kirk of Collace, with two Irish rebels who 
 resisted his escape." He and his friends went straight to Argyll. Their conduct was approved by 
 the Committee of Estates, Dec. 10, and it was declared that " the said James Stewart did good 
 service to this kingdom in killing the said Lord Kilpont and twa Irish rebels, . . . and the Com- 
 mittee approved of what he did" (Act. Pari. Scot., vi. pt. i.). By Bishop Guthrie, p. 166, he was 
 explicitly charged with the intention to assassinate Montrose and Macdonaid. He became a major 
 in Argyll's force. Ardvoirlich is south of Loch Earn. See Card., Civil War, ii. 90; Napier, 
 Mem., 447. The proclamation of ;^20,ooo Scots for Montrose, dead or alive, was dated 12th 
 Sept. 1644, namely, a week after this murder. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 65 
 
 merely allured by the hope of reward. Be that as it may, it is 
 certain that he is in high favour among them to this very day ; 
 and though the man was no soldier, Argyll immediately promoted 
 him to very high commands in the army. Montrose was deeply 
 distressed at the fate of this nobleman, who had been a devoted 
 friend to the King and himself, as learned in polite literature, philo- 
 sophy, divinity, and law, as he was famous for truth and cour- 
 age. Embracing the lifeless body again and again, he delivered 
 it with sighs and tears to his sorrowing friends and followers, to be 
 carried home to his parents, that it might be committed to the 
 grave in a manner suitable to the dignity of that honourable family. 
 
 With the rest of his forces he then marched to Dundee. This 
 town, confident in its numbers and a reinforcement to the garrison 
 from Fife, refused to surrender. He therefore resolved not to 
 hazard the reputation of his late victory on a siege, and turned 
 away towards the river Esk. Most of his friends and kinsmen 
 in those parts were men of wealth and powerful following ; and 
 as they used to boast loudly of their power and loyalty, he hoped 
 they would join him. But on the news of his approach they all 
 withdrew, except Ogilvy, Earl of Airlie,^ who, though sixty years 
 of age, came in with his sons Sir Thomas and Sir David, and 
 some of their friends and vassals, all men of tried courage, and 
 adhered to him firmly, with admirable perseverance and fidelity, 
 in spite of all misfortunes, to the end of the war. Amidst the 
 almost universal defection, Airlie and Montrose were all that 
 remained to honour and adorn the Scotch nobility. 
 
 Meantime he received intelligence that Commissioners of the 
 Covenanters, with Lord Burleigh,^ their chief and president, lay at 
 
 ' James, eighth Lord Ogilvy, " for the loyalty and fidelity of his ancestors," created Earl of Airlie 
 April 2, 1639. He did honour to those ancestors. Excepting Huntly, he was the only Scottish 
 noble who refused the Covenant, and fought the matter out on Scottish soil. For his constancy see 
 Ch. vii. ; his conduct at Kilsyth, Ch. xiii. Excommunicated and excepted from pardon in 1646, he yet 
 clung to his own glens, and in 1647 his forfeiture was rescinded, and he appears to have lived in peace 
 and quiet. His gallant sons, Lord Ogilvy, Sir Thomas, and Sir David were worthy of their race. 
 
 ^ Robert Arnot of Ferney, married the heiress of Burleigh, and acquired the title of Lord 
 Burleigh. He was much in the hands of Argyll. Lord Burleigh was twice president of the Scotch 
 Parliament, and took care to have his acts condoned in succeeding Parliaments. He was on com- 
 missions of war, and a colonel of Fife regiments, but no soldier. On Aug. 10, 1663, "being ane 
 old man, he depairted out of this life att Burley, and was interred att his parish church the 12th 
 Aug., in the night time" (Lamont). . 
 
 E 
 
66 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 Aberdeen with an army, and were labouring hard, by entreaties, 
 bribes, or force of arms, to win over the northern parts, on 
 which Montrose chiefly relied. He resolved to drive them out at 
 once, before Argyll could join them with his army, and hastened 
 thither by forced marches. Seizing the bridge of Dee, he ap- 
 proached the city, and found the enemy drawn out before it in 
 battle array. Lord Burleigh commanded 2000 foot, and 500 horse 
 which he stationed on the wings. He occupied a strong position, 
 and, with his cannon well placed in front, was ready for battle. 
 
 Montrose's army numbered only 1500 foot, for Kilpont's men 
 had gone to escort the body of their dead leader to his parents, 
 and most of the Athole men, after the victory at Perth, had gone 
 off laden with booty to their own country, which was not far off. 
 His horse, numbering only forty-four, he divided and posted on 
 the wings, strengthened with some of his most active musketeers 
 and archers, who in agility and speed were almost as good as 
 horsemen.^ Their duty was to prevent the enemy's horse from 
 surrounding him, a task they accomplished gallantly beyond all 
 expectation and belief The right wing he assigned to James 
 Hay ^° and Nathaniel Gordon," the left to Sir William Rollock,^^ 
 
 * This mingling of active and disciplined musketeers with cavalry was the saving of the little 
 force more than once. Archers formed part of Claverhouse's host, and were not unknown in Prince 
 Charlie's army. See end of Ch. n. 1 7 on battle of Aberdeen. 
 
 ^° Col. James Hay is probably the same who joined Montrose in Orkney, and was taken at 
 Corbiesdale. He appears in the " list of prisoners " as " Nachton's brother." At this time he had 
 followed close behind Montrose from England. In 1646 a Col. James Hay, in company with Lord 
 Gray, gave much trouble to the General Assembly, but he may have been Col. J. H. of Linplum, 
 since the Presbytery of Haddington had charge of the case. See Part H., Ch. vi., and Records of 
 Com. of General Assembly. 
 
 ^^ Col. Nathaniel Gordon, son of John Gordon of Ardlogie. Spalding's notices of him from 
 1633 contain the elements of a historical romance. With his father and brother, or other gay 
 Gordons and Irvines, he lives in fray or foray, or other more serious military service. If the magis- 
 trates of Aberdeen are to be kidnapped and hidden away in Auchindoon, a herring prize seized off 
 the harbour, or — " desperat courss — the Cartowis at Montrose to be carried off," or "Andrew Cant 
 fleyit to the hairt and causit to remove out of the toun," or " Dundee and Aberdeen harmless mer- 
 chants cuming to Elgin fair to be reft and spulzeit," or the Marquis of Huntly, or Lord Gordon, 
 wants a gallant lieutenant, Nathaniel Gordon is the man. He joined Montrose on his approach to 
 Aberdeen with " 30 weill horsit gentilmen." He accepted Argyll's pass, of " deip policie," that by 
 his aid he might get rid of the excommunication resting on him. On Feb. 19, 1645, with Lord 
 Gordon, "he lap quicklie on horss" and came again to Montrose at Elgin, where they were made 
 welcome. For his capture at Philiphaugh and death at St. Andrews, see Ch. xix. For details as to 
 his monetary transactions and his will, see Act. Pari. Scot., vi., Index. 
 
 ^* See p. 47, w. 7. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 67 
 
 all men of conspicuous courage. The left wing of the enemy was 
 directed by Lewis Gordon/^ son of the Marquis of Huntly, a 
 bold, fiery, but fickle youth, who had forced his father's friends 
 and clansmen, much to their distaste, to take up arms against 
 Montrose. The ground he occupied being a level plain suited 
 to a cavalry engagement, he charged Montrose's right wing. 
 Observing the danger, Montrose sent Rollock with his twenty 
 horse to their assistance. Ably supported by the courage of 
 their ofificers and the activity of the picked footmen, they gave 
 the enemy such a warm reception, that, though only forty-four to 
 three hundred, they threw their ranks into disorder, and repulsed 
 them with heavy loss. But being themselves so few, they did 
 not dare to pursue them further. The great prudence of their 
 officers on this occasion contributed largely to the victory; for 
 the enemy now charged Montrose's left wing, exposed for want 
 of the horse. With admirable promptness he at once transferred 
 his horse, after the rout of Lewis Gordon, to his left. As they 
 were too few to show front to the enemy's more extended line, by 
 a flank movement they avoided their first onset ; then wheeling 
 with great dexterity, they charged their flank, fell on them sword 
 in hand, cut them down, and scattered them in flight. Forbes of 
 Craigievar,^* a man of rank among the enemy, and Forbes of 
 
 ^^ Lord Lewis Gordon, third son of George, second Marquis of Huntly, afterwards third Marquis. 
 In 1639, when only thirteen, he went secretly to the Highlands "and tooke the guiding of the ruide 
 hylanders upon him, shewing thereby . . . how this sparke was like to growe to a great and ardent 
 burning flame" (Pat. Gordon, 19). In 1641 he went off to Holland from London, "with his 
 father's haill Jewells in a cabinet, being of great worth, leaving his father sorrowful for his bad 
 miscarriage" (Spalding). In 1644 he was in Edinburgh under the care of Lady Haddington and 
 in alliance with Argyll, his uncle. He next appears in Aberdeen, and is received by Lord Gordon, 
 who gives him a command. In disgust at a Forbes being put over him in command of his own 
 men, Lord Gordon left for Strathbogie, but Lewis remained. They were both afterwards led about 
 by Argyll, and saw the destruction of their fine estates. At this time Lewis majried the Laird of 
 Grant's daughter. See his conduct, Ch. xx. ; and Pat. Gordon, 184, and Index. He was banished 
 for a time, but in 165 1 was restored to his honours and estates. 
 
 ^* Sir William Forbes of Craigievar. In contempt of the cavalry tactics of the day, used by 
 Lord Lewis Gordon — an advance with pistols, discharge in ranks, and retreat in caracole — Craigievar 
 charged through the main battle of the Irish ; but they only opened up to receive him and closed 
 again, swallowing up his troopers and himself. He broke his parole "to the no small prejudice of 
 his reputation." He was again a prisoner, and sent by Huntly to Auchindoon in 1646. His name 
 appears prominently in all the Covenanting schemes, and at constant feud with the Gordons and 
 Irvines. Having no house fit to dwell in, the house of Drum is given to him for a time by the 
 Argyll powers. Bolls of meal are paid to him in 1648, but there is a " tutor of Craigievar " in 1649. 
 Craigievar is one of the very picturesque old houses in Aberdeenshire. 
 
68 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 Boyndlie^^ were taken prisoners. The rest they permitted to 
 retreat in safety, as they were too few to venture on pursuit. 
 The leaders of the enemy's horse were more enraged by this 
 second disgrace than dismayed by their loss ; and imputing 
 their defeat to the light musketeers who had been stationed 
 among the horse, they sent for infantry from their own centre, 
 intending to renew the fight with greater spirit. Montrose 
 foresaw this, but was unwilling to expose this handful of brave 
 men to a fresh attack, especially as their horses were spent with 
 the two previous encounters, while the enemy were now rein- 
 forced by infantry. He had already observed that the enemy's 
 horse were still in confusion and at a considerable distance from 
 their foot. He therefore rode up to his own foot, who were 
 exposed to a galling fire from the enemy's cannon, and addressed 
 them as follows : " We shall gain nothing, my men, by fighting at 
 a distance. Who can distinguish the strong from the weak, the 
 coward from the brave ? Get to close quarters with yon craven 
 feeble striplings ; they will never withstand your valour. Fall on 
 them with sword and musket-butts. Crush them ; drive them off 
 the field, and take vengeance on the traitor rebels." Scarce had 
 he given the word when they charged, and hurling them into 
 confusion, put them to utter rout. Their horse also, who were 
 waiting for the foot to help them, when they saw them flying, 
 galloped off the field. The victors, unable to pursue, much less 
 to come up with them, let them escape in safety. But the foot 
 they dealt with very differently, few of them escaping with their 
 'lives ; for, as they had nowhere to fly to except the city, the 
 victors and vanquished rushed in pell-mell through the gates and 
 posterns, and the streets of the whole town were heaped with the 
 slain. 
 
 This battle had lasted for four hours without a decisive result. 
 Montrose had some cannon, but they were of no service to him, 
 the advantage of ground being, as we have said, on the side of 
 the enemy, whereas their cannon made no small havoc of our 
 
 ^^ Alexander Forbes of Boyndlie, in Buchan, one of the active Covenanting barons of the shire, 
 and influential as " tutor of Pitsligo " and able to bring to the field the Pitsligo tenants. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 69 
 
 men. Among others, an Irishman was observed trailing his leg, 
 so shattered at the thigh by a cannon-ball that it hung by a mere 
 shred of skin. Observing his comrades somewhat dismayed at 
 his misfortune, he hailed them with a loud, cheery voice, " Ha, 
 comrades, such is the luck of war ; neither you nor I should be 
 sorry for it. Do your work manfully. As for me, sure my Lord 
 Marquis will make me a trooper, now I am no good for the foot." 
 With these words he coolly drew his knife, without flinching cut 
 away the skin with his own hand, and gave the leg to a comrade 
 to bury. Eventually he recovered of his wound and was actually 
 made a trooper, in which service he afterwards showed great 
 fidelity and courage.^^ This battle was fought at Aberdeen on 
 the 1 2th of September 1644. Montrose having recalled his men 
 to their colours, entered the city and allowed them two days' 
 rest.^^ 
 
 ^* It is to be regretted that the name of this heroic Irishman has not been preserved. The dis- 
 cipHne, courage, endurance, cheerfulness, and fun of the Irish through this campaign are evidenced 
 by all contemporary authorities, and should have secured for them the treatment due to true soldiers. 
 
 ^^ The true date seems to have been the 14th Sept. The battle was fought across the present 
 Hardgate. Montrose's letter to the magistrates and their reply still exist (facsimile in Spalding). 
 That of Montrose is blurred at the sixth line by a drop of rain, and the letter of the magistrates 
 betrays their agitation. The magistrates were not in harmony with the politics of the citizens, but 
 were forced on the city by the Covenanting leaders. Wishart passes lightly over the results of 
 the battle to this poor, loyal city. For best account of battle, see Patrick Gordon ; and for details 
 as to cruelty following, see Spalding. Gardiner gives a map and a good description of the battle, 
 with a note on the letter. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Huntly prevents the Gordons from joining — Montrose retires into Badenoch — His illness 
 causes rumours of his death — Returns to Athole and Angus, and crosses the Gram- 
 pians to Strathbogie — Surprised by Argyll and Lothian at Fyvie — Beats his assail- 
 ants off and retreats to Kalveny. 
 
 T N the meantime news arrived that Argyll was drawing near, 
 ^ with far stronger forces than any they had yet met. The 
 Earl of Lothian^ accompanied him with 1500 horse. Montrose, 
 therefore, removed from Aberdeen to Kintore, a village ten miles 
 off, that the Gordons, Huntly's friends and clansmen, and others 
 who were thought to be devoted Royalists, might have an oppor- 
 tunity of joining him. From that place he despatched Sir William 
 Rollock to Oxford, to inform the King of his successes, and obtain 
 help from England or elsewhere. He was to tell him that though 
 he had gained two victories, he was beset on all sides with so many 
 powerful armies, that they would be unable to hold out without 
 speedy relief. 
 
 Nothing meanwhile gave Montrose so much anxiety as that 
 not one of the Gordons, of whom he had conceived great hopes, 
 came in to him. Some of them did indeed profess their great 
 willingness, but were, they said, all restrained by the example and 
 influence of Huntly, the chief of the family and clan, who secretly 
 thwarted Montrose ; and though skulking in the farthest corner of 
 
 ^ William, third Earl of Lothian, son of Robert, Earl of Ancrum, who bemoaned his politics. 
 The Acts of Pari, show that he was frequently employed in military and civil business. He was 
 colonel of his own regiment, two companies of which were made up of his tenants in Teviotdale, 
 and he was Lieut. -General of the Scots army in Ireland. He was a successful commissioner to 
 France on Scotch business ; but on reporting himself at Oxford, in Nov. 1643, and refusing to 
 swear that he would never bear arms against the King, he was sent a close prisoner to Bristol, 
 Shortly after he was " enlarged " he was sent to strengthen Argyll at Aberdeen. In 1646 he met 
 the King at Southwell, and imperiously demanded his signature to the Covenant, the establishment 
 of Presbyterianism in England and Ireland, and a command to "James Graham" to lay down 
 arms. Charles refused all demands, retorting " he that made you an Earl made James Graham a 
 Marquis." For his opinion of Montrose see Correspondence of Earls of Lothian and Ancrum, 
 i. 1 21-126. After the Restoration he was fined ;^6ooo Scots for his previous politics. 
 
 70 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 71 
 
 the Island, he envied another the glory which he himself had failed 
 to acquire. He had forbidden his friends and clansmen, even 
 with threats, to have anything to do with Montrose, or help him 
 by word or deed.^ When Montrose perceived that this was the 
 case, he determined to withdraw into the wilds of the Highlands, 
 where he knew that the cavalry of the enemy, in which their main 
 strength consisted, would be useless. As to their foot, however 
 numerous, he had no fear of them, trusting to his good cause and 
 the courage of his men. He therefore buried his cannon ^ In a 
 bog, and divested himself of all his heavy baggage. When he 
 reached the river Spey he encamped not far from the old castle of 
 Rothiemurchus,* with an army very few in numbers, but rapid, 
 cheerful, and accustomed now to victory. 
 
 On the opposite bank he found the men of Caithness, Suther- 
 land, Ross, and Moray, with others, to the number of five 
 thousand,^ all in arms to prevent his crossing the river, which is 
 
 ^ George, second Marquis of Iluntly, had reason to distrust Montrose. As leader of the Cove- 
 nanters, Montrose had defeated the Gordons and imposed the Covenant in the north ; and his 
 shabby conduct in arresting Pluntly and Gordon in 1639, after safe conduct given, fully accounts 
 for his estrangement. Huntly, however, stood aloof too long, and acted too late for the King's good 
 or his own safety. No doubt things would have worn a very different complexion had he shown 
 the same devotion as his son Lord Gordon. See Preface. P. Gordon, who writes many pages of 
 defence of him from W.'s atfacks, admits as faults among his shining virtues, '* self-will, obstinacy 
 in opinion once adopted, and great distance from all beneath him." " Service done and not to doe 
 was forgotten, and old servants for whom there was no use must be brusht or rubt off as spots from 
 cloathes ; so as this fait, if it may be tearmed a fait, was truelie a noble one, for it attendeth allwayes 
 on nobilitie " (p. 229). Is he severe or simple in this criticism on the Marquis and his class ? He 
 draws a close parallel between the Marquis and the King in person, mind, career, and fate. The 
 Covenanters, for their own encouragement, were wont to say they had but two to deal with, Charles 
 and Huntly, and both were unfortunate. He figures in all the contemporary writings, but see 
 specially P. Gordon, Spalding, Blackhall's Narration, Genealogy of House of Sutherland. 
 
 ^ These cannon were appropriated by Huntly in 1645 {v. Ch. xviii.). Gardiner says they were 
 buried at Rothiemurchus. The march from Kintore was by Strathdon, Glenavon, and Tomintoul 
 to Strathspey. 
 
 •• The ancient castle, which stands on the island in Loch-an-Eilan, is of considerable dimensions. 
 The island being scarcely larger than the foundations, the castle appears to rise in some places 
 immediately out of the water. The laird was once styled Thane. Shaws, Mackintoshs, and Grants 
 were successive owners. See Shaw's Hist, of Moray, i. 261, and Grameid, 182. 
 
 ' It is not to be understood that these forces had actually taken the field. They were to be 
 counted on against Montrose. The Laird of Grant with the others "had no intention to tempt him 
 too far, and therefore had agents with him daily upon termes of capitulation, assuring him that in 
 their heartes they were royalists, and indeed the Laird of Grant was thought to be really so, . . . for 
 his lady, as a sweet charming nightingall, did never cease powerfullie to agent the justice of the 
 King's cause with her husband " (P. Gordon, 85). " The 5000 men " are omitted in the last transla- 
 tion {v. Introd.). 
 
72 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 the most rapid in Scotland, until Argyll, who was pressing on his 
 heels, should fall upon him in the rear. Hard pressed and besieged, 
 as it were, by so many enemies on all sides, to shake off their 
 cavalry at least he made for Badenoch, a rugged, mountainous 
 country, almost impassable for horse. Here he fell sick, and was 
 very ill for some days, to the unbounded joy of the Covenanters, 
 who, without hesitation, gave out that he was quite dead, and 
 ordained a day of public thanksgiving to God for this deliverance.*' 
 Their fine prophets did not fail to improve the occasion. As if 
 they were the oracles and mouthpiece of the divine decrees, they 
 proclaimed that he had fallen, slain by the hand of the Lord of 
 Hosts Himself. But their joy did not last long, for he soon reco- 
 vered, and, like one risen from the dead, terrified his enemies more 
 than ever. As soon as his illness permitted, he returned to Athole,^ 
 and despatched Macdonald with a party to the Highlanders, to 
 urge them to join, and force such as refused. He himself marched 
 back to Angus, hoping either to wear out Argyll and his horse by 
 these forced marches, and compel him to go into winter quarters, 
 or to leave him as far behind as possible. Argyll continued to 
 follow him, but so slowly and at such a distance that it was very 
 evident he had no heart at all to try the chance of battle.^ There- 
 fore, passing through Angus, Montrose crossed the Grampians, a 
 continuous range of hills running east to west, which divides Scot- 
 land into two nearly equal parts, and returned to the north country. 
 As soon as he thought he had left Argyll behind far enough to 
 give his men a rest, he set out for Strathbogie,^ to have a personal 
 interview with the Gordons, and persuade them to join. But it 
 was all to no purpose. Huntly had forestalled him by his orders, 
 and following their chief's example, they hid themselves in secret 
 lurking-places. As men of spirit and bravery, though they did 
 not dare to challenge the displeasure of their chief, they were 
 ashamed of their own inglorious inactivity. The Lord Gordon 
 
 ® Is there other evidence of this thanksgiving ? 
 
 7 Oct. 4, 1644, Guthrie, 168. « gee Guthrie, Mem., 169-172. 
 
 * Strathbogie Castle had been embellished, and the grounds laid out with taste by the Marquis, 
 but Monro had cut down all the plantations to make huts for his troops, and Argyll followed him 
 with an unsparing hand. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 73 
 
 also, Huntly's eldest son, a man of worth and power, to his shame 
 was prevented by Argyll, his maternal uncle. The Viscount 
 Aboyne, his second son, was confined in Carlisle, which was then 
 besieged, and Lewis had joined the enemy. Thus there was none 
 of Huntly's family to head a rising. 
 
 Montrose, however, made their country his headquarters for a 
 considerable time.^° During the interval, almost every other night, 
 he marched parties of light foot, for he had few or no horse, seven, 
 eight, and sometimes even ten miles, to beat up the enemy's quar- 
 ters, and rout them in the small hours of the night, and never 
 failed to capture men and horse. As he always brought his men 
 off safe, they became flushed with confidence ; however few their 
 number, there was nothing they would not dare and do, with him 
 to lead them. At length, giving up all hope of the Gordons, he 
 left Strathbogie at the end of October,^^ and marched to Fyvie 
 Castle, which he seized.^^ Here he was reduced to the most immi- 
 nent danger by utterly false intelligence of the enemy from his 
 spies, in whom he had put great confidence. Suddenly, while he 
 thought they were still beyond the Grampians, they encamped 
 about two miles from him. Argyll and Lothian commanded, with 
 2500 infantry and 1200 horse, whereas he himself had only 1500 
 foot and not more than 50 horse, Macdonald having been detached 
 with a party. It would have been the height of madness to have 
 descended into the plain with so small a force, while to shut him- 
 self up in the castle, which was poorly fortified, was, he thought, 
 dishonourable and derogatory to the reputation he had gained by 
 his late victories. He therefore adopted another course, and led 
 his men out to somewhat higher ground on a hill overlooking the 
 castle. The ground was rugged; broken with ditches, and dikes 
 raised by the farmers to fence their fields, in appearance like a 
 camp. But before he had got them all into position the small 
 
 ^" Spalding says " for a week." 
 
 " He left Strathbogie Oct. 24. Argyll in pursuit had only reached Athole on the 14th. 
 
 '^ Fyvie. This magnificent house still stands, one of the glories of Scottish baronial architecture. 
 Part of the structure dates from 1400, but most of it is the work of Chancellor Seton and a French 
 architect at the beginning of the seventeenth century. In Montrose's time it was in its new glory, 
 less baronial and more domestic than of old. See Billings, and Memoir of Chancellor Seton by 
 George Seton. 
 
74 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 party of Huntly's men who had joined him at Strathbogie fled 
 before their very eyes.^^ 
 
 The enemy attacked the height with spirit and carried a con- 
 siderable part of it. Had they been able to maintain it with the 
 same courage and obstinacy, Montrose would have been crushed. 
 His soldiers, dismayed by the flight of their allies and the numbers 
 of the enemy they had to face, were on the verge of despair ; but 
 he at once restored them by his presence, cheering them with the 
 memory of their past achievements and native valour. Calling to 
 a young Irishman, Colonel O'Kean,^* he bade him go with what 
 men he could get together and drive those fellows from their 
 dikes, that they might be troubled no more with them. He had 
 often had occasion to note and commend O'Kean's extraordinary 
 courage ; and the brave man fulfilled his general's expectations. 
 Though the enemy were far superior in numbers and supported 
 by cavalry, he drove them headlong from the dikes and captured 
 some bags of powder which they had left behind in their hurried 
 flight. This booty was very seasonable, as they were in great 
 want of powder. Nor must I here omit to mention a striking 
 instance of ready wit in one of the men. Seeing the bags, he 
 exclaimed, " What, have they served us out no ball ? Well, we 
 shall have to go after those stingy storekeepers and fetch it our- 
 selves," just as though the enemy had nothing to do but provide 
 them with all the necessaries of war. 
 
 Meanwhile, as his horse, which were but fifty in all, were too 
 much exposed, he brought up his light musketeers just in time. 
 Lothian had sent five troops of horse to charge them ; but before 
 they had half crossed the intervening field, they were so galled by 
 the fire of our musketeers that they wheeled and fell back in 
 confusion. Elated with their double success, Montrose's men 
 could hardly be restrained from charging the whole army of the 
 enemy with a cheer. Montrose praised them, as they deserved, 
 without rebuke, but bade them remember their duty and wait the 
 word. At last, towards evening, Argyll, having failed in his 
 
 ^^ Just before the battle he had 200 horse ; later on he has only 50. Did the Gordons 
 number 150? 
 
 " O'Kane, O'Kean, O'Kyan, or O'Cahan ; Lai. O Caemis, For his fate, v. Ch. xviii. n. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 75 
 
 attempt, withdrew his men to a distance of about two miles and 
 passed a sleepless night. On the morrow, hearing that Montrose's 
 men were in want of powder, he led his army out to the same 
 ground and made a show of renewing the attack on the hill and 
 dikes. But his heart failed him, and nothing of note happened 
 beyond some light skirmishes of flying parties, while the main 
 bodies kept their ground. Montrose, meanwhile, had all the 
 dishes, flagons, pots,^^ and other pewter vessels that could be 
 got together melted down into bullets. Even this supply was 
 not sufficient for his men ; but the inconvenience did not damp 
 their ardour. One of them, in particular, whenever he fired his 
 musket — which always hit, as he supposed — turned to his com- 
 rades and shouted merrily, "Sure as a gun, I have broken 
 another traitor's face with the pot." It is, in truth, little wonder 
 that Montrose's men were often in want of powder and other 
 stores, considering that the only supplies they got were from 
 the enemy they conquered. 
 
 Towards the close of the second day Argyll again retired 
 across the river ^^ by the road he had come, to a distance of 
 three Scots miles (equal to one German mile)." Several days 
 were thus spent at Fyvie, Argyll with his powerful army gaining 
 nothing but disgrace among his party and contempt among the 
 enemy. His cowardice was blamed for not having finished the 
 war on the spot.^^ 
 
 At last Montrose marched back to Strathbogie by night, afraid 
 of exposing his rear in the daytime to be harassed on the retreat 
 by the enemy's horse. There he resolved to halt for sometime, as 
 the rugged country secured his men from the enemy's horse ; and 
 it was also near the Highlands, from which he daily expected 
 Macdonald with reinforcements. Next day the enemy pursued 
 him, intending to force on an engagement in the open field. As 
 soon as they came in sight they drew up in line of battle, as 
 though ready to charge in full force. Argyll first sent out some 
 Highlanders to skirmish, but they met with a stout resistance 
 
 " Latin, matulas. is The Ythan. 
 
 1' Equal to about four English miles. 1* The 1752 translation is very loose here. 
 
76 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 and were repulsed. Montrose was thus enabled to take up more 
 advantageous ground, and Argyll returned to more cautious but 
 less honourable strategy. He requested a truce, and proposed a 
 conference on mutual pledges of assurance ; yet he not only began 
 to tamper with Montrose's men by offers of reward and indem- 
 nity, but even, to his shame be it spoken, was mean enough to 
 put a high price on Montrose's head as the reward for his murder 
 or assassination.^'* 
 
 Montrose, who well knew the man's cunning and natural pro- 
 pensity to intrigue and treachery rather than fair open fight, saw 
 through this design, and felt the urgent necessity of withdrawing 
 his scanty forces as far as possible from the enemy's horse and 
 Argyll's knavery.^" He therefore called a council of war and laid 
 his plan before them. All approved of its wisdom, and promised 
 to continue with unshaken loyalty in his service. He resolved 
 therefore on a forced march next night to Badenoch ; and to 
 lighten his men for a march of such difficulty, he sent his 
 baggage forward under convoy, and ordered his men to hold 
 themselves ready for battle on the morrow. The baggage was 
 already in motion, when suddenly word was brought that Forbes 
 of Craigievar, his prisoner, whom he had allowed to live at large 
 
 ^^ See p. 64, n. 6. 
 
 "^ Archibald, eighth Earl of Argyll, first Marquis, born in 1598, obtained possession of his 
 father's estates while yet Lord Lorn, his father Archibald having declared himself a Roman 
 Catholic. Charles, disregarding the old Earl's advice to throw his son into prison lest he should 
 "wind him a pirn," let him go down to Scotland. His appearance at the Glasgow Assembly of 
 1638 gained him the confidence of the active Presbyterians. Baillie, i. 144, says, "Argyll craved 
 leave to speak, and at that tyme we did not well understand him, but his actions since has made 
 his somewhat ambiguous speeches plain. ... It has been the equity of our cause which has 
 been the only motive to make that man, in that necessare tyme, to the extreame hazard of his head 
 and all he possesses, to encourage us openlie by his assistance" {lb. 146). There can be no ques- 
 tion as to the able strategy of Argyll and profound knowledge of the materials he had to deal with 
 in this most puzzling time. He never lost his presence of mind in any complication, and even 
 on the scaffold he was able to enhance his reputation. He was destitute of physical courage, but 
 his coolness in circumstances of hopeless entanglement shows a master of moral nerve. Though 
 he was bound up with the religious movement of the Covenant, it is evident that he used it, not it 
 him. Montrose at Strathbogie had grown in knowledge of his adversary since he talked so freely 
 at Scone. See Clarendon, Biographia Britannica, Diet, of Nat. Biography, and contemporary 
 history generally for the character of this remarkable man ; see also, for redeeming feature, ref. 
 in Grameid, 129. "The Thane of Cawdor," "Family of Innes," and other Spalding Club vols, 
 give interesting traits of this nobleman in original letters. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 77 
 
 in his camp on parole, and Sibbald,^^ who, besides Rollock,^^ was 
 the only person who had shared his counsels and accompanied him 
 from England, with several others, had deserted to the enemy. 
 Alarmed at their treachery, he justly suspected that they would 
 betray his plans in order to ingratiate themselves with the enemy. 
 Immediately he recalled the baggage and convoy and appeared 
 to have changed his resolution entirely. But this was a mere 
 ruse, the delay being intended to discredit the information of the 
 deserters. At last, after waiting four days, he again sent off the 
 baggage ; and lighting fires through all the camp, he stationed 
 what horse he had in the rear in sight of the enemy, as if on 
 picket duty, until his infantry were out of all danger. He then 
 withdrew his horse in safety, and the whole army arrived about 
 daybreak at Balveny.^^ Finding that they were here safe from 
 the cavalry, and no longer pursued by the enemy, as it was now 
 about midwinter, he allowed his men a few days' rest. 
 
 The effects of Argyll's craft now began to appear. Most of 
 the nobility, gentry, and experienced officers (for, excepting the 
 Irish and Highlanders, Montrose had more officers than privates) 
 took Argyll at his word and deserted. Some of them pleaded ill- 
 health, others declared themselves unequal to such winter marches, 
 through wild, pathless mountains, beset with rocks and thickets, 
 and mostly buried in snow, where the foot of man never trod ; 
 and therefore unwillingly, they said, and only through absolute 
 necessity, they begged to be dismissed. He refused leave to 
 none that asked it, but more with an air of indignation and scorn 
 for their degeneracy than indulgence and approval. Indeed, it is 
 difficult to estimate the effect their example had in weakening his 
 forces, and discouraging many who were on the point of joining 
 his standard. Only Lord Ogilvy, Earl of Airlie, though sixty 
 
 2^ i.e., on the journey from Carlisle. The 1752 translation errs in implying that this confidence 
 was continued and exclusive. See p. 50, n. 16. 
 
 ^ V. Ch. iv. Rollock, we may assume, was still in the hands of Argyll, being pressed to assas- 
 sinate Montrose, if the story be true. 
 
 ^^ Balveny, an important castle on the west bank of the Fiddich. See Shaw's Moray, i. 128, 
 and Grameid, 186. 
 
78 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 years of age and in feeble health, with his two sons, Sir Thomas 
 and Sir David,^* worthy of such a father, remained. Nothing 
 could ever induce them, even at the utmost danger, to tear them- 
 selves from him. 
 
 ^ Sir David Ogilvy of Clova, third son of the Earl. Excluded from pardon, forfeited, and at 
 length pardoned, he survived the troubles, and is found in Parliament and in the Commisson of the 
 Peace for Forfarshire after the Restoration. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Montrose lays Arg-yleshire waste — March north to Loch Ness — Seaforth's levies to 
 oppose him— Montrose turns back and crushes the Campbells at Inverlochy — Sir 
 Thomas Ogilvy is killed. 
 
 TZJ^ROM Balveny Montrose returned to Badenoch, where he 
 ^ received sure intelHgence that Argyll had sent his horse 
 into winter quarters and was lying with his infantry at Dunkeld, 
 from which place he was using every artifice to persuade the 
 Atliole men to desert. Though confident of their loyalty and 
 steadiness, Montrose marched down to Athole with incredible 
 speed, and in one night traversed with his army twenty-four miles, 
 through a wild, desolate, and snow-clad tract.^ His object was 
 to fall upon Argyll while he had no horse with him. But the 
 mere rumour of his approach was enough. While he was still 
 sixteen miles distant, Argyll in terror bade his men shift for 
 themselves, and himself fled headlong to Perth, which was held 
 by a strong garrison of Covenanters.^ 
 
 Macdonald had now returned and brought along with him the 
 Chief of the Macranalds ^ with 500 of his men. To these Montrose 
 
 ^ No doubt by the route now followed by road and rail from Kingussie to Blair Athole. 
 
 ^ Argyll went on to Edinburgh, where he was taking credit for a "bloodless" conclusion to the 
 campaign when he heard of the concentration in Breadalbane. He then set out for Inveraray to 
 muster his clansmen in readiness for the spring. 
 
 * John Macdonald was Captain of Clanranald at this time. He is entered on the Kilcummin 
 Bond, as given by Chambers, as "J. Macronald of Eyellandtirrem (fiar of Moydart) and Captain of 
 Clanronald, father of Donald Moydartach." See Mackenzie's Macdonalds of Clanranald. 
 
 Eneas Macdonell, afterwards Lord Macdonell and Aros, was the leader of the Glengarry clan, 
 though his grandfather Donald, the chief, was still alive. Donald died a very aged man on the 
 2nd of Feb. 1645, the very day of the battle of Inverlochy, at which his grandson was leading 
 the clansmen against the Campbells. Eneas signs the Kilcummin Bond, and is described as "apirand 
 of Glengerry " (Mackenzie's Macdonalds of Glengarry, Chambers' Rebellions). Three uncles of 
 Eneas went with him, Donald Gorm, John Mor, John Og. Donald Glas Macdonald of Keppoch, 
 with the Lairds of Glencoe and Glen Nevis, afterwards joined. M'Leans, Stuarts, Camerons, 
 Robertsons, all join about this time. See the same names, with many others, in the rising under 
 Claverhouse, as given in rich detail (Grameid, Book iv.). 
 
 79 
 
8o DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 added Patrick Graham with some picked Athole men ; and with 
 this body he marched to the loch from which the Tay issues, with 
 the intention of passing through Breadalbane* to Argyleshire, 
 convinced that he could attack his enemy nowhere more success- 
 fully than in his own land. There were many strong reasons for 
 this resolution. In the first place, Argyll's authority and power in 
 the Highlands made him formidable to his peers and neighbours ; 
 and he was therefore the life and soul of the whole rebellion in its 
 rise and growth. The least resistance to the Covenanters and 
 their commands was sure to bring down Argyll with a tumultuous 
 army of Highlanders, five or six thousand strong, many of them, 
 too, forced to serve against their will,® and his wretched victim was 
 crushed. It was therefore good poHcy to shatter the power of a 
 man so seditious, greedy, and cruel. Moreover, the Highlanders 
 who favoured the royal cause, and hated Argyll like poison, had 
 often felt his tyranny, and were afraid to give help until his 
 power was overthrown. And lastly, as the Covenanters held the 
 Lowlands with strong garrisons and numerous bodies of horse, 
 Montrose had nowhere else for his troops to winter, unless he had 
 a mind to exhaust and ruin the resources of his friends.^ Urged 
 by these considerations, he hastened forward by long, difficult 
 marches, and with incredible speed swooped down into Argyle. 
 
 Argyll was at that time busy enlisting soldiers in his own 
 country, and had appointed the day and place of rendezvous. 
 He was living in his castle of Inveraray without a thought of 
 danger, imagining that the enemy was a hundred miles and more 
 away. Till now he had always believed it impossible for an 
 
 * Much of Breadalbane was in possession of Sir Robert Campbell of Glenurquhy, an active 
 Covenanter. His brother, Patrick of Edinample, was with Montrose, and signs the Kilcummin 
 Bond. Macgregors and M'Nabs joined soon after. For a picturesque account of the M'Nabs* 
 service to Montrose, see P. Gordon, 97. 
 
 ^ For notices of smaller clans forced to serve under the Campbells, and sometimes to take their 
 name, see Skene's Highlanders, and Grameid, iv. 
 
 * There is no doubt that the Macdonalds urged the winter campaign in Argyleshire on Montrose, 
 who was indisposed for it. He expressed opposition and questioned whether there was food enough 
 in the country for his army ; but Angus MacAlain, a Glencoe man, satisfied him as to that, saying, 
 " I know every foot of every farm or half farm under MacCailein ; and if good water, tight houses, 
 and fat cows will do for you, there is plenty to be had " (Mackenzie, but see Chambers' Rebel- 
 lions, ii. 5). 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. Si 
 
 army to penetrate into Argyle even in the middle of summer. 
 He had often been heard to boast that he would rather lose a 
 hundred thousand florins than that any mortal should know the 
 passes by which an armed force could invade his country. It was 
 the last thing he dreamt of, when the panic-stricken drovers from 
 the mountains brought word that the enemy were scarce two 
 miles distant. Irresolute and well-nigh beside himself with dread, 
 he scrambled into a fishing-boat and saved himself by flight, 
 abandoning his friends, clansmen, and the whole of his country 
 to fate and the mercy of the enemy. Argyleshire is a rough, 
 mountainous country, with a meagre, unproductive soil, but well 
 adapted for breeding cattle, its chief source of wealth. Montrose 
 divided his army into three parties, the first commanded by the 
 Chief of the Macranalds, the second by Macdonald, and the third 
 by himself. With these he descended on the enemy's fields and 
 ravaged the whole district from end to end. Wherever they fell 
 in with armed men hastening to the appointed rendezvous, they 
 put them to the sword, sparing none that were fit to carry arms, 
 and did not desist until they had hunted every man fit for ser- 
 vice out of the country or driven them into secret lurking-holes. 
 They then gave their villages and cots to the avenging flames 
 and burnt them to the ground, an act of retaliation on Argyll, 
 who had been the first of all to wage this cruel war of fire and 
 sword upon his countrymen. Lastly, they drove all their cattle. 
 Nor did they deal more gently with Lorn and the neighbouring 
 parts which acknowledged Argyll's authority. These proceed- 
 ings lasted from December the 13th, 1644, till about the 28th or 
 29th of January.'^ 
 
 Montrose used to acknowledge that never had he experienced 
 the singular providence and fatherly mercy of God in a more 
 remarkable manner than at this time in bringing him and his 
 men safe out of those parts. Had the passes been defended by 
 
 ' Montrose inarched from Loch Tay by Glendochart, much in the line of the Highland Railway. 
 The Macdonalds extended far and wide among the glens. The writer of the Red Book of Clan- 
 ranald boasts that the party under John Muidartach, which penetrated the length of Kilmartin 
 Glassery, slew 895 persons without battle or skirmish ; but this is unsupported. John brought in on 
 one occasion 1000 head of cattle. See Mackenzie, Chambers, Napier, and Burton. 
 
 F 
 
82 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 only 200 resolute men, his forces would either have been anni- 
 hilated or easily prevented from invading the country.^ If only 
 the herds had driven their cattle out of reach, as they might 
 easily have done, they would have perished with hunger in 
 that barren land. Had the winter proved as hard and stormy 
 as usual in those parts, they would have foundered in snow or 
 been frozen to death. But God had deprived his enemies of 
 courage and the season of its usual severity ; and in place of 
 bread, had given them great abundance of cattle. 
 
 Leaving Argyle at last, and passing through Lorn, Glencoe, 
 and Lochaber, he came to Loch Ness.^ He had now grounds 
 for hoping that all the Highlanders, terrified by his treatment 
 of Argyll or freed from the fear of him, would join him in 
 defence of the King's righteous cause against the rebels. 
 
 But there was no lack of employment for his indomitable spirit. 
 Word was brought that the Earl of Seaforth,^" the most powerful 
 chief in those parts, of whom he had formed the highest hopes, 
 was on his way to attack him with an army of 5000 horse and 
 foot, consisting of the garrison of Inverness, veteran troops, and 
 the levies of Moray, Ross, Sutherland, Caithness, and the Fraser 
 Clan. Montrose had only 1500, for the men of Clanranald and 
 most of the Athole men, unaware of this approaching force, had 
 obtained leave of absence, and returned home laden with the 
 booty from Argyle, intending, however, to return when sum- 
 moned. Montrose, however, did not hesitate to encounter 
 Seaforth's disorderly army. Though he knew that Seaforth 
 was supported by veteran soldiers, yet the rest of his force 
 
 * " Prevented their retreat," 1752 translation. 
 
 • He rested for a time at Kilcummin, now Fort Augustus. Here he drew up the " Bond sub- 
 scryvit at Killiewheimen, the penult dayes of Jan. 1645." Some fifty-three signatures are attached to 
 it, many of which, as those of Seaforth, Gordon, Nath. Gordon, &c., must have been affixed after 
 Inverlochy. It also bears the signature of Lord Graham, Montrose's eldest son, then about sixteen 
 years old. Not long after the battle he died at Gordon Castle. See full copy of Bond from Mon- 
 trose charter-chest, with notes on it, in Napier's Memorials of Montrose, ii. 172-174. 
 
 ^^ George, second Earl of Seaforth, is one of the many characters of the time whose position is 
 hard to define. He is with Montrose in the Cumbernauld Band ; he commands the forces north 
 of Spey against Montrose in 1644, joins Montrose at Elgin after Inverlochy, and signs the Kilcum- 
 min Bond ; deserts, and fights at Auldearn in the force of Sir John Hurry ; in doubtful position at 
 the Hague, but urges Montrose to attempt his last enterprise. See Act. Pari, Scot.; Douglas, 
 Napier, &c. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 83 
 
 was a mere rabble of new levies, peasants, drovers, shopmen, 
 servants, and camp-followers, altogether raw and unfit for service. 
 
 He had made up his mind to give them battle, when a trusty- 
 messenger^^ overtook him with news that Argyll, having raised 
 a force of Lowlanders and such of the Highlanders as still 
 adhered to him, had made a descent on Lochaber, and was 
 then at the old Castle of Inverlochy, on the shores of Loch 
 Eil.^^ Montrose, who saw through Argyll's crafty but cowardly 
 disposition, guessed his plan, which was to follow him at a 
 respectful distance till he had engaged with this army from the 
 north, and then to reap the advantage of the battle, though 
 determined not to risk a decisive engagement himself, if he could 
 avoid it. He therefore thought it a matter of more importance 
 and less danger to attack Argyll, and show that he could be 
 beaten even in the Highlands, where he was adored like some 
 awful god by the simple people. If he succeeded, he expected 
 that Seaforth's army, terrified by the report of the victory, would 
 easily be brought to order. 
 
 Montrose was then thirty miles from Inverlochy. Leaving 
 the beaten track, on which he placed guards to prevent intelligence 
 reaching the enemy, he struck off straight through the wild path- 
 less mountains of Lochaber. ^^ No army had ever yet traversed 
 that region. The country was known to none but drovers and 
 
 ^^ The messenger is said to have been Ian Lom, the Bard of Keppoch. From Keppoch he 
 might have reached Montrose by Glen Roy, and the track which Montrose followed in descending on 
 Inverlochy. Guthrie gives Allan Maclldowie of Lochaber as the messenger ; such a message was 
 probably intrusted to more than one. Montrose was at his best in such a crisis — an army before and 
 behind him on the one practicable road. He struck by a route unsuspected at the army which 
 expected him least. 
 
 ^'•^ Flying from Inveraray, Argyll went to Dumbarton, where he met General Baillie with regular 
 troops, 1 1 00 of whom were lent to him to supplement the Clan rising. Campbell of Auchinbrech 
 was recalled from Ireland, and the Campbells began to follow on the track of Montrose, burning 
 and destroying, through Glencoe and Lochaber, till they reached Inverlochy, the strategical centre 
 in Highland warfare. Its importance was afterwards recognised in the erection of Fort William. 
 
 ^* The route was up the Tarff to the lofty pass of Corrieyairack, thence down upon the sources 
 of the Spey, crossing into Glen Roy, from the far end of which the descent by Roy Bridge and 
 Keppoch to the Spean is well known. A few miles farther along this shoulder of Ben Nevis brings 
 you to Inverlochy. The ordinary route would have been straight down the great valley now 
 traversed by the Caledonian Canal. A surprise would have been impossible by this track. This 
 extraordinary march was begun on Friday morning, January 31. On Saturday night they were 
 close to the field of Sunday's battle, Feb. 2nd, and Argyll had taken refuge in his barge with Sir 
 James Rollo. For Claverhouse's marches over the same route see " Grameid." 
 
84 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 hunters in pursuit of the deer, vast herds of which roam the 
 mountains. The enemy's scouts were surprised and killed, and 
 before they were aware of his approach he was upon them. 
 Undismayed, however, by the surprise, they ran to arms and 
 prepared for battle. 
 
 When Montrose saw that they were ready, he halted awhile 
 for his rear, which had fallen behind through the fatigue and 
 difficulty of the march, to come up. It was night, but the moon 
 shone almost as clear as daylight. All that night they lay under 
 arms, and by the faint light harassed each other incessantly with 
 light skirmishes, so that neither side had time for repose. All 
 waited eagerly for day, except Argyll alone, more anxious for his 
 own than others' safety," who sneaked off at dead of night, and 
 taking boat, again saved himself from the peril of the battle. His 
 part was to be the umpire and spectator of other men's prowess. 
 At daybreak Montrose drew out his men in line of battle.^* The 
 enemy did the same with alacrity ; for, as the prisoners afterwards 
 admitted, they thought that Montrose himself was not present, 
 but only one of his principal officers, with a part of his forces. 
 
 At length, about sunrise, on the 2nd of February, the day of 
 the Purification of the Blessed Mary, mother of God and ever 
 Virgin, the trumpet gave the signal. It was a sound of terror to 
 their enemy, not only as showing they had horse with them, a 
 thing unusual in those parts, but that Montrose himself was in 
 command. Nevertheless the chieftains of the Campbells (which 
 is the name of Argyll's clan), stout and gallant men, well worthy 
 of a better chief and a juster cause, began the battle with great 
 personal courage. But their soldiers in the first rank, after a 
 single discharge, fled before the furious onset of Montrose's men, 
 who fell on them with a loud cheer, and followed them up with 
 
 '* All the Latin editions give '■'■ aliis consultior," which could only mean "more careful for 
 others," the opposite of the obvious sense, which requires sibi if si quam aliis, ^'c. The repetition 
 of the error is proof that the later editions underwent little or no revision. Below and at end of 
 Ch. vi, we have in all editions ncc hostes itnpigre, where the obvious sense requires et impigre or nee 
 pigre. These errors are marks of hasty composition. 
 
 ^' These men had tasted little or nothing for two days. Montrose and Airlie's breakfast that 
 morning, says P. Gordon, was but a " little meal mixt with cold water, which, out of a hollow 
 dishe, they did picke up with there kny ves for want of spoones. " 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 85 
 
 such impetuosity that with a single charge they swept their whole 
 force into irretrievable ruin. Then ensued a terrible slaughter of 
 the fugitives for nine miles without cessation. Of the enemy 
 1 500 ^^ were slain, among them many distinguished gentlemen and 
 chiettaTns of the clan Campbell, who fell on the battle-field fighting 
 too courageously for their craven chief. Enemies though they 
 were, Montrose lamented their fate, and used his authority to save 
 and give quarter to as many as he could. Argyll himself, on 
 board his boat, rowed away from the shore to where he could 
 watch the slaughter of his men from a safe distance. Some 
 officers, whom Argyll had brought with him from the Lowlands, 
 took refuge in the castle, but surrendered on a promise of quarter, 
 and were treated with kindness by Montrose, who set them at 
 liberty, and loaded them with many proofs of his mercy and 
 generosity. 
 
 In this battle, though a number of his men were wounded, 
 Montrose lost only three private soldiers. But the joy of a 
 "■^brHHant victory was clouded by the death of the gallant Sir 
 Xhomas Ogilvy, son of the Earl of Airlie, who died of his wounds 
 a few days afterwards. He had won distinction in the King's 
 service under his father-in-law, Ruthven, Earl of Forth and Brent- 
 ford, an officer of world-wide renown. On the outbreak of war in 
 Scotland he had attached himself to Montrose, who esteemed him 
 among his dearest friends. Accomplished both as a scholar and 
 soldier, he added fresh glory and lustre to the ancient name of 
 Ogilvy, and by his noble death for King and country he contri- 
 buted mainly to that day's victory. Montrose, who was deeply 
 afflicted by his loss, ordered the body to be conveyed to Athole, 
 
 ^* _P. Gordon says 1700. The general, Auchinbreck, with fourteen barons of the name of Camp- 
 bell, were killed and twenty men of quality taken (P. Gordon, 102). His account of the march and 
 battle is more vivid, personal, and full than that of our anther. O'Kean or O'Cahan, the Irishman, 
 appears again in command of the left wing, giving orders to fire only into the breasts of the enemy, 
 which order was so perfectly obeyed that by their first discharge " they fyred their beardes." Mon- 
 trose had managed to bring with him some fifty horse, commanded by Sir Thos. Ogilvy. When 
 200 of the fugitives made for Inverlochy Castle, Sir Thomas " afrontes them and forced them to flee 
 with the rest up the side of the lake or firth. In this conflict the brave gentleman receaued a shote 
 whereof he died soone after, to the no small regrait of the whole armie " {ib. 102). See also Spalding, 
 Napier, and Gardiner. The latter (ii. 104) by mistake calls Sir Thomas Ogilvy Lord Ogilvy. Lord 
 Ogilvy was a prisoner in Edinburgh. 
 
86 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 and interred as magnificently as the time and place allowed. For 
 many centuries the power of the Campbells in the Highlands had 
 been the terror of their neighbours, but it was utterly broken by 
 this overthrow. Montrose's designs had now free course ; for the 
 Highlanders, who are a very warlike race, being freed from the 
 hated tyranny of Argyll, were more eager to offer their service in 
 the Kinof's cause." 
 
 ^^ See Montrose's important despatch to the King, and discussion of it (Napier, Mem., 484). 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Return northwards — Surrender of Elgin — Lord Gordon joins — Montrose enters the 
 Meams and defeats Hurry near Fettercairn — Offers battle to Baillie and Hurry on 
 the Isla — Lewis Gordon deserts with most of his Clan — Montrose retires north — 
 Seizes Dundee — Extraordinary march to evade Baillie and reach the Grampians. 
 
 AFTER some days' rest from the immense fatigue of their 
 recent march, Montrose led his men back over the moun- 
 tains of Lochaber to Loch Ness ; thence he passed through Errick, 
 Dearn, and Nairn/ and crossed the river Spey, where he received 
 news that a considerable body of the enemy were at Elgin, the 
 chief town of Moray, a district beyond the Spey. Montrose 
 hastened to them, either to draw them over to his side or reduce 
 them by force of arms. But the very news of his approach 
 dispersed this little cloud, and they fled in terror to their lurking- 
 holes. However, he continued his march, and on the 14th of 
 February the town of Elgin surrendered.^ 
 
 At this time Lord Gordon,^ eldest son of Huntly, a man whose 
 
 ^ Straths Errick, Nairn, Dearn, and Spey lie more or less parallel. There must have been 
 much cross-country climbing from strath to strath before the roads were made which cross the 
 Findhorn and Nairn rivers. Fraser, Grant, Mackintosh, and Macpherson are the chief names of 
 these regions. 
 
 2 The Northern barons met at Elgin under Lord Seaforth on 17th Feb. to provide for the safety 
 of the North, but they fled on Montrose's approach. He entered Elgin on 19th. W. is mistaken 
 in giving 14th. Here Lords Gordon, Lewis Gordon, with Col. Nathl. Gordon, freed from excom- 
 munication (see p. 66, n. 11), joined Montrose from the Bog of Gight, now Gordon Castle. Seaforth 
 came in, and " the sweet nightingale," the laird of Grant's wife, prevailed in sending that chief to 
 Elgin, where, with Seaforth, he signs the Kilcummin bond. March 4th, Montrose moved to Gordon 
 Castle, where Lord Graham, his eldest son, overtaxed with the winter's campaign, died, and was 
 buried at Bellie. 
 
 On Feb. 12 Argyll appeared in Edinburgh with his left arm in a sling, "as if he had been at 
 bones breaking." Generals Baillie and Hurry, with the inevitable ministers, were deputed to put 
 down the growing rebellion. 
 
 ^ George, Lord Gordon, eldest son of the Marquis of Huntly. He had served in Alsace and 
 Lorraine under Marechal de la Force. With his father he had suffered at the hands of Montrose, 
 having been imprisoned in Edinburgh in 1639. He was induced by his uncle Argyll to side with 
 the Covenanters while his father was in hiding, but they did not trust him. Inverlochy decided 
 him, and unreservedly he threw himself into the royal cause. For a time it looked as if Montrose 
 
 87 
 
88 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 excellent good qualities deserve the highest praise, left his uncle, 
 Argyll, by whom he had been detained against his will, and openly 
 espoused the King's cause, voluntarily offering his service and 
 obedience to Montrose, as the King's general and vicegerent. 
 He brought with him not many followers, but those he had were 
 picked men, his personal friends and dependents. Montrose wel- 
 comed him with courtesy and warmth. Afterwards, when he came 
 to know him thoroughly and had proved his honour, the two men 
 became knit together in the most sacred bonds of friendship. 
 
 As most of the inhabitants of Moray were devoted to the 
 Covenanters, and had hid themselves in their lurking-places, he 
 had no hope of any help from a people so hostile to his cause. 
 He therefore led his forces across the Spey, in order to raise the 
 shires of Banff and Aberdeen by the presence, example, and influ- 
 ence of Lord Gordon. Having levied there what forces he could, 
 with 2000 infantry and 200 horse he crossed the river Dee and 
 Grampian Hills, descended into the Mearns, and encamped not 
 far from Fettercairn.^ 
 
 About seven miles distant lay a body of Covenanters under 
 Sir John Hurry,^ an active, gallant officer, who had won distinction 
 
 was to have the united support of the Gordons. As it was, they now furnished him with a body of 
 good horse. Lord Gordon brought in Lord Lewis with him, and Lord Aboyne was meditating in 
 Carlisle his ride north to join Montrose. On the character and death of Lord Gordon see W. 
 below, and P. Gordon, 131. The latter, after stating that Gen. Baillie left 1600 of his best men 
 dead at Alford, adds, " But alas ! what were all those in comparisone of that noble and magnani- 
 mius youth, that heavine dasleing sparke of true nobilitie, that miracle of men, the matchless Lord 
 Gordon, who was there slain after he had totallie defeate and routed Baccaras." " He was a man 
 in all perfection, altho he died before time or nature had granted him a beard. " 
 
 * Hurry before this had made a raid upon Aberdeen, where Donald Farquharson, the pride of 
 Braemar, and Nath. Gordon, with other Cavaliers, were enjoying themselves carelessly. Donald 
 was killed in the street, to the great grief of all, and Gordon barely escaped, losing Huntly's best 
 horse, which he had been riding. Hurry also from Aid (? Alt) Montrose, carried off James, now 
 Lord Grahame, and his tutor, who were imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle. Lord Airlie was taken 
 ill, and was escorted to Strathbogie by a strong detachment. See Spalding, P. Gordon, and Napier. 
 W. says nothing of the burning (about March 21st) of Stonehaven, Cowie, Ury, and Drumlithie, 
 with Marishall's lands, or the killing of the aged father of the future Earl of Middleton, " as he sat 
 in his chair in the castle of Caldhame." The parish records of Menmuir and other kirks in the 
 Mearns and braes of Angus show grievous interruptions of worship through the presence of Mon- 
 trose. The house of the minister of Fettercairn, Mr. James Strachan, was burnt on this visit to 
 Fettercairn (Jervise, Land of Lindsay and Angus and Mearns). 
 
 " Sir John Hurry's ambush lay in the wood of Halkerton Castle, the property of Sir Alexander 
 Falconer, who was made a peer in 1647. 
 
 * Sir John Hurry was a townsman of Aberdeen, where the name appears on Council records 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 89 
 
 abroad, and was now colonel of a regiment of horse and general 
 of all their forces. With 600 troopers he advanced to reconnoitre 
 Montrose's strength, and thinking that Montrose had but few foot 
 and no cavalry, he hoped to draw him down into the plain and 
 give a good account of him. In any case, he felt confident of a 
 safe retreat. To draw him on, Montrose concealed his forces in a 
 glen, and showed front with the 200 horse only, but these he had 
 as usual lined with the most active of his musketeers. Hurry, 
 seeing they were so few, led his men to the charge. When too 
 late he observed the foot, who were following briskly at the horses' 
 heels, and sounded a retreat, which he himself covered with great 
 gallantry. As they fell back Montrose's men pressed on with 
 great eagerness, and drove them across the river Esk ; nor did 
 they feel themselves safe even when sheltered by nightfall, but 
 fled with precipitation to Dundee, twenty-four miles distant. 
 Those who had pursued them so far then returned to Fettercairn, 
 and next day marched to Brechin. Here Montrose was informed 
 that Baillie,^ a general of great reputation, had been summoned 
 from England to take supreme command of the enemy's forces, 
 and had been joined by Hurry with his horse ; besides which, he 
 
 some way back. In the Incident he appears as Capt. Hurry. He joined the Parliamentary army, 
 but deserted to Rupert, and informed him that ;^2i,ooo was being conveyed to Thame, thus bringing 
 on the affair at Chalgrove Field and the death of Hampden. After this engagement he was knighted 
 by Charles. Taken prisoner in Lancashire, July 1644 (see n. p. 31), and perceiving how matters 
 were going, he changed sides in August ; but by and bye he is in the service of the Estates and com- 
 mands at Auldearn. Changing again, he joins Montrose, and leaves the country with him. He had 
 a commission in the army of the Engagement, and at Preston " got a dangerous shot on the left side 
 of his head, whereof, though he was afterwards taken prisoner, he recovered " (Turner, 65). He 
 acted as Montrose's major-general on his landing in Scotland ; was taken prisoner at Corbiesdale, 
 and beheaded at Edinburgh. Rev. J. Eraser noticed Colonel Hurry at Inverness on his way to Edin- 
 burgh, " a robust, tall, stately fellow, with a long cut on his cheek." Spalding, P. Gordon, Napier, 
 and Gardiner, indices. 
 
 '' General William Baillie of Letham was a natural son of Sir William Baillie of Lamington, 
 ^ who, after the death of his wife, married the mother, but failed to legitimatise the son. He served 
 
 ^ under Gustavus Adolphus, and was one of the " experimented " soldiers called into Scotland by the 
 
 Covenanters in 1638. He was at the affair at Newburn, commanded the Scots garrison at Durham, 
 and was at Marston Moor. He might have done better in Scotland had he been free from the 
 ministers and the committee. In later life he endeavoured to oust the young laird of Lamington 
 from his possessions, but failed. Two of his sons married daughters of Lord Forrester of Corstor- 
 phine, and by an arrangement between the General and Lord Forrester they were to come into the 
 title. James, who assumed the title, was afterwards stabbed with his own sword by his wife's 
 niece in the garden-house at Corstorphine. She was sentenced to death, escaped, was retaken, 
 and beheaded. 
 
90 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 had a number of veteran troops recalled from England and 
 Ireland. The Covenanters were now resolved to prosecute the 
 war with greater vigour. Henceforth he would have to deal 
 with very different soldiers, commanded by generals of great 
 experience. 
 
 To extricate himself from their cavalry, in which they were 
 always superior, he kept upon the most advantageous ground, 
 and marched towards the Tay by the foot of the Grampians, 
 intending, if possible, to cross the Forth, where he expected 
 numbers to rise for the King. But the enemy saw through 
 his design, and sent these commanders with a very strong force 
 to prevent it. As soon as they came in sight, Montrose offered 
 battle, but they had not the least intention of risking an engage- 
 ment, and did not even attempt to harass his rear as he retreated. 
 He marched on to the Castle of Inverquharity,^ and next day to 
 the village of Alyth.^ Thence he again marched down into the 
 plain, leaving the mountains far behind, and challenged Baillie 
 by a trumpeter to fight. Between the armies ran the river Isla, 
 which neither of them could cross with safety, if the passage were 
 disputed. Montrose therefore requested permission to cross with 
 safety ; but if Baillie did not approve of that, then he would give 
 him a free and safe passage, on condition that he would pledge 
 his honour to fight without further delay. To this Baillie replied 
 that he would mind his own business himself, and would fight at 
 his own pleasure, and not another man's commands. 
 
 Several days were thus passed in face of the enemy, who 
 made no sign of coming to the attack ; while Montrose himself, 
 through want of cavalry, had no hope of forcing a passage. He 
 therefore marched on to Dunkeld,^ and was on the point of 
 attempting to cross the Tay, when he was almost ruined by an 
 
 ' Inverquharity — the Latin gives the pronunciation. Sir John Ogilvy, the first Baronet of this 
 very ancient branch of the Clan, lived very quietly, and engaged as little as possible in the troubles 
 (Napier). The old castle with its "iron yet" still remains, and the licence to erect the yet, from 
 James II. or III., 1444 or 1467, was in the possession of the late Sir John Ogilvy, but the property 
 of the castle has passed away from Ogilvy of Inverquharity. See Jervise, " Land of the Lindsays," 
 345-346, and Appendix. 
 
 * Eliota is no doubt Alyth. Eliot, near Arbroath, is out of the district and not a view. 
 
 * Duncaledonia, ancient Latin name, now abbreviated into Dunkeld. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 91 
 
 unexpected misfortune. Lewis Gordon/'' son of Huntly, who 
 had fought against him at Aberdeen, by the mediation of his 
 noble brother Lord Gordon, had been received into favour by 
 Montrose. On the plea of some letters, real or pretended, from 
 his father, written in his place of concealment, he prevailed on 
 almost all the Gordons to desert, without his brother's know- 
 ledge, and abandoned his brother and Montrose in the hour of 
 danger. Indeed, it is very doubtful to which of the two he bore 
 the greater grudge. 
 
 Montrose was seriously disconcerted by this unlooked for 
 desertion. He was now obliged to retreat to the north to re- 
 cruit his forces. But, in spite of this, he still made as though 
 he would march to the Forth.^^ In consequence, all his spies 
 agreed in reporting that the enemy to their last man had crossed 
 the Tay ^^ to seize the fords of the Forth and oppose his passage. 
 That his attempt might not seem altogether ineffectual, he resolved 
 to make a brilliant dash at Dundee and surprise it on his march. 
 That city was a hotbed of sedition and a sure refuge for the rebels 
 in those parts, whose cause it largely contributed to foster ; and 
 was at the time feebly garrisoned by the townsmen. His weaker 
 troops and those who were lightly armed were sent with the bag- 
 gage to skirt the foot of the mountains, their orders being to meet 
 him at Brechin. With all his cavalry, 150 in number, and 600 
 light-armed musketeers, he himself set out from Dunkeld about 
 midnight, and by a march of extraordinary speed reached Dundee 
 about ten o'clock on the morning of the 4th of April. He im- 
 mediately summoned the townsmen by a herald to surrender, if 
 they wished to save themselves and their city ; otherwise he 
 threatened them with fire and sword. They endeavoured to 
 gain time and did not at once reply ; at last they threw his 
 herald into prison. Incensed at this affront, Montrose stormed 
 the town in three different quarters. The townsmen for awhile 
 
 J" On the question whether Lord Lewis left Montrose at Dunkeld or after fighting at Dundee, 
 see Gardiner. The forthcoming Huntly Book, edited by Sir W. Fraser, may contribute evidence to 
 settle the dispute. 
 
 ^1 Montrose had received a letter from the King not long before this, urging a descent upon the 
 Lothians, and promising the aid of 500 horse under Musgrave. Gard., Civil War, ii. 176. 
 
 ^^ Baillie had gone no farther than Perth. Montrose was badly served with intelligence. 
 
92 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 made some show of resistance on the walls, but in vain. The 
 Irish and Highlanders charged with fury. Some of them drove 
 their opponents from the works, ^^ manned the cannon, and turned 
 them against the town ; others burst open the gates and seized 
 the church and market-place ; while others, again, fired the houses 
 in several places. And had not the common soldiers, in their ill- 
 timed greed and intemperance, turned aside to plunder and drink, 
 this wealthy city would there and then have been wrapped in 
 flames. It was as well for the conquerors as for the vanquished 
 city that it was not so. The news of the scouts that the enemy 
 had crossed the Tay was altogether false. Some squadrons, cer- 
 tainly not many, had been seen to cross. These they had taken 
 for the whole army of the enemy, a mistake which nearly proved 
 the ruin of themselves and their party. 
 
 Montrose was standing on elevated ground ^* which overlooks 
 Dundee, watching the progress of the fight in the city below, when 
 breathless scouts came up with word that Baillie and Hurry were 
 scarcely a mile distant with 3000 foot and 800 horse. Instantly 
 he recalled his men out of the city, but not without the greatest 
 difficulty. Secure of their victory, flushed with drink, and eager 
 
 ^* In 1645 Dundee within its walls might be regarded, speaking roughly, as a parallelogram, the 
 market-place and church at the centre converged upon by four streets — two from the west, two from 
 the east. At the north-west corner, within the walls, stood the Corbie Hill, with its platform of 
 guns commanding the town. On Ap. 4 the wall outside the hill was under repair, and there had 
 been two plans as to the work, that of John Mylne, a local mason, and that of Henry Young, after- 
 wards a famous engineer. Mylne, after proceeding so far, had given way to Young, whose plan 
 was only adopted Ap. i. At this weak point Montrose dashed in and captured Corbie Hill. The 
 defenders of the West Port and Nethergait Port were taken in the rear by their own guns, and the 
 way was open to the Highlanders. A rush for a hundred yards or so would bring them to the Kirk 
 and Market-place. From Corbie Hill Montrose could look along the Overgait and see most of what 
 went on in the centre of the town, and there he would get the first alarm of Baillie's approach. On 
 the alarm he and his officers, moving eastwards through the town, could carry their men out by the 
 Seagait and East Port in a straight course. The difficulties of the present city did not exist in the 
 little town of 1645.^ See Maxwell's "Old Dundee" and map. The walls cost;^i62, los. to repair 
 after this event, and the town, for its losses, received the sympathy of Estates with a grant of 
 £STA71 Scots, of which ;,f 20,000 only was paid. See Dundee Charters, Accounts, 1645-47, and 
 Act. Pari. Scot. VI. i. 579. For interesting details, see Evidence of John Gordon, Napier, Mem., 495, 
 and of the Master of Spynie, id. 448. 
 
 ^* Corbie Hill, as we consider. It has now been quarried away, but in 1645 it was the principal 
 eminence within the walls, not excepting the Castle Hill. The Law, or any part of it, is out of the 
 question, with Dudhope and its grounds and West Chapel Shade, and much open country between, 
 to say nothing of the tall trees on the sides of the Scouring Burn. It would not have given even a 
 bird's-eye view, and a leader on the top of it would not have been of much use. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 93 
 
 for the rich booty, his men could hardly be induced to abandon 
 their prey. The enemy were actually within gunshot before they 
 could be torn away. Montrose's council, as is usual in moments 
 of supreme danger, were divided in opinion. Some pressed him 
 to look to his own safety and ride away. It was impossible, they 
 urged, to bring off the foot, fatigued with their morning's march 
 of over twenty miles, exhausted by the day's fighting, and now 
 laden with plunder and heavy with drink.^^ They would have to 
 march twenty, perhaps thirty, miles farther before they could halt 
 with safety. It was the chance of war, a thing to be borne with 
 courage. He had often inflicted far greater losses on the enemy 
 than this. None could doubt that if he were saved he would soon 
 recruit his forces ; but should any disaster befall him, the case 
 would be desperate and everything lost. Others exclaimed that 
 all was now utterly lost. Nothing remained but to die with 
 honour. Let them charge the thickest of the enemy and perish 
 on the field of glory. Montrose concurred with neither. Nothing 
 could ever induce him to abandon his bravest men in their hour 
 of utmost peril. He preferred an honourable death among his 
 men to a base regard for his own safety. On the other hand, for 
 such a handful of men to charge the enemy and dash their heads, 
 so to speak, against a rock, was the last resource of despair, and 
 not to be used rashly ; and as God Almighty ought not to be 
 tempted by cowardly neglect, neither should His aid be despaired 
 of by brave Christian men. He therefore encouraged them to do 
 their duty manfully, and leave the issue to God and the means to 
 his own care. 
 
 Immediately he sent off 400 foot with orders to march as 
 rapidly as possible without breaking their ranks. Two hundred 
 of his swiftest men were commanded to follow, while he himself 
 brought up the rear with the horse. The troopers rode in open 
 order, with intervals to admit the light musketeers, should occasion 
 arise. He believed that the enemy's foot could not overtake them ; 
 
 ^' Gardiner, as against Napier, questions the power of drunken men to march as these did. But 
 there are degrees in drunkenness. Fright and hard work would soon clear their heads. 
 
94 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 and should their horse alone attack them, which he thought they 
 would hardly venture to do, he expected to dispose of them without 
 much difficulty. As the sun was now setting, he foresaw that the 
 darkness would favour their retreat. When the enemy, who had 
 received information of their numbers from some captives, presently 
 confirmed by their own observation of the forces in retreat, saw 
 that they were preparing to march off without a battle, they divided 
 their forces and gave chase. Their object was not merely to 
 attack him simultaneously in flank and rear, but also to cut off 
 every road to the Highlands. To encourage their men to a hot 
 pursuit, their generals put a price of 20,000 gold pieces on Mon- 
 trose's head. By this time their cavalry were in advance, pressing 
 hard upon the retreat, when those excellent musketeers who accom- 
 panied the horse shot down three of the most forward, one after 
 another. The rest, taking a lesson from their fate, grew much less 
 eager in pursuit. As soon as Montrose's men perceived that they 
 could outmarch the enemy's foot, they regained their nerve and 
 confidence, and, turning on their horse, skirmished stoutly until 
 night put an end to the fighting. To shake off the enemy at all 
 hazards, they marched for many miles eastward along the coast. 
 This was not the route they intended to follow. Their real object 
 was to make northwards to the Grampian hills, so as to relieve 
 themselves of the enemy's horse, who continued to harass them ; 
 but Baillie had stationed far the greater part of his army between 
 them and the Grampians, to cut off every avenue of retreat. 
 About midnight, therefore, when not far from Arbroath, Montrose 
 ordered a halt, but only for a brief interval. Suspecting that all 
 direct routes and passes to the mountains were occupied by the 
 enemy's horse, in which his judgment was not at fault, he ordered 
 his men to face about and march rapidly to the south-west. In 
 this way, but with incredible fatigue, he eluded his pursuers, whom 
 he passed that very night, and soon afterwards turned northwards, 
 and at sunrise next morning crossed the river Esk, not far from 
 the castle of Careston. Thence he sent to Brechin to fetch up the 
 party with the baggage ; but having received timelier notice of 
 Baillie's advance, they had chosen a safer route, and gained the 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 95 
 
 mountains. While he halted at Careston^^ his scouts suddenly- 
 brought word that the enemy's cavalry were in sight, and that 
 their foot, refreshed with food and sleep, were also hard in pursuit. 
 Montrose, being now within three miles of the mountains, had 
 little to fear; but his men, who had spent three days and two 
 nights without sleep, marching or fighting incessantly, were so 
 overwhelmed with drowsiness that pricks and wounds could hardly 
 stir them up. The enemy were checked by light skirmishing, and 
 suffered him at last to gain the foot of the hills, when they aban- 
 doned their fruitless pursuit, after all their trouble, while Montrose 
 and his men made their way to Glenesk.^^ 
 
 Such was his memorable march from Dundee, discreditable 
 to his scouts for their blunder, but almost unparalleled for the 
 general's courage, endurance, and presence of mind in extremity 
 of danger. The resolution and hardiness of his men were likewise 
 marvellous. For sixty miles they marched incessantly, often 
 engaged with the enemy, without food, without sleep, and without 
 a moment's pause to rest. Whether such an account will be 
 believed abroad or in after ages I cannot pretend to say ; but it 
 rests on the most certain information and the best of evidence. In 
 fact, I have often heard officers of experience and distinction, not 
 in Britain only, but also in Germany and France, prefer this march 
 of Montrose to his most famous victories. 
 
 ^' Supposing Montrose had reached Eliot Water, near Arbroath, and doubled back as far as 
 Panbride, he would there find a good track past Panmure House to Carmyllie, and thence to 
 Guthrie, Melgund, and the fords at Careston. Gardiner's map should be consulted, though his 
 placing Forfar so directly south of Careston and on the line of march is misleading. Compare 
 Ordinance Survey Map. Careston belonged to Sir Alexander Carnegie, a relative of Montrose. 
 Ochterlony, writing circa 1682, says of it, "A great and most delicat house, well built, brave lights, 
 and of a most excellent contrivance, without debait the best gentleman's house in the shyre ; extra- 
 ordinare much planting, delicate yards and gardens with stone walls, ane excellent avenue, with ane 
 range of ash trees on every syde, ane excellent arbour, for length and breadth none in the countie 
 lyke it." Spottiswoode, Misc., i. 334. See also Jervise, Land of Lindsays, 297, On the lawns 
 of Careston the weary men sought a little rest after a march of two nights without sleep, the storming 
 and sacking of a town, with the fighting that followed. 
 
 ^* Glenesk is the glen of the North Esk. Gardiner's map is here misleading. The Laird of 
 Edzell and Glenesk makes sore moan for his losses at this time, and the burning of the kirk and 
 other depredations are credited to Montrose in the history of the glen. Jervise, " Land of Lindsays," 
 passim. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Montrose at Crieff— Attacked by Baillie — Retreat by Stratheam — Joined by Aboyne — 
 Pursues Hurry across the Spey to Elgin, Forres, and Inverness — Battle of Auldearn, 
 May 1645. 
 
 MONTROSE having thus made good his retreat beyond all 
 expectation, ordered his men to rest. Meanwhile he 
 resolved on the following measures for prosecuting the war. He 
 sent Lord Gordon away to his own country, with such of his men 
 as had continued loyal and obedient after his brother Lewis's 
 desertion, in order to bring back those whom his brother had 
 seduced, and raise new levies to recruit his forces. This he 
 executed with diligence and cheerfulness, punishing some of them, 
 especially those who had advised and helped his brother in that 
 crime. In this he was the more earnest that he might remove all 
 shadow of blame from himself. Indeed, neither Montrose nor any 
 one else loathed the treachery of Lewis more heartily than his 
 own brother, Lord Gordon. Meanwhile Montrose, with a small 
 detachment — for he had retained only 500 foot and 50 horse — 
 marched through Angus into Perthshire, to distract the enemy by 
 a diversion, until he could recruit his army by forces gathered from 
 every quarter. The movement was well judged. The Cove- 
 nanters had despatched Hurry, the lieutenant-general of their 
 horse, to the north with a detachment of 600 veteran infantry and 
 200 horse, to support their friends and crush Lord Gordon ; while 
 Baillie himself halted with the army at Perth, in the heart of the 
 kingdom, ready for any emergency. Montrose had reached Crieff, 
 a village twelve miles from Perth, where, as Baillie was informed, 
 he was quartered carelessly with a small band. On the watch 
 for every opportunity, Baillie set out from Perth early in the night, 
 with his whole army, and marched with great haste, thinking by 
 
 daybreak to surprise and overwhelm Montrose. But he found 
 
 96 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 97 
 
 him fully on his guard, with his infantry drawn up under arms, ready 
 to fight or march. Montrose himself rode out with the horse to 
 reconnoitre the number and strength of the enemy, and finding 
 that they were 2000 foot and 500 horse, he ordered his men to 
 march off with all speed, and keeping along Strathearn, to occupy 
 the passes leading into it. With his handful of horse he covered 
 their retreat, to save them from being ridden down by the enemy. 
 They charged with spirit, but met with so warm a reception that 
 they were thrown into disorder, and forced to fall back with some 
 loss. Meantime his foot, after a march of six miles, made them- 
 selves masters of the pass of Strathearn,^ so that the enemy were 
 obliged to return from their fruitless attempt. Montrose lay that 
 night, which was the i8th of April, at Lochearn, and marched 
 next day to Balquhidder, where he was met by the Earl of Aboyne 
 with a few others,^ whom the reports of Montrose's success had 
 encouraged to escape out of Carlisle, and return at last to their 
 native country. 
 
 From Balquhidder they proceeded inland to Loch Katrine, 
 where they received word that Hurry had raised a strong force in 
 the north, and was threatening Lord Gordon. There was immi- 
 nent danger lest this experienced and active officer should over- 
 power that gallant young nobleman. Montrose therefore decided 
 to oppose Hurry with all speed, as much to save so dear a friend 
 from the impending peril, as to attack the enemy in detail and 
 crush them piecemeal, knowing well that he was no match for 
 their united forces. By a series of forced marches he passed 
 through Balquhidder, along Loch Tay, which is twenty-four miles 
 in length, through Athole and Angus, over the Grampians, and 
 
 ^ Which is the pass intended ? Montrose retreated up the Earn by Comrie, and south of the 
 Loch to Lochearnhead. No doubt the tradition of a raid on Ardvoirlich owes its origin to this 
 march through the property. At the head of Lochearn three ways lay open, by Glen Ogle, Strathyre, 
 or Balquhidder. By the last he recruited from the Macgregors' lands. 
 
 ^ Aboyne with sixteen horse broke out of Carlisle, and after much danger and a bad accident 
 to his shoulder, met Montrose at the ford of Cardross. The Master of Napier, confined with his 
 father in Holyrood, also escaped at this time and joined Montrose. Spalding gives young Keir as 
 his companion, but this is probably a mistake, as Sir George Stirling does not appear to have had 
 any family. John Alexander, a young son of the Earl of Stirling, joined Montrose from Keir along 
 with Napier. 
 
 G 
 
98 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 down through the strath of Glenmuick ^ into the very heart of Mar. 
 There he was joined by Gordon with looo foot and 200 horse, and 
 at once marched on to the Spey to seek the enemy and force him 
 to a battle. Hurry was still in the belief that he had not yet 
 crossed the Grampians, when he was not more than six miles off; 
 for by a vast effort he had marched with such amazing rapidity 
 as to outrun the news of his approach. Having no mind for an 
 engagement till reinforced by a very strong body of troops and 
 numerous auxiliaries, Hurry hastened across the Spey and marched 
 to Elgin on his way to Inverness, which he had appointed as the 
 rendezvous of all his forces. Montrose at once followed him to 
 Elgin. Hurry hastened on to Forres, hotly pursued by Montrose, 
 who pressed him so closely for fourteen miles, that even under 
 shelter of night he had much ado to reach Inverness. 
 
 Next day Montrose encamped at the village of Auldearn.* 
 Hurry, as he had expected, found the Earls of Seaforth and 
 Sutherland, the Clan Eraser, with most of the men of Moray, 
 Caithness and the neighbourhood, assembled in arms at Inverness. 
 With these and the veterans of the town garrison he marched 
 straight for Montrose. The force under his command numbered 
 3500 foot and 400 horse. Montrose, who had not more than 
 1500 foot and 250 horse, was now very anxious to retire. But 
 Hurry pressed him so hard that retreat was almost out of the 
 question. Moreover, Baillie with the southern army, which was 
 still more formidable in cavalry, had already crossed the Gram- 
 pians,^ and was now far on his way to the Spey, marching in great 
 haste. What was to be done ? Either Montrose must fight with 
 
 ' Glenmuick could be reached from Angus by Glenisla, by Clova, or by Glenesk and Glenmark. 
 Gardiner and Napier differ as to the route after this ; the former takes Montrose into Strathspey, and 
 the latter brings him down the Dee at the end of April to an encampment at Skene, about ten miles 
 from Aberdeen, and half-way between Dee and Don. Aboyne's raid with eighty horse on Aberdeen 
 to seize twenty barrels of gunpowder and return the same night to his leader was possible only 
 from the latter position. 
 
 * The village of Auldearn (corruption of Altdearn or High Dearn ; the Dearn gives its name 
 to the great Strath, and appears also, e.g., in Darnaway, and in Findhorn, i.e., Finn Dearn) lies on the 
 road from Forres to Nairn and Inverness. For a careful account of the battle, drawn from P. Gordon 
 and Wishart, see Gardiner, who gives the various positions after personal inspection of the ground. 
 
 ' Guthrie says that Baillie, having burned Athole, set out for Aberdeen, but heard the news of 
 Hurry's defeat before the end of the march. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 9^ 
 
 Hurry, or take the far more serious risk of being hemmed in 
 between the gathering forces of the enemy. He therefore resolved 
 to risk a battle at once, leaving the issue to Providence, and chose 
 an advantageous position to await the enemy. The village stood 
 on a low ridge and covered a neighbouring hollow. Behind it 
 are some hillocks, which conceal it from the view of all but those 
 who are close upon it. In the hollow he drew up his forces, which 
 were quite invisible to the enemy. In front of the village he 
 stationed a few picked foot-soldiers, men of experience and prompt 
 to act, along with his cannon, masked by some dykes which had been 
 cast up there. The right wing he intrusted to Alastair Mac- 
 donald with 400 foot, stationed on ground which happened to be 
 defended by dykes and ditches, brushwood and rocks. 
 
 These he ordered to reserve themselves, whatever happened, 
 and not to quit their position, which formed a strong natural forti- 
 fication, secure from any attack either of horse or of foot. To this 
 division was consigned the well-known royal standard, broadly 
 displayed, which used to be carried only before Montrose, — an 
 admirable ruse, calculated to draw the main attack upon that 
 impregnable position, so as to give him an opportunity for a 
 successful attack upon the left. With this object he transferred 
 all the rest of his men to the opposite wing, himself taking com- 
 mand of the foot, and Lord Gordon in charge of the horse. His 
 main centre was left to the imagination of the enemy. In fact, he 
 had none, but a small body stationed under cover of the dykes 
 before the village made a show of one. With so small a force a 
 reserve was out of the question. 
 
 As Montrose by this skilful arrangement had foreseen, the 
 enemy no sooner observed the royal standard, than they sent the 
 best part of their horse, with the veterans who formed their main 
 strength, against that point, and commenced the assault upon the 
 right wing and those who were posted before the village, keeping 
 up a determined attack by constant relays of fresh men. This 
 Montrose, with so iew men, could not do. He therefore resolved 
 to charge at once with the whole weight of his left. Just as he 
 was on the point of giving effect to this resolution, a messenger, 
 on whose fidelity and prudence he could rely, whispered in his ear, 
 
loo DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 " Macdonald and his right wing are routed." To prevent a panic 
 among his men at the bad news, with admirable presence of mind 
 he at once called out, " Come, my Lord Gordon, what are we 
 waiting for ? Our friend Macdonald on the right has routed the 
 enemy and is slaughtering the fugitives. Shall we look on idly 
 and let him carry off all the honours of the day .'* " With these 
 words he hurled his line upon the enemy. The shock of the 
 Gordons was irresistible.*' After a brief struggle Hurry's horse 
 wavered, recoiled, wheeled, and fled, leaving their own flanks 
 naked and exposed. Though deserted by the horse, the infantry, 
 being superior in numbers and much better armed, stood their 
 ground bravely,'^ until Montrose came to close quarters, and forced 
 them to fling down their arms and make a desperate but vain 
 attempt to save themselves by flight. Montrose, however, did 
 not forget the news his trusty messenger had brought. Followed 
 by some of his promptest men, he wheeled to the right, where he 
 found matters in a very different condition. 
 
 Macdonald, a brave man, but readier with his hand than his 
 head, hasty in battle and bold to rashness, stung by the taunts 
 and scoffs of the enemy, disdained to shelter himself behind dykes 
 and bushes, and, contrary to orders, threw himself with his men 
 outside of their strong position. His rashness cost him dear. 
 The enemy, who were far stronger both in horse and numbers, 
 and most of them veteran troops, drove his men back pell-mell, 
 and had he not withdrawn them to a neighbouring enclosure just 
 in time, they would every one of them have been lost, and the 
 royal standard with them. Rash as he had been, he atoned for 
 his error by his splendid courage in bringing off his men. The 
 last to retire, and covering himself with a huge target, single- 
 handed he withstood the thickest of the enemy. Some of the 
 pikemen, by whom he was hard pre ssed, again and again pierced 
 
 ^ The slaughter of Donald Farquharson in the streets of Aberdeen by Hurry's men, and the 
 murder of James Gordon of Struders in the house of a friend, where his wounds were being tended, 
 made the Gordons " take the fewer prisoners and give the less quarter." Their battle-cry was 
 "Remember Donald Farquharson and James Gordon." The charge was made after Cromwell's 
 tactics, a rush sword in hand. See P. Gordon, Gardiner, and Napier, 
 
 ' See Gardiner as to the discovery of the skeletons in Deadman's Wood, supposed to be those of 
 the men who fell at this point. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. loi 
 
 his target with the points of their weapons, which he mowed off with 
 his broadsword by threes and fours at a sweep.^ But when those 
 who were assailing the enclosure saw Montrose coming to the 
 rescue, and their own men on the left put to rout, the horse fled 
 headlong, but the foot, mostly veterans from Ireland, fought on 
 doggedly, and fell man by man almost where they stood. The 
 victors followed the fugitives for some miles. Of the enemy there 
 Jell about 3000 foot, of whom the veterans had fought with con- 
 >^spicuous bravery. Most of the cavalry escaped by a flight more 
 timely than honourable. Even Hurry himself, with some of his 
 best men, who were the last to quit the field, would not have 
 escaped, had not the Viscount Aboyne carelessly displayed some 
 ensigns and standards which he had captured in the rout, and 
 instead of pursuing the fugitives turned to his own men, who took 
 him for a fresh force coming on to renew the attack. The mistake 
 lasted long enough to give the enemy's horse, though broken, 
 time to scatter and fly by such paths as they happened to know 
 or hit on. A few of them made their way with Hurry to Inver- 
 ness before next morning. 
 
 The most distinguished of the enemy who fell were Campbell 
 of Lawers,^ colonel of one of the old regiments, Sir John Murray,^" 
 Sir Gideon Murray," and some other brave men, whose loss might 
 have been deplored, had they not stained their valour by the 
 infamous crime of rebellion. In this they had not followed their 
 own judgment, but the impulse of the mob or the ambition and 
 
 8 For other details of Macdonald's prowess, and similar marvels performed by Ranald Og 
 Macdonald of Mull, see Clanranald MS., quoted by Napier, Mem., 503-504. 
 
 * Sir Mungo Campbell of Lawers, ' ' a good Christian and expert commander." For notices of 
 his character and of his services in Ireland and England, with the provisions made for his widow 
 and children, see Act. Pari. Scot,, VI. i. 468. The notices are full and sympathetic. Lord Gordon 
 buried him with much respect (P. Gordon, 127). 
 
 ^° Sir John Murray. We presume this is the son of Sir John Murray of Philiphaugh, who, 
 in his supplication in 1649, says, " It is notorious how I lossed a hopefuU gentleman that was my 
 son at the battle of Auldairne, who was the staff of my old aige, in the north, againes the said rebel 
 James Grahame, which many of your number can testifie." Act. Pari. Scot., VI. ii. 704. 
 
 ^^ Sir Gideon Murray. We have not been able to trace the family of this soldier. Gideon 
 was a common name in the Elibank family, but Patrick, second Lord, who joined Montrose, 
 had no brother of the name. The same Christian name appears among the Murrays of Sudhope, 
 and a Gideon Murray is authorised to fish in Shetland. Act. Pari. Scot., Index, Murray, 
 
I02 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 avarice of their chiefs. Of those who fought with Montrose on 
 the left, he lost one only, a private soldier. On the other wing, 
 where Macdonald commanded, he lost fourteen, also common 
 soldiers, but a very large number were wounded. Montrose 
 himself took care that these should be safely housed and receive 
 medical attention. As for the prisoners, he consoled them with 
 courtesy and gentleness. Those who repented of their rebellion 
 he set at liberty or enlisted in his own service. The stubborn he 
 lodged in various prisons. 
 
 Not long before, young Napier,^^ son of Lord Napier of Mer- 
 chiston, by Montrose's sister, had stolen away from Edinburgh 
 without the knowledge of his father or wife, and flown to join his 
 uncle. In the battle of Auldearn his bravery shone forth with 
 signal lustre, and he gave a fine proof of youthful promise, and 
 laid the firm foundation of a most noble character. Enraged at 
 this, the leading Covenanters at Edinburgh seized his aged father, 
 who was now nearly seventy years old, and as noble a man as any 
 Scotland had bred in this age,^^ and his lady,^* the Earl of Mar's 
 
 " Archibald, Master of Napier, afterwards second Lord, was not of age in 1644. At seventeen 
 he married Lady Elizabeth Erskine, daughter of the Earl of Mar, and he was at this time the father 
 of several children. His portrait by Jamieson, in the possession of Lord Napier, and reproduced 
 in Napier's Memoirs, shows a face of much sweetness and refinement, but with a firm mouth and 
 chin, indicative of the courage exhibited by the young man. His letter to his wife, dated Brussels, 
 June 14, 1648 (Napier, Mem., 665), though full of political matter, begins "My dearest Heart," 
 and ends " My dearest Life, only yours," and professes, with evident sincerity, that he would go 
 through all dangers imaginable " only to see you." " I confess I have satisfaction in nothing whilst 
 we live at such a distance." " I should be more contented to live with you meanly in the deserts 
 of Arabia, than without you in the most fruitful place in the world, plentifully and with all the 
 delights it could afford." He fortified Montrose's castle of Kincardine, and held it with fifty men 
 against Middleton for a fortnight, a military feat worthy of the courage displayed at Auldearn. 
 He was included in Middleton's capitulation with Montrose, and, with certain restrictions on com- 
 munications with him, he was permitted to go abroad. An interesting letter from Wishart to him, 
 Jan. I, 1650, is preserved in the Napier charter chest, as is a bond for a thousand merks borrowed 
 by Lord Napier, and written and witnessed by Wishart in Schiedam, ^^j October 1652. Napier, 
 Mem., 730-810, q.v. for many biographical details. See also Introd. to Napier's " Dundee." 
 
 *^ See Ch. xvii. ; but in this connection see Lord Napier's remonstrance and petition addressed 
 to Lord Balmerino, Napier, Mem., 507. 
 
 ^* Lady Elizabeth, eldest daughter of John, eighth Earl of Mar. The marriage contract was 
 signed May and June 1641. Lord Napier, her father-in-law, was in prison for the plot, and signs 
 the contract in Edinburgh Castle, July 20, 1641, witnessed by Colonel Lindsay of Belstane, the keeper 
 of the castle. On the 7th May 1645 '* the Master of Napier's lady" and his sister Lilias are com- 
 mitted close prisoners to the same prison, but with the benefit of a serving-maid. A few days later 
 the ladies are permitted to have the " benefit of the air" once or twice in the day, provided the 
 constable of the Castle be with them, and Lord Napier and Keir be kept close in their chambers at 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 103 
 
 daughter, Stirling of Keir/^ his brother-in-law, a gentleman of 
 great worth, the chief of the name, and one who had suffered 
 many heavy penalties for his affection to the King, together with 
 his two sisters, one of them an excellent lady, the wife of Keir,^^ 
 and the other yet unmarried, and threw them into a deep dungeon, 
 where they lay till set at liberty by Napier himself under the 
 victorious auspices of his uncle. 
 
 This battle at Auldearn was fought on May 9, 1645.^^ 
 
 the time. On 30th July an order was given to remove the ladies to the care of the Earl of Mar, 
 under heavy caution. It would appear that for some reason this order was not carried out entirely, 
 for these ladies, with other members of the family, were in prison at Linlithgow when the Master 
 of Napier set them free after Kilsyth. While her husband was abroad, Lady Elizabeth, now Lady 
 Napier, lived with her five children at Merchiston, saving what she could of their ruined property. 
 She was there in 1650, and is thought to have provided the embroidered linen "with pearlings 
 about " which Montrose wore on the scaffold. It was she who obtained the heart of Montrose and 
 had it embalmed. See Napier, Mem. , passim. 
 
 ^^ See p. 31, K. 12. Stirling of Keir was at this time in Edinburgh Castle, and later on at 
 Blackness. 
 
 ^* Lady Margaret, eldest daughter of Lord Napier by Lady Margaret Graham, wife of Sir George 
 Stirling of Keir, was Montrose's niece. She was devotedly attached to Montrose, and suffered 
 much in the troubles. Her portrait by Jamieson is preserved at Keir. It shows her brother's firm- 
 ness of mouth and chin, but an expression of more humour and shrewdness. She was summoned 
 before a Committee of Estates on the 9th May, when her brother was fighting so bravely at Auld- 
 earn, confined to her lodging on May i6th, but in consideration of the plague in the city, allowed 
 on the 22nd to go to Merchiston, and keep within the house and yards thereof. She was afterwards 
 a prisoner in Linlithgow, whence she was delivered by her brother and Nathaniel Gordon. She 
 was with her father at his death, but was recalled by the Estates, and required to join her husband 
 at St. Andrews. With him she was in exile in Holland. 
 
 ^^ The 1756 edition gives 4th May, but see the Latin. Guthrie gives 4th, following M. Redi' 
 vivus. Gardiner adopts 9th. See letter to Gordon of Buckie from Montrose, dated loth May, the 
 day after the battle. Napier, Mem., 596. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Hurry joined by Baillie — They challenge Montrose — March up to Badenoch — The enemy 
 retreat to Inverness— March southwards to attack Lindsay — Desertion of the Gor- 
 dons — Battle of Alford — Lord Gordon killed. 
 
 AFTER allowing his men a few days' rest Montrose marched 
 to Elgin, the chief town of the district, where he made a 
 longer stay for the sake of his wounded men, who were here 
 better supplied with surgeons and suitable medicines than it was 
 often possible to procure in the field. They then crossed the 
 Spey, and advanced through Keith and Frendraught to Strath- 
 bogie. Here Baillie, who had been joined by Hurry with the 
 cavalry which had survived the slaughter at Auldearn,^ encoun- 
 tered him, and endeavoured to provoke a battle. But Montrose 
 restrained his men, though eager to fight, as they were spent with 
 their vast labours, and far inferior in numbers, especially in cavalry, 
 until he could raise new levies and recruit his forces. He there- 
 fore chose a position of great advantage, and contented himself 
 with skirmishes at the outposts till the evening, when he marched 
 off to Balveny, pursued by the enemy. From Balveny he passed 
 through Strathdon ^ and Strathspey up into Badenoch. The 
 enemy kept pace with him along the opposite bank of the river, 
 and again endeavoured to force a battle on him, but without avail. 
 But though he resolutely declined to risk a pitched battle, he 
 harassed them by frequent skirmishes, and especially by night 
 alarms, and so far weakened their power and courage, that those 
 
 ^ Baillie says that Hurry joined him with about lOO horse. 
 
 ^ Baillie says Glen Livet, which was the natural course. Strathdon would have meant a great 
 detour, " We came in sight of them in Glen Livet, but that night they outmarched us and quar- 
 tered some six leagues from us. On the next day we found they were dislodged, but could find 
 nobody to inform us of their march, yet by the lying of the grass and heather we conjectured they 
 were marched to the wood of Abernethy on Spey." 
 
 104 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 105 
 
 who but a short while before had been so proud and insolent, 
 officers and men alike, were seized with panic, and at night retreated 
 in disorder to Inverness, though none pursued.^ 
 
 Montrose was not a little glad to have shaken them off, espe- 
 cially as the Earl of Lindsay,* who, next to his rival Argyll, 
 was the chief leader of the Covenanters, being brother-in-law to 
 the Duke of Hamilton, had been in the habit of declaring that 
 Argyll, whether through want of care or courage, or for some 
 other cause, had always failed. He had himself, therefore, taken 
 command of the newly raised army, expecting to manage matters 
 to better purpose under his own control. He had already crossed 
 into Angus with his army, intending to act as a reserve to Baillie, 
 and should Baillie fail, ready at least to prevent Montrose from 
 crossing the Forth. They were, in fact, always in great fear that 
 Montrose should come south of the Forth, and transfer the seat 
 of war nearer to Edinburgh. Hearing that Lindsay was still in 
 Angus, near the castle of Newtyle, Montrose resolved to crush 
 him at once, as he was an inexperienced general, and his men as 
 yet raw and unaccustomed to the hardships of war. 
 
 With this plan he set out from Badenoch, and crossing the 
 Grampians through the Braes of Mar, reached the river Airlie^ 
 by difficult and long marches, intending to surprise the enemy. 
 This could easily be done, as he had outmarched the news of his 
 approach. Everything was ready for the attack, and Lindsay not 
 more than seven miles distant, when the north-country forces, 
 almost to a man, deserted, and returned home by the road they 
 had just come. The reason of it was uncertain.^ Lord Gordon 
 
 2 Baillie gives no hint of these alarms, but says that while Montrose was getting meal from 
 Ruthven and flesh from the country, he got none, and his horsemen professing that they had eaten 
 nothing for forty-eight hours, he was compelled to march northwards to Inverness for supplies. 
 Baillie's letter, quoted in Napier, Mem., 524. 
 
 * Lord Lindsay of the Byers, who had assumed the title Earl of Crawford by consent of the 
 Estates, the veteran Earl having been attainted. 
 
 5 The river Airlie must be the Isla. There is an old drove road from the Braes of Mar through 
 the glen to the lower river, which is only about seven miles distant from Newtyle. Baillie says 
 Montrose went as far south as Cupar in Angus. From Cupar by Blairgowrie and the Spital of 
 Glenshee he marched into Mar. 
 
 * Did the Marquis of Huntly mean to hold to his commission as Lord-Lieutenant of the North, 
 and fight only north of the Grampians, or was he alarmed at Baillie's movement on Gordon Castle 
 
io6 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 v/as in the camp, and no one was more deeply incensed at this 
 treachery, in so much that Montrose could with difficulty restrain 
 him from punishing with death those of his own followers who had 
 deserted. Some, however, were of opinion that they had been 
 seduced by the orders of Huntly, secretly transmitted to his son 
 Aboyne, who was then absent from the army on sick-leave. 
 Huntly's proud envious nature was wrung by the news of Mon- 
 trose's success. He was evidently annoyed at the close friendship 
 of his eldest son with him. Be that as it may, Montrose was so 
 downcast by this unexpected misfortune, that he abandoned his 
 intention of attacking Lindsay, and was forced to bear with 
 patience the loss of a brilliant victory, thus snatched, as it were, 
 from his grasp. 
 
 Obliged to change his plans, he sent off Colonel Nathaniel 
 Gordon, a brave faithful gentleman, to his own country, where he 
 had great influence, and himself followed him. By this time 
 Baillie and Hurry had returned from Inverness, and were en- 
 camped by the river Dee in Lower Mar. Montrose marched 
 through Glenshee and the Braes of Mar into the heart of the 
 country called Cromar. On the road, as he passed through the 
 Braes of Mar, he despatched Macdonald with a party into the 
 most remote Highlands to bring the forces which were being raised 
 there with the utmost speed to his camp. He then sent off Lord 
 Gordon, who had great influence and authority in those parts, to 
 help Nathaniel Gordon and hasten his levies. This he performed 
 with diligence, and among others brought back his brother Aboyne. 
 While this was going on in Cromar, Lindsay joined Baillie in 
 Lower Mar. Montrose being much inferior to them in the absence 
 of Gordon and Macdonald, with the greater part of his forces, fell 
 back before them to the ruined castle of Kargarf, that the enemy 
 might not catch him in an open country and overpower him with 
 their multitude of horse and foot. Here he felt himself safe, being 
 near the mountains. At this place Aboyne again fell sick, and went 
 off" to Strathbogie. Under pretence of requiring a guard, he took 
 with him a considerable troop of horse, which his brother Gordon 
 afterwards with no small difficulty induced to rejoin the colours. 
 
 Meantime Lindsay took from Baillie looo of his veterans in 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 107 
 
 exchange for some of his own raw recruits/ With these, as if 
 bent on some brilHant exploit, he returned through the Mearns to 
 Angus, but the only result of his grand effort was to range through 
 Athole with his army, ravaging and burning the whole district. 
 In this he imitated Argyll, who was the first to introduce that 
 cruel dreadful practice of wreaking his fury on houses and crops, 
 with more spirit to fire than fight, especially where he came on 
 unprotected towns and fields. 
 
 Baillie at that time was on his way to besiege Huntly's castle 
 of Bogie, the finest in all the north country,^ intending, if he could 
 not reduce it, to plunder and burn the lands of the Gordons in that 
 neighbourhood. Montrose, though Macdonald was absent with a 
 large part of his forces, was anxious to secure the favour of Huntly 
 and his friends by any service in his power, and hastened to their 
 assistance. Learning that Baillie's army consisted mostly of new 
 levies (as he had transferred part of his veterans to Lindsay), he 
 was eager to fight him at once, and marched straight towards him. 
 He had not proceeded more than three miles when the enemy's 
 advanced scouts came in sight. He therefore despatched a flying 
 party, acquainted with the country, to reconnoitre the strength, 
 position, and bearing of the enemy. They returned at once with 
 information that the infantry were stationed on a hill two miles 
 distant, and their horse had occupied and advanced beyond a 
 narrow difficult pass, which lay about midway between the two 
 armies.^ Against these Montrose sent off what horse he had at 
 hand, with some light musketeers. The enemy at first received 
 them with light skirmishing at a distance, but presently fell back 
 behind the pass, which they had strongly fortified with artillery.^" 
 Montrose then brought up his foot to dislodge them if possible, 
 but without effect, for the combatants were separated by the 
 approach of night, which both armies spent under arms. Next 
 
 ' Baillie says he got only 400 recruits in exchange for some 1500 at least. The exchange was 
 rendered necessary by discontent among the old soldiers. I Gardiner's note as to Wishart here needs 
 correcting. 
 
 ** John Gordon of Buckie commanded at Gordon Castle, and had a hundred men nightly on the 
 watch. 
 
 ® The position was at the Kirk of Keith. 
 
 ^" Translated in former editions " musketeers," but this W. renders by sclopetarii above, and 
 here uses tormentarii. 
 
io8 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 day Montrose sent a herald to offer them battle, but Baillie replied 
 that he would not take his orders to fight from his enemy. As it 
 was evident he could not drive them from the pass without great 
 risk, he withdrew to Pitlurg," to entice him out. Thence he turned 
 off to the Castle of Druminnor,^^ belonging to Lord Forbes, where 
 he halted two days. Here at last he was informed that the enemy 
 had quitted their pass and were marching to Strathbogie ; so at 
 daybreak he proceeded towards the village of Alford. Baillie 
 meantime, having received certain information that Macdonald was 
 away in the Highlands with a considerable detachment, now gave 
 chase, imagining that Montrose was in retreat, and came in sight 
 about noon. Montrose, as they seemed to be advancing, resolved 
 to await them on rising ground ; but as they turned aside about 
 three miles to the left, he continued his march to Alford, where he 
 spent the night, some four miles distant from the enemy. 
 
 Early next morning Montrose ordered his men to get under 
 arms ready for battle, and stationed them on a hill overlooking 
 Alford. He was himself engaged with a troop of horse in observ- 
 ing the enemy's movements and bearing, and examining the fords ^^ 
 of the Don, which runs by Alford, when he was informed that 
 their horse and foot were hastening to a ford a mile distant from 
 Alford, to cut off his retreat in the rear, imagining that he was in 
 full flight. Their fine precautions lured them on to their own 
 destruction. Montrose left his squadron near the ford, with some 
 picked men of experience, to bring him intelligence of all that 
 happened, and returned alone to order his battle. His first care 
 was to occupy the hill above Alford, where he meant to receive 
 the enemy's charge, if they fell on briskly. Behind him was a 
 marsh, intersected by ditches and pools, which secured him in the 
 rear from cavalry. In front was a steep hill, which concealed him 
 from the enemy, so that they could hardly see his front ranks. 
 
 ^^ Pitlurg, a few miles south of Keith. 
 
 ^* Druminnor, some fifteen miles south of Pitlurg, the seat of Lord Forbes before Castle Forbes 
 was built. By crossing Suie Hill, Alford was reached in seven or eight miles. 
 
 ^ See Gardiner, ii. 251 n. on fords of Don at Alford, with his criticism of W.'s account of the 
 position. Is he quite sure of the hill on which Montrose was posted, or as to which ford he was 
 facing ? 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 109 
 
 Scarcely had he finished his dispositions, when the troop left at the 
 ford returned at a gallop with intelligence that the enemy had 
 crossed the river, so that neither army could now retreat without 
 certain loss. It is reported that Baillie, who was an experienced 
 and wary general, was forced into this engagement much against 
 his will by the rashness of Lord Balcarras,^* who commanded a 
 regiment of horse, and precipitated himself and his regiment into 
 the very danger Baillie strove to avoid, so that he could not be 
 extricated without risking the whole army. 
 
 Montrose gave the command of his right wing, which was 
 opposed by a superior force of the enemy's cavalry, to Lord 
 Gordon, assisted by the veteran Colonel Nathaniel Gordon. The 
 left he assigned to the Viscount Aboyne, supported by Sir William 
 Rollock. The main body was commanded by the gallant Glen- 
 garry ^^ and young Drummond of Balloch,^® assisted by the quarter- 
 master, George Graham, a skilful officer. ^^ The reserve, com- 
 pletely concealed behind the hill, were intrusted to his nephew 
 Napier. Montrose took his stand upon the rising ground, and 
 the enemy halted in the hollow, protected by ditches and pools. 
 For a while both sides paused ; the one side deeming it unsafe to 
 storm the hill, the other unwilling to attack an enemy intrenched 
 among deep ditches and marshes. In infantry they were nearly 
 equal, each having about 2000 ; but in cavalry Baillie was superior, 
 having 600, while Montrose had only 250.^^ These, however, 
 
 " Alexander Lindsay, second Lord and first Earl of Balcarras, a dashing cavalry officer, who 
 displayed much courage here and at Kilsyth. He was one of the sederunt of Scotch peers who 
 sentenced Montrose to death, 
 
 1^ Angus Macdonald was now chief of Glengarry. His aged grandfather died at home on the 
 day of the battle of Inverlochy. See Ch. viii. «. 2. 
 
 *^ Nephew of the first Lord Napier. Turner names him as the messenger sent from friends at 
 Keir to Montrose on his first entry into Scotland, before the failure at Dumfries, to tell him that if 
 he would come to Stirling *' he would find town, castle, and regiment all for him, and Perth like- 
 wise." With Graham of Inchbrakie he defeated a party of Campbells stationed in Menteith 
 (Ch. xix.), and with his cousin, the second Lord Napier, gallantly held Kincardine Castle against 
 Middleton (p. 102, n. 12). He escaped to Norway with Montrose. See Index. 
 
 ^^ George Graham, in terms of the capitulation of 1646, was included in the pardon 
 list. 
 
 ^8 See Gardiner on the number engaged. His note and the authorities he quotes tend to confirm 
 W.'s estimate, though in the text he says it is impossible to speak of the numbers with even an 
 approach to accuracy. It may be noted too, that while W. places Napier and the reserve alone in 
 concealment behind the hill, Gardiner says that the army was so placed that the front ranks even 
 
no DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 were loyal gentlemen, who served as volunteers, proud in the jus- 
 tice of their cause, eager for glory in the King's service, and ready 
 to die rather than be conquered ; whereas Baillie's were hirelings, 
 who fought for pay, enlisted from the meanest classes. Moreover, 
 Montrose was well aware that most of the veterans were away 
 with Lindsay, and judging that this raw militia would be terrified 
 by the shout of his men and the clang of his trumpets, and scarce 
 able to withstand the first shock, he gave the signal to begin by 
 leading his men down, relying on their courage and the justice of 
 his cause. In an instant Lord Gordon charged furiously, but was 
 stoutly met by the enemy, confident in their numbers. They were 
 now at close quarters, fighting hand to hand so obstinately that 
 none could advance a foot or nail's breadth but over the body of 
 his foe, while retreat was impossible, so great was the crush of 
 men pressing on behind. Lord Gordon and Colonel Nathaniel 
 were the first to cut a lane for themselves and their men by a 
 great slaughter of the enemy. Immediately the Colonel called out 
 to the light musketeers, who as usual lined the horse, " Come, my 
 men, down with those useless muskets and stab or hamstring the 
 rebels' horses with your dirks." They obeyed with alacrity, when 
 just at this moment Montrose suddenly brought up Napier and 
 the reserve, which had lain concealed behind the hill. The enemy, 
 terrified by their unexpected appearance, now broke and fled. 
 Aboyne, on the left, contented himself with light skirmishing 
 attacks of small parties, till the enemy, seeing their right wing 
 routed and flying, retreated without much loss. The foot, being 
 thus abandoned by their horse, for some time fought on doggedly, 
 V~refusing quarter, and were almost all of them cut down. Their 
 flying horse owed their safety mainly to the fate of Lord Gordon, 
 who, after the victory had been gained, charged too fiercely into 
 the thickest of the enemy, and was shot down by a bullet from one 
 of the fugitives.^^ His fall checked his men in the pursuit, their 
 
 could hardly be seen. The advance of the reserve, hitherto concealed by the hill, was the decisive 
 movement in the battle, but G. speaks of Colonel Gordon's order to the musketeers as the deciding 
 point, W. seems to reflect on Aboyne's inactivity in the battle. G. does not mention it. 
 
 ^* On Lord Gordon see p. 87, «. 3. He had determined to carry off Baillie from the centre of 
 his men, and, it is said, was in the act of seizing him by the sword-belt when the fatal bullet struck 
 him. See Napier, Mem., 528. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. m 
 
 whole attention being now turned to their dying lord. Aboyne, 
 too, was so deeply distressed at his brother's fate that he could 
 not push the pursuit with vigour. 
 
 In this battle Montrose lost not one common soldier, and of 
 gentlemen only two, Culcholy and Milton, whose names and fami- 
 lies I should have been glad to mention had they been known to 
 me, as they died gallantly in battle for king and country, liberty 
 and law.^° Nor must we omit due praise to some Scotch and 
 Irish boys, scarcely fourteen years of age, who threw off their 
 masters' baggage, and mounting their nags and sumpter horses, 
 not only led the enemy to take them for cavalry, but, as if to rival 
 their masters in courage, these slight striplings charged into the 
 thickest of the fray. A few of them were slain, but not without 
 selling their lives dearly. Young as they were, they thus left 
 an example of a high and noble spirit, such as even men might 
 imitate. 
 
 The death of Lord Gordon was such a heavy blow to all, that 
 they seemed more like a beaten army than victors in the battle. 
 At the first news they were struck dumb with grief. Then their 
 sorrow burst through all restraint and found vent in a universal 
 wail of lamentation, and with streaming tears the soldiers, as soon 
 as they could command words, broke out into reproaches against 
 heaven and earth for bereaving the King and kingdom, their age, 
 themselves and their children of so gallant a nobleman. Conquest 
 and plunder were forgotten as they crowded round his lifeless 
 body, kissing his face and hands, weeping over his wounds, 
 praising the beauty of his person even in death, and extolling a 
 nature as noble and generous as his birth and fortune. They 
 even cursed a victory that was bought so dearly. Nothing could 
 have supported the victorious army under this immense loss but 
 
 ^ Spalding gives the names Mowat of Balwholly and Ogilvy of Milton, and adds that they were 
 buried in the church of Alford. Investigation kindly undertaken for us by the Rev. James Gillan, 
 parish minister, has hitherto failed to discover any trace of the burial places of these gentlemen. 
 Balwholly was a small property near Turriff, and Milton is Milton of Keith in Banffshire. An Irish 
 Captain Dickson was killed at Alford ; George Douglas (the Earl of Morton's brother), who bore 
 the standard (v. p. 145), Colonel Gordon, Gordon younger of Gight, Hay of Dalgetty, and some 
 other Gordons were wounded. 
 
ii2 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 the presence of Montrose, whose safety brought gladness and 
 revived their drooping spirits. Yet Montrose himself could not 
 control his grief, but mourned bitterly over the melancholy fate of 
 his dearest, only friend. Grievously he complained that the pride 
 of his race, the ornament of the Scotch nobility, the stoutest cham- 
 pion of the royal authority in the north, his best and bosom friend, 
 should be thus cut off in the very flower of his age. At last, 
 relying on time and reason to assuage his grief, he ordered the 
 physicians to embalm the corpse, which he then escorted to Aber- 
 deen, to receive a magnificent funeral, with all the honours of war. 
 Under his personal care it was buried in the Cathedral Church in 
 his own family vault.^^ 
 
 This battle of Alford was fought on the 2nd of July, 1645. 
 
 -^ Lord Gordon was buried beside his mother in the Cathedral at Old Aberdeen. " The Mar- 
 quis of Montrose himselfe, with all or at least the greater part of the armie, did accompanie the 
 corps to the inteirment. Nor did he forbear to showe himselfe the cheife murner, and indeid their 
 was reason for it, for never two of so short acquantance did ever love more dearlie. . . . After the 
 funeral obsequies ware ended, there ware many that wreitt his praises." P. Gordon, 133-134, where 
 see a specimen of the praises in verse. The funeral no doubt took place from the camp at Craigton, 
 some eight or nine miles from Old Aberdeen. See Ch. xii. «. 3. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 March southwards to the Dee — Strong reinforcements from the Highlands— Convention 
 of the Covenanters at Perth — Attack on Montrose's camp at Methven Wood — 
 Montrose retreats to Little Dunkeld — Joined by the Gordons and OgiJvies— March 
 into Stratheam. 
 
 /~\N the evening of the very day on which Montrose gained 
 ^-^ the battle of Alford, he marched to Cluny Castle,^ where 
 he allowed his men only a few hours' rest, and proceeded to the 
 banks of Dee. Thence he despatched Viscount Aboyne,^ who by 
 his brother's death had succeeded to his title, into Buchan and 
 the neighbourhood to raise recruits ; for most of those who had 
 been at the battle, being Highlanders, and not far from their own 
 country, had gone home with their booty. As Macdonald had 
 not yet returned, he encamped for sonie time at Craigston/ to 
 
 ^ Cluny Castle, the seat of Sir Alexander Gordon, a cousin of the Marquis of Huntly. Sir 
 Alexander was at this time a prisoner in Edinburgh. 
 
 2 James, Viscount Aboyne, was the second son of the Marquis of Huntly. When the title 
 Viscount Aboyne was created for his father, the terms of the patent settled the succession on James 
 and his heirs-male upon his father's death or succession to the Marquisate of Huntly. (See 
 Douglas.) A steady Royalist, yet, as an officer of the King's Lieutenant, most untrustworthy and 
 capricious, he seems never to have got over his defeat at the Bridge of Dee, and his conduct 
 generally partakes of the Gordon puzzle. More than once he deserted Montrose at critical moments, 
 and his departure before Philiphaugh ruined the cause in Scotland, In 1648 he was excepted from 
 pardon, but made his escape to France, where he died of grief a few days after hearing of the 
 death of the King. See Act. Pari. Scot., P. Gordon, Spalding, passim. 
 
 * The editor of Ruddiman's Wishart says that there was no Craigston on the Dee, and suggests 
 Crabston as the site of the camp. Napier sought to remove this difficulty by making Montrose 
 suddenly alter his route, and taking him thirty miles north to Craigston Castle, in Buchan, in three 
 days, burying Lord Gordon with solemnity in Aberdeen within the time, and despatching Aboyne 
 to raise recruits in the district, to which he himself would, according to the theory, be advancing. 
 Gardiner has been misled by Napier. 
 
 "Craigston" is doubtless Craigton on the Dee, seven miles from Aberdeen, commanding the 
 passage of the river between Peter Culter and Mary Culter, a strong position on the road south, and 
 surrounded by the houses of Drum, Kincausie, and other friendly Irvines. The place is mentioned 
 in a charter of 1526, when " Walter Caidyow de Cragtoune and Petyrcultyr" sold both properties 
 to Alexander Irvine of Drum. See "Antiquities of Aberdeen and Banff," iii. 346. The minister 
 of the parish informs us that it appears in the Kirk Session Records of Peter Culter in the seventeenth 
 century. Montrose, writing from the place on the 6th, calls it Craigtoun. It is now the site of the 
 
 "3 H 
 
114 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 wait for him and Lord Aboyne ; but finding, to his disappointment, 
 that the recruits were not sent up as speedily as he had expected, 
 he grew impatient of further delay at such an untimely moment, 
 and crossing the Dee and the Grampians, he marched down into 
 the M earns, and halted at Fordounkirk, famous in olden times as 
 the seat and burial-place of St. Palladius.* At the same time 
 he ordered Aboyne, who had reached Aberdeen, to meet him in 
 the M earns with the levies he was reported to have raised. 
 Aboyne obeyed, but brought very few forces with him. He 
 therefore sent him back north, to get together all the forces he 
 could, and bring them to his camp with all speed. He himself 
 marched through Angus, where he met his cousin, Patrick 
 Graham, with his Athole men, ready for everything, under his 
 command. Macdonald also joined him with a fine body of 
 Highlanders, among whom was Maclean,^ a brave and most 
 loyal man, with about 700 choice foot of his friends and clansmen ; 
 and also the chief of the Macranalds,® a man of renown among 
 
 Board school of the district. It lay directly in Montrose's route to the south from Cluny by the 
 Loch of Skene and the Culter ferry and ford. On the south side of the river a road lay in front of 
 him over the spur of the Grampians from Mary Culter to Stonehaven, which he could traverse till 
 he branched off south of the hills towards Fordoun. If there is evidence of his army crossing at 
 Mills of Drum (see Gardiner's map), he would have had to march some three or four miles farther 
 up the river, which would not have increased the length of his march to Fordoun. Accepting 
 Craigton as the site of the camp, all difficulties are removed concerning the funeral of Lord Gordon, 
 the despatch of Aboyne, the waiting his return, the date of the letter to Inver, and the meaningless 
 sudden rush to Buchan. See P. Gordon, p. 136, as to arrangements with Aboyne. 
 
 * Fordoun, a place of much interest in Scottish history. Roman camps succeeded Celtic 
 circles, and St. Palladius is said to have settled here in the fifth century, ' ' and his church occupied 
 nearly the same romantic site as the present parish kirk. A copious well in front of the manse still 
 preserves his name, as does also an annual market in the neighbourhood, commonly called Paddy 
 fair " (Jervise, " Angus and Mearns," i. 142). Wishart had special cause for thinking of St. Palladius. 
 " Wishart of Pitarrow (a branch of his family), the selfish and sacrilegious comptroller of James V., 
 is said to have enriched his own coffers by seizing the holy casket (containing the saint's relics), and 
 scattering its still more revered contents to the winds. But from that time, says an old writer, the 
 family never prospered." — Idit/. It was the birthplace (ca. 1350) of John de Fordun, the celebrated 
 author of the " Scotichronicon ; " also of George Wishart, the reformer and martyr. 
 
 " Sir Lachlan Maclean of Duart, the brave chief of the clan. Maclean of Lochbuy and the 
 Captain of Cairnburgh accompanied Duart. In a list of the clans, said at the time to have been 
 verified by Lord Brentford, the Macleans are reckoned able to muster 2CXX) for the Royal cause 
 (Napier, Mem., 654). Sir Lachlan received a "remission" in 1647, but in 1648-49 he was again 
 in difficulties through his raid upon Maclean of Torloisk, whom he shut up in Cairnburgh. 
 
 * See p. 79, n. 3. In the list referred to in preceding note, Clanranald is credited with power to 
 raise 1 300 men, while Antrim and Sir James Macdonald were expected to bring of the name 4000 
 more to the field. C/. later lists given in " Grameid," Book IV. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 "5 
 
 Che Highlanders, and devoted to the King's cause, with over 
 500 men ; and the Macgregors and Macnabs, inferior to none in 
 courage and endurance, who, after the custom of their country, 
 followed their leaders and chieftains ; but I am unable to give 
 their exact numbers. Glengarry,^ too, who deserves the highest 
 praise for his bravery, loyalty, and devotion to Montrose himself, 
 whom he had never left since the expedition into Argyle, had 
 summoned about 500 through his uncles and others subordinate 
 to him. Besides these, there were a number of the Farquharsons 
 from the Braes of Mar, excellent men, of approved valour ; and 
 also some from Badenoch, few, but energetic and prompt in action. 
 
 Montrose, thus strongly reinforced, resolved to penetrate into 
 the heart of the kingdom, not only to hinder the enemy's levies in 
 Fife and south of Forth, but also to disperse the Convention of 
 Estates, which the Covenanters had summoned, with great solem- 
 nity and ostentation, to meet at Perth.^ There was now nothing 
 to stop him but the want of cavalry, which almost always rendered 
 it unsafe for him to descend into the Lowlands ; but as he expected 
 Aboyne and Airlie soon with a considerable body of horse, he 
 crossed the Tay at Dunkeld, and approached the Almond, to the 
 great dismay of the enemy at Perth. He then advanced still 
 nearer, and encamped in the wood of Methven. 
 
 The enemy's foot, with the exception of the garrison of Perth, 
 were encamped south of the River Earn.^ The horse, appointed 
 to guard the town and Convention, observing Montrose's scouts, 
 rode back in hot haste with word that he was close at hand, and 
 would soon be at the gates, and without doubt intended to besiege 
 and storm the town. The nobility and members of the Convention 
 were therefore urged to save themselves at once by flight, although 
 Montrose had scarcely 100 horse, and they over 400. Next day, 
 to increase their panic, he himself approached the town with these 
 
 ' For Glengarry and his uncles see p. 79, n. 3. 
 
 ^ The adjourned Parliament could not sit at Edinburgh for the plague, but assembled in Stirling 
 Castle, July 2nd, where General Baillie and Balcarras gave an account of their defeat at Alford. 
 On the I2th signs of plague at Stirling caused an adjournment to Perth for the 24th, when all 
 "noblemen, gentlemen, and heritors whatsoever were ordered to be there in person well mounted." 
 Guthrie, Mem., 189-190. 
 
 * The chief position was at Kilgraston, near Bridge of Earn, on level ground. 
 
ii6 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 horsemen, and the like number of light musketeers mounted on 
 baggage horses, and displayed his men to advantage, so as to give 
 them the appearance of a considerable body. As the enemy kept 
 within the gates, he turned off towards Dupplin, and scoured the 
 whole of the strath, as though he had horse enough to command 
 the whole district. By this stratagem, the enemy were led to 
 suppose that he was as strong in horse as in foot. They therefore 
 gathered all the forces they could to oppose him, should he attempt 
 to cross the Forth. But as it was unsafe for him to descend into 
 the plains, both parties kept their positions for several days, the 
 Covenanters awaiting levies from Fife, the country south of 
 Forth, and from the west, and Montrose expecting reinforcements 
 from the north. As Aboyne, whom he awaited with impatience, 
 was too slow in coming up with his men, he sent to hasten his 
 movements before they should lose this favourable opportunity. 
 He complained, but in gentle, courteous language, as to a friend, 
 that his delay and hesitation had caused him to forego a brilliant 
 victory over the rebels, which might possibly have finished the 
 war ; but he did not doubt that they might yet atone for this loss, 
 if he would act with speed and energy. 
 
 When the enemy discovered that he had deceived them with a 
 sham muster of horse, and as their levies from all sides had come 
 in, and they were now far superior in infantry as well, they required 
 no further invitation to fight, and resolved to force him to a battle. 
 He therefore decided to retire for a while to the mountains, 
 knowing that the enemy would never dare to follow him, or, 
 if they did, it would cost them dear. Accordingly, as they 
 approached Methven in full force, he ordered his baggage to 
 hasten secretly to the hills, while he himself drew out his army as 
 if to fight, strengthened the approaches by very strong guards, 
 and disposed his horse in front. The enemy felt confident that 
 he meant to risk a battle, but it was only a feint to gain time till 
 the baggage was out of danger. He then ordered his army to 
 close up and march off rapidly in a single column. The horse, 
 and some of the most active musketeers, were charged with the 
 duty of bringing up the rear and covering the retreat from the 
 enemy's cavalry. The enemy, who had expected that a battle 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 117 
 
 was imminent, when they saw them suddenly retreating, pursued, 
 at first briskly, but without effect, for Montrose's men occupied 
 the passes in their line of march, and easily repulsed them. Thus, 
 without the loss of a single man, they made good their retreat to 
 high ground, inaccessible to the enemy's horse, where they were 
 also safe from any attack of their foot. 
 
 It is worthy of mention that as Montrose's horse were ap- 
 proaching the passes, the enemy, well aware that they could pursue 
 them no farther, that they might not, with all their efforts, seem to 
 have accomplished nothing, charged with 300 of their bravest and 
 best horse, who came up with a loud shout and jeering. Observing 
 them, Montrose picked out twenty of his Highlanders, accustomed 
 to hunting and excellent marksmen, and ordered them to check 
 their insolence. Scattering at first, they crept forward with their 
 guns concealed, and took such good aim that they brought down 
 the most forward of their pursuers. As these were men of some 
 note among them, the rest took a lesson from their fate, and were 
 glad to fall back. But those good huntsmen, flushed with their 
 first success, now followed them into the open ground and reso- 
 lutely attacked the party, who, spurring furiously, fled headlong 
 like a herd of deer before the hunters. 
 
 The enemy on their return encamped in the wood of Methven, 
 on the same spot which Montrose had quitted. As they had 
 done nothing of note in their expedition, and could not face men, '^ 
 they wreaked their rage upon women, most foully and shamefully 
 butchering all they could lay hands on of the wives of the Irish and 
 'Highlanders, who followed the camp for love of their husbands.^^ 
 
 Montrose took up his quarters at Little Dunkeld," the ground 
 there being unfit and impassable for horse, and also because it was 
 the most convenient spot to wait for the recruits whom he daily 
 expected from the north with Lord Aboyne. During this time 
 
 ^° W. seems the sole authority for this tale of massacre, for Monteith is scarcely to be reckoned 
 original, with W. before him. W.'s account implies a hurried retreat. Guthrie, 151, says Montrose 
 •'retired at his leisure, without loss or affront." The conduct of the Irish shortly afterwards at 
 Tullybody {id. 152) shows great exasperation. Cf. Ch, xiii. w. 5. 
 
 ^^ South of the Tay, opposite Dunkeld. 
 
ii8 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 the two armies lay at no great distance from each other, watching 
 one another without any attempt at active hostiHties. 
 
 At last Lord Aboyne and Colonel Nathaniel Gordon arrived 
 at Dunkeld with their northern levies. They were fewer than had 
 been expected, but their stoutness and true courage made some 
 amends for the lack of numbers. They brought only 200 horse 
 and 120 musketeers mounted on pack-horses or ponies, but no 
 infantry besides. With them came the Earl of Airlie and his son 
 Sir David, with eighty horse, most of them gentlemen of the family 
 of Ogilvy; among whom was Alexander, the eldest son of Sir 
 Johfi of Inverquharity,^^ a youth who was not only distinguished 
 for his handsome person and noble race, but famous beyond his 
 years for courage and success in arms. With these reinforcements 
 Montrose determined to lose no time in marching on the enemy ; 
 but when he reached the river Almond,^^ he heard a vague rumour 
 that many of their late auxiliaries had deserted their quarters and 
 gone home. To test the truth of these reports, he resolved first 
 to reconnoitre. He therefore ordered his foot to rest, and before 
 sunset rode up with his cavalry into full view. The enemy, taken 
 by surprise, kept within their lines. Early next morning he again 
 rode out to reconnoitre, and was informed that they had hastily 
 decamped from Methven at dead of night, and crossed the river 
 Earn^^ in disorder. Instantly he marched his men forward, and 
 crossing the river by a stone bridge ^^ six miles farther up, he lay 
 that night in Strathearn. 
 
 " If not eldest bom, he was eldest living, and styled " Younger of Inverquharity " in Act. Pari. 
 David, second baronet, was his junior. Alexander joined Montrose at the Law of Dundee (p. 65), 
 and was wounded at the battle of Aberdeen. See deposition of James Ramsay of Ogill, who "saw 
 him in the morning of the conflict," and was afterwards sent for in Angus " to pans him (dress his 
 wound), and he affirmed to me he had gotten the wound at Aberdeen." Napier, Mem., 457. 
 
 ^* Logic Almond, lying directly between Little Dunkeld and Methven Wood, was the ford for 
 passing the Almond. 
 
 ^* They retreated on their main position at Kilgraston, which they intrenched (Guthrie, 
 Mem., 161). 
 
 ^" Between Dupplin and Forteviot. lie would cross Tippermuir to reach the bridge. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Fife men join the Covenanters — Montrose marches to Kinross — Crosses the Forth — 
 Battle of Kilsyth, and utter rout of Baillie, August 1645, 
 
 THE shire of Fife is the most populous and richest in Scotland, 
 with more towns, villages, and hamlets than any other. 
 The inhabitants are far from warlike, being mostly merchants, 
 shopkeepers, sailors, and farmers. Of all men they are the most 
 addicted to the new superstitions. Seduced by the example and 
 influence of the nobility, and fascinated by the seditious sermons 
 of their preachers, they had early, almost to a man, gone over to 
 the Covenanters. The county is a peninsula, bounded on the 
 south by the Firth of Forth, on the north by the river Tay, which 
 admits ships of the greatest burden, and on the east by the ocean. 
 The only entry by land is therefore on the west side, a narrow 
 strip of land, in which both armies were at this time stationed. 
 
 The whole country was now in an uproar. Their fine ministers 
 were especially busy thundering out excommunications. Some 
 were raising the country in arms, without regard for age or rank. 
 Some flocked in numbers to their call ; others ran about in distrac- 
 tion to hide themselves, each as he was moved by superstition, 
 confidence, or fear. 
 
 Montrose was eager to fight a decisive battle, before the levies 
 from Fife should swell their numbers ; but owing to the nature of 
 the ground and the narrowness of the passes, the enemy were so 
 strongly posted, that it was quite impossible for him to get at them 
 or draw them out. Accordingly, after twice offering them battle, 
 he resolved to push on into the heart of the country, and advanced 
 to Kinross,^ his object being to hinder the levies of this district, 
 
 ^ He passed between Kilgraston and the hills to Dron, where he lay in a strong position 
 between the enemy and their Fife levies. He inarched through Glen Farg to Kinross. 
 
I20 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 and draw the enemy out of their fastness to help their distressed 
 friends. They allowed him to march past without daring even to 
 harass his rear, and immediately turned off and hastened to the 
 east part of Fife, keeping close along the rivers Earn and Tay. 
 
 On the march Montrose sent Nathaniel Gordon and Sir 
 William Rollock forward with a small troop of horse. This 
 party separated and scoured the country to obtain more accurate 
 information, so that only ten men remained with the Colonel and 
 Sir William. Suddenly they fell in with a recruiting party of the 
 enemy, 200 strong, many of them mounted. Retreat was impos- 
 sible ; so these twelve men charged the 200, put them to flight, 
 killed several, and took others prisoners.^ 
 
 Montrose reached Kinross that evening. As the people of 
 Fife were extremely adverse to the King, enslaved by superstition 
 and their zeal for the Covenant, he made no doubt that they 
 were now all in arms. As it would be imprudent to engage with 
 such a multitude of horse and foot, he decided to cross the Forth. 
 His object was to wear out the men of Fife by long fatiguing 
 marches without a battle, rightly guessing that nothing but force 
 could induce them to follow beyond their own boundaries. Most 
 of them, being born and bred artisans, shopmen, and sailors, 
 would, he expected, prove unfit for hard service, and soon grow 
 sick of it. Moreover, the rebel noblemen, as soon as they saw, to 
 their dismay, the war transferred to the Forth, began with greater 
 zeal than ever to enrol soldiers in the Borders and west of Scotland. 
 Foremost amongst these were the Earls of Lanark, Cassilis,^ and 
 
 ^ This story, together with that of the last chapter, where twenty Highland hunters put 300 
 cavalry to flight, is by some considered fabulous. See Napier, Mem., 537, n. 
 
 * John, sixth Earl of Cassilis, called the Solemn Earl, was one of the first members of the 
 Covenanting party. He joined in 1633 with Rothes in the petition which the King returned, saying, 
 " No more of this, my Lord, I command you." He was an ardent Presbyterian, a ruling elder, and 
 commissioner to the Westminster Assembly in 1643. He and the Rev. R. Baillie were sent to the 
 Hague in 1649, where they delivered their message to the King. The language of it concerning 
 Montrose is atrocious. He became Justice-General in 1649. After the Restoration he was named 
 one of the four extraordinary lords ; but as he insisted on taking the oath of allegiance with a 
 caveat, he was superseded in 1662. He moved an address to the King that he should marry a 
 Protestant, but had only one vote on his side. For himself and his family he is said to have secured 
 a promise under the King's hand that they should not be disturbed in serving God any way he 
 pleased. The Earl died in 1668. Douglas' Peerage, Baillie's Letters, Guthrie, &c. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 121 
 
 Eglinton.* To prevent their levies, or prevail on them to join 
 his cause before they could unite with Bailie and the men of Fife, 
 were the objects to which Montrose turned his attention. He 
 therefore set out from Kinross, and marched towards Stirling,^ 
 where he halted for the night, three miles from that town. Next 
 day he sent his foot on in front, and followed slowly with his horse, 
 suspecting that the enemy were pressing on his steps. In this his 
 judgment was not at fault. The scouts in his rear brought word 
 that Baillie was not far off, with the most powerful army he had 
 ever had. Immediately afterwards the foremost scouts of the 
 enemy came in sight. One of them, advancing incautiously, was 
 taken by Montrose's horse and brought to him. Being examined, 
 he told them freely and frankly that he believed Baillie intended 
 to march all that night, to force him to an engagement before the 
 Fife men were sent home, as they were already tired out, and 
 could, he thought, scarcely be forced to cross the Forth, as they 
 were satisfied with the retreat of the enemy from their own borders.^ 
 Montrose at once resolved to cross the Forth, and urged his men 
 to march apace. Passing by Stirling, with its strong royal castle, 
 which was then held by a powerful garrison of the enemy, he 
 crossed the river that night by a ford four miles above the town. 
 At dawn next day he made a brief halt six miles from Stirling, 
 
 * Alexander, sixth Earl of Eglinton, called Grey Steel, was associated with Cassilis and Rothes 
 in the early movements of the party. He took part as a ruling elder in the Assembly which framed 
 the Solemn League and Covenant, and voted in the Parliament which surrendered the King to the 
 English. He fought at Marston Moor with the Scots, while his son and successor, Hugh, was fighting 
 as a Royalist. He opposed the Engagement, siding actively with Argyll. To Charles H., as King 
 of Scots, he became captain of horse guards. In 165 1 he was surprised at Dumbarton by a party 
 of English, and remained in prison till the Restoration. He died in 1661, aged seventy-three. 
 Douglas' Peerage, Baillie's Letters, Index, &c. 
 
 ^ In reprisal for Argyll's doings in Mull, Maclean ravaged the parishes of Muckart and Dollar 
 and burnt Castle Campbell. Macdonald's Irish plundered Alloa from Tullibody Wood, where 
 they were quartered. Montrose and his cavalry officers received hearty hospitality from Lord Mar 
 and his family at Alloa Castle, and Macdonald moved on towards Stirling. The point of passage 
 of the Forth is uncertain. Guthrie, who was minister of Stirling at the time, says Montrose passed 
 over Tei'th and Forth two miles above Stirling, avoiding the town on account of the plague. 
 Menstry and Aithry were burned by Argyll, and Alloa threatened. The march of both armies to 
 Kilsyth was by Denny. 
 
 ® Guthrie, 153. They were on the point of mutiny, when " their leaders set their ministers to 
 deal with them, who told them jolly tales " of the expected reinforcements from the West. (Guthrie 
 is not altogether an independent authority. His errors of date follow the M. Eedivivus, and show 
 that he used it in his Mem.) 
 
122 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 where he was informed that the enemy had not crossed the Forth 
 that night, but had bivouacked about three miles from Stirling on 
 the other side of the river. He resumed his march, and encamped 
 at Kilsyth, on the field of the desperate battle. Here he ordered 
 his men to rest, but to be ready to fight or march at a moment's 
 notice. Meanwhile, the enemy crossed the Forth at Stirling 
 Bridge, and towards evening encamped about three miles from 
 Kilsyth. 
 
 During this, the Earl of Lanark, brother of the Duke of 
 Hamilton, had gathered a force of looo foot and 500 horse from 
 the friends and vassals of the Hamiltons in Clydesdale and the 
 neighbourhood, and was now not more than twelve miles from 
 Kilsyth. The Earls of Cassilis, Eglinton, and Glencairn,^ and 
 other rebel noblemen, were also busy raising the people of the 
 west for the same unholy war. As these places had hitherto 
 escaped the horrors of war, they were ready enough to take up 
 arms. After weighing the matter, Montrose deemed it absolutely 
 necessary to fight a decisive battle with Baillie and his present 
 army, though superior in numbers, before they could unite with 
 Lanark and the rest of their forces. Delay would either involve 
 him in a much more desperate struggle, or compel him to abandon 
 the fruits of his toil, and retreat to the Highlands, with the loss of 
 the prestige gained by so many victories. On the other hand, the 
 enemy, proudly confident in their numbers, and imagining that 
 Montrose had for some days been marching in hot haste to escape, 
 and had crossed the Forth through fear and not design, were 
 determined to fight on the spot, and attack him in the strong 
 positions he had chosen. Flushed with vain hopes, their chief 
 
 ' William, ninth Earl of Glencairn. Though he voted for the Solemn League and Covenant, 
 he opposed the sending of an army into England to assist the Parliament. He voted for the 
 surrender of the King to the English, but heartily joined the Engagement. In 1649 the Parliament 
 annulled his patent. When Scotland was in the hands of Cromwell, Glencairn received a commission 
 from the King to command all the forces in Scotland, and raised a Highland army in 1653 which 
 gave much trouble to General Monk. General Middleton was put over him in 1654. Soon after 
 his arrival Glencairn fought his famous duel with Sir George Monro, and afterwards retired to his 
 house. He was excepted from pardon by Cromwell in 1654, but was one of the peers called to 
 convention by Monk on his way south in 1659. After the Restoration he succeeded Loudon as 
 Chancellor, and died at Belton, in East Lothian, in 1664. Douglas' Peerage, Guthrie, Mem., 
 Index, and Gwynne Mem. (Ed. Sir W. Scott, 1822). 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 123 
 
 anxiety was to cut off all retreat, or prevent his return to the 
 Highlands. Some, however, have asserted that Baillie himself 
 had resolved not to fight, but was obliged to yield to the authority 
 and influence of the Earl of Lindsay and other noblemen ^ in the 
 army, who compelled him, much against his will, to draw up his 
 men. Be that as it may, at dawn they marched straight up against 
 Montrose. Seeing this, he remarked that this was just what he 
 most desired ; the advantage of ground now made up for the want 
 of men. He therefore hastened to seize the commanding points. 
 He also ordered all his men, horse and foot, to throw off their 
 heavier garments, and fight in white, stripped to their shirts.^ 
 They obeyed with cheerful alacrity, and thus disencumbered, they 
 stood ready for battle, determined to conquer or die. 
 
 On the battlefield were some cottages and country gardens, a 
 point of vantage which Montrose had occupied with a small guard.^" 
 The first effort of the enemy was to dislodge them, and they came 
 on resolutely, but were received with courage. As the vigour of 
 
 * After his defeat at Alford, Baillie was controlled by a committee consisting of Argyll, Lindsay, 
 Burleigh, Tullibardine, Balcarres, and Elcho. Baillie, impressed with the thought that the loss of 
 the day would be the loss of the kingdom, would have approached with caution, but the noblemen 
 feared only the escape of Montrose. Could they from the east reach a hill which sloped down upon 
 Montrose's left flank in the west, they thought they might reckon with their foe. Baillie knew the 
 danger of moving an army across an enemy's front, and protested, but obeyed. His hopes then lay 
 
 n keeping out of sight while the operation was in progress. He endeavoured to conceal the move- 
 ment behind the crest of the hill, but some of his men, by attacking an advance post of the enemy, 
 drew a party of Highlanders upon them, and the rivalry of the Macleans and Macdonalds for the 
 lead brought on a general attack before Baillie could reach the proposed position. The headstrong 
 conduct of the Highlanders would have proved fatal to Montrose but for the indiscipline of the 
 Covenanters and the brilliant charge of Lord Airlie. As it was, the Highlanders cut through the 
 centre of Baillie's army, while the Gordons and Ogilvies routed the van. By this time the reserve 
 were beginning to consult safety in flight. See Gardiner, Civil War, ii. 269-272; Napier, Mem., 
 539, with their authorities ; P. Gordon, 139; Baillie, 420. 
 
 * For light on vexed questions of Highland costume see Skene's "Highlanders," and Notes in 
 " Grameid." It should be understood that the main covering of the Gael, when employed in active 
 work, was a strong coarse linen shirt — the material called haaren — steeped in a solution of tar or 
 cow-dung. Philip, in the " Grameid," constantly describes the appearance of a body of Highlanders 
 as a " saff"ron host," from the yellow hue of this garment. See Grameid, p. 54. They wore over this 
 a waistcoat, and when travelling, or at kirk or market, a plaid, which, when belted, gave the appear- 
 ance of the modern kilt. They never fought with a plaid about them, and generally cast off their 
 shoes for the fray. If the ground were rough or covered with brush, or a race was to be run, like that 
 at Kilsyth between Macleans and Macdonalds, the long shirt tails could be tied up out of the way, as the 
 Clanranald MS. says they were on this occasion. Cf. the supporters in the Arms of Cluny Macpherson. 
 
 1" Maclean of Treshnish, called Captain of Cairnburgh, held the post with a hundred men. They 
 were in sight of the main body of the Macleans under Duart, and young Donald Moydartach of 
 the rival Clanranald was near at hand, jealous of the opportunities of the Macleans. 
 
7 
 
 124 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 their attack began to slacken, the defenders in their turn attacked 
 and routed them, cutting them down without resistance. Animated 
 by this success, the Highlanders who were near, without waiting 
 for the word of command, charged up the hill, and fell headlong ^^ 
 on the entire army of the enemy. Montrose, though somewhat 
 disconcerted by their untimely boldness, felt obliged to support 
 them ; and indeed it is hard to say whether their safety was due 
 more to the cowardice of the enemy or the promptness of this aid. 
 His whole army consisted of only 500 horse and 4400 foot, of 
 whom 1000 or more by their own error had exposed themselves 
 to the enemy, whose forces numbered 6000 foot and 800 horse. 
 But as their rear were slow to advance, while their van halted till 
 they should close up, Montrose had time to bring assistance to his 
 men in peril. At last, however, he observed three troops of horse, 
 followed by 2000 foot, despatched against the reckless detachment, 
 whose fate seemed sealed. Several of his officers flatly refused 
 the task of supporting them. He turned to Airlie. " You see, my 
 Lord, those rash men of ours have plunged into desperate danger, 
 and will soon be cut to pieces by the cavalry, unless at once sup- 
 ported. All eyes and hearts are upon your Lordship, as the only 
 man fit for the honour of beating back the enemy, saving our 
 comrades, and repairing by your cool veteran courage the error 
 of their headstrong youth." With the utmost cheerfulness Airlie 
 undertook this most difficult service, and at once rode off with a 
 troop of his own horse, commanded by John Ogilvy of Baldovie,^^ 
 a gallant and experienced officer, who had formerly been a colonel 
 in the Swedish service. The enemy charged the Ogilvies. There 
 was a fierce struggle, but they could not long withstand their 
 bravery, and faced about, hotly pursued by the Ogilvies, who 
 drove them back upon their own foot, and in one sweeping charge 
 hurled the whole mass into confusion and rode them down. The 
 splendid example of Airlie and his Ogilvies inspired Montrose's 
 men with increasing courage. They could be held in no longer. 
 
 " " They leapt over the dyke, and with down heads fell on and broke these regiments." — 
 Baillie's Narrative. 
 
 ^^ John Ogilvy of Baldovie. He was eventually pardoned, and after the Restoration became a 
 J. P. for Forfarshire. His house was about four miles from Dundee. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 125 
 
 With a mighty shout, as though they had already won the day, 
 they fell upon the enemy. The rebel horse could not long resist 
 the onset, and scattered like chaff, leaving the foot to shift for 
 themselves. The foot, after a faint resistance, soon threw down 
 their arms and fled for their lives. In vain they sought to escape. 
 The victors pursued them for fourteen miles, and cut them down. 
 Of their entire force scarce a hundred foot are said to have got off 
 safe. Their horse did not escape unpunished. Many were killed, 
 others taken, and the rest scattered in every direction. Their 
 whole baggage and arms fell into the hands of the conquerors. 
 Montrose lost only six men, three of whom were Ogilvies, gallant 
 gentlemen," who sealed with their blood the brilliant victory to 
 which they had cut the way. 
 
 Of the Covenanting nobles, who were present in large numbers 
 at this battle, some saved themselves by a timely flight, and, 
 thanks to their good horses, reached the strong castle of Stirling. 
 Others slipped away to the Firth of Forth, and got aboard some 
 vessels at anchor near the shore. Among these was Argyll, who 
 now, for the third time, took boat and escaped aboard a ship. 
 Even then he did not think himself safe till they had weighed 
 anchor and stood away far out to sea. 
 
 Among the prisoners were Sir William Murray of Blebo,^* 
 James Arnot,^^ brother of Lord Burleigh, and Colonels Dick^^ and 
 Wallace," with very many more, all of whom Montrose treated 
 with generosity and dismissed on parole. 
 
 This is the famous victory at Kilsyth, which was fought on 
 the i6th of August 1645.^^ Of the rebels 6000 are said to have 
 fallen in the battle. -——.,-„-*-»-   ' -^ —~ 
 
 ^' Inquiry has not been able to rescue the names of these gallant gentlemen from oblivion. 
 
 " Sir William Murray of Blebo does not appear under that designation in any authority we have 
 consulted. Blebo, in Fife, belonged at one time to the Bethunes. 
 
 ^^ James Arnot of Fernie, in Fife, the father-in-law of the Lyon King, Sir James Balfour of 
 Denmylne. 
 
 ^' A Colonel William Dick was successful in gaining payment of arrears to the extent of £2,7Z^ '" 
 1647, and gets a letter to the English Parliament asking for some consideration for his past services. 
 Act. Pari. Scot., VI. i. 756, 
 
 ^^ A Colonel Wallace petitions in 1650 for reparation of losses. In 1669 he is summoned as a 
 rebel. Was he the Colonel James Wallace who commanded the Covenanters at Rullion Green ? 
 
 '^ The date was August 15. W. is often inaccurate in his use of the Latin calendar. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Flight of the Covenanting Lords— Montrose enters Glasgow— Joined by many noblemen 
 — Edinburgh surrenders and releases the Royalist prisoners — Settlement of the west 
 country. 
 
 THE victory at Kilsyth changed the face of affairs throughout 
 the whole kingdom. The Covenanting lords dispersed in 
 the greatest terror, some to Berwick or Carlisle, others to New- 
 castle, and others to Ireland. Those who had hitherto concealed 
 their favour to the King's cause no longer feared to show them- 
 selves openly, with protestations of loyalty, public prayers for the 
 King's safety, and offers of help. Those who had fought for the 
 Covenant began to beg for pardon, pleading in excuse that the 
 violence and cruel tyranny of the rebels had forced them to it ; 
 they now submitted themselves and their estates to the victor, 
 humbly beseeching his protection, and imploring his wonted 
 clemency. Commissioners were also sent from the most distant 
 shires and cities,^ to profess their allegiance to the King, their 
 duty and service to his vicegerent, and also to offer help in arms, 
 provisions, men, and other necessaries of war. The nobility of 
 the realm and chiefs of clans hastened in great numbers to pay 
 court to the Lord Governor, and were loud in their congratulations 
 on his brilliant success. He received them all with courtesy, and 
 granted them his protection, a free pardon and immunity for the 
 past, and words of kind encouragement. The utmost penalty he 
 imposed on them was to exchange the rapacious and cruel tyranny 
 
 ^ According to Guthrie, the shires of Linlithgow and Renfrew and the towns of Irvine and Ayr 
 sent commissioners, and Glasgow within two days of the battle sent Sir Robert Douglas and Mr. 
 Archibald Fleming to congratulate Montrose on his victory. See also letter to the magistrates of 
 Glasgow from Kilsyth (Napier, Mem., 553). Macdonald, who was sent to secure the peace of the 
 south-west, met with a hearty welcome, even at Loudon Castle, where the Chancellor's lady 
 embraced him, and having entertained him very sumptuously, sent her servant John Ilalden with 
 him to present her service to the Marquis. 
 
 126 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 127 
 
 of the rebels for the gentle government and protection of his most 
 gracious Majesty. He entreated them to forget their former 
 animosities, and observe for the future more religiously their 
 loyalty and duty to the best of kings, and not allow themselves 
 again to be embroiled in the plots of seditious traitors, whose only 
 aim was to satisfy their own lusts, to gratify which they had set 
 the King and his subjects against each other, and well nigh ruined 
 both. " For his own part," he said, " his sole object and desire 
 had ever been to rescue, by force of arms, since no other means 
 remained, their religion, king, and liberty, to free his peers and 
 all the people from the tyranny of rebels, and restore the ancient 
 peace, prosperity, and splendour of the realm. Should he succeed, 
 he would give Almighty God, the author of all good things, his 
 everlasting thanks. Should he fail, he was resolved at any rate 
 to do his duty to God, to the King, his vicegerent on earth, and 
 to all good men, and by his sincere endeavours stand clear in con- 
 science and credit with all men, both now and hereafter." 
 
 The whole kingdom now rang with Montrose's praise. His 
 lofty character, towering above all equals, his gallantry in war, 
 endurance in toil, patience in difficulties, wisdom in counsel, his 
 good faith with those that submitted, his rapidity in action, and 
 his clemency to prisoners. In a word, the heroism which shone 
 through all his deeds were the theme of every tongue. In every 
 rank of men. Most were sincere In their admiration, though 
 some, it is true, merely feigned applause. Some even, according 
 to their wit or skill, expressed their admiration in poems and 
 panegyrics.^ Such are the changes and chances of human affairs, 
 and, above all, the fickleness of popular esteem, that men now 
 openly dared to curse Argyll, Balmerino, Lindsay, Loudon, and 
 the other ringleaders of the Covenanters, whom they had lately 
 revered and courted as deities, but now reviled as the authors of 
 all their miseries. 
 
 Everything was thus succeeding to Montrose's wish. The 
 
 ^ Have any of these come down to us ? See Preface. Montrose invited Drummond of Haw- 
 thomden to come to his leaguer at Bothwell, and bring with him his loyal " Pieces," and his 
 " Irene," that he " might give order for the putting them to the press." For this letter and the 
 poet's reply see Napier, Mem., 564. Zachary Boyd wrote " Carmina in lac. Montirosam." 
 
128 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 northern parts of the kingdom were secured behind him. The 
 road to the south lay open. Everywhere the strength of the 
 Covenanters was broken. Their leaders, whose guilty consciences 
 despaired of pardon, were driven from the realm. But though 
 they had now no regular army, the west was still in commotion. 
 There the Earls of Cassilis and Eglinton and other promoters of 
 the Covenant were engaged in inciting the counties to renew the 
 war, and were reported to have raised a tumultuous body of about 
 4000 men. Montrose therefore, the day after the battle of Kilsyth,' 
 led his forces to Clydesdale, where the Earl of Lanark had been 
 levying soldiers, but on tidings of the victory he disbanded his 
 men and fled. This position Montrose chose as the most advan- 
 tageous for his affairs, both in the south and west. Thence he 
 went to Glasgow, the chief town of the county, which surrendered. 
 Amidst the joyous acclamations of the people he entered the city, 
 having first ordered his men to refrain from acts of violence. 
 Offenders were dealt with severely ; * flagrant disobedience was 
 punished with death, as a warning to others. As a favour to the 
 inhabitants, he then left the town on the second day after his 
 arrival, intending to camp at Bothwell. As this was only about 
 six miles from the city, he allowed the citizens a garrison of their 
 own, to guard them against any outbreak of military license. By 
 such acts of clemency and favour he hoped to win the hearts, not 
 only of the people of Glasgow, but also of other towns, more effec- 
 tually than by force of arms. 
 
 He remained a considerable time at Bothwell,^ where he 
 received many of the nobility, some in person, others represented 
 by their friends and deputies. The counties and towns, which 
 were now eager in professions of loyalty and obedience, were 
 reassured. Amonsf the first to wait on him with offers of assist- 
 
 ^ Guthrie says two days. He left on the 17th, according to both authorities, if W. means what 
 he says in dating the battle on the i6th. 
 
 * This agrees with Montrose's dying speech. Ruddiman's translation is fearfully wrong here, 
 implying that his entry into Glasgow was followed by severe dealings and execution of suspected 
 rebels. 
 
 " Montrose was at Bothwell from Glasgow on August 20th, when he gives his order to the Master 
 of Napier and Col. Nat. Gordon for the release of prisoners in Linlithgow and Edinburgh. He 
 broke up his camp there on Sept. 4th. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 129 
 
 ance were the Marquis of Douglas,^ chief of the noble and ancient 
 family of that name, the Earls of Linlithgow/ Annandale,^ and 
 Hartfell,^ the Lords Seton,^^ Drummond/^ Fleming/^ Maderty/^ 
 Carnegie/^ and Johnston ; ^^ Hamilton of Orbiston/^ Charters of 
 
 ^ William, eleventh Earl of Angus, created Marquis of Douglas in 1633, He maintained at 
 Castle Douglas, with his numerous family about him, a grand hospitality worthy of the great 
 house of which he was the chief. Whether from disinclination or from his settling into Roman 
 Catholicism, he became estranged from politics. In 1639 he was expected to rise for the King, 
 but on the approach of the Covenanters, says Baillie, "the courage of the Marquis failed him, and 
 he fled; so without din the house was rendered and manned by us." He came back to Douglas 
 Castle, " but kept himself out of the broils of those times as much as any of his quality in the 
 kingdom " (Crawford's Peerage). After Philiphaugh he compounded with the ruling authority, was 
 later on fined ^1000 by Cromwell, and died in 1660, in his seventy-first year. For a sketch of his 
 life see Masson's " Drummond of Hawthornden," 313. 
 
 '' George, third Earl of Linlithgow, b. 1616, d. 1690, is doubtless meant by Limmucensis. Did 
 W. coin this Latin word for Linlithgow ? Llyn in Welsh means a lake. The Earl was colonel of 
 a regiment, but was held in some suspicion by the Covenanters. Douglas says he suffered much 
 hardship for his attachment to the royal family. He was keeper of Linlithgow Palace. The 
 inventory of furniture in his use in the palace (Spottiswoode, Miscellany, i. 370) is a curious and 
 interesting document. He was a witness against Argyll and Warriston at their trial. At the 
 Revolution he was deprived of the office of Justice-General, which he had held from 1681. 
 
 ^ James Murray, second Earl of Annandale, succeeded his father in 1641. He joined with 
 Morton, Carnwath, and others in a letter to the Queen on Scotch affairs. For this he was 
 summoned to appear before the Estates, but the business was made up. After Philiphaugh he fled 
 to England, where he lived privately till his death in 1658. 
 
 ® James Johnston of Johnston was raised to the peerage by Charles I. at his coronation in 1633 
 as Lord Johnston of Lockwood, and in 1643 he was created Earl of Hartfell. He was imprisoned 
 in 1644 as a favourer of Montrose. After Philiphaugh he was sentenced to death at St. Andrews, 
 but escaped through the favour of Argyll. He was nephew of the potent Johnston of Warriston. 
 He died in 1653. 
 
 ^^ George, eldest son of George, third Earl of Winton, styled Lord Seton. He had been 
 imprisoned in May, and fined ^40,000 Scots for his loyalty, involving a sale of part of his estates, 
 Winchburgh and Niddrie. After Philiphaugh he was imprisoned at St. Andrews and Edinburgh, 
 and only liberated on his father giving a bond of ;^lcXD,ooo Scots for his appearance when called. 
 He died in 1648, at. 35. His son George became fourth Earl of Winton in 1650. 
 
 ^1 James Lord Drummond, eldest son of the Earl of Perth, who had commanded the Cove- 
 nanters' horse at Tippermuir. 
 
 ^'^ John, eldest son of John, second Earl of Wigton. He escaped from Philiphaugh, and, on 
 the security of the Earl of Callendar, he was allowed " to repair home to his own dwelling-house " 
 in Feb. 1646. For documents regarding his case, see Wigton Papers, Maitland Club Miscellany, 
 ii. 444-447. He became third Earl, and died in 1665. 
 
 ^3 John, second Lord Maderty, imprisoned after Philiphaugh, but released on his assurance of 
 peaceful behaviour. He became security for Patrick Grahame of Inchbrakie under a penalty of 
 ;,^ 50,000. See p. 60, n. 15, and Douglas' Peerage— Strathallan. 
 
 1* Was this Montrose's brother-in-law, James, Lord Carnegie, afterwards second Earl of 
 Southesk ? He was reputed a careful man, and must have felt sure as to Montrose's success. 
 
 15 Presumably James, eldest son of Lord Hartfell. He married a daughter of the Marquis of 
 Douglas, and became second Earl of Hartfell. 
 
 i« John Hamilton of Orbiston was some time Justice-Clerk, busy in planting kirks and trying 
 delinquents, in which he met with approval. He cannot have been grateful to W. for this notice. 
 He retained office, however, till he joined the Engagers. 
 
 I 
 
I30 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 Amisfield/^ Towers of Inverleith/*^ a man of great merit, who 
 afterwards died bravely on the battlefield, Stuart of Rosyth,^^ and 
 Dalyell,^" brother of the Earl of Carnwath, knights, and very many 
 more, whose names I have, either forgotten or omit to mention, 
 lest my thankless and unseasonable commendation should do more 
 harm than honour to men now groaning under the heavy yoke of 
 tyranny. 
 
 Montrose's first care after the victory at Kilsyth was for his 
 fViends in prison. His generous heart was filled with pity for their 
 condition. On no other charge but the sin of loyalty to the King, 
 they were seized and miserably lodged in the wretched filthy 
 Tolbooth of Edinburgh, where they lived in daily expectation of 
 death. He therefore sent his nephew, Napier, with Nathaniel 
 Gordon and a flying squadron to Edinburgh, to summon the city 
 to surrender, demand the liberation of the prisoners, and receive 
 assurance of the loyalty and obedience of the citizens. Should 
 they refuse submission, they were to threaten them with fire and 
 sword. Four miles from Edinburgh they halted, and decided to 
 approach no nearer, unless compelled by the stubborn obstinacy of 
 the inhabitants. They wished to save the wretched citizens from 
 the fury and insolence of the soldiers, who hated the city as the 
 mainspring and fountainhead of the whole rebellion, and in their 
 
 " Charters or Charteris of Amisfield, also called Hempisfield, in Dumfriesshire. For his 
 connection with Montrose in 1644 he had been tried, along with Lord Hartfell and the Provost of 
 Dumfries, and imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle. His freedom, for two miles round, was soon 
 allowed him, and the circuit was increased to six. He at length got rid of the process against him. 
 The estate was acquired by the family in 1175, and the Tower of Amisfield, standing four miles 
 north-east of Dumfries, is, according to Chambers, without exception the most curious specimen 
 of the baronial tower existing in Scotland. Newmills, near Haddington, was acquired later on 
 by a member of the family, who changed the name to Amisfield. M'Dowall's Hist. Dumfries ; 
 Douglas' Peerage— Wemyss. Capt. Charters was executed after Corbiesdale, v. Ch. viii., Part II. 
 
 ^^ Sir John Towers of Inverleith died before 1649, as there is evidence that his widow, Lady 
 Jane, daughter of the first Earl of Wemyss, married again in that year. He was killed probably at 
 Philiphaugh. Their son, Sir John, was alive in 1662, after Wishart had written. Monteith's 
 Hist., 224; Lamont's Diary. 
 
 " The old castle of Rosyth is to be seen from the Forth Bridge, a little way up the river on the 
 Fife side. Stuart was imprisoned as a delinquent in 1645, and paid a fine of 3815 marks. Part of 
 his punishment was to see his fine wood Hairshaw cut down to repair the houses in Muckart and 
 Dollar damaged by the Macleans on their way to Kilsyth. He was afterwards on the Commission 
 of Peace for Fife. 
 
 '"' Robert, second Earl of Carnwath, who, according to Clarendon, caused the catastrophe at 
 Naseby, had one brother, John Dalyell of Glenae. See below, Ch. xvi. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 131 
 
 headlong wrath and vengeance might set it in flames and reduce 
 it to ashes. They had received express orders from Montrose to 
 avoid this by every means. They were also anxious to preserve 
 their men from the contagion of the plague, which then raged in 
 the city and neighbourhood, and every day cut off large numbers 
 of victims. 
 
 On the news of their approach, the citizens were filled with 
 universal consternation and despair, howling as if the sword were 
 already at their throats and their homes in flames. In their guilty 
 terror many freely accused themselves as the most ungrateful, 
 sacrilegious, perjured traitors, past all pardon. Standing outside, 
 or by means of secret messengers,^^ they applied privately to the 
 prisoners to beg and implore their protection, entreating them to 
 have mercy on the wretched plague-stricken populace, and pacify 
 the righteous anger of the conqueror. All their hopes, they said, 
 lay in them ; nought else could avert their utter ruin. They vowed 
 also that, if he would spare them this once, they would atone for 
 their past rebellion by stricter loyalty and more earnest obedience. 
 The prisoners, so lately exposed to the bitter abuse and contempt 
 of the vilest of the mob, eager to have them tortured and 
 gibbeted, forgot all their sufferings and wrongs, and, with emotions 
 of pity rather than revenge, rendered thanks to God Almighty for 
 His gracious gift of freedom and unexpected preservation. Then, 
 turning to their bitterest enemies, they bade them be of good cheer, 
 as his gracious Majesty and Montrose, his lieutenant, sought only 
 the safety and welfare of the penitent, not their ruin and extermi- 
 nation. They advised them to send delegates at once to Montrose 
 to implore his pardon and protection. Nothing would be so likely 
 to appease the conqueror as immediate surrender. As for them- 
 selves, they would not fail to intercede with him, and did not doubt 
 that his great and lofty soul, invincible in war, would yield to the 
 prayers and cries of the miserable city. 
 
 Comforted with this hope and helpful advice, the people of 
 Edinburgh at once convened their Town Council to choose their 
 delegates. Among the prisoners were two specially marked out 
 
 '•'^ Wishart was one of the prisoners, and an eye and ear witness. 
 
132 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 by their birth, and influence with Montrose. One of these was 
 Ludovick, Earl of Crawford/^ head of the very ancient and noble 
 family of the Lindsays, who had gained honour abroad in the 
 Swedish, Austrian, and Spanish services. The Earl of Lindsay, 
 his cousin, thirsting for the honours and titles of Crawford, had 
 plotted to have his life, and by his cunning and influence had so 
 worked on the Covenanters as to secure his doom. The only 
 charge they could allege was that, as a soldier and man of action, 
 he had served his royal master with diligence and fidelity, and 
 they feared he would still do so, if allowed to live. The other was 
 James, Lord Ogilvy,^^ son of the Earl of Airlie, a very dear friend 
 of Montrose, formidable to the rebels both for his own and his 
 father's courage and power. In consequence of ancient feuds and 
 recent injuries, he was the declared enemy of Argyll, and was 
 therefore accused on the same charge as Crawford and involved 
 in the same peril. These men were selected by the Edinburgh 
 Council from among the prisoners, at once restored to liberty, and 
 besieged with supplications to use their influence with the Lord 
 Governor, and assist their delegates to save a city already so 
 heavily scourged by the hand of God. They called down every 
 curse upon themselves and their offspring, if they should ever 
 forget the favour or prove ungrateful to their benefactors. 
 
 In compliance with the universal wish, these two noblemen 
 undertook this office. Escorted by the delegates, they set out to 
 meet Napier. On his way to Edinburgh, Napier had the pleasure 
 
 ^ Ludovic, sixteenth Earl of Crawford, the last in the direct line, a gallant soldier. See, for 
 his life, "Lives of the Lindsays." "The Incident" was probably due to his action and words, 
 and his arrest following gave opportunity for Lord Lindsay of the Byers to make terms for his 
 release, which were the changing of the succession of the Earldom in his favour, though three 
 Lindsay houses had a preferable claim, viz., Spynie, Edzell, and Balcarres. This transaction was 
 completed on 15th January 1642, and the Earl joined the King at Nottingham with a large troop 
 of cavalry in August. He fought at Edgehill, Lansdown, Newbury, and Reading, and cut his way 
 out at Poole. He defended Newcastle, and, with Wishart, was there taken prisoner, and they 
 were together sent to Edinburgh. After Philiphaugh he continued with Montrose. He escaped to 
 Spain, where he took up his old service ; was at Badajoz in 1649. It is supposed he ended his 
 career in France, when or how is not known. See "Lives of Lindsays;" Jervise, "Lands of 
 Lindsays." 
 
 -^ See p. 30, n. 11. Brought down to Edinburgh, after the fall of Newcastle, with Crawford, 
 Wishart, and other prisoners, he was kept in the loathsome Tolbooth. For his sufferings, see his 
 wife's petition and other notices in Act. Pari. Scot., VI. i. 467. An order had been given to 
 remove him to the Bass, but Kilsyth freed him. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 133 
 
 of releasing his father and wife, Stirling, his brother-in-law, and 
 his sisters from the prison at Linlithgow,^* to which they had been 
 removed from Edinburgh Castle by the Covenanters. With these 
 liberated captives and the city delegates, having accomplished his 
 mission, he returned with his forces to his uncle. Montrose, who 
 had been deeply grieved by the long separation from such dear 
 friends as Crawford and Ogilvy, embraced them warmly, con- 
 gratulating them on their safe deliverance, and bestowed on them 
 every honour and possible consolation for their long imprisonment. 
 They in their turn, as was natural, extolled their deliverer and 
 avenger by their thanks and praises, to the great joy of all who 
 witnessed the meeting. 
 
 The Edinburgh delegates were then admitted to audience, and 
 delivered their message from the Council and people of the town. 
 The sum of it was, that they freely surrendered to the Governor, 
 supplicated for pardon, promised loyalty and obedience for the 
 future, and committed themselves and their estates to his patronage 
 and protection, which they humbly implored. They promised 
 also, in obedience to his orders, immediately to release the pri- 
 soners still in their custody, and begged him to feel assured that 
 they would perform every duty according to his wish. Though 
 the town, they said, had been so terribly drained by the plague 
 that it could raise no soldiers, they were ready to pay their share 
 for levies raised in other places. Above all, they implored him, 
 in conclusion, to intercede for them with their most gracious lord 
 the King not to be too severe on their city, which had been insti- 
 gated to rebellion by the craft, influence, and example of a seditious 
 dominant faction. Montrose reassured them on all points, and 
 imposed no heavier penalty than the sacred obligation of allegiance 
 to the King their master ; they were faithfully to renounce all 
 correspondence with rebels in arms, whether in Scotland or else- 
 where ; to surrender the Castle of Edinburgh (which was known 
 to be then in their power) to the King and his officers ; and lastly, 
 as soon as the delegates returned, the prisoners were to be liberated 
 at once and sent to his camp. 
 
 ^^ See pp. 102-3, ««• 12-16. 
 
134 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 On their return the prisoners ^ were immediately released, but 
 as to the other articles, not one of them was performed. In this 
 they acted with their usual perjury and falsehood, for which, if 
 they do not come to their senses, the avenging God of truth and 
 justice will hereafter punish their base ingratitude and repeated 
 perfidy. 
 
 While this was going on at Edinburgh, Montrose despatched 
 Alexander Macdonald and John Drummond of Balloch, a brave 
 gentleman, with part of his forces to the west coast to suppress 
 the disturbances there and frustrate the efforts of Cassilis and 
 Eglinton. However, they did not wait their coming, but dispersed 
 home in the greatest terror at the mere news of their approach. 
 Some of the Earls and nobles hastened to Ireland, others slunk off 
 to various lurking-places. All the western shires, and the towns 
 of Ayr, Irvine, and others,^^ strove which should first submit, with 
 ready offers of obedience, loyalty, and service. In fact, contrary 
 to expectation, Montrose nowhere found men better affected to 
 the King than in the west. A very large number of knights and 
 gentlemen, the heads of families, and even some of the leading 
 nobility, were glad to join him. But it is advisable at present, as 
 they would probably desire, to omit mentioning their names with 
 the praise they might claim in happier times. It is not our wish 
 to make the King's most honourable and devoted subjects a mark 
 for the cruel vengeance of their deadly enemies. 
 
 ** The following were among the prisoners set free by Montrose : — The Earl of Crawford, Lords 
 Ogilvy* Grahame (with his tutor), Napier, and Reay, Sir Alexander Irvine of Drum, Alexander 
 Irvine, younger of Drum, and two servants, Alexander Irvine of Artamford, Sir Alexander 
 Gordon of Cluny, Gordon of Gight, Sir George Stirling of Keir, Sir Philip Nisbet of Nisbet, 
 Ogilvy of Powrie, Henry Graham, Dr. George Wishart, Lady Elizabeth Napier, Lady Lilias 
 Graham, and Lady Stirling of Keir. Robert Irvine of Federate had just died in prison. The 
 condition of these prisoners, as described in the petitions of Lady Ogilvy and Lady Mary Irvine, 
 was most deplorable and disgusting. Wishart is said to have carried the marks of the rats' teeth to 
 his grave. 
 
 '■* P. 126, n. I. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Intrigues of Roxburgh, Home, and Traquair — Montrose appointed Commander-in-Chief 
 and Lieutenant-Governor in Scotland — Macdonald and the Highlanders retire home, 
 followed by Aboyne and his men — The King orders Montrose to march to the 
 Borders and join Traquair and Roxburgh, who deceive him. 
 
 1\ /r ONTROSE now turned his attention to the south Borders, 
 IVX Messengers were sent to the Earls of Home,^ Roxburgh,^ 
 and Traquair,^ inviting them to join him in matters of peace and 
 war, and all that concerned the royal cause. These noblemen 
 had a very powerful retinue of friends and followers in that country, 
 and were anxious to be thought zealous champions of the King's 
 authority. Besides the bond of allegiance which they shared with 
 others, they lay under very great obligations to his Majesty. He 
 
 ^ Sir James Home of Coldingknows became third Earl of Home in 1633 by right of succession, 
 on the death of James, second Earl. W. errs in saying the King made him an Earl, but he secured 
 to him all the honours, privileges, and precedencies enjoyed by his two predecessors. The Earl 
 was a Cumbernauld Bander and an Engager, but his conduct towards Montrose was of a very 
 doubtful loyalty. With Leslie so near and Naseby so recent. Border Earls were not convinced by 
 Kilsyth. A royal army marching north to join Montrose would have confirmed the waverers. The 
 Earl of Home died in 1666. Douglas' Peerage. See Gard., Civil War, ii. 334 «. 
 
 ^ Sir Robert Ker of Cessfurd, born about 1570, is mentioned by Sir Robert Cary, his opposite 
 Warden on the Border, as a brave, active, young man. The Archbishop of York, to whom he had 
 been committed prisoner, says of him, "I understand that the gentleman is wise and valiant, but 
 somewhat haughty and resolute." About 1600 he was made Lord Roxburgh, andfin 1616 Earl of 
 Roxburgh. He was with the King at the Pacification of Berwick in 1639, along with his son. Lord 
 Ker. The latter " quitted the royal army and joined the Covenanters at Duns Law, in sight of the 
 King, which it was thought he would not have done without his father's connivance, he being such 
 an awful man." His second wife was appointed governess to the Princess Elizabeth, daughter of 
 James VL Her funeral in 1643 was made the excuse for a rendezvous of Royalists to attack the 
 Covenanters, but the attempt failed. On the Earl's death, his third wife, a daughter of the Earl of 
 INIorton, married James, second Marquis of Montrose, who was sixty years younger than her first 
 husband, and was the mother of the third Marquis. The old Earl became an Engager, and was 
 deprived of the Privy Seal. He died i8th January 1650. Douglas' Peerage — Roxburgh; Green's 
 English Princesses, v. Index. 
 
 ^ See p. 41, n. 10. Traquair's treachery is scarcely to be doubted. He knew that IMontrose's 
 army had melted away, and was aware of the King's weakness in England. He also knew that 
 Leven commanded the Border. Kilsyth did not really deceive him, though it constrained him to 
 treat Montrose with courtesy. 
 
 135 
 
136 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 had raised them to the highest honours from the order of simple 
 knighthood, and had also appointed them lieutenants of very 
 wealthy counties — a position in which they had amassed great 
 riches beyond their station, and to the prejudice of the King. In 
 reply they sent some of their most distinguished friends to Mon- 
 trose, with assurances of their readiness to run all risks under his 
 command and leadership in the service of their most bounteous 
 lord the King. They promised to raise all the forces they could, 
 and added that there was nothing to prevent them from joining, if 
 he would only advance into their country with ever so small a 
 party. His presence and authority would rouse and animate not 
 only their friends and followers, but all the people of those shires 
 to join him cheerfully, and those who refused could be compelled 
 or reduced to order. In conclusion, they earnestly entreated him 
 to aid them in this matter, and in all else he should find their most 
 faithful ready service. Fine words, and at first sight honourable, 
 but uttered with the faith usual among those favourites of the 
 King who had tasted most liberally of his bounty. 
 
 Possibly the Earl of Lanark, brother of the Duke of Hamilton, 
 ought not to be blamed on the same score ; for when Montrose 
 earnestly invited him, through some friends, to join the King's 
 cause, though he had a fair prospect of pardon for the past and 
 his brother's release, he replied, in plain, outspoken terms, that he 
 would have nothing to do with their party, and would not pretend 
 a friendship which he did not mean to cultivate.* Would that 
 all in whom the King has trusted too implicitly had from the 
 beginning of these troubles spoken always with the same candour 
 and directness. 
 
 About the same time Montrose sent the Marquis of Douglas 
 and Lord Ogilvy over into Annandale and Nithsdale to join the 
 Earls of Annandale and Hartfell in raising all the forces they 
 could, especially cavalry. With these troops they had orders to 
 march to Traquair, Roxburgh, and Home, and oblige them, with- 
 out further double-dealing, to take part in the war. Montrose, 
 who had had a taste of the ways of courtiers, began to suspect 
 
 * See p. 40, «. 8., 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 137 
 
 their contrivances for delay. He had already often experienced 
 their shifts and fickleness, especially Traquair's. Douglas, with 
 the prompt aid of Hartfell and Annandale, soon levied a consider- 
 able body of men as far as numbers went, but they were mostly 
 raw ploughmen and shepherds, unused to discipline, ready enough 
 at the outset, but they soon lost heart, and could not be kept to 
 their colours. When Douglas and the rest of the commanders 
 observed this, they wrote repeatedly to Montrose to hasten to 
 meet them at the Tweed with his veterans, as his presence and 
 authority, and the company and example of his tried soldiers, 
 would force them, willingly or unwillingly, to do their duty. 
 Meanwhile, according to his orders, they advanced to Strath 
 Gala, to give Roxburgh and Traquair the opportunity, and help 
 if necessary, to raise their men. But these good men were in no 
 haste to comply ; they were deep in the plots of the Covenanters, 
 and well aware that David Leslie and all his cavalry were on the 
 march from England, and would soon be at hand.^ They had 
 resolved to betray the King in their usual way, and to draw 
 Montrose, whose glory they envied, into the hands of his enemies 
 by fraud, as they could not succeed by force. To this end they 
 poured in messages by friends and frequent messengers, not only 
 to Douglas and his party, but even to Montrose himself, to assure 
 him that they were ready to face the most imminent dangers, but 
 that they were quite unable to raise their friends, clansmen, and 
 followers, unless Montrose himself came to rouse and animate 
 them by his presence. To confirm their declarations the more 
 fully, they imprecated the most dreadful curses on themselves if 
 they did not stand firm and true to their promises. Montrose, 
 however, remained unshaken by their adjurations, and continued 
 still at Bothwell, thinking, if they were really upright and sincere 
 in their professions, that Douglas and his men, who were still 
 in their neighbourhood, were quite sufficient to encourage and 
 compel their friends and followers. 
 
 Montrose had now continued for some considerable time in 
 
 " For Argyll's efforts at Berwick to withdraw supporters from Montrose, see Lord Ogilvy's 
 letter to Aboyne. Napier, Mem., 567. 
 
138 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 quarters at Bothwell, when many of the Highlanders, being 
 loaded with spoil, deserted secretly and returned to their own 
 country. Their officers, too, now pressed openly for a brief leave 
 of absence. They pretended that, as the enemy had no longer an 
 army within the kingdom, there was no immediate occasion for 
 their presence. They complained that their houses and crops, on 
 which their parents, wives, and little ones depended for the coming 
 winter, had been burnt and destroyed by the enemy without any 
 reparation. They, therefore, earnestly begged a few weeks' fur- 
 lough, to make some provision for their families against cold and 
 starvation, and offered solemnly to pledge themselves to return 
 within forty days in greater strength and numbers. Montrose, 
 seeing that he could not detain them, as they were volunteers 
 without pay, in order to secure their gratitude more firmly, resolved 
 not only to sanction, but even to order their absence. He there- 
 fore publicly commended the soldiers, and in the King's name 
 thanked the officers. He urged them to settle their affairs with 
 diligence, and appointed their countryman and kinsman, Alexander 
 Macdonald (who was only too forward in craving that office), to 
 accompany them as leader, and bring them back to camp by the 
 day appointed. Macdonald, in a formal speech, returned thanks 
 in the name of all to the Lord-Governor for his great conde- 
 scension, and, as though he were their bail or surety, solemnly 
 promised their speedy return. Yet he had resolved not to return ; 
 and he never again set eyes on Montrose. Not content with the 
 force of Highlanders, more than 3000 of his bravest men, he 
 secretly seduced 120 of the best of the Irish, whom he carried 
 off with him also as a body-guard.*' 
 
 Just at this time messengers from the King at Oxford reached 
 Montrose by various roads. Among these was Andrew Sandilands,^ 
 a Scotsman, but educated in England, where he had entered holy 
 orders, an upright, loyal man, much esteemed by Montrose, with 
 whom he remained till the end of the war. Another was Sir 
 
 ^ The Latin scilicet is ironical. 
 
 "^ He had been imprisoned for some time before 1650, for in that year Mr. Andrew Sandilands 
 and two other clergymen were set at liberty, but bound to quit the country, and not to return under 
 pain of death. Act. Pari. Scot., VI. ii. 580. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 139 
 
 Robert Spotiswoode,^ formerly the distinguished President of the 
 High Court of Session in Scotland, and at this time his Majesty's 
 Secretary for that kingdom. He came from Oxford through 
 Wales, and passed over the Isle of Man, from which he landed 
 in Lochaber and made his way to Athole, whence he was con- 
 ducted by the Athole men to Montrose. Almost all the 
 messengers, among other matters, brought orders for Montrose 
 to join Roxburgh and Traquair, and take their assistance and 
 advice, without question of their loyalty and zeal. Further, he 
 was to hasten to the Tweed, on the Borders, where he would 
 meet a body of horse, which the King would at once send to his 
 aid from England. With these he might confidently venture to 
 encounter David Leslie, should he march, as was suspected, to 
 meet him with the Covenanters' horse. Such were the Kind's 
 positive commands, repeated in every letter from the King, the 
 result of his generous but misplaced confidence. Montrose was 
 obliged to comply, and decided to set out to the Tweed. 
 
 On the day before he began the march, ^ he assembled the 
 army. Macdonald and the Highlanders had not yet left him. 
 Under the royal standard. Sir Robert Spotiswoode on his knee 
 delivered to him his Majesty's commission, signed with the 
 Great Seal, which Montrose handed to Sir Archibald Primrose/" 
 
 8 Sir Robert was the second son of Archbishop Spotiswoode of St. Andrews. A memoir of him 
 by his grandson will be found at the beginning of his edition of Sir Robert's " Practicks of the Laws 
 of Scotland," with a full account of his trial and death. An address of Sir Robert to the Faculty 
 of Advocates may be read in the Spottiswoode Miscellany, vol. i., which also contains much 
 information as to the President and his family. See also there notice of his influence on Lochiel, 
 which soon bore fruit in the royal cause. Sir Robert arrived at Both well September 1st. The 
 1652 edition translates Mona " Anglesea." 
 
 * September 3, 1645. 
 
 ^•^ Archibald Primrose of Carrington and Chesters succeeded his father James in the office of 
 Clerk to the Privy Council, and had served as Clerk to the Estates. He joined Montrose after 
 Kilsyth and was taken at Philiphaugh. On his release from prison in the end of 1646, he went 
 to the King (then in the hands of the Scottish army), who knighted him. Owing to his connection 
 with the Engagement, he lost his offices, which he had hitherto managed to retain. Charles II. 
 made him a baronet before Worcester. At the Restoration he became Lord Clerk Register, and 
 acquired much wealth, purchasing, among other properties, Barnbougle and Dalmeny. To get him 
 out of the Clerk Register's post he was made Justice-General, and Sir George Mackenzie soon 
 succeeded him in that office. In late acknowledgment of his services, his grandson James was 
 created Viscount Primrose. On the death of Hugh, third Viscount, the line failed. Archibald, son 
 of Sir Archibald by his second marriage, became first Earl of Rosebery. See Act. Pari. Scot., and 
 Douglas' Peerage — Rosebery. 
 
140 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 clerk of the Supreme Council, to be read aloud by herald. Then 
 in a short but stately speech he commended the valour and loyalty 
 of his soldiers, and assured them of his warm esteem. Before the 
 whole army he singled out Macdonald for special praise, and by 
 virtue of his royal commission conferred on him the honour of 
 knighthood. At that time not only Montrose but all who favoured 
 the King's cause held the highest opinion of Macdonald, which he 
 belied, not only to the great detriment of the King, but to the 
 utter ruin of himself and friends. 
 
 On the second day after Montrose had begun his march and 
 had reached Calder Castle, ^^ the Viscount Aboyne left the army,^^ 
 and not only withdrew his own men, but seduced all the rest of 
 the northern forces to desert. The Governor in vain opposed this 
 step. Neither the arguments nor entreaties of his friends, who 
 were heartily ashamed of his conduct, could induce Aboyne to stay 
 even for one week longer, though assured that he would then be 
 dismissed, not only with the General's leave, but the goodwill and 
 esteem of all honest men. 
 
 Passing by Edinburgh, Montrose led his forces, now much 
 reduced, through Lothian to Strath Gala, where he met Douglas 
 and the other commanders, whose forces were much diminished 
 by daily desertions. Here Traquair himself, with an unusual show 
 of alacrity and joy, hastened to join him, professing the greatest 
 devotion not only to the King, but also to Montrose himself. 
 Next day he sent his son. Lord Linton, with a fine troop of horse, 
 as if to fight under his standard, using him as a sort of pledge, to 
 blind Montrose to the snares he was spreading for his destruction. 
 This was not the first time that most ungrateful wretch Traquair 
 had played spy for the Covenanters, to whom he intended to 
 betray Montrose, and even the King himself. 
 
 He was now within twelve miles of Home and Roxburgh. 
 Still they sent no message, and showed not the least sign of doing 
 
 ^^ The seat of Lord Torphichen, near Mid-Calder. By Limphoy he went to Cranston, and 
 by Torwoodlee to Kelso, and thence by Jedburgh to Selkirk. Wishart was to have preached at 
 Cranston Kirk on Sunday, September 6th, but the sermon was stopped by the hurried march south. 
 V. Practicks, p. lO. 
 
 ^* This and Macdonald's defection ruined the cause. See p. 138. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 141 
 
 their duty. He was much disturbed, and resolved to march into 
 their country and force them to join. This they had foreseen, 
 and with consummate craft prevented his design. David Leshe ^^ 
 had now reached Berwick with his whole cavalry and many Eng- 
 lish volunteers. They were aware of his plan, in which they took 
 their part. They sent to him, therefore, and proposed that he 
 should send a party and make a show of taking them prisoners. 
 This was done the day before Montrose's arrival. By this artifice 
 that cunning old fox, Roxburgh, who carried Home with him, 
 expected to curry favour with the Covenanters by a voluntary 
 surrender to their protection. At the same time he would not 
 lose favour with the King, as he could pretend that he had fallen 
 into their hands against his will. This was Leslie's first exploit, 
 after which he crossed the Tweed and marched into the eastern 
 parts of Lothian. 
 
 Montrose saw through their treachery to the King and himself. 
 He had now lost all hopes of that party of horse which the King 
 was to have sent to his assistance. His retreat northwards to the 
 Highlands was cut off by the enemy in great force. He resolved 
 therefore, with the few men he had with him, to march into Niths- 
 dale, Annandale, and Ayrshire to raise what horse he could ; for 
 though he had no certain intelligence of the enemy's strength, yet 
 he conjectured that it consisted chiefly of horse. 
 
 '* General David Leslie, afterwards first Lord Newark. For a good summary of his career see 
 Douglas' Peerage — Newark. He proved himself a better soldier than Cromwell in his defence of 
 Edinburgh, and but for meddling ministers would have avoided the disaster at Dunbar. His 
 treacherous cruelty at Philiphaugh, Dunavertie, and Dunaveg, after quarter given, leaves an indelible 
 stain on his memory. See Turner, pp. 45-48, and W., Ch. xvi., with Guthrie and P. Gordon. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Montrose marches to Selkirk, September 1645 — Surprised by Leslie at Philiphaugh, and 
 overpowered — Cuts his way through, and with half his forces regains Athole. 
 
 TZJ^ROM Kelso Montrose marched to Jedburgh, and thence to 
 -^ Selkirk. There he quartered his horse in the village and 
 his foot in a neighbouring wood,^ resolving to occupy the favour- 
 able positions, lest he should have to fight at a disadvantage with 
 an enemy whose strength was quite unknown to him. He ordered 
 his captains of cavalry to send out numerous trusty and active 
 scouts, set guards in suitable places on every side, and look well 
 to their watch. It was his custom to see to all this in person, but 
 that night he was unable to do so, having despatches to write to 
 the King, to be sent off before daybreak by a trusty messenger 
 he had fallen in with. He therefore requested them the more 
 earnestly to have a care that the enemy, who were very strong in 
 horse, should not surprise them unawares. The officers promised 
 all care and diligence, and trusting to their vigilance he spent the 
 whole night on his despatches. In the course of the night vague 
 rumours of the enemy's approach reached him. These he trans- 
 mitted to his officers, men of great military experience and reputa- 
 tion, acquired in foreign service. But whether deceived by the 
 indolence of their men and spies, or blinded by fate, they confidently 
 returned word that there was no enemy there or in the neighbour- 
 hood.^ At daybreak some of the best and most experienced 
 troopers were again sent out to reconnoitre. On their return they 
 declared that they had scoured the country for ten miles round, 
 
 ^ Harehead Wood. 
 
 ^ "About the shooting in of the night, Hempsfield with his troop were beat out of Sunderland, 
 four miles from Selkirk, eleven of his troop slain, the rest yielding themselves prisoners. Only 
 Hempsfield himself and two with him escaped, and were come to inform him ; but they were 
 thought to have brawled among themselves in a drunken fray " (P. Gordon, 158). Ogilvy of Powrie 
 made the second report. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 143 
 
 and carefully examined all the by-roads, and rashly wished they 
 might be cursed if there was a man in arms within ten miles. But 
 it was afterwards found, when too late, that the enemy in full force 
 was not above four miles from Selkirk, and had passed the night 
 under arms.^ 
 
 On the same day that Montrose marched from Jedburgh, 
 Leslie mustered his men on Gladsmuir, a plain in Lothian, and 
 in a council of war with the chiefs of the Covenanters, it was 
 resolved to march to Edinburgh and the Forth, so as to oppose 
 Montrose's retreat to the north, and force him to fight before he 
 was again joined by the Highlanders. Suddenly Leslie changed 
 his plan, and ordered his whole army to wheel to the left and 
 march off with all speed. All who were not in the secret were 
 surprised by this rapid change of route, for they were now 
 marching by way of Strath Gala. But the reason for this after- 
 wards transpired from the enemy's own account. Letters had 
 reached him containing accurate information of Montrose's 
 strength, which consisted only of 500 Irish foot and a few raw 
 undisciplined horse. Victory was certain if they seized the 
 opportunity of attacking him near the Tweed. Leslie at once 
 acted on this advice, and, as we have said, spent the night about 
 four miles from Selkirk. It has commonly been reported that 
 Traquair was the source of this information. This I cannot 
 assert for truth ; but it cannot be denied that he ordered his son 
 Linton * that very night to withdraw from the Royalists as fast 
 as he could, a command he obeyed with great satisfaction, an 
 instance of blackest ingratitude, to forsake a King to whom they 
 were deeply indebted, and a disgrace to their posterity. 
 
 The morning was shrouded in darkness and dense fog, which 
 favoured the enemy's approach.^ They were already within half 
 a mile, and marching up in order, when Montrose's scouts came 
 flying in with the tidings. Mounting the first horse he could find, 
 
 3 Leslie passed the night at Sunderland village, from which he drove Amisfield. 
 
 * Afterwards second Earl of Traquair, d. 1666. P. Gordon says he was recalled by his father 
 four days before, 
 
 ' Captain Blackadder returned with his men in a great fright, and reported to Montrose at 
 breakfast " that a great armie was advancing within a mile of the toune" (P. Gordon, 158). 
 
144 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 he galloped into the field appointed for the morning's rendezvous. 
 There he found all in uproar and confusion. The cavalry', unused 
 to command, were dispersed up and down the fields, more intent 
 on baiting their horses than maintaining their lives with honour. 
 On the first blast of the enemy's trumpet, they scattered in a panic, 
 and rode about at random, so that they took no share in the fight ; 
 but a few, mostly nobles and knights, flew to the point of attack, 
 and, though not more than 1 20 in number, bravely undertook to 
 cover the right wing. The foot, too, in all 500, were in much the 
 same plight ; many of them at this unlucky moment were bent on 
 saving their private property among the baggage, to their own 
 ruin. To crown the catastrophe, many of the officers were absent, 
 and never reached the field. The enemy's cavalry were 6000 
 strong, mostly from England. They advanced rapidly. Not a 
 moment was left for deliberation. Twice they charged furiously on 
 Montrose's right wing ; twice they were gallantly met and repulsed 
 with heavy loss. Finding they could make no impression on that 
 noble squadron, they wheeled and broke in on the left wing, where 
 there was no horse, riding down the few foot who offered resist- 
 ance. At the same time 2000 of their horse, who crossed the river, 
 threatened those gallant gentlemen in the rear. In danger of 
 being surrounded, and cut to pieces where they stood by a galling 
 fire, they made the best retreat they could, each for himself. For 
 the foot there was little hope in flight ; they stood firm and fought 
 resolutely, till offered quarter, when they threw down their arms 
 and yielded. But, notwithstanding the promise of quarter, these 
 defenceless men were every one butchered in cold blood by Leslie's 
 own orders, an indelible blot of savage cruelty and treachery on 
 the glory and renown which he had gained abroad.^ The enemy 
 did not pursue those who had escaped, but fell to plundering the 
 baggage, where they made a piteous slaughter of the poor women, 
 boys, and camp-followers, without distinction of age or sex. 
 
 ^ "Quarter, it was said, by a vile equivocation, had been granted to Stuart, the adjutant, alone, 
 not to his men " (Gardiner, ii. 337), For a recent effort to extenuate these atrocities after the battle, 
 see Introd. to Records of Genl. Assemblies, by Dr. Mitchell, Even the equivocation would not 
 have saved Stuart, who was condemned, but he managed to escape. For many details as to 
 these massacres and the discovery of remains in Slain-Man's Lee, see Monteith, Guthrie, 
 P. Gordon, and Chambers. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 145 
 
 It is not easy to estimate the number of slain. Almost none 
 of the horse, and very few of the foot, excepting those who had 
 surrendered on terms, fell in fight. As they were not more than 
 500 in all, and of these, 250 rejoined Montrose before the next 
 day, all armed with their swords, we may conjecture that those 
 who were missing did not exceed that number. Very few prisoners 
 were taken, and those mostly by the country people while straying 
 in strange roads after their horses were tired out. The peasants, 
 unmindful of the benefits and protection they had lately received 
 from Montrose, delivered them up to their cruel enemies, to be 
 slaughtered like beasts of sacrifice for demons. 
 
 Both the royal standards were saved from capture ; that of the 
 foot by a brave Irishman, who, with the greatest presence of mind 
 amid the general confusion, when he saw the enemy masters of 
 the field, stripped it from the staff and wrapped it round his body. 
 With no other covering, he forced his way, sword in hand, through 
 the midst of the enemy, and brought it to Montrose that night. 
 To reward his valour, Montrose gave him charge of it for the 
 future, and promoted him to be one of his life-guards. The other 
 standard was saved by William Hay,^ brother to the Earl of 
 Kinnoul, a youth of fine character, who had been appointed 
 standard-bearer in place of his maternal uncle, Douglas, son of 
 the Earl of Morton, who had been disabled by many severe 
 wounds in the battle of Alford. Stripping the flag from the 
 staff, Hay carried it to England, where he lay for a while in 
 hiding, until the country about Tweedside had become somewhat 
 settled, when he set out, with Robert Towers ^ as his sole companion 
 and guide, a brave, faithful friend and a soldier of experience, who 
 had served with distinction for some time as a captain in France. 
 Travelling through byways, and mostly at night, he made his way 
 northwards, and had the pleasure of restoring the royal standard 
 to his general. 
 
 ' William Hay, afterwards fifth Earl of Kinnoul. He was imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle 
 by the English in 1654, but, with six others, escaped. May 28th, " over the wall upon the 
 sheets and blankets which did cover their beds." Colonel Montgomery was killed in the attempt. 
 The Earl was recaptured after a three days' pursuit through the snow. He died in 1677. Lament, 
 91, and p. 63, n. i. 
 
 * Probably a member of the loyal family of Towers of Inverleith. 
 
 K 
 
146 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 When Montrose perceived that the day was lost and his men 
 scattered in flight, a sight he had never yet witnessed, for a while 
 he thought only of selling his life dearly. Having rallied about 
 thirty of the scattered horsemen, he resolved to die with honour, 
 rather than fall alive into the hands of the enemy. He was 
 surrounded by their squadrons in such dense numbers that he 
 could not break through. Notwithstanding, he repeatedly charged 
 them on every side. Of those who ventured out of their ranks, 
 many were slain and the rest driven back. But as all was in 
 vain, calmer counsels providentially prevailed in that brave and 
 noble spirit ; he reflected that his loss that day had been slight, 
 and might easily be repaired. Only a small part of his forces had 
 been engaged. The Highlanders, who were the strength of the 
 kingdom, and all the northern parts, were still safe and untouched. 
 Moreover, very many of the leading nobility, gentry, and heads 
 of clans, who had now openly joined him, would be disconcerted 
 by his death, and fall away, to the utter ruin of the King's cause 
 in Scotland. His fall might prove a far greater loss to his dearest 
 lord the King, than a single defeat. The cause was just, and he 
 ought not to despair. The Marquis of Douglas, Sir John Dalyell, 
 and a few brave and trusty friends, came very seasonably to second 
 these reflections. They implored him with tears, wrung from 
 them by their deep affection, by the memory of his past achieve- 
 ments, for the sake of his friends, his house, his sweet wife and 
 children,^ for the King, country, and Church, to have a care for his 
 life. Next to God he was their only hope ; with him they must 
 live or die. Overcome by their entreaties, Montrose charged, 
 and cut his way through the enemy, who were now more intent 
 on plunder than pursuit. Those who ventured to follow, were 
 either killed or taken prisoners. Among these was a captain of 
 horse named Bruce,^" and two cornets with their standards. They 
 
 ® This is the only reference in W. to the Marchioness. She died in November of this year. 
 James Burns, the Glasgow Bailie, says : " In November 1645 Montrose's lady died. He came and 
 buried her at Montrose, and was pursued back again by Lieut.-Gen. Middleton." Crawford's 
 MS. in Maidment's "Historical Fragments." The children then alive were James, Robert, and 
 David. See Napier, Mem., 827, n. 
 
 ^^ A Capt. Harry Bruce, son of Bruce, younger of Clackmannan, appears in the parliamentary 
 papers of the time, petitioning for arrears of pay, and is appointed " rootmaster." 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 147 
 
 were treated with courtesy, and after a few days dismissed, on their 
 promise to release as many officers of equal rank, a pledge they 
 dishonourably neglected to redeem. 
 
 About three miles from Selkirk ^^ Montrose overtook a number 
 of his own men, who now made up a considerable force, and 
 enabled him to proceed on his march, secure from the insults of 
 the country people. In passing the Earl of Traquair's castle, 
 whose treachery in betraying him to the enemy was as yet 
 unknown to him, he sent a messenger requesting an interview 
 with him and his son. For reply he was informed that they were 
 both away from home, though some gentlemen of honour and 
 credit declared that they were both there. Nor was this all. 
 That gallant courtier not only congratulated the Covenanters 
 on their victory, but had the effirontery to declare with scornful 
 laughter that Montrose and the royal forces had at last been 
 beaten in Scotland. Even his own daughter, the Countess of 
 Queensberry,^^ reproved him for it, as far as filial modesty would 
 permit. 
 
 Near the little town of Peebles Montrose made a brief halt, 
 to rest his men in preparation for their journey. Here many of 
 the stragglers came in. At sunset the whole force marched boldly 
 into the town, where they spent the night. Next morning at 
 daybreak they forded the Clyde, guided by Sir John Dalyell. 
 Here he was met by the Earls of Crawford and Airlie, who had 
 escaped by another way. When they saw that he was safe, they 
 thought nothing of their recent defeat, and Montrose was no less 
 rejoiced by the safety of his friends, the more so as they joined 
 him with nearly 200 horse, whom they had picked up on the way. 
 
 Though now secure from pursuit, he resolved to press on 
 into Athole, and raise the Highlanders and other friends in the 
 north. He therefore crossed the Forth and Earn, and marched 
 
 ?i They went up the Yarrow, crossed Minch-Moor, and drew bridle at Traquair House, ten 
 miles from the field, one of the most ancient of Scottish castles. 
 
 ^^ Lady Margaret Stewart, married to James, second Earl of Queensberry, and mother of the 
 first Duke. Her husband was on his way to join Montrose after Kilsyth, but was arrested by the 
 Glencairn men. Traquair, Linton, and Lady Queensberry must have seen this story in print, but, 
 as far as we know, it remained uncontradicted. 
 
148 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 through Perthshire along the foot of the hills/^ On his way he 
 despatched Douglas and Airlie with a party of horse into Angus, 
 and Lord Erskine^* into Mar, to rouse their friends and vassals 
 in those parts. Sir John Dalyell, who had recently contracted an 
 alliance with Lord Carnegie,^® was sent to him on the same mission. 
 He also wrote to Macdonald to order him, according to his pledge, 
 to rejoin him with the Highlanders on the day appointed. But 
 above all, he begged Aboyne by letters and messengers to return 
 with his friends and clansmen, who were ready enough of them- 
 selves, and wanted only his authority and example to rouse and 
 encourage them. 
 
 " He was at Buchanty, in Glenalmond, on 19th September. See his letter to John Stewart of 
 Sheirglass. Napier, Mem., 605. 
 
 ^* John Erskine, afterwards ninth Earl of Mar. His taking the Covenant was a great source of 
 delight to the Rev. R. Baillie, but soon afterwards he signed the Cumbernauld Bond and remained 
 loyal. He suffered much from fire and confiscation, and till the Restoration lived in a cottage near 
 his own gate at Alloa. He died in 1668. 
 
 ^ "MargaretCarnegie the elder daughter of David, Lord Carnegie [who died October 25th, 1633, 
 in his father's lifetime leaving no male issue] married — contract July 23rd 1637 — Gavin, Master of 
 Dalyell, who was afterwards third Earl of Carnwath. ... Of this marriage there were two sons, 
 James and John Dalyell, who were successively Earls of Carnwath, and a daughter Lady Jean 
 Dalyell." Eraser, Hist, of the Carnegies, vol. i. 114. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Montrose joined by four hundred men of Athole — Butchery of prisoners by the 
 Covenanters — Huntly refuses aid — Aboyne joins Montrose, but soon leaves him — 
 March to Perthshire — Death of Lord Napier. 
 
 nPHE autumn was already advanced, but the harvest in that 
 -*• cold climate was not yet in. The houses and cottages 
 destroyed by the enemy were still unrepaired against the approach 
 of winter, often very severe in that country. The Athole men 
 did not, therefore, show their usual promptness. Montrose, how- 
 ever, succeeded in obtaining from them 400 light foot to attend 
 him northwards, where there was less danger to apprehend. 
 They also promised faithfully that on his return, when he was 
 to march southwards, the whole strength of the country should 
 be at his service. 
 
 Meantime he received frequent assurances from Aboyne that 
 he would at once join him with his forces. Macdonald promised 
 the same for himself and the rest of the Highlanders. Erskine 
 informed him that his men were already in arms, and only waited 
 for Aboyne, who was near, or Montrose's orders to march. 
 
 About this time vague rumours prevailed that the King had 
 sent him a strong body of horse. Many supposed that they were 
 not far from the southern Borders.^ Other reports spread of a 
 very different nature and less questionable, that the captives had 
 been brutally butchered without distinction of sex or age. Many 
 of those who had fallen into the hands of the country folk had 
 been savagely murdered. Those whom even these barbarous 
 wretches had spared in pity, were driven together, and, by com- 
 mand of the Covenanting chiefs, thrown headlong from a high 
 
 ^ Digby, with 1500 horse, left Welbeck October 14, reached Dumfries about October 22, and 
 had sought refuge in the Isle of Man by the 27th, whence he writes to Clarendon on that date. 
 Card,, Civil War, ii. 354. 
 
I50 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 bridge and drowned in the river below,^ men, women, and babes 
 at the breast. As they struggled to the side they were beaten 
 down with bludgeons and hurled back into the waters. The 
 noblemen and gentlemen were confined in loathsome dungeons, 
 to be exposed to the insolence of the mob, and then condemned to 
 lose their heads. 
 
 Never had Montrose been so deeply grieved as by these 
 melancholy tidings of his friends. Impatient of every delay that 
 prevented him from flying to the rescue, he crossed the Grampians 
 with extraordinary speed,^ and marched through the Braes of Mar 
 and Strathdon to Lord Aboyne. His presence he hoped would 
 encourage him to hasten southward. His object also was to effect 
 a junction with Erskine's and Airlie's forces, summon Macdonald 
 and the rest of the Highlanders at once, and picking up the 
 Athole men on his way, to march straight across the Forth to 
 meet the royal cavalry. The enemy, dismayed by the imminent 
 danger, would thus be deterred from murdering their prisoners. 
 They would never dare, he thought, to vent their rage on those 
 noblemen, while the issue of the war still hung in the balance. 
 The news of his great preparations filled them with such anxiety 
 
 ^ By inserting "the Tweed" here, Ruddiman's translation has caused W.'s veracity to be 
 questioned. The Tweed above Berwick was not then bridged. The river was the Avon, near 
 Linlithgow, and the victims were straggling Irish picked up on the march from Philiphaugh. Sir 
 George Mackenzie and P. Gordon support Wishart. The former, alluding to the two women put 
 to death in the reigns of Charles II. and James II., says : " Our accusers should remember that 
 these women were executed for higher crimes than the following Montrose's camp, for which four 
 score women and children were drowned, being all in one day thrown over the bridge at Linlithgow 
 by the Covenanters, and six more at Elgin by the same faction, all without sentence, or the least 
 formality of law." "Vindication of the Government in Scotland," &c., published 1691, p. 20. 
 Many straggling Irish were still in the country. See Montrose's order concerning them, September 
 19 ; Napier, Mem., 605. 
 
 ' Some dates here may be of service: — 1645, Sept. 13, Rout of Philiphaugh. Sept. 14, Mon- 
 trose left Peebles and crossed Clyde. Sept. 19, writes to Stewart of Sheirglass from Buchanty in 
 Glenalmond. Oct. 2, writes from Comrie. Oct. 7, replies from Drumminor to Huntly, who had 
 sent congratulations by his son and Balloch from Gordon Castle. Oct. 21-22, Sir W. Rollo and 
 others executed at Glasgow. Oct. 20, Montrose at Alford. Oct. 23, at Castleton of Braemar, but 
 meaning to be in Glenshee that night. Oct. 25, at Lochearnside, where Captains Ogilvy and 
 Nisbet announce Digby's approach to the Border. Digby was by this time in retreat from Dum- 
 fries. Montrose moved on Glasgow, but returned to Perthshire early in November. Nov. 9, he 
 was at Kilmahog, near Callander. About this time Lord Napier died at Fincastle, and was buried 
 by Montrose at Blair. In November also Montrose buried his wife at Montrose, and hurried back 
 to Perthshire, pursued by Middleton. Ogilvy and Nisbet rejoin him in Athole, after a fruitless inter- 
 view with Huntly. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 151 
 
 and alarm, that they did, in fact, defer the execution of their 
 prisoners. 
 
 On the march Montrose found that Erskine had been seized 
 with a serious illness ; but his vassals, whose loyalty and courage 
 Montrose had more than once experienced, even in their master's 
 absence, were all eager and ready, if Aboyne would do his part, as 
 they relied much upon his example and authority. 
 
 Meanwhile the Marquis of Huntly, who had been lying hid 
 for nearly a year and a half, roused by the fame of Montrose's 
 victories and his recovery of the kingdom, or urged by some 
 disastrous ^ destiny, had returned home. This man was as unfor- 
 tunate as he was misguided in his judgment. Though he really 
 was or wished to seem devoted to the King, a mean lurking envy 
 of Montrose's glory urged him to try and lessen rather than 
 emulate his fame. He was ashamed openly to admit the feeling 
 before his own people, who had been eye-witnesses of Montrose's 
 brilliant courage. Such a confession would seem a proof of 
 estrangement from the King himself; but he gave out that in 
 future he would himself lead them against the rebels. He there- 
 fore commanded his tenants and warned his friends and neigh- 
 bours, not without threats, to serve under no standard but his own. 
 They remonstrated ; what answer should they return to the orders 
 of Montrose, who was the Deputy-Governor, appointed by the 
 King, with supreme command of all forces in the kingdom ? He 
 replied that he himself would not fail the King. Meantime it was 
 to their honour as much as his own that the King and all men 
 should know how much the Gordons contributed to the war in 
 men and means. This could only be done, if they took the field 
 by themselves. In magnificent terms he dilated on his own 
 power and decried that of Montrose. He launched into extra- 
 vagant praise of the glory and achievements of his own ancestors 
 (who had, in fact, deserved all commendation). For many ages 
 past the power of the Gordons had been, and still was, the terror 
 of their neighbours. It would be most unjust to yield to another 
 
 * The Latin implies a belief in astrology, for which '* disastrous " may be taken as sufficient 
 rendering. 
 
152 . DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 (meaning Montrose) the honour and glory acquired by their 
 prowess and self-sacrifice. In future he would himself take care 
 that neither the King should be robbed of the Gordons' aid, nor 
 the Gordons of their due praise, influence, and reward. 
 
 To the ignorant such words seemed just and honourable. But 
 thoughtful men among them, who knew the temper of the man, 
 saw in them indications of an unjust bitterness and ill-will towards 
 Montrose, and an intention to withdraw from him as many men 
 as he could, not only to the utter ruin of the King and kingdom, 
 but also of himself, as the event only too sadly proved. Among 
 them there were not wanting men who had the sense and fore- 
 sight to condemn his resolution as imprudent, ill-timed, and 
 ruinous even to himself. They remembered that all his own 
 enterprises had miscarried through bad conduct or bad fortune. 
 Montrose was now more successful. They ought not to separate 
 from him on a vain pretext that he appropriated the glory. 
 United, their combined forces would suffice not only to defend 
 themselves, but to reduce their enemies and restore the authority 
 of the King, to their own eternal honour. Disunion would end 
 in disgrace and ruin. Without the help of the Gordons, Montrose 
 had gained many brilliant victories ; whereas the Gordons with- 
 out Montrose had achieved nothing of note. They therefore 
 earnestly entreated him to adhere firmly to the Royal Governor, 
 a service as agreeable to the King as it would be satisfactory to 
 all good men and honourable to himself Some of them did not 
 hesitate to declare frankly that they would themselves risk their 
 lives and fortunes to obey and serve Montrose, should Huntly 
 obstinately persist in his determination. And in this they were 
 as good as their word. 
 
 Huntly, however, rejected the advice of his friends, and con- 
 tinued to oppose Montrose's plans. Every proposal of his, how- 
 ever just, however honourable, fair, and advantageous, was 
 thwarted or rejected. If, as often happened, Montrose delibe- 
 rately agreed to his plan, he immediately changed his mind. At 
 times, when Montrose was present, he was easy and compliant ; 
 but he never failed to cross him in his absence, and showed little 
 consistency in his conduct. 
 
( 
 
 UN'; 
 
 DEEDS OF MONTROSE^ -==— -^ 153 
 
 Aboyne, however, was at last roused by frequent messages 
 from Montrose and by the entreaties of his friends to make some 
 show of keeping his word, and joined him at Drumminor,^ a castle 
 of Lord Forbes, with a considerable party, to the number of 1 500 
 foot and 300 horse, all in good spirits and ready for any danger 
 under Montrose's command. At their first meeting, he frankly 
 declared that he and his men would march wherever the Governor 
 should lead them, and that many more, whom he could not 
 gather in so short a time, were to follow with his brother Lewis. 
 Montrose highly commended his loyalty and zeal. At once he 
 set out to retrace his steps, and to pick up the forces of Erskine 
 and the men of Mar, intending to cross the Grampians and 
 descend into Athole and Angus. He had no doubt that within 
 a fortnight he should cross the Forth with a strong army. 
 
 Aboyne and his men performed the first day's march with 
 cheerfulness ; but on the morrow his brother Lewis, who had 
 been put under the command of the Earl of Crawford, marched 
 off home by night, as if to attack some squadrons of the enemy, 
 and took with him a strong party of horse. Under pretext of a 
 guard, he seduced as many soldiers as he could to accompany 
 him. Crawford, on his return, reported that Lewis had gone 
 home, but was to return next day. So Lewis had pretended, 
 though he had no intention of returning. This was not the only 
 instance of treachery by which that young man disgraced his name. 
 On the third day they reached Alford. Here Aboyne's men 
 showed signs of wavering. They were slow to muster, loitered 
 on the march, straggled and fell out of line. Almost every night 
 they deserted the camp by troops. At last Aboyne himself, their 
 leader, had the effrontery to ask for leave of absence. Every one 
 was taken by surprise. What, they demanded, could be the reason 
 for so sudden a change of plan ? In excuse he alleged his father's 
 commands, which he could not disobey. His father would not, 
 he said, have given such orders without good cause. The enemy's 
 forces^ lay in Lower Mar, and threatened them in the rear if 
 
 '* Near Strathbogie. See Montrose's letter to Huntly from this place. Napier, Mem., 608. 
 " Some of Middleton's horse. 
 
154 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 deprived of the protection of his own men. It was sheer folly 
 to lead his men elsewhere, while himself involved in imminent 
 danger. To this Montrose replied that he was well informed 
 that the enemy mustered only a few troops of horse at Aberdeen, 
 and no infantry at all. They were too few to attempt any serious 
 enterprise. He felt confident that on the first rumour of his 
 approach they too would be recalled by their generals to defend 
 the Lowlands.^ Huntly would consult his own interests far better 
 by transferring the war to the enemy's lands than by waging it in 
 his own domains. They ought therefore to hasten south in order 
 to shift the burden of war from the north. Besides, he was daily 
 expecting the reinforcements from England ; he could not hope 
 to effect a junction with them unless he crossed the Forth. Lastly, 
 he described the piteous plight of the prisoners, many of whom 
 were Huntly 's own friends, relatives, and kinsmen. Unless they 
 were rescued at once, they would all be barbarously murdered. 
 These arguments were unanswerable. Aboyne therefore begged 
 that the whole matter might be referred to his father. His 
 request was granted. Two messengers were sent, likely to prove 
 most acceptable to Huntly — Donald, Lord Reay,^ in whose lands 
 the Marquis had sought hiding, and Alexander Irvine,^ the younger 
 
 ' As the event showed. 
 
 8 Donald, first Lord Reay. For his services abroad and his connection with the charge of 
 treason against Hamilton, see Douglas, and Burnet, " Dukes of Hamilton." On his liberation from 
 the Tower he went down to Reay, and by and by sailed for Denmark, whence he brought to New- 
 castle ships, arms, and money for the King's service. He served in the defence of the town, was 
 there taken prisoner and sent to Edinburgh, whence Kilsyth delivered him. After this interview 
 with Huntly he returned to the North. He died abroad, and was buried in Strathnaver in 1649. 
 
 • Alexander Irvine, son of Sir Alexander Irvine of Drum, Sheriff of Aberdeenshire, was early 
 one of a band of restless Royalists in the North, led by Sir John Gordon of Haddo, nearly all of 
 whom came to a violent end. Imprisoned and fined in 1640 for going to the King with a com- 
 plaint, on regaining freedom he gave his enemies much trouble. In December 1643 he married 
 Lady Mary, daughter of the Marquis of Huntly. In March 1644 he helped to carry off four 
 magistrates of Aberdeen to Auchindoun, and in April he attacked Montrose, killed a magistrate, 
 and plundered the town. With Huntly he was excommunicated, and a price of 18,000 merks set 
 on him, "quick or dead." He escaped by sea from Fraserburgh with his wife, her two gentle- 
 women, his brother, and cousin, but was constrained by Lady Mary's illness to land in Caithness, 
 where a relative, Francis Sinclair, son of Lord Caithness, made them prisoners in Keiss Castle, and 
 delivered them for the price set on them to the authorities in Edinburgh. His brother Robert died 
 there through ill-treatment. Kilsyth saved Alexander from a like fate, and he followed Montrose 
 faithfully, keeping the field with him till the King commanded them to disband in 1646, when, 
 with others, he was pardoned. Against the bitter persecution of the Covenanting clergy he and 
 his father appealed to Cromwell's officers, and gained their support. Some of the best polemics 
 of the time issued from Drum at this crisis. In 1658 Irvine succeeded his father in the now some- 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 155 
 
 of Drum, who had lately married Huntly's daughter. Both of 
 them were deeply indebted to Montrose, who had recently re- 
 stored them to liberty. Reay was so much affronted by his 
 repulse that he was ashamed to return. Irvine, a brave young 
 gentleman, who never afterwards forsook Montrose, returned with 
 letters from his father-in-law. The answer was vague and un- 
 satisfactory. Pressed to state his opinion of Huntly's real inten- 
 tions, Irvine freely owned that he had got no certain reply, but 
 he believed that nothing would divert Huntly from his perverse 
 resolution. Aboyne declared that it was sore against his will to 
 tear himself from Montrose ; but affection required him to obey 
 his father, who was besides in ill-health. He therefore earnestly 
 pressed for leave of absence ; it could last only a few days, till he 
 had allayed his father's anxiety. He solemnly promised to follow 
 him within a fortnight with far greater forces. This he affirmed 
 on oath. A very reluctant permission was granted for the time 
 required, and of his own accord he renewed his protestations. 
 
 After his departure Montrose marched down through the Braes 
 of Mar and Glenshee into Athole. Thence, with some addition 
 to his forces, he proceeded into Perthshire. Here his hopes from 
 the North were revived by a messenger from Aboyne to assure 
 him that he and his forces would join him before the day appointed. 
 At the same time Captain Thomas Ogilvy, younger of Powrie,^*^ 
 and Captain Robert Nisbet,^^ reached him by different routes with 
 
 what ruined estates. He represented Aberdeen at the Restoration rejoicings in London. When 
 offered the peerage which had been given to his father, but which had not passed the seals, he 
 declined it, as it was shorn of the precedency of his father's patent. He is known in the family 
 as the Entailer, and misfortunes following the deed have caused him to be well remembered. A 
 portrait of the Entailer (good copy of a Vandyck by Cosmo Alexander), is preserved at Drum, but 
 though a good picture, it cannot have been a contemporary work. He appears as a man of thirty, 
 with auburn hair, a moustache, in a buff coat with a deep blue ribbon knot on his right shoulder, 
 and a white lace necktie. Another portrait of him as an older man is preserved at Marischal College, 
 Aberdeen. He is celebrated in the Deeside ballad, " The Laird of Drum." A History of the 
 family, which before the Civil War was one of the most wealthy and important in the North, exists 
 in MS., kindly lent us by Mrs. Anna Forbes Irvine. See Spalding, P. Gordon, and Antiquities of 
 Aberdeen and Banff Shires, indices ; also Buchan's Ballads and Deeside Guide. 
 
 ^^ See p. 149, n. i. Digby was already retiring to the Isle of Man. Captain Thomas Ogilvy, 
 younger of Powrie, appears in the pardon list of 1646. He afterwards acted for Montrose at Kirk- 
 wall, and was killed at Corbiesdale. See letter to Montrose, Napier, Mem., ii. 413. 
 
 ^^ Captain Robert Nisbet, doubtless the son of Sir Alexander and brother of Sir Philip. After 
 1646 he went abroad, and on his return with Montrose he was taken prisoner at Corbiesdale, and 
 executed at Edinburgh in May 1650. See Pref., Nisbet's Plates, by A. Ross. 
 
156 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 messages from the King. Their orders were to desire Montrose 
 to make all haste to join Lord George Digby, son of the Earl of 
 Bristol, whom he had sent with reinforcements of cavalry to meet 
 him not far from the English Border. These messengers Montrose 
 despatched to Huntly and Aboyne to communicate their instruc- 
 tions. At last, he thought, the King's authority and the hope 
 of those succours would rouse them to hasten up their forces. 
 Buoyed by this vain hope, he had already halted too long in 
 Strathearn. 
 
 About this time Lord Napier of Merchiston died in Athole.^^ 
 He was the head of a very ancient family, a truly noble gentle- 
 man, singularly upright in life, and of a most happy genius. In 
 the sciences he equalled his father and grandfather, who were 
 famous throughout the world for their skill in philosophy and 
 mathematics ; in jurisprudence he far excelled them. To their 
 Majesties King James and King Charles he was a beloved and 
 loyal servant, under whom he had held the office of Treasurer, and 
 been ennobled for his loyalty and affection to the King. He had 
 several times suffered imprisonment and sequestration at the hands 
 of the Covenanters. Montrose in his boyhood had revered him as 
 a most indulgent parent, in his youth as his wisest counsellor, in 
 his manhood as his truest friend. His death affected him like the 
 loss of a father. He was the author of some very learned disser- 
 tations on the right of kings and on the origin of the troubles in 
 Britain, which, it is to be wished may some day see the light. 
 
 ^^ Archibald, first Lord Napier, His father, referred to here, was the renowned inventor of 
 logarithms. His grandfather, Master of the Mint, was a great authority on bullion, mines, and 
 kindred subjects. Lord Napier himself was early an authority on agriculture. In 1598 he pub- 
 lished a work on "gooding and manuring field land with common salt." When he was appointed 
 Treasurer-Depute of Scotland, James VI. said of him that he was a statesman "free of partiality or 
 any factious humour." In 1619 he married Montrose's sister, Lady Margaret Graham. In 1627 
 he was created a Scottish peer with the title of Lord Napier of Merchiston. Montrose and his 
 sister Dorothea found a home at Merchiston. Though a strong Covenanter, and conscientiously 
 opposed to liturgy and bishops, he was yet loyal to the King. His allies of the Covenant soon 
 began to suspect him of "divisive courses." He was a "Bander" and a " Plotter," and suffered 
 grievous oppression at the hands of his former friends of the Covenant. He was seventy years old 
 when he died. Though buried carefully by Montrose at Blair, the Covenanters wished to lift his 
 bones to pass forfeiture on them, but they were contented with a fine of 5000 merks. In addition 
 to the works referred to by W. (some extracts from which may be seen, Napier, Mem., 102-107), he 
 left behind him in MS. "A true relation of the unjust persute against the Lord Napier, written 
 by himself," which was published in 1793 by Francis, seventh Lord. See Guthrie, Spalding, 
 P. Gordon, and Napier's Mem. passim. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Montrose in Lennox — The Covenanters execute RoUock, Alexander Ogilvy, Nisbet, 
 O'Kean, and Lachlan — Montrose marches to Athole — His overtures again decHned 
 by Huntly, whom he surprises into an interview — They concert a plan to reduce 
 Inverness and gain over Seaforth. 
 
 IV /rONTROSE had already spent about three weeks on the 
 ■^^^ march and in Strathearn, waiting for Aboyne and his forces 
 from the north. The rebels were now beginning to wreak their 
 fury on the captives. Impatient of further delay, he crossed the 
 Forth and marched down into Lennox.^ He halted on the estate 
 of Sir John Buchanan,^ a ringleader of the Covenanters in those 
 parts. His hope was, that being near Glasgow, where the 
 Covenanters were holding a Convention of Estates, he might scare 
 them from murdering the prisoners. With this object he marched 
 his cavalry out every day in sight of the city, and plundered 
 the enemy's lands without resistance, though the Convention had 
 a guard of 3000 horse in quarters to protect them and the city, 
 while he had scarce 300 horse in all and 1200 foot. But before he 
 had come into Lennox, the Covenanters had heard of the differ- 
 ence between Huntly and Montrose, and the desertion of Aboyne 
 and his men in Braemar. Encouraged by this, they beheaded three 
 brave gentlemen of distinction, as a prologue to the tragedy.^ 
 
 ^ Levinia, Latin for old spelling, Levenax, The Vale of Leven bounds the district. 
 
 * From the Acts of Parliament it would appear that a Sir George Buchanan of Buchanan 
 suffered greatly from this halt of Montrose. His son George had given occasion for this visit by 
 breaking into Mugdock Castle in the previous year, and removing from it pikes, muskets, iron 
 walls, and gates to Duntreath Castle. Buchanan got 20,000 merks compensation. 
 
 ^ The following is an extract from the Minute Book of the Committee of Estates, kindly furnished 
 from the Register Office by Mr. Andrew Ross : — 
 
 " Glasgow, 2\st October 1645. — Forsameikle as by decreit and sentence of parliament of the 
 fyft and elevent of Februarie last, Mr. William Rollock, Alexander Ogilvie of Innerquharitie, and 
 Sir Philip Nisbet are forfault and doome and sentence of law pronunced against them be a demp- 
 ster for the cause conteaned in the said sentence as the same read and considered be the lords and 
 others of the committie ordeanes the said Mr. William Rollock, Alexander Ogilvie, and sir Philip 
 Nisbit, now prisoners in Glasgow, and who wer lately tane in rebellion with James Graham, to be 
 
158 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 The first of these was Sir William Rollock/ who has often been 
 mentioned in these pages with commendation. He was a gentle- 
 man of courage and experience, and from his earliest years much 
 esteemed by Montrose, to whom he was faithful to his last breath. 
 The chief crime iniputed to him was that he had refused to pollute 
 himself with a foul and villainous murder. After the battle of 
 Aberdeen he had been sent by Montrose with despatches to the 
 King. On his way he fell into the hands of the enemy, was 
 condemned to death, and would certainly have suffered execution 
 had not Argyll, who had shamefully set a price on Montrose's 
 head, offered him great rewards, honours, and preferment to 
 assassinate him. In fear of death he assented, and undertook a 
 deed which in his heart he utterly abhorred. By this artifice he 
 gained his life and liberty, and at once returned to Montrose, to 
 whom he disclosed the whole affair, beseeching him at the same 
 time to have a greater care for his own safety. Horrible as the 
 crime was in his eyes, he was not the only man who had been 
 tempted ; many others had been lured by offers of a great 
 reward, and most of them would use all their craft and energies to 
 do the deed. 
 
 The next to suffer was Sir Alexander Ogilvy,^ of whom we 
 
 brought before the comittie presently, and the sentence forsaid to be intimat and read to them and 
 given out as doome of law be a dempster. Lykas the saids three trators being personally present 
 before the comittie, the said sentence was read in their hearing and the doome therein conteaned 
 pronounced be John Wilson, dempster. The execution wheroff the committie ordeanes to be upon 
 the person of the said Mr. William Rollock this efternoone at the mercat croce of Glasgow, and 
 upon the saids Alexander Ogilvie and sir Philip Nisbit at the same place upon the morne efternoone 
 by straiking off thair heads from thair bodies, and ordeanes the provost and baillies of Glasgow to 
 sie this sentence put in execution." For the "sederunt" see p. 47 n. 7. 
 
 * See p. 47, n. 7. 
 
 " In the Crawford Papers, Alexander Ogilvy is spoken of by Robert Burns, the Glasgow 
 magistrate who presided at his execution, as a " lovely young youth." His courage, youth, and beauty 
 are dwelt on by contemporary writers. A portrait of him, little more than half-length, by an un- 
 known artist, is preserved at Baldovan. The picture is out of proportion, giving the hands of a 
 child to the head of a lad of fifteen years. A high forehead, light brown eyes under rather thick 
 eyelashes, a straight nose rather long, with somewhat full lips, a gentle expression, ruddy com- 
 plexion, and long fair hair are the chief features. A short black jacket with sleeve turned back, 
 showing blue lining, and disclosing a white shirt with full sleeves and a stiff white falling collar, give 
 the costume, with the exception of indications of a black and red tunic, which would have appeared 
 had the picture been continued below half-length. Though the eldest son alive at this time, he 
 was the second son of the twelfth baron of Innerquharity, Sir John Ogilvy, first baronet. The 
 young man's zeal, bravery, and precocity in warfare made his future to be feared, and his death 
 was due to this as much as to Argyll's enmity to the name. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 159 
 
 have also made mention before. He was the oldest son of Sir 
 John Ogilvy of Innerquharity, an ancient family, famous in Scottish 
 history. Though but a mere youth, scarce twenty years of age, 
 he was brave beyond his years and firm in adversity. It is diffi- 
 cult even to guess what they could lay to his charge, except the 
 new-fangled and unheard-of treason, namely, loyalty and obedience 
 to the best of kings. But apparently it was necessary to sacrifice 
 this intrepid youth to Argyll, the inveterate enemy of his family. 
 
 The third was Sir Philip Nisbet.^ He too was of a very 
 ancient family, of which, next to his father, he was the head. In 
 England he had served with distinction under the King, and been 
 promoted to the command of a regiment. Except the usual charge 
 of treason, for lack of real cause, I can discover no reason for his 
 death, but that he was a brave, active officer ; and their evil con- 
 sciences taught them to fear that he would one day avenge the 
 atrocious injuries inflicted on his father and his family. All three 
 suffered a noble death with courage and resolution,^ as becomes 
 honest men and good Christians. 
 
 To these we must add two Irish gentlemen, as distinguished 
 for their courage as their birth, Colonel O'Kean and Colonel 
 Lachlan,^ who were odious to the Covenanters solely because 
 they had often felt their prowess. These two were executed at 
 Edinburgh. At Glasgow many more lay condemned to the same 
 fate, but Montrose's sudden appearance within a few miles of the 
 city obliged them to defer their execution. 
 
 The report of his friends' death was a great grief to the 
 Governor. It is hard to say whether he was more incensed by the 
 
 • Sir Philip Nisbet, eldest son of Sir Alexander Nisbet of that ilk, head of the house. He left 
 Scotland in 1638. He soon joined the King's army in England, was knighted, and made a colonel. 
 He was governor of Newark-on-Trent, which he defended against the Scots. On the raising of 
 the siege, he went to York with Prince Rupert, and eventually joined Montrose on his expedition 
 into Scotland, when he raised the standard at Dumfries in 1644. When he rejoined Montrose, 
 does not appear ; with him he is included in forfeiture, February 11, 1645. With young Ogilvy, 
 he was buried in " the churchyard of Glasgow," where those of the name in the town erected a 
 tombstone to their young chief. Diligent search has failed to discover the stone. See Preface to 
 Alexander Nisbet's *' Heraldic Plates," by Andrew Ross. 
 
 '' The occasion for David Dickson's exulting words, "The work goes bonnily on" (Guthrie). 
 
 ^ These brave Irish officers were hanged on the Castlehill, before Leslie and the Committee of 
 Estates moved towards Glasgow. Argyll had special cause to remember them. O'Kean had led 
 the attack at Inverlochy with his usual gay dashing gallantry. 
 
i6o DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 cruelty of his foes or the cowardice of his friends. He had 
 been disappointed by the Marquis of Huntly, whose forces under 
 Aboyne had been so long expected in vain. Macdonald, too, of 
 whom Montrose had formed the highest expectations, though 
 repeatedly summoned, and encouraged by his presence in the 
 neighbourhood, and though the day appointed had long passed, 
 gave no hopes of a speedy return. Six weeks had now elapsed 
 siiice Aboyne had engaged to rejoin with the northern forces. 
 Winter was at hand, a winter more severe than any known to the 
 present generation.^ The reinforcements sent under Lord Digby 
 by the King had been repulsed. All this might easily have been 
 prevented, and the whole kingdom reduced to order, had not those 
 fine champions of the good cause been false to their word. 
 
 At length, on the 20th of November,^*' Montrose retired from 
 Lennox, and marching over the mountains of Menteith, which 
 were buried in snow, he passed some glens and lochs, the names 
 of which have escaped our memory, traversed Strathearn, crossed 
 the Tay, and returned to Athole. Here he met Captains Ogilvy 
 and Nisbet, whom he had despatched to Huntly with the King's 
 commands. They reported that they had found the man obstinate 
 and inflexible. He replied disdainfully that he put no faith in 
 them and their royal commands. The King's whole mind, he said, 
 was better known to him than to them or the Governor himself, 
 with whom neither he nor his sons would have anything to do. 
 The friends and vassals who had voluntarily pledged themselves 
 to help Montrose, he rebuked with bitterness and threats, and 
 treated more severely than rebels. 
 
 In spite of all this, the Governor thought it necessary to dis- 
 
 8 Turner at Newark says "we past that winter with very much cold, bot very litle blood- 
 shed."— il/eiw., 41. 
 
 " Montrose's movements at this time are not easily dated. Perhaps they are best followed 
 by taking for granted that he fixed his headquarters at Buchanan, the site of the present ducal 
 mansion, about the end of October, and from thence made excursions round Glasgow. Leav- 
 ing his main body there, he proceeded with a light party to take a "settled and solid course" for a 
 levy in Athole and throughout the country. He is at Kilmahog, at the mouth of the Pass of Leny, 
 on the 9th November, and means to be in Athole on the Friday following. About this time Lord 
 Napier died, and was buried at Blair ; and probably before the 20th the Marchioness was buried at 
 Montrose. On the 20th he left Buchanan, and marched by Aberfoyle, Loch Ard, Loch Venachar, 
 and the Pass of Leny, to Strathearn, and thence to Athole. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. i6i 
 
 guise his feelings and act with patience. While employed among 
 the men of Athole in organising the militia of their country, he 
 again sent Sir John Dalyell to Huntly, thinking he would be more 
 likely to arrange terms of friendship. Sir John's orders were to 
 show him the danger to King and country, and the eminent risk to 
 himself and every loyal subject ; he was to lay before him clearly 
 that it was only his and his son's fault that those brave and faithful 
 prisoners had been slaughtered." Unless he at last bestirred 
 himself, others, including Huntly's most intimate friends, and some 
 of the highest rank, would inevitably be butchered in the same 
 way. He begged and implored him at least to consent to a friendly 
 conference with his Majesty's Governor, and promised that he 
 would give him ample satisfaction. 
 
 Huntly replied with his usual peevish obstinacy. He declined 
 the proposed conference. Of all things it was the thing he most 
 abhorred. He knew Montrose's ability. He dreaded to face his 
 presence, his confidence, and wisdom. He knew he could not 
 gainsay his arguments. Montrose, however, having settled affairs 
 in Athole, determined to leave no stone unturned to bring him to 
 reason. Regardless of the wrongs he had suffered in return for 
 the benefits he had heaped on Huntly, he resolved to take him by 
 surprise and force him to a reconciliation, and energetic action in 
 the King's service. Accordingly he set out with his army in the 
 month of December. The rivers and torrents were frozen, yet 
 not sufficiently to bear their weight. But he struggled on, over 
 mountain-tops and rocky crags buried in deep snow, and through 
 Angus made his way northwards over the Grampians. Imme- 
 diately he hastened with a few followers to Strathbogie, where 
 Huntly was staying, and almost took him unawares. Huntly was 
 dismayed at his unexpected approach. At the first news, to avoid 
 the conference he dreaded, he fled in haste to his castle at Bog 
 of Gicht,^^ near the mouth of the Spey, as though he meant to 
 cross the river and himself attack the rebels in Moray. 
 
 Here it seems worth while to pause and briefly consider the 
 
 " For a letter from Montrose to Huntly to this effect, see Napier, Mem., 617. The text of the 
 letter is from a pamphlet, " Blood for Blood," printed in 1661. 
 ^' *' The Bog" was the ordinary name for Bog of Gicht. 
 
 L 
 
i62 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 origin of this sullen opposition to Montrose. Huntly had suffered 
 no wrong at his hands. On the contrary, he had always been 
 treated with an honour and courtesy for the most part undeserved. 
 Indeed, I could never hear or guess any other cause than impo- 
 tent envy — it cannot be called emulation — of his brilliant reputa- 
 tion. It cannot be said that he was alienated from the King so 
 much as at feud with Montrose. Burning with unreasonable 
 hatred, he plunged into a sea of foolish errors, preferring that 
 everything should go to wrack and ruin rather than that Montrose 
 should have the honour of the rescue. The knowledge of the 
 injuries and insults which he had inflicted on Montrose added fuel 
 to the flames of a mind smouldering with futile vanity. This, 
 unless I am mistaken, was the chief reason why he so often 
 shunned an interview. Besides the instances already mentioned, 
 both father and son were guilty of frequent and serious offences 
 against the Governor. It will not be out of place to mention 
 a few. 
 
 In the preceding year Montrose, as we have related, had buried 
 some heavy cannon.^^ Without his leave or knowledge they dug 
 them up, and mounted them on their own castles with as much 
 triumph as though they were trophies wrested from an enemy. 
 They refused to restore them when demanded. Yet it was Mon- 
 trose who had captured them in the battles of Tippermuir and 
 Aberdeen ; and at Tippermuir none of the Gordons was present, 
 while at Aberdeen Lewis Gordon had fought in the ranks of the 
 enemy. They behaved in the same way with the powder, arms, 
 and other war material taken from the enemy, and stored for safety 
 and convenience in their castles. These they appropriated to their 
 own use, and refused to return a fraction of them. After the 
 battle of Kilsyth, Aboyne on his return home liberated the Earl 
 of Keith,^'* Lord Marischal of Scotland, the Viscount Arbuth- 
 
 ^' See p. 71, «. 3. P. Gordon (p. 171) controverts these charges, and gives a third locality as 
 the burial-place of the cannon, viz., between Strathdon and Strathavon, Kildrummie and Rothie- 
 murchus being the other hiding-places. 
 
 " The Earl Marischal and Lord Arbuthnot, with other friends, were consulting together at 
 Halkerton, the house of Sir Alexander Falconer, in the Mearns, when Aboyne came on them as he 
 was returning to the north with his troops after Kilsyth. They had not made their peace with 
 Montrose, and Aboyne had them in his power. Irvine of Drum, who had inherited a long-standing 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 163 
 
 not/^ and several other men of rank among the enemy, then his pri- 
 soners, without consulting the Lord Governor, and much against 
 the advice of young Drum, his brother-in-law, who happened to 
 be with him. On what terms he did this is uncertain ; but apart 
 from the insult thus offered to the Governor, apart from the loss 
 of an important stronghold, Dunottar Castle, and other advantages 
 gained in the war, it is at least certain that the Covenanters would 
 never have dared to attack their prisoners so cruelly had their 
 own friends been detained in custody. On his own private autho- 
 rity he levied subsidies and taxes — a thing the Governor himself 
 had never done — under pretext of maintaining the war, but in 
 fact for very different purposes, greatly to the detriment of the 
 King's cause. Lastly, to crown their deplorable misconduct, the 
 prisoners taken in the battles in the north, and committed to cus- 
 tody in their castles, were by them set at liberty, some at the 
 enemy's entreaties, others for an insignificant ransom. To Mon- 
 trose they refused the disposal of those captives whom Montrose 
 himself had taken in battle, and had intended to keep solely with 
 a view to exchanging them for his own gallant friends. Pricked 
 in conscience by the knowledge of all these wrongs, Huntly always 
 avoided Montrose like the plague. 
 
 But overlooking these injuries, and setting aside everything else, 
 Montrose bent all his efforts to the King's cause. To this end he 
 resolved to extort a conference from the Marquis, to engage his 
 friendship on any terms, to agree to everything, refuse nothing to 
 his caprice, if he could but soothe Huntly's morbid vanity. He 
 therefore left his men in quarters, and attended by a few horsemen 
 galloped off at early morning to the Bog of Gicht. So sudden and 
 rapid was his approach, that the Marquis had no time for flight or 
 
 blood-feued with the Keiths, urged the detention of the noblemen. They pleaded that they were 
 there arranging for coming in, and Aboyne let them go, Graham of Morphie interceding, on their 
 promise to come into Aberdeen and settle terms. This they failed to do. William, seventh Earl, 
 had fought with Montrose on the Covenant side, had been a Bander, and became an Engager, 
 fighting at Preston. He was made prisoner at Alyth by a troop of EngHsh horse in 165 1, and sent 
 to the Tower, where he remained till the Restoration. He was made Lord Privy Seal, and died 
 in 1661. 
 
 ^® Sir Robert Arbuthnot, made first Viscount in 1641. He was a ruling elder, opposed to the 
 Engagement, He died 1655. 
 
i64 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 concealment. When they met, Montrose, forgetting the past, 
 accosted him with gentleness and courtesy. He entreated him to 
 join in defence of king and country. In everything he gave him 
 such ample satisfaction, that Huntly, as if at last convinced, 
 seemed to give way. He promised not only to send his forces, 
 but to lead them to him in person and at once. They then dis- 
 cussed the plan of campaign. It was agreed that Huntly should 
 cross the Spey and march to the right along the coast of Moray, 
 while Montrose took the road to the left through Strathspey, 
 which at that season was by far the most difficult route. Their 
 object was to surround Inverness and attack the garrison. Mean- 
 time they would endeavour either to win over the Earl of Sea- 
 forth or force him to join. The garrison, however strongly 
 fortified it might seem, was ill provided with victuals and other 
 requisites, and supplies for a siege could not easily be brought 
 up by land or sea in that severe and stormy winter. Everything 
 seemed now arranged. Aboyne and his brother Lewis invoked 
 every curse upon themselves, if they did not stand by Montrose in 
 loyal, true, and devoted attachment, to the last gasp. As for the 
 rest of the Gordons and Huntly's friends, they were overjoyed at 
 this result, and cheered their lord and chieftain as if he had just 
 returned from the dead. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 A party of Argyll's men invade Athole, but are defeated at Callander — Convention at 
 St. Andrews — Lord Ogilvy escapes — Nathaniel Gordon, Sir Robert Spottiswood, 
 Andrew Guthrie, and William Murray are executed. 
 
 " I "HINKING that Huntly's animosity was at last appeased, 
 -^ and that he was now earnestly resolved to join him, Mon- 
 trose marched his forces through Strathspey towards Inverness.^ 
 But to keep the enemy in suspense on every side, he sent his 
 cousin Patrick Graham, who has already on several occasions 
 been mentioned with honour, and John Drummond, younger of 
 Balloch, a gentleman of tried fidelity and courage, who had often 
 done good service, with signed orders to raise the men of Athole, 
 and seize any opportunity of crushing a rising in those parts. 
 Roused by their influence and example, the Athole men showed 
 themselves eager and ready to respond. They had not long to 
 wait for an opportunity. The survivors of Argyll's men, driven 
 by absolute want, or in terror of Macdonald's power and threats 
 of annihilation, had left their own country and made a raid on the 
 Macgregors and Macnabs, Montrose's friends. They were after- 
 wards joined by the Stewarts of Balquhidder, the Menzieses, and 
 other Highlanders who still followed Argyll's fortunes, and were 
 said to have got together about 1 500 men. They were even on 
 the point of invading Athole, unless promptly opposed. Already 
 they had taken an island in Loch Dochart,^ which they ravaged 
 with fire and sword, and proceeded to Strathample, where they 
 
 ^ Montrose struck up the Spey with 800 foot and 200 horse early in December. Huntly laid 
 siege to Lethin House, with 1400 foot and 600 horse. There are letters from Montrose, dated Ken- 
 nermony, December 23rd ; Advie, 29th ; Bala Castle (Castle Grant), 31st ; from Strathspey 
 generally, January loth and 12th, 1646; Kylochy, in the valley of the Findhorn, January 2Sth, 
 February ist, 6th, 8th, i8th; Petty, March 15th. Graham and Drummond were despatched to 
 Athole from Kylochy. 
 
 ' The ruins of Dochart Castle still stand on the island. 
 
 165 
 
i66 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 laid siege to the castle of that name.^ As soon as they heard 
 of this, the Athole men determined to forestall their attack and 
 prevent the raid into Athole. Though only 700 strong, they 
 marched to meet them, led by Graham and Drummond. On the 
 news of their approach, the enemy in alarm raised the siege of 
 Ample and decamped towards Menteith. The Athole men, in 
 pursuit, overtook them not far from Callander, a stronghold^ in 
 Menteith, where they found them drawn up for battle. They had 
 occupied the river ford and manned the opposite bank on rising 
 ground with a number of musketeers. When the Athole men 
 saw this, and observed that their numbers were somewhat less 
 than had been reported, not more, in fact, than 1 200, though they 
 numbered scarce 700 themselves, confident in their leaders and 
 animated by their exhortations, they resolved not to wait the 
 enemy, but be the first to charge. They therefore posted a 
 hundred active men as though to hold the ford against the enemy 
 on the opposite side. The rest dashed across the river by another 
 ford near the castle. Seeing their resolution, Argyll's people at 
 once fell back on Stirling. The party of a hundred men stationed 
 at the lower ford at once crossed and seized the bank abandoned 
 by the enemy. They then fell upon their retreating rear, which 
 they severely handled, and the rest of the Athole men coming up, 
 the whole force was put to flight with a loss reckoned at about 
 eighty men killed. The rest escaped, owing to the fact that the 
 Athole men had that very morning performed a long and difficult 
 march of ten miles, and were quite without cavalry. After this 
 success they returned home. 
 
 At that time the Covenanters held their Convention of Estates 
 at St. Andrews,^ which they profaned with blood that cries aloud 
 
 2 The Ample falls into Loch Earn at Edinample, near the head of the loch. Patrick Campbell 
 of Edinample, brother of Sir Robert of Glenurquhy, was a Royalist. Stewart of Ardvoirlich, the 
 murderer of Lord Kilpont, being with the Campbells, was reported killed or taken in the battle 
 which followed, but apparently without ground. As a near neighbour and enemy of Patrick Camp- 
 bell, he probably instigated the attack upon this secluded Royalist house. 
 
 * Callander Castle (Latin arx) may mean the supposed Roman camp at the east end of the 
 town. The Campbells retreated by Rusky, and some of them were drowned in the Goodie. This 
 battle was fought February 13, 1646. 
 
 ' November 26, 1645. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 167 
 
 for vengeance, by the murder of several innocent men, whose 
 virtues deserve eternal praise. The very hatred of the rebels is 
 their highest glory ; for their rage was directed against the noblest 
 and best. Those from whom they had less to fear they thought 
 it sufficient to punish with sequestration. Lord Ogilvy,^ Sir 
 Robert Spottiswood,^ William Murray,^ a noble young gentleman, 
 and Andrew Guthrie,^ a brave, active officer, were condemned to 
 be executed at St. Andrews, as an atonement for the blood of so 
 many of that district, of whom over 5000 were said to have fallen 
 in various battles. As their proceedings were guided not by law 
 but passion, they had recourse to their usual arts, and made reli- 
 gion the cloak for their savage cruelty. To this end they set up 
 their prophets Cant,^° Blair,^^ and other fanatics of the same spirit. 
 
 ® Lord Ogilvy escaped at eight o'clock the night before his execution was to have taken place. 
 ;^looo was offered for him dead or alive. He joined Inchbrakie and Balloch in Menteith. 
 
 ^ For Sir Robert's " Information," i.e., legal argument used to save his life, see Wigton Papers, 
 and for his statement see Preface to Practicks. The scriptural argument is very curious and highly 
 characteristic of the times. Quarter given was pleaded, and by the custom of Israel prisoners of 
 war were spared, witness testimony to it given by Elisha: "Wouldst thou smite those whom thou 
 hast taken captive?" &c. Replied — this was not the law of Israel, but a bad custom, the law being 
 illustrated by the cases of Agag and Benhadad. Counter-replies and rejoinders followed. The 
 plea was disallowed. The trial took place "where is now the University Library." Lyon's "St. 
 Andrews." 
 
 8 William Murray was not nineteen. His brother at first cast him off, did not appear at the con- 
 demnation on the 1 6th January, but on the 17th the intercession of his mother and sisters moved the 
 Earl to plead his being under age and not compos mentis. A respite of two days was given. He died 
 on the 23rd instead of the 20th. In his indictment he is charged with killing at Kilsyth Thomas 
 Myreton of Cambo, a privy councillor, as also with the slaughter of Mr. Robert Brownlee, "a 
 minister living peacefully in his own house." This was a day or two after Philiphaugh, when he 
 was hiding on the Border. Murray made a speech on the scaffold full of spirit and good feeling. 
 Act. Pari. Scot., VI. i. 525. See Guthrie ; Spottiswood's Practicks ; Napier's Mem., 597. 
 
 ^ His father had refused the Covenant and attempted to hold out Spynie. The Bishop was 
 imprisoned in Edinburgh, but eventually allowed to retire to Guthrie Castle. Andrew Guthrie had 
 fought at Aberdeen, Alford, Kilsyth, and Philiphaugh. 
 
 10 Andrew Cant. Spalding in 1637 speaks of him as " a ringleader at the beginning of sorrow." 
 He was minister of Pitsligo, but in 1639 was translated to Newbattle. With his wife and children 
 he passed through Aberdeen about ist March, when Spalding remarks — "a gryte covenanter, veray 
 bussie in this alterationis, and mortall enemy touardis the beschoppis." He became minister of 
 Aberdeen in August 1640, but "he first went preiching to General Leslei's camp at Newcastell." 
 In March 1641 he took up his abode at Aberdeen, where he both gave and got much trouble. He 
 was a great innovator on the usages of Aberdeen as to baptism, communion, preaching, and 
 blessing, as well as in social custom. His son, who had been a bad boy at Aberdeen, became 
 Principal of Edinburgh College, and his grandson Bishop of Glasgow. See Spalding, passim ; 
 Scottish Antiquary, Sept. 1892 ; Jaffrey's Diary, in Spalding, vol. ii. p. 505. 
 
 ^^ Robert Blair had been expelled from Glasgow University for teaching that monarchical 
 government was unlawful. About the Glasgow Assembly time he was placed at Ayr to counteract 
 
i68 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 to work on the people, and declaim their bloody oracles from the 
 pulpit. God, they declared, demanded the blood of these men; 
 only thus could the sins of the people be expiated and the wrath 
 of the Lord turned aside. Most of the people, otherwise disposed 
 to mercy, were by this artifice inflamed to regard them as accursed 
 and devoted to destruction : those whom God Himself demanded 
 had lost all title to the protection of human laws or advocacy. 
 These worthy interpreters of the Divine will and secrets even 
 presumed to doom them, body and soul, to eternal damnation. 
 Having thus blinded the people, it was easy for those who were 
 at once accusers and judges to condemn innocent men, with none 
 to protect them, none to plead for them. 
 
 Lord Ogilvy, however, one of their most distinguished prisoners 
 in rank and power, related to the Hamiltons on his mother's side, 
 and a cousin of Lord Lindsay, contrived to escape by the follow- 
 ing stratagem. He pretended to be sick, and applied for leave 
 to have his mother, wife, and sisters to visit him in prison and 
 attend him in his illness, a favour he obtained with difficulty. 
 Out of respect to these noble ladies, the guards retired from his 
 chamber. He embraced the opportunity to dress himself in his 
 sister's gown and attire. At the same time she put on the night- 
 cap he used in his sickness, and lay down in her brother's place. 
 They then bade each other a tender, tearful farewell, and about 
 eight o'clock in the evening were lighted out by the guards, who 
 took him for his sister, and were completely deceived. Imme- 
 diately he left the town. Horses were waiting in readiness. He 
 at once mounted, and attended by two followers, before daybreak 
 reached a place of safety. His keen-eyed guards did not discover 
 their mistake till next day. Argyll was furious with rage and 
 
 the loyalty of Mr. W. Annan, in which he seems to have succeeded. He and Samuel Rutherford 
 ousted Wishart and other loyal ministers from St. Andrews in 1638. Baillie supported his transla- 
 tion from Ayr on the ground of his experience of Blair's "great dexteritie, yea greater than any 
 man I know living, to insinuate the fear of God in the hearts of young scholars " (Letters, i. 174). 
 He became prominent among the advanced Covenanters. Charles II. as King of Scots visited St, 
 Andrews and called on Blair, whose hurry to get him a chair was rebuked by his wife, saying that 
 Charles was a young man and could "rax a chair for himsel." Blair grew rich and bought the 
 estate of Claremont. " As he could not acquiesce with Episcopacy," he was ousted from his living 
 at the Restoration. He died at Cawston near Aberdour in August 1666, and " was buried there in 
 the day tyme." Lament, 241 ; Lyon's "St. Andrews," index. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 169 
 
 baffled malice, and shamelessly insisted, but in vain, on the 
 punishment of those truly noble and loving ladies for the active 
 part they had taken in the escape. They were protected by the 
 justice of their cause, but still more by the power of the Hamiltons 
 and Lindsay. Many even think that they connived at the part 
 they had played ; but on this I can pronounce no certain judg- 
 ment. 
 
 Ogilvy's escape was a great blow to the Covenanters. They 
 were filled with rage and madness, and determined to hasten the 
 execution of the rest. The first to mount the scaffold was Colonel 
 Nathaniel Gordon/^ a man of excellent gifts, both of mind and 
 body. When he saw death so near, he bitterly lamented the sins 
 of his youth. Just before his death a paper was thrust into his 
 hands to sign in attestation of his penitence. To this he readily 
 put his name. At the same time he called God and his angels 
 and all who were present to witness, that if there were anything 
 in that document derogatory to the King and his authority, he 
 utterly disowned it. He was then absolved from the sentence 
 of excommunication laid upon him for an adultery he had com- 
 mitted long before. Amidst the profound pity of the spectators 
 he laid his head upon the block. He had been guilty of a grave 
 fault; but he was famous for his courage and military skill, of 
 which he had given proofs both abroad and at home. 
 
 The scaffold was still reeking with the warm blood of Colonel 
 Gordon when it was ascended by Sir Robert Spottiswood, a man 
 worthy of everlasting renown. His singular virtues had earned 
 the favour of King James and King Charles, who had advanced 
 
 " Colonel Nathaniel Gordon (see p. 66, n. 11), " one of the bravest and best soldiers in Europe " 
 (Sir Walter Scott), was executed by the Maiden on Tuesday, January 20, 1646. It was sent for on 
 the day of sentence, January 16. The magistrates of Dundee on that day are ordered " to delyver 
 the Maiden to sic as sail be sent from the town of St. Androis for transportation thereof. Quhairanent 
 thir presents sail be ane warrand." The execution took place at the Cross. For details, see Lyon's 
 " St. Andrews." 
 
 Some of the peers who voted on the i6th for the death of these gentlemen made certain qualifi- 
 cations. The Earls of Dunfermline, Cassilis, Lanark, and Carnwath were not clear anent the point 
 of quarter. Eglinton, Glencairn, Kinghorn, Dunfermline, and Buccleuch would have banished 
 William Murray. Eglinton, Dunfermline, Cassilis, and Carnwath voted for banishment for the 
 venerable President Spottiswoode. Lanark, who had given him assurance of quarter, did nothing 
 for him. Napier, Mem., 596;^ 
 
I70 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 him to the highest honours. By King James he was knighted, 
 made a Privy Councillor, and President of the Court of Session. 
 Recently he had been appointed by Charles his Principal Secre- 
 tary in Scotland. There was nothing in this great man's life 
 which even his enemies could cavil at ; but they charged him 
 with treason, which is the more to be lamented, as he had never 
 borne arms against them or meddled with warfare, his eminent 
 reputation having been gained by the arts of peace. The only 
 charge, therefore, which they could bring against him was that 
 by his Majesty's command he had conveyed to Montrose his 
 commission as Lieutenant-Governor and Captain-General of the 
 kingdom. In defence he amply proved that he had acted in 
 accordance with prescription and the law. All seemed convinced 
 by his eloquence, all except the judges, appointed by the Cove- 
 nanters as his mortal enemies and thirsting for his blood. Never 
 would they have passed that lamentable sentence, had they held 
 the least regard for equity and justice. The truth is, this excellent 
 man was destroyed by a malice too strong to yield to innocence. 
 When the Earl of Lanark, who had held the office of Principal 
 Secretary for Scotland, deserted to the Covenanters, the King, 
 who had treated the Hamilton family with the utmost kindness 
 and bounty, had been obliged to deprive this ungrateful man, and 
 bestow his dignity upon another. None more worthy than Sir 
 Robert could be found for the honour. Hence that load of malice 
 and revenge which crushed its helpless victim. 
 
 On the scaffold he appeared with his usual firmness and 
 dignity. According to custom, he was about to address the 
 people, but the impious Blair, who had thrust his company on 
 him even to the scaffold, dreaded the effects of his eloquence, his 
 composure, and his reputation. The secrets of the rebellion 
 might be laid bare by those revered lips. The mob was ever 
 eager to catch the utterances of the dying, and stored them in 
 their memory. He caused the Provost,^^ formerly a servant of 
 Sir Robert's father, to stop his mouth. Unmoved by his insolent 
 
 ^^ Lyon gives only the names of Provosts after the Restoration. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 171 
 
 discourtesy, he desisted from his address/* and gave himself up 
 entirely to his devotions and prayers to Almighty God. Again 
 he was rudely interrupted by Blair, who asked him with officious 
 impertinence whether he would not have him too and the people 
 to intercede with God for his soul. He replied that he desired 
 the prayers of the people, but as for his blasphemous outpourings, 
 they were abominable to God, and he would none of them. " Of 
 all the plagues," he added, "wherewith the offended Deity hath 
 scourged the nation, worse than fire, sword, and pestilence is this 
 lying spirit, which God, for the sins of the people, hath put in the 
 mouths of the prophets." The rebuke was keen but just. White 
 with fury, Blair broke out into scurrilous abuse. He reviled his 
 father in his grave ; he reviled himself upon the verge of it. 
 Such was the bearing of this fine preacher of Christian forbear- 
 ance and long-suffering. All this Spottiswood, intent on higher 
 thoughts, bore in serene silence. At last, undauntedly, without 
 change of voice or mien, he bared his neck to the fatal stroke, 
 with these last words, '* Merciful Jesu, gather my soul unto thy 
 saints and martyrs, who have run before me in this race." Truly, 
 since men may suffer martyrdom not only for religion, but for 
 every virtue by which a righteous man may seal his faith, we may 
 not doubt that he received that crown. 
 
 Such was the end of this great man. All good men were 
 filled with grief at his death, but to himself it did the highest 
 honour. He was remarkable for his knowledge of things both 
 human and divine. As a linguist he was famous for his skill in 
 the European, Hebrew, Chaldaic, Syriac, and Arabic languages. 
 He was deeply versed in history, law, and politics. His integrity, 
 his fidelity, justice, and constancy were the honour of his country 
 and his age. Ever consistent and even-tempered, no excess in 
 his boyhood or youth had ever caused him to blush in riper 
 years. In his heart he was a strict observer of the ancient 
 worship, but without vain, superstitious ostentation. Friends he 
 won with ease and retained with firmness. His death was much 
 lamented even by many of the Covenanters. 
 
 ^■^ Sir Robert's written address may be read in Preface to Practicks, and in Ruddiman's and 
 Constable's editions of Wishart. When he was stopped he threw copies of it to the multitude. 
 
172 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 His body was taken charge of by Hugh Scrimgeour/^ an old 
 servant of his father, and buried privately, with such care as the 
 times permitted. Nor did he long survive his beloved master. 
 A few days afterwards, seeing the bloody scaffold not yet removed, 
 he fell down in a swoon, and being carried home by his servants 
 and neighbours, expired on his own threshold. 
 
 The fate of Sir Robert was shared by Andrew Guthrie, a son 
 of the worthy Bishop of Moray, and for that reason hateful to the 
 Covenanters. He was a youth of great courage in war, and showed 
 no less resolution in his contempt for the death he suffered. He 
 too was assailed by Blair with threats and abuse. He replied 
 that he could not conceive of greater honour than to meet a 
 glorious death for so good a King, in so just a cause. All present 
 should see how fearlessly he would embrace it, and posterity would 
 perhaps speak of it with praise. For his sins he humbly implored 
 forgiveness of God's great mercy ; but for the crime laid to his 
 charge he had no fear. With such unshaken courage did this 
 youth face death, who, if it had pleased Almighty God, was 
 worthy of a longer life. 
 
 The closing scene to this tragedy was enacted two days later. 
 William Murray, brother of the Earl of Tullibardine, a mere lad, 
 was brought forward on the same bloody stage. All were amazed 
 that his brother, who stood high in the service and favour of the 
 Covenanters, did not intercede to save the life of his own only 
 brother. Some imputed this to apathy, others to avarice, lusting 
 for his brother's goods, and others to stolid superstition. All, 
 even the Covenanters, condemned his base, ignoble silence. But 
 noble and honourable to himself was the death of this youth, 
 scarce nineteen years of age, and in the memory of history he 
 has gained eternal fame and glory. He addressed the people 
 briefly ; then raising his voice he spoke as follows, in words 
 reported to us by some who heard him : — " My countrymen, 
 account this a new honour and distinction for the house of Tulli- 
 bardine and the whole clan of Murray, that a youth of that ancient 
 
 " Hugh Scrimgeour, evidently a man of substance, for in 1650, Lament tells us, Charles II. 
 "lodged at umquhil Hew Scrimgeour's house, nire to the Abey." See note of him in Preface 
 to Practicks. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 173 
 
 race, in the flower of his age, willingly and gladly yields his soul, 
 so far as man can take it, for his King, the father of his country, 
 and the generous patron of our family. Let not my honoured 
 mother, my dearest sisters, my kin, and friends lament my brief 
 life. It has been long enough to die with honour. Pray for my 
 soul, and God be with you." 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Montrose refuses to retaliate on his prisoners — Huntly disappoints him — Montrose 
 obliged to raise the siege of Inverness and retreat before Middleton — Huntly again 
 shuns a conference — Huntly pillages Aberdeen. 
 
 THE fate of his friends was a heavy blow to Montrose. But 
 it could not shake or overwhelm his firmness and resolve. 
 At no time did his lofty generous character reveal itself more 
 nobly. Many, exasperated at the undeserved death of their friends, 
 sought to goad him, while still bleeding with the sense of recent 
 wrongs, to take immediate vengeance. Their grief was justifiable, 
 and, in its first outburst, their demand for retaliation seemed to 
 them not less just. They assailed the General with complaints 
 and harassed him with their unseasonable reproaches. Their 
 comrades, friends, and kinsmen, men of highest worth and 
 courage, who had loyally served their country, their King, and the 
 Governor himself, in spite of the quarter granted them, in spite of 
 the usages of war, the law of the land, the rights of nations, the 
 claims of nature, were being butchered with impunity. How 
 could they bear to see the rebels taken in battle not only not 
 imprisoned, but well lodged like friends, rejoicing, exulting, mock- 
 ing at their grief ? They were guilty, and they demanded their 
 punishment. Only thus could the enemy be deterred from their 
 monstrous cruelty, and their friends encouraged and confirmed. 
 He received their complaints with gentleness, and commended 
 their affection for their friends. " Yes," he said, " the lives of our 
 noble, innocent countrymen must be avenged ; but our vengeance 
 must be such as it becomes honest, brave, valiant men to exact ; 
 not by crime and cruelties such as the rebels practise, but by true 
 valour and in open war. Their crimes, their brutality must be 
 conquered, not imitated." Let them look at the matter fairly. 
 They would see the injustice of making their prisoners, who were 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 175 
 
 therefore not even parties to the murder of their friends, pay the 
 penalty, the innocent for the guilty. They had been promised 
 quarter, a most sacred pledge, to be kept even to their foes. 
 Never should they commit the crimes they loathed in their 
 enemies. The time would surely come when the rebels would 
 have to answer for their iniquities to the just God and to the 
 King, His vicegerent on earth. " Meantime let them set a price 
 on our heads, hire assassins, employ cut-throats, and break their 
 plighted faith. Never shall they induce us to rival their crimes 
 or seek to outdo them, except in valour and renown." ^ 
 
 Huntly, who had not the least intention of performing his 
 promise to Montrose, had crossed the Spey and entered Moray, 
 where he trifled away his time, far from Inverness, with neither 
 honour nor advantage. Too intent on plunder, after wasting the 
 country, he heard a vague rumour that the natives had concealed 
 their gold, silver, and other valuables in some towers and obscure 
 little castles. He laid siege to them, but without effect. But 
 neither commands nor entreaties could prevail on him to desist. 
 The delay gave the enemy time to throw provisions into Inver- 
 ness on the side which he had undertaken to blockade, and every 
 preparation was made for a siege. Had he kept his word with 
 Montrose and prevented this, the garrison would speedily have 
 been forced to surrender. 
 
 Montrose now received intelligence that General Middleton^ 
 
 ^ Cy; " Humble remonstrance of the Commission of the General Assembly," in Napier, Mem. 
 593, also petitions from Synods and Provincial Assemblies of Merse, Teviotdale, Fife, Dumfries, 
 and Galloway, laying before Parliament what "the Lord calls for" at their hands in the point of 
 justice," i.e., vengeance. 
 
 ^ John Middleton, the eldest son of John Middleton of Caldhame (see p. 88, n. 4), from trailing 
 a pike in Hepburn's regiment in France, rose to command all the forces in Scotland for Charles II., 
 and to an Earl's coronet. His first service in Scotland was under Montrose at Bridge of Dee. His 
 treatment of Huntly and the Royalists was generous and courteous. In 1648 he served as an 
 Engager, and was taken prisoner soon after Preston. He escaped to Scotland. In 1649 he joined 
 Mackenzie of Pluscardine and seized Inverness, but surrendered to Leslie. He then made peace 
 with the General Assembly. See Act. Pari. Scot., VI. Pt. ii. 505. In 165 1 he commanded the Scotch 
 horse, was captured at Worcester, and confined in the Tower, but escaped to France. In 1653 
 Charles sent him to command in the Highlands, and supersede Glencairn. Defeated by Monk, 
 he again escaped in 1655, and remained with Charles till the Restoration, when he became ruler of 
 Scotland as Commissioner till superseded by Lauderdale. He presided at the great funeral of 
 Montrose, and carried out the doom on Argyll. To the joy of Scotland he was removed, and 
 ended his days as governor of Tangiers. In " God's Judgments against Persecutors," he is said to 
 have fallen down-stairs, and broken the bone of his right arm, which pierced his side, and thus fulfilled 
 
176 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 had reached Aberdeen with 600 horse and 800 foot, and 
 threatened to ravage the lands of Huntly and the Gordons. 
 Colonel William Stewart^ was sent with a message to Huntly, 
 urging him to return to the siege of Inverness, as he had pro- 
 mised. But if he did not approve of this, with the enemy so near 
 his own lands, he urged him at least to join forces with him and 
 fall at once on Middleton, who, he doubted not, could easily be 
 crushed. He returned a disdainful answer, that he would mind 
 his own business himself, and needed no aid or help of Montrose 
 to drive the enemy from his own domains. Finally, after ten 
 weeks wasted in the siege of some paltry little castle,* after losing 
 the pick of his men, he was forced to decamp, steeped in disgrace. 
 In contempt not so much of Montrose as of his Majesty the King 
 he fell back to the Spey without the Governor's consent or know- 
 ledge. It was the worst possible example to all, who were 
 beginning to rise in great force, enthusiastic for the royal cause. 
 
 Among these, the most eminent for wealth and power and the 
 number of their retainers and clansmen, were the Earl of Seaforth, 
 Lord Reay, Sir James Macdonald ^ from the Isles, the head of a 
 very ancient Highland family, Maclean, Glengarry, the Captain 
 of Clanranald, and very many others. Some brought their men 
 with them and others had sent for theirs. Before the end of 
 March Montrose would have been able to descend on the Low- 
 lands with a far greater army than had been seen in Scotland 
 
 his imprecation on taking the Covenant, "that his right arm might be his death if he broke it," ue., 
 the Covenant. See Douglas, Turner's Mem., Lamont, Letters from Roundhead Officers, and Napier's 
 Mem., 216. 
 
 ^ Colonel William Stewart, like Montrose, had been on the Covenant side, raised forces, and 
 commanded them. He next appears in the Parliamentary papers as undergoing forfeiture for 
 aiding Montrose in his invasion of the south. He became a Commissioner of the Peace. Act. 
 Pari. Scot., VI. i., index. Colonel Stewart was among prisoners after Corbiesdale. 
 
 * This was Lethin, into which Brodie of Brodie had thrown himself. The place and its siege 
 of three months are hardly noticed in Brodie's Diary, Spalding Club. P. Gordon says Huntly took 
 the place, but apparently on very easy terms for the vanquished. See p. 165. 
 
 " Sir James Macdonald of Sleat, with his brothers and tenants, was pardoned in 1646 by 
 Middleton's influence. He played a cautious game, and was trusted by neither party. The 
 Covenanters appointed him in 1649 to put down Clanranald and the Irish, but his conduct in that 
 business was not to their satisfaction. In 1656 Dempster, the agent for the King, says: "Sir 
 James will swear or forswear for the saving of his estates," and he warns his correspondent against 
 Colonels Smith and Borthwick as " gone by Sir James' means to do mischief " to the Royal cause. 
 He became a J. P. after the Restoration. 
 
 Act. Pari. Scot., index. For the strength of the clan, see p. 114, «. 5, and " Grameid," index. . 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 177 
 
 within the memory of man. But the unexpected defection of 
 so great a man as Huntly not only encouraged the rebels to 
 persevere, but hindered and dismayed the Royalists so much, that 
 those who had already joined began to steal away, and others to 
 invent excuses for hanging back. 
 
 Montrose was therefore obliged to change his method. As 
 neither gentleness nor benefits could make any impression on 
 men who were mostly fickle, wavering, unstable, and inconstant, 
 he resolved to exercise his authority, and compel them to obey 
 by force of arms and under severe penalties. With this object he 
 determined to march into their country with a picked body of his 
 trustiest men, and compel all the Highlanders and North-country- 
 men to take up arms. He well knew that many sheriffs and 
 leading men of family, who were his friends, would welcome such 
 a course. Nay, he did not doubt that the most powerful chiefs of 
 the Gordons, who were heartily weary of their chieftain, would, 
 if need be, give him their aid even in defiance of Huntly's express 
 will. First, however, he resolved to use every gentle means 
 possible, before he had recourse to this last stern remedy. 
 
 As Inverness was the most important garrison in all the 
 North, and its harbour peculiarly suited for receiving foreign 
 assistance, he wished above all things to reduce it. He therefore 
 invested it with such forces as he had. Middleton with his troops 
 was more than eighty miles distant. Huntly and the Gordons 
 were in arms between them. Again he entreated Huntly not to 
 fritter away time, but to fulfil his agreement and join him in the 
 siege, or at least to hover about the Spey, where the enemy would 
 have to cross, and prevent their passage, should they march to the 
 relief of Inverness. Should they cross, he begged him to join him 
 in crushing them. To all this his answer was so disdainful, that 
 the Governor was compelled to give up all hope of him. He even 
 thought it high time to look to himself for fear of treachery. 
 Distrusting Huntly, he sent three troops of horse back to the 
 Spey, to keep strict watch upon the enemy, and give him frequent 
 and sure intelligence of their approach. These troops occu- 
 pied the best positions for the purpose, and for some time kept 
 strict guard. But at last Lewis Gordon, Huntly's son, who then 
 
 M 
 
178 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 commanded a garrison in Rothes Castle,® contrived a piece of 
 villainy more shameful than all his previous guilt. He assured 
 the officers in command of those troops at the fords of Spey that 
 the enemy was at a very great distance, and had not the slightest 
 intention of crossing the river to raise the siege. With the 
 greatest show of civility, he invited them to leave their useless 
 watching, and come to his castle to rest and partake of a banquet 
 prepared in their honour. Relying on his friendship and good 
 faith, they foolishly accepted the invitation. They were enter- 
 tained with elaborate courtesy ; costly dishes graced the board, 
 with abundance of wine and whisky. With many jests and 
 studied civility, he detained them till Middleton had crossed the 
 Spey with a strong army of horse and foot and penetrated far 
 into Moray. As soon as he was informed of this, he at last 
 dismissed his guests with these jeering words : " Go to your 
 general, Montrose, who will have hotter work now than when 
 beaten at Selkirk."^ Meantime the enemy were marching on 
 Montrose with such speed that these horsemen passed them with 
 difficulty, and arrived at Inverness almost at the same time. They 
 seemed like the advanced guard of the enemy, as they were 
 followed by the whole of Middleton's forces within cannon-shot. 
 Most providentially, however, Montrose had already been warned, 
 and concentrated his forces at a short distance from the town. As 
 the enemy were far superior in cavalry, he avoided the plain 
 
 * Edward I. took up his quarters in this important fortalice. For two hundred years it has 
 been a ruin. 
 
 ' P. Gordon replies to this charge against Lord Lewis, that any one may see it to be false, 
 as it would mean, if true, that he had forgot "his breeding, his birth, his place and qualitie, 
 his love to the King's service, and the hatred he professed to his enemies," &c. He gives only two 
 troops of horse as guarding the Spey, commanded by Captains Macdonald and Mortimer. Accord- 
 ing to P. Gordon, Middleton crossed the Spey at Garmouth, and Macdonald rode off to Inverness 
 arriving there some five hours before Middleton. Mortimer made a detour, he says, to inform 
 Lord Lewis at Rothes Castle that Middleton had crossed, and arrived at Inverness only two 
 hours after Macdonald, which is impossible. Wishart was at this time very well acquainted with 
 affairs, and as James Kennedy, Montrose's secretary, had been captured, perhaps he served 
 Montrose for a time in that capacity. Lord Lewis was a bad character, and much favoured by 
 Argyll. Gordon admits that Montrose, who could ill spare them, had to send men of his own to 
 guard the Spey. This alone implies a grave suspicion, which the event justified. For Middleton, 
 with only 1400 men, could scarcely have passed the Spey had it been loyally guarded by Huntly, 
 who could call out four or five thousand men. Why should Lewis have been dependent on '* two 
 troops " of Montrose's men for such vital information ? 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 179 
 
 ground, and fell back across the Ness. They charged his rear, 
 but were received so hotly that they desisted.^ The loss was very 
 inconsiderable, and about equal on both sides. Montrose passed 
 by Beauly into Ross, pursued by the enemy, eager to force him 
 to an engagement on level ground, where he would have the 
 disadvantage. Apart from the superiority of the enemy, the 
 natives were treacherous and inconstant, and Seaforth's new levies 
 were deserting by companies. He declined battle on such terms, 
 and hastened to shake off the enemy's cavalry. With this purpose 
 he passed by Loch Ness, marched through Strathglass and Errick 
 and reached the Spey. 
 
 He had resolved to treat Huntly as a public enemy, unless he 
 came to his senses, but first he would try every gentle method to 
 bring him, if possible, to reason. Accompanied only by a single 
 troop of horse as a body-guard, he rode with all speed to his castle 
 at Bog of Gicht, a distance of twenty miles. On the way he sent 
 a messenger to advertise him of his coming, and inform him that 
 he came with such haste and without forces, only to greet him and 
 consult with him on the King's service. The affair was urgent, as 
 he had just received letters from his Majesty at Oxford, which he 
 wished to lay before him. Huntly no sooner heard of his ap- 
 proach, than dreading to face the man, he scrambled on horseback, 
 and, with a single attendant, galloped off without deigning to 
 receive or converse with the King's Lieutenant-Governor. On 
 learning this, Montrose rode back the twenty miles on the same 
 day, which was the 27th of May.^ He was the more anxious to 
 conceal Huntly's obstinate resistance, as his evil example might 
 infect others. But concealment was impossible. The Gordons 
 themselves and other friends of Huntly, mostly gentlemen of 
 honour, were filled with indignation. They openly cursed their 
 chief, in their eagerness to disown the disgrace of his base 
 conduct. 
 
 In truth, it is not easy to say how much that man's example 
 shook others of the North. The Earl of Seaforth, who had 
 
 ^ Crawford, with some eighty men as a rearguard, kept the river with such captains as " the 
 Laird of Dalgatie, younge Gight, and Harthill." P. Gordon, i86. 
 * Napier omits this effort at reconciliation. 
 
i8o DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 recently been brought with the greatest difficulty to join, was 
 thought to be wavering. It was said that he was still unsettled, 
 and even then engaged in patching up a friendship with the 
 Covenanters. But this I do not believe. Even Alexander 
 Macdonald, on some pretext or other, though often earnestly 
 entreated to return, made nothing but idle excuses from day to 
 day. Dark rumours about him too began to spread. Bitter as 
 was his hostility to Argyll, it was said that he relied on the 
 friendly patronage of the Hamiltons, that he was bent on the 
 private interests of the Macdonalds, regardless of the public 
 welfare. 
 
 Reflecting on this, Montrose thought that no time was to be 
 lost. Accompanied by a flying band of his most active men, he 
 decided to make a tour in person through all the Highlands and 
 the North, to raise new levies, encourage the loyal, compel the 
 refractory to obey by the stern exercise of the laws and con- 
 dign punishment, and treat them as sickly children are treated 
 when constrained to take medicine for their health. There were 
 many able and willing enough to help him in a course which they 
 had themselves earnestly prescribed. 
 
 During the progress of events at Inverness, Huntly, anxious 
 to retrieve himself from the imputation of never achieving any- 
 thing himself without Montrose, besieged and took Aberdeen, 
 which was then held by Middleton with a garrison of 500 men. 
 But his own loss was heavier than the enemy's.^" Besides throw- 
 ing away the lives of many of his best men, he allowed his High- 
 landers to plunder the city. How far the harmless townsmen had 
 deserved ill of the King or Huntly, let them judge who knew 
 them best, knew that for loyalty and obedience to the King no 
 city in Scotland stood higher than Aberdeen. He took many 
 prisoners, some of them men of considerable note among the 
 enemy. These he treated with fawning servility, more like a 
 suppliant than a conqueror, and dismissed them freely without 
 
 ^" On the other hand, Gordon says the enemy lost 300, and Huntly lost not one (hundred) 
 (p. 190.) The defence on the other points is very feeble. He describes the capture of Aberdeen 
 in minute detail. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. i8i 
 
 terms or promise. Among them were several colonels and knights 
 who happened then to be in Aberdeen. Though many of his own 
 friends were loaded with chains and languishing in close confine- 
 ment both in Scotland and England, he made no efforts to ex- 
 change for any single one of them. Such was the man, always 
 more ready to gratify the enemy than serve his friends. 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 The King at Newcastle orders Montrose to disband— The order is repeated, with 
 terms for himself and friends — He disbands— The Covenanters try to prevent his 
 departure — He escapes with his friends to Norway, September 1646. 
 
 WHILE Montrose was intent on his design, on the 31st of 
 May a herald^ arrived from his sovereign. An un- 
 accountable fatality had induced the King to throw himself upon 
 the Scotch Covenanters' army at Newcastle. By his orders 
 Montrose was commanded to disband his army at once and 
 withdraw to France, there to await his Majesty's further pleasure. 
 Astonished by this unexpected message, he bitterly bewailed the 
 King's sad fate, which had hurried him into the hands of his 
 deadliest foes. He felt convinced that such an order from the 
 King to disband his army must have been extorted from him 
 by the craft, violence, and threats of those who had him in their 
 power. What could he do ? To obey would be to abandon the 
 fortunes of his friends to sequestration, their lives to the axe and 
 halter. If, in defiance of the King's express commands, he con- 
 tinued in arms, he would be guilty of rebellion, the very crime 
 he had undertaken to suppress. And worst of all, it was to be 
 feared that the rebels would impute his actions to the King, and 
 having him in their power, treat him more severely in conse- 
 quence. The King's despatches clearly hinted as much. 
 
 Montrose therefore decided to call a council of the nobles, 
 chiefs, and knights.^ The question concerned all, and ought to be 
 settled by common consent. To this end, without considering 
 the many wrongs he had received, he sent Sir John Hurry and 
 Sir John Innes,^ two of his most distinguished officers, to Huntly, 
 to whom he thought they would be most acceptable, and invited 
 
 ^ Robin Car. 
 
 ' Napier omits this conference and the correspondence with Huntly. 
 
 3 Sir John Innes (see p. 49, «. 10). He was probably Sir John Innes of Leuchars. See Family 
 of Innes, pp. 202-240. 
 
 X83 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 183 
 
 him to so serious a consultation. The choice of day and place he 
 left to Huntly himself. They were also to add that he was ready 
 to come to Huntly's castle, should he wish it. Huntly replied 
 that he had himself ifeceived letters from the King to the same 
 effect, and had resolved to obey implicitly ; the King's com- 
 mands were such as to admit of no second thoughts, and left 
 no room for further deliberation. The envoys remonstrated. 
 Perhaps, they urged, Montrose was of the same mind, to yield 
 prompt obedience to the King's mandate, if that mandate were 
 given freely. Meantime it was the plain interest of all to provide 
 at once for the safety of themselves and their men. Their weight 
 and influence with the enemy themselves would be greater if 
 they acted in concert. He merely replied that he had already 
 acted for himself, and had nothing to do with others. 
 
 Montrose therefore wrote to the King, earnestly begging to 
 be informed of his position among the Covenanters. Did he con- 
 sider himself safe in their hands ? Had he any further need of 
 his service ? If he had positively resolved that the army which 
 fought in his defence should be disbanded, while the Covenanters 
 in both kingdoms were still under arms and daily waxing in 
 insolence, what guarantee should be demanded for the lives and 
 fortunes of those brave, loyal men who had spent their blood and 
 all that they held most dear for his sake ? It would be horrible 
 to hand such excellent men over to their savage foes, to be 
 plundered and hacked in pieces. 
 
 The only answer his messenger brought was a Hst of articles 
 drawn up by the Covenanters, with which Montrose was requested 
 to comply. But as these articles were dictated by the enemy 
 and most unreasonable, he rejected them with indignation. He 
 would not deign to treat with them at all. Again he sent to the 
 King, and vowed that as he had taken up arms only by the King's 
 command, no mortal power but the King's should impose terms 
 on him. He therefore humbly begged his Majesty, if it really 
 were his pleasure that he should disband at once, not to hesitate, 
 but himself prescribe and sign the terms. However hard they 
 might prove, he promised the most implicit obedience. But the 
 commands of every one else, be they who they may, he scorned. 
 
i84 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 The messenger at last returned with articles signed by the 
 King's own hand, and orders, now repeated for the third time,'* 
 to disband his army without further delay, under pain of high 
 treason if he hesitated a moment to obey. Other motives, besides 
 the King's commands, urged him to acquiesce at once. Many 
 who had joined him had begun to make their own terms with the 
 rebels secretly and through their friends. He had clear evidence 
 that this was so with the Earl of Seaforth and others. Huntly 
 and Aboyne declared themselves openly against Montrose. They 
 even went further, and threatened him with hostilities if he did 
 not immediately obey the King's orders.^ Antrim/ who had just 
 come from Ireland into the Highlands without men or arms, was 
 intriguing to seduce all the Highlanders, whom he called his 
 kinsmen and allies, from Montrose, whom he termed in derision 
 the Governor of the Lowlands. This desertion was most ill- 
 timed, and ruinous to all their friends in those parts. After 
 weighing these facts well, Montrose was compelled to obey the 
 King's orders and disband his army.^ 
 
 It was a sad day for all when he called his men together, and, 
 after praising their conduct, said farewell. He did his best to 
 cheer them with the fair prospect of the longed-for peace. Their 
 present submission was, he told them, as essential to the King's 
 cause as their past achievements. It was, however, obvious to all 
 that the King's authority ended with that day. Every one felt 
 
 * To Montrose Charles repeated his orders to disband, June 15th, and wrote again on the i6th 
 July to the same effect. " The last letter was, however, accompanied by secret instructions to spin 
 out the operation as long as possible." Gard., Civil War, ii. 512, 
 
 ^ "They did not themselves obey the King's public orders, but Huntly had a private order 
 countermanding the public one conveyed by Robin Leslie, David's brother." P. Gordon, 196, 
 
 ^ Antrim and Alexander Macdonald were planning a private war on the Campbells. Gard., 
 Civil War, ii. 513. 
 
 ^ Montrose received the King's first letter, dated Newcastle, May 19, 1646, on the Spey, the 
 last day of May. His answer is dated June 2nd. The King received it June i3tL Montrose also 
 wrote privately by a separate messenger. He then left the Spey and crossed the Grampians to 
 Glenshee. Then came the King's letters of June 15th and July i6th. Immediately after their receipt, 
 Montrose and Middleton met alone on the Isla and arranged terms : Montrose, Crawford, and 
 Sir John Hurry to be excluded from pardon, but were to be allowed to escape up to 1st September : 
 Graham of Gorthie to have his life, but not his lands: all others on Montrose's side to be fully- 
 pardoned. Montrose assembled the remains of his force at Rattray, near Blairgowrie, July 30th, 
 and disbanded. With Sir John Hurry, he rode off to Old Montrose. Charles' last letter was 
 from Newcastle 1646 — "Defer your going beyond seas as long as you may without breaking your 
 word." For correspondence see Napier, Mem., 632-642. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 185 
 
 convinced that the order to disband had been extorted from the 
 King under fear of some evil more imminent. As for them- 
 selves, whatever terms might be made for their safety, they would 
 rather have borne the worst, than stand by, idle, dishonoured 
 spectators of the calamity which had befallen their dearest sove- 
 reign. Their generous hearts were wrung by the thought that 
 foreigners, that posterity would think the Scots had all combined 
 in one universal conspiracy, and unanimously deserted the best 
 of kings. Their grief was greatly enhanced by apprehensions 
 of the fate that awaited their brave, successful, and beloved 
 general, torn from his king and country, from themselves and all 
 true men. His soldiers fell at his knees, and besought him with 
 tears, if the King's safety required him to quit the kingdom 
 altogether, to take them with him where he would. They were 
 ready to live, to fight, and, if it pleased God, to die under his 
 command. In truth, not a few of them did resolve, to the manifest 
 peril of their lives and fortunes, to follow him without his know- 
 ledge, even against his will, and among strange nations volunteer 
 him services which they could no longer afford him in their own 
 distressed country. According to the articles imposed by the 
 King at the desire of the Covenanters, one of the chief condi- 
 tions was that Montrose should quit Scotland before the ist of 
 September. Ships and provisions, with all the necessary stores, 
 were to be supplied him. These terms were settled about the 
 I St of August.^ The port of Montrose in Angus was fixed for 
 his embarkation. To prevent all suspicion and grounds of com- 
 plaint, he repaired thither to await the ships, accompanied only 
 by his own servants and a small knot of friends. 
 
 Just at this time his implacable enemies employed certain 
 suitable ministers to spread crafty false reports, asserted with con- 
 fidence, that the Estates of the Realm, as they called themselves, 
 would not permit so gallant a subject to be exiled : his presence 
 would be urgently needed should their gracious lord the King, 
 who had voluntarily put himself in the hands of the Scots, be 
 unable to obtain justice from the English and obliged to appeal 
 
 8 More probably before, as he disbanded July 30th. 
 
i86 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 to arms ; and no age had ever produced a better general than 
 Montrose. Such, indeed, were the earnest wishes of very many 
 who failed to fathom the deep design of the rebels. It was a 
 treacherous, deceitful plot. The sad event soon revealed their 
 intentions to the King ; and as for Montrose, they were laying 
 a shameless snare to entrap him. Their object in these flatteries 
 was to fill him with empty hopes, entice him to loiter beyond the 
 appointed day, and by a breach of the treaty give them a fair pre- 
 text for crushing him. 
 
 The month of August was almost spent. Still there was no 
 sign, nor the faintest rumour of either ships or provisions. Mon- 
 trose therefore, though resolved to depart by the day appointed 
 by the King, allowed some of his friends to treat with the Cove- 
 nanters for further time. His object was to sound their intentions 
 more fully. Their answer was vague and evasive. He therefore 
 concluded, and with justice, that their words veiled nothing but 
 treachery and guile. His suspicions were greatly increased by 
 the arrival of a ship in the harbour of Montrose on August the 
 31st, the very last day allowed him. The master of the ship was 
 a stranger, a boorish, stiff-necked champion of the Covenant 
 The crew and soldiers were of the same stamp, sullen, sour- 
 visaged, scowling fellows. The ship was neither victualled nor 
 seaworthy. In fact, when Montrose expressed his readiness to go 
 aboard, and bade them get under weigh at once, the skipper told 
 him that he must have a few days to caulk and rig the vessel 
 before he durst go to sea. He then began to brag of himself and 
 his ship, and showed a commission from the Covenanters ordering 
 him to land his passengers at certain ports appointed by their 
 enemies, and at no other. '^ At the same time several large English 
 men-of-war were seen cruising for some days off the mouth of the 
 river Esk, which forms the harbour of Montrose, ready to do the 
 Covenanters a service, to cut off all escape from their toils, and 
 pounce on the prey they longed to rend. 
 
 Montrose, however, saw through their treacherous schemes. 
 Even among the Covenanters he had friends who warned him 
 
 * See Monteith, 245, who here supports W. from information apparently independent. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 187 
 
 repeatedly that the sea swarmed with the English fleet : escape to 
 France or Holland was impossible ; his port of embarkation was 
 almost blockaded ; it was perilous for him to sail ; his enemies' 
 only object was to give the Scots Covenanters an excuse to destroy 
 him for lingering in the country, or, if he did set out, that the 
 English Covenanters might surprise him when unarmed and off 
 his guard. 
 
 The friends who were with him were of opinion that it was 
 best for him, with such danger staring him in the face, to make for 
 the Highlands again and rally his men at once ; better to trust 
 the chances of war than a treacherous peace. But his affection for 
 the King was too sincere and ardent to accept their advice. It 
 was quite certain that a renewal of the war would be attributed to 
 the King, however unjustly, and precipitate him into the most 
 imminent danger. It might cost him his life. Pressed on all 
 sides, with treachery to right and left against himself and against 
 the sacred life of the King, he never faltered in his resolution to 
 bear the brunt of all himself. 
 
 His determination, however, was not the effect of a sudden 
 gust of passion and despair. Even in this extremity his measures 
 for withdrawing himself were taken with prudence and deliberation. 
 Some time previously, as soon as he saw through his enemies' 
 designs, he had sent agents to search all the coast and harbours 
 to the north, with orders, if they found a foreign ship, to offer the 
 master a reward to be ready by a certain day to sail with some 
 passengers who would appear, and convey them, please God, to 
 Norway. By good fortune a small bark, owned in Bergen,^" was 
 found in the harbour of Stonehaven. ^^ A bargain was soon struck, 
 as the master was eager for an offer that promised considerable 
 gain. Thither Montrose sent Sir John Hurry, John Drummond 
 of Balloch, Henry Graham, his brother ; John Spottiswoode,^^ 
 
 ^^ Actuarius lembus, translated "pinnace" in Ruddiman, " bark" in "Montrose Redivivus." 
 Iambus is also used below for the vessel in Montrose Roads. Vide Ft. II. Ch. i. p. 189, n. 2, on 
 Thomas Gray. 
 
 " Latin Stanhyvio. The local pronunciation is still " Stanehyve." 
 
 •'^ John Spottiswoode, younger of Dairsie, was executed in 1650. " He was a gentleman of great 
 bravery, and though very young, gave proof of courage and conduct in the battles he fought with the 
 Marquis. " Pref. to Practicks, 40. 
 
i88 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 nephew of the great Sir Robert ; John Lillie ^^ and Patrick Melvin/* 
 captains of distinguished courage and experience ; George Wise- 
 heart, doctor of divinity ; David Guthrie/^ a brave young gentle- 
 man ; Pardus Lasound/^ a Frenchman, formerly servant to the 
 noble Lord Gordon, and afterwards taken by Montrose into his 
 own service in grateful memory of his master ; Rudolph, a Ger- 
 man, an honest, trusty youth, with a few common servants besides. 
 These he selected to share his wanderings, chiefly because he 
 knew that they were so obnoxious to the Covenanters that they 
 could not remain a moment safe in the country. On the 3rd^'^ of 
 September they put to sea with a fair wind, and began their 
 voyage to Norway. The same evening Montrose himself, accom- 
 panied only by James Wood,^^ a worthy preacher, took a small 
 cock-boat and got aboard a bark lying at anchor outside Montrose 
 harbour. Disguised in a coarse garb, he passed for his chaplain's 
 servant. This was in the year of our Lord 1646, and the 34th of 
 his age. 
 
 ^' He afterwards, as Major Lillie, commanded the advance party at Corbiesdale, and died on 
 the field. 
 
 " About the end of 1649, " Sir James Douglas, my Lord of Morton's brother, and one Major 
 Melvin, with many gentlemen of quality from all places of the kingdom, arrived in a ship from 
 Orkney to Denmark, who .... did intreat and press Montrose earnestly to go to Scotland." . . . 
 Ormond Correspondent, ap. Napier, Mem., 729. 
 
 ^* David Guthrie, Major at Corbiesdale, was killed beside Menzies of Pitfoddels, the standard- 
 bearer, close to Montrose. Monteith's " Troubles," 511. 
 
 ^' As to Lasound the Frenchman and Rudolph the German, nothing apparently is known. 
 
 ^^ Monteith says 5th, " His friends put out to sea the 5th of Sept., having run the risk of being 
 murdered by the country people, who cut the cable while the ship was at anchor, and put them in 
 danger of splitting upon the rocks." Mem., 245. 
 
 ^ The Rev. James Wood is commended by Montrose to the care of Seaforth in a letter from 
 Gottenburg, December 15, 1649. After the Restoration, in consideration of his sufferings in the 
 royal cause, he received a grant ol£\<Xi, Monteith gives the master of the vessel as "James Garden, 
 a good friend of Wood's." Is this a mistake for "Jens Gunnersen"? It is probable that Jens 
 brought his sloop down the coast from Stonehaven, and waited in Montrose Roads by appointment. 
 
PART II. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Montrose in Norway — His journey to France — The Queen's courtiers endeavour to keep 
 him from Court — Lord Jermyn's opposition — Montrose's advice to the Queen — The 
 Queen accepts the overtures of the Presbyterians — Montrose leaves Paris. 
 
 TV /rONTROSE landed at Bergen/ in Norway, where he was 
 ■^^ ^ kindly received and treated with the highest respect by 
 Thomas Gray,^ a Scotsman, then governor of the royal castle. 
 A few days afterwards he made his way overland to Christiania, 
 the capital of the kingdom, by a wild and difficult route, across 
 high rugged mountain ranges buried in perpetual ice and snow. 
 At Marstrand ^ he embarked for Denmark, having a strong desire 
 to see the late illustrious King Christian, who had always been a 
 
 ^ September lo, 1646. See following note. 
 
 2 Thomas Gray. Herr Gabriel Gustafson, conservator of the Museum of Antiquities in Bergen, 
 supplies the following note :—" Lieut. -Colonel Thomas Gray came to Bergen in May 1641, with 
 Colonel Laurence Blair and some officers, with wives and children, probably all Scotch. In June 
 1641 Gray was made commandant of the castle during the absence of the castellan, Henrik Thott ; " 
 hence arcis regice pro tempore prcefecto. "The castle {Bergejthus) was in Henrik Thott's hands, 
 1641-48. In 1648 Thomas Gray received an appointment in Throndhjem, and in January 1649 
 was made Lieut. -Colonel of the Throndhjem regiment of infantry, with an annual salary of 800 
 rigsdaler. (See Norske Rigs-registranter, ix. 180; Nicolaysen's Norkse Magasin, ii. 211.) The 
 royal castle was the Bergenhus, of which the present Walkendorf Tower was a part. The route 
 Montrose followed to Christiania was most probably the Laerdal-way, from the head of the Sogne 
 Fjord. His visit to Bergen is noticed in M. Hofnagel's 'Optegnelser,' 1 596-1676, printed in the 
 Norkse Magasin, ii. p. 212. The following is an extract : ' 1646, September 10. — A nobleman 
 arrived from Scotland, the third in rank next to the King of England, named James Montrose, 
 privately on Jens Gunnersen's krejert (sloop, old Scotch crater or cruer, v. Jamieson, Diet.) : Sep- 
 tember iSth, he left to travel overland to Christiania. In June 1650 he was captured, hanged, and 
 quartered.' The author of these ' Chronicles' was one of the town's schoolmasters, who lived 
 at least 1620-64, and probably earlier and later." See p. 188, n. 18 and index. 
 
 ^ Marstrand, v. Crit. Introd. 
 
I90 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 steady friend to his nephew King Charles/ On his arrival, how- 
 ever, he found that the King was in Germany. To Germany, 
 therefore, he hastened across the Baltic, and passing through 
 Holstein by the most convenient road, rested for a short time at 
 Hamburof/ 
 
 He foresaw that the conspirators among the Scots peers who 
 commanded the army at Newcastle would soon come to terms 
 with their fellow-conspirators in England to ruin the King or 
 subvert his authority. He used to say that he so thoroughly knew 
 the temper of those men, that nothing could ever induce him to 
 change his opinion. It would be much to his interest, he thought, 
 if news of their proceedings reached France before his own arrival.® 
 The accomplishment of their wicked design would probably pro- 
 cure him a more favourable reception from those to whom the 
 King had sent him. The enormity of their action might at last 
 shock them into shaking off their blind confidence in the insidi- 
 ous promises of traitors. Experience had taught him that new 
 enemies and new struggles awaited him. Courtiers and parasites, 
 the plague of princes, on whom they fawn, with their glib slanders 
 and insinuations, invented to please the rebels, would do their 
 utmost to close every avenue to the Queen's presence and favour, 
 to exclude him from her councils, and keep him in ignorance of 
 the state of affairs. They feared he would detect their crafty 
 intrigues, frustrate the efforts of the rebels, and disappoint them 
 of the vile reward of their treachery. 
 
 At last the melancholy tidings arrived. Under pretence of 
 pay due for their base service — so they would fain gloze over the 
 infamy of their shameful crime — the chiefs of the Scots Covenanters 
 had been paid their price. The bargain was struck, and the King 
 
 * Christian IV. of Denmark. He preceded Gustavus Adolphus as head of the Protestant League, 
 and had helped Charles more than once with arms, though hard pressed in his war with Sweden. 
 He died 1648. 
 
 ** He stayed in Hamburg till March 1647, receiving there letters from the King dated Newcastle, 
 January 21st, and the Queen, Paris, February 5th-i2th. On his way through Flanders, he was 
 met by Ashburnham, bearing a letter from the Queen, dated Paris, March 15th. In the letter of 
 February 12th she refers to the full letter she had commanded Jermyn to write. See Napier, Mem., 
 
 655-657- 
 
 * January 2, 1647. The King wrote to the Queen saying that now he was a "prisoner" and 
 escape impossible. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 191 
 
 at once delivered over to the brutality of the English/ Montrose 
 immediately hastened into Holland. It was high time for him, 
 he thought, for the sake of the King and his own honour, to show 
 himself in public, to do what he could to remedy this desperate 
 turn of things. For the more these saints sought to crush the 
 good King, and with him all royal authority, the more erect and 
 firm he stood to restore the liberty and avenge the majesty of his 
 sovereign. Their efforts served only to whet his loyalty and 
 courage. 
 
 Mary, Queen of Great Britain, and daughter of Henry IV., 
 King of France, had found a safe retreat for herself at Paris. But 
 in vain she implored help for her royal consort. The rebellion in 
 Britain might well have seemed the concern of all crowned heads. 
 It was likely to prove the worst of examples to other nations. To 
 France, especially, it was a direct menace. Yet very few could 
 bring themselves to offer even the slightest aid to Charles in his 
 distress. The French were estranged by the memory of their old 
 enmity to England. They imagined, perhaps, that Britain had 
 slighted their friendship for that of Spain. From whatever cause, 
 they gloated over his misfortunes. They had kindled the flames,^ 
 and they were bent on feeding a conflagration destined, it may 
 be, hereafter to rage among themselves. 
 
 Scarcely had the news reached Paris that Montrose was on his 
 way through Belgium, when the crafty courtiers about the Queen, 
 to whom his presence was the one thing they dreaded most, set to 
 work and used every means to keep him off. They selected John 
 Ashburnham,^ a gentleman of the King's bedchamber, the same 
 who had been his unhappy companion and guide, first to the Scots, 
 
 ^ The first ;^ioo,ooo were paid January 30, 1647, and the Scotch Commissioners took leave ; 
 English replaced Scotch soldiers. Guthrie says the King was delivered over Thursday, January 
 28th, at 9 A.M. The second instalment of ;^ioo,ooo was paid February 3rd, and by the lith the 
 Scots were out of England. Gard., Civil War, ii. 577. Hamilton and Argyll got each ;if 30,000, 
 and Argyll's friends ^15,000. Napier, Mem., 655. 
 
 8 An allusion to the alleged conspiracy of Pym and the Five Members to bring in French aid ? 
 
 ^ John Ashburnham. In 1627 he had been employed by Buckingham, his kinsman, to make 
 overtures for peace to the French, but without success. He became a trusted groom of the chamber, 
 employed much in diplomacy. An intercepted letter of his to the King, urging him to hold out on 
 hopes from the Dutch, influenced events. At Carisbrook he offered to murder Hammond to 
 facilitate the King's escape. Gardiner, Indices. 
 
192 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 and then to the Isle of Wight, to carry letters to him, and induce 
 him to turn aside from France. When he met Montrose, he began 
 to urge him to return at once to Scotland and renew the war, 
 without men, money, arms, or attendants. Their object, in truth, 
 as it appears, was to baffle all his efforts for the King's service, 
 and expose him to risks so many and so great, that he would cer- 
 tainly perish. 
 
 Montrose had no difficulty in detecting their insidious designs. 
 He replied that the service proposed would be most acceptable ; 
 but, as matters then stood, it was as yet impracticable. He lacked 
 everything necessary for renewing the war, and the Queen offered 
 no supplies. The spirit of his friends, even the most loyal to the 
 King, was broken by their humiliating surrender on such disastrous 
 terms. The whole kingdom was overrun by the rebels. Their 
 army, well disciplined and well found, had been recalled from 
 England. Huntly was crushed, the Gordons massacred, and the 
 rest of the nation so cowed that none would dare to rise. More- 
 over, he was commanded by the King, whom he could not disobey, 
 to wait in France for further orders. Those orders he was well 
 assured the Queen could not intend him to slight and disregard. 
 As soon as he had shown himself at Paris and paid his due respects 
 to her Majesty, he should esteem it a new honour and distinction 
 to undertake any task, however perilous and difficult, in the service 
 of so excellent a Queen. 
 
 Ashburnham, failing in this attempt, set to work another way. 
 He earnestly entreated him to have some regard at least for his 
 own safety, to make his peace with the Covenanters, court their 
 friendship, and save himself and friends for better times. On his own 
 responsibility, he undertook to procure his Majesty's permission, 
 nay, if he preferred it, his positive command, to treat with them 
 on any terms. To this Montrose replied, that no man was read- 
 ier to obey the King's instructions in all that was just and honour- 
 able ; but not even the King should command his obedience in what 
 was dishonourable, unjust, and destructive to his Majesty himself. 
 
 The Archduke Leopold^" was at that time Viceroy of the 
 
 ^*> The Archduke Leopold, brother of Ferdinand IV., whom he succeeded as Leopold L in 1654, 
 died 1 7 1 5. He had lately been appointed to the Low Countries. Vide Ch. iv. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 193 
 
 Spanish Netherlands. From him Montrose received a free pass 
 through Flanders into France, and arrived in Paris. Most men 
 thought that none could have been more welcome to the Queen's 
 court. But the event showed how far they were mistaken. By 
 the interest of the Presbyterians, and particularly of Lord Jermyn," 
 a powerful favourite at court, they did their utmost to lessen his 
 influence and decry his merit. Lord Jermyn bore the Marquis 
 a secret grudge. At the time when King Charles threw himself 
 and all his fortunes on the Scotch Covenanters at Newcastle, 
 to gratify them in everything, and win their hearts, he had com- 
 manded Montrose to disband his army. He replied that it would 
 be most unjust, unless he and the other noblemen who had loyally 
 fought for the King received full security for their lives, and 
 unless their titles, lands, and estates were restored by decree of 
 the King and Parliament. This was strenuously opposed by 
 Argyll and other rebels, Montrose's open enemies, who dreaded 
 his valour and coveted his rich estates. The King was in a 
 dilemma. Montrose's demands were just, and the King wished 
 to gratify him ; but there could be no doubt that an effort to 
 wrest displeasing terms from his enemies might cost him his life. 
 He therefore turned to Montrose, and earnestly besought him not 
 to cling obstinately to demands which would expose the life and 
 safety of his Sovereign to imminent danger. He graciously pro- 
 mised that if ever he recovered his liberty and realms, he would 
 remember his service. Meantime he had provided for his 
 honour, dignity, and needs.^^ He requested him to retire to 
 France, and act as his ambassador extraordinary to the Most 
 Christian King. He had already despatched his commission and 
 instructions, empowering him to take that office, and assured him 
 that nothing should be wanting to maintain the dignity of his 
 
 ^^ Henry Jermyn, son of Sir Thomas, Comptroller of the Household, and a well-known figure 
 in the early struggles of the Parliament. Henry was first the life of the Queen's court and then her 
 trusted counsellor, though in her Roman intrigues she was not open with her Protestant adviser. 
 Even the ruin of Eleanor Villiers, her maid of honour, could not long banish the bright courtier. 
 After the discovery of the Army Plot he fled to France, where he was the Queen's representative. 
 He flouted Hyde and carried things with a high hand in the decaying court. He became Lord 
 Jermyn and eventually Earl of St. Albans. For his character see Gardiner's History of Eng- 
 land, vii. 339, and index. 
 
 ^^ See the King's letter to Montrose, Newcastle, June 15, 1646. Napier, Mem., 636. 
 
 N 
 
194 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 post, till, by the blessing of God, he should regain his ancient 
 authority and recall Montrose to his own country. This appoint- 
 ment was highly displeasing to Jermyn, who was the King's 
 envoy in ordinary at the French court. The intervention of so 
 distinguished a man might, he greatly feared, strip him of some 
 of his honours and emoluments ; and nothing less than all would 
 satisfy his rapacity. He laboured to keep Montrose away, em- 
 ploying the same court artifices by which he had ousted the Earl 
 of Norwich not long before from the same appointment." 
 
 According to the King's command, Montrose fully expected 
 to receive the promised commission and instructions at once, but 
 he was told that nothing had been heard of them at the Queen's 
 court. No commands to that effect had reached them. Ashburn- 
 ham, however, hinted to him privately that such indeed was the 
 King's intention, and nothing could be more certain than that the 
 court knew it. He had himself been despatched to France for 
 that very purpose three months ago ; but Jermyn's intrigues and 
 influence got everything rejected that tended in the least degree 
 to baulk his power or profit. 
 
 Montrose felt that the King's commands and his own most 
 reasonable claims were slighted and despised ; but his generous 
 soul could not endure to soil and waste itself in such paltry court 
 squabbles. He therefore addressed himself directly to the Queen, 
 and humbly entreated her graciously to signify whether she 
 esteemed his service in any way acceptable and useful to his 
 Majesty. For as the King was now a prisoner, he was entirely 
 dependent on her authority, ready to accept her orders with 
 respect, to execute them with all fidelity and zeal, to shed his 
 blood, to lay down his very life in her service. The Queen 
 answered with a heavy heart, and failed to explain herself 
 sufficiently. Whenever she was allowed to follow her own incli- 
 
 " The Earl of Norwich (1644) had been sent, when Lord Goring, in 1643, ambassador extra- 
 ordinary to France, and there confirmed the alliances between the crowns of France and England. 
 His intercepted letter to the Queen, giving details as to the success of his mission, was read in the 
 House, January 10, 1644, and caused alarm. In 1648 he was forced into the command of the 
 Royalist forces in Kent, and he aided in the defence of Colchester. He would have lost his head 
 with Hamilton, Holland, and Capel, but it was saved by one vote. Monteith, " Troubles," and 
 Gardiner, indices. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 195 
 
 nations, she was always disposed to encourage and advance 
 a subject so noble, and of such conspicuous loyalty and merit. 
 But she was hemmed in with snares, and distracted by artful 
 courtiers, who alternately cajoled and threatened her with tales 
 of the Presbyterians' wrath and power ; so that Montrose was 
 at times perplexed by her shifting moods and inconsistency. 
 
 Something, however, must be attempted to terrify the rebels 
 from plotting against the King's safety. Such was always his 
 opinion, and the Queen was much of the same mind ; but the 
 courtiers took good care that he should not be supplied with 
 money for pay, arms, or travelling expenses. Montrose repeatedly 
 offered, if only they would furnish him with six thousand pistoles, to 
 make a descent on Britain with 10,000 men/^ and raise the King's 
 subjects, who heartily abhorred the crime of detaining the King 
 in captivity, and were eager to avenge him. He would stake 
 his life, nay, more, his honour on the attempt. But all was in vain. 
 The scheme was opposed by ravenous courtiers, to whom all that 
 remained in the Queen's treasury seemed too little to glut their 
 wanton luxury. 
 
 Meanwhile the rebel Covenanters, who had first entered into 
 that horrible league against the King, who had armed the Scots 
 and roused the English, then living peaceably, to share their 
 wicked rebellion, who had reduced the King to such straits, and 
 at last betrayed him to their fellow-conspirators in England, to 
 his certain ruin, now attempted, without Montrose's knowledge, 
 to impose a gross, impudent fraud on the Queen. They professed 
 to be grieved at their King's imprisonment. The English had 
 broken faith. They had promised that he should not be mal- 
 treated, that nothing should be determined without consulting 
 the Scotch Covenanters. They were resolved, therefore, to take 
 up arms and restore his liberty and former dignity, if only the 
 Queen would not disdain their aid, but give her sanction and 
 
 " The Ruddiman trans, has altered this to looo men. It is difficult to account for the reading 
 "cum decern armatorum millibus" if incorrect, and the Latin for lOoo men would have been "■cum 
 milk armatis." In October Crawford and Montrose had good hope of raising 30,000 men in the 
 North of Scotland. See Jermyn's and Culpepper's Letters, October 19, giving lists verified by Lord 
 Brentford. Napier, Mem., 653. 
 
196 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 authority to their designs for his Majesty's rehef. They there- 
 fore humbly besought her to use the great influence which she 
 deservedly had with her royal consort, to advise and persuade 
 him to trust himself and all his fortunes to their faith and valour. 
 They promised to leave no stone unturned, to spare neither blood 
 nor toil, and never to sheathe their swords, until he were restored 
 to his ancestral throne and dominions. The good but too credu- 
 lous Queen, fascinated and blinded by their flattering words, was 
 easily induced to trust them, and promise her assistance — a pro- 
 mise she fulfilled. They were anxious to conceal their design 
 from Montrose ; but their secret negotiations were not long hid. 
 When at last it was necessary to divulge them, the Queen de- 
 clared to him that both the King and herself were so much 
 oppressed and wearied out by the troubles they had already 
 suffered, and far greater calamities which beset and threatened 
 them every day, that they had turned for help to the Covenanters. 
 They were a second plank to cling to from the wreck : they 
 must trust all to their honour. Such was their firm resolve, and 
 nothing could shake it. 
 
 Montrose could never be induced to believe that those per- 
 fidious traitors, entangled in such a multiplicity of crimes, would 
 deal honestly and loyally with the King. He could scarcely 
 refrain from tears, when he saw his beloved Sovereig^n trustinor 
 to the insidious promises of open enemies and plunging into an 
 abyss of misery. But he composed his countenance ^^ as best he 
 could, and replied to the Queen as follows : " It is for your serene 
 Majesty to determine what is best for your interests. Our duty 
 is to yield prompt obedience. Your Majesty shall find none more 
 ready to obey than I. But I consider it my duty to give you 
 timely warning of the perils likely to threaten the King and 
 country, if he follows such a course ; and to offer such remedies 
 as the desperate state of affairs permits and demands. Your 
 Majesty, I presume, is well aware how, from the beginning of 
 the troubles, these honest men have persecuted the King with 
 
 ^' W. here evidently speaks of a personal conference with the Queen. It must, therefore, have 
 taken place before April 1648 ; v. next note. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 197 
 
 more than hostile hatred and ferocity. They were the first to 
 detain him an unwilHng prisoner in their army. They refused 
 him entrance into Scotland. They betrayed him to the English. 
 Even now they continue to butcher his faithful lieges, solely 
 because they were faithful, and sacrifice them daily to their greed 
 and cruelty. I cannot, in truth, think that rebels so utterly 
 abandoned have come to their senses. Avarice, ambition, and 
 a guilty conscience alike drive and goad them to the same course. 
 They cannot but see that their sole hope of safety and impunity 
 is staked on the total destruction of their injured Sovereign. 
 There remains, in my opinion, one last way to curb and bridle 
 their wanton fury, like a bit in the mouth of a vicious beast. And 
 that is to permit me, whose former services to the King leave no 
 room for friendship with the Covenanters, by royal authority and 
 commission to raise an army chosen from those of my countrymen 
 who justly suspect the wavering faith of the Covenanters, and will 
 never, if they can help it, fight under their command. These 
 forces would act as auxiliaries to those who have already entered 
 England,^*' if they behave with honesty and truth. But if, as I 
 greatly fear, they relapse into their natural ingrained temper, and 
 seek to upset everything and again betray the King, the forces 
 under my command will overawe them, and either keep them to 
 their duty, or reduce them, if they mutiny or revolt. As for my- 
 self, I shall gladly yield them the command, the praise, the honour, 
 the thanks and reward, if they will only at last heartily, earnestly, 
 return to their allegiance. It will be recompense enough for 
 my labour, pains and perils, to serve my Sovereign, the best of 
 kings." 
 
 The Presbyterians, by solicitations and promises, flattery and 
 
 1* The Engagers did not enter England till July 8, 1648. Montrose left Paris about the end of 
 March that year. Hence this point in Montrose's proposals to the Queen cannot be history. About 
 May 1647 Montrose had sent a sword to the King from Paris. When carried oflf from Holmby 
 House by Joyce, the King managed to write to Montrose from Newmarket, June 19, 1647, and 
 thanked him for the sword. There is a letter from Montrose to Sir George Stirling, dated "near 
 Paris," July 26, 1647. See Napier, Mem., 660-664. Sir William Fleming brought the Engagers' 
 propositions to Paris from the Isle of Wight, and on "March 25th, 1648, he landed at Leith with a 
 message from the Queen and Prince, requesting to know what they might expect as to performance 
 thereof." Guthrie, 265. A few days after, Hamilton and the others despatched him and William 
 Murray with their answers. 
 
198 DEEDS OB" MONTROSE. 
 
 boasts, had so filled the Queen's mind with vain hopes, that she 
 utterly disregarded the sounder counsels of Montrose, and trusted 
 the safety of herself, the King, and their children solely to those 
 who had been the authors of all their misfortunes in the past, and 
 were soon to bring on them still more numerous and heavier cala- 
 mities. Montrose, that he might not seem the impious partner or 
 idle spectator of such villainy, requested and obtained the Queen's 
 permission to quit Paris," and retire for a while to the country to 
 recover his health and spirits. 
 
 '^ He left France in the beginning of April 1648, and travelled through Switzerland, Bavaria, 
 and Austria. Lord Napier's letters to his wife give much interesting information as to Montrose at 
 this period, Napier, Mem., 665, 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Character of the Presbyterians and Independents — The latter seize the King — The Pres- 
 byterians invoke Scotch aid — The Scotch raise an army — Hamilton appointed 
 General — Factions of Hamilton and Argyll. 
 
 A S we shall have frequent occasion to mention the Presby- 
 ■'^— ^ terians and Independents, two new sects and new names, 
 it will not, perhaps, be unacceptable to our readers, especially those 
 who are foreigners, nor alien to our purpose, to premise a brief 
 account of those men. 
 
 It usually happens that those who leave the right road and 
 wander off the king's highway get lost in a labyrinth of devious 
 and entangled by-paths. This, we find by sad experience, has been 
 the case of those fanatical reformers. Under pretext of restoring 
 religion, they have not only shaken but shattered both Church and 
 State. After expelling the lawful rulers of the Church, trampling 
 on its ancient discipline, mutilating Divine worship, and most 
 impiously deposing the magistrates, they split off into innume- 
 rable sects and factions, with a legion of names, a legion of 
 devices in mischief. But they may be all summed up under two 
 heads or families, so to speak, Presbyterians and Independents, 
 which include all the rest. 
 
 The former of these, the Presbyterians, affect to be so called 
 from a new model of church government and discipline, an insti- 
 tution, or rather inquisition, unknown to former ages. This they 
 commend to the vulgar under the specious but false name of the 
 Presbytery. Into their meeting, which they call their presbytery, 
 they co-opt such of the people as are most zealous for their way, 
 chapmen, ploughmen, mechanics, sailors, tailors, colliers, cobblers, 
 and the like, without Orders, and without instruction in sacred 
 mysteries. These have the same right to vote as the ministers 
 
 themselves. They are elected annually, and dignified with the 
 
 199 
 
200 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 title of lay or ruling elders. Among their ministers they pretend 
 to maintain complete equality, a mere fiction, upset in practice. 
 Their real rulers are a small clique, advanced by the popular 
 applause and the giddy conceit of the rabble, who lord it most 
 tyrannically, not only over their brethren, but over peers of the 
 realm, and even the King himself. Ecclesiastical matters are all 
 submitted to the presbytery, and not only so, but all matters, 
 human or divine, under pretence of being scandals or stumbling- 
 blocks, and in ordine ad spiritualia. Their provincial and 
 national synods, which they call General Assemblies, are con- 
 vened without the consent, and even against the will, of the 
 supreme magistrate. These are a sort of superior presbyteries, 
 cast of the same metal. In them they presume to deliberate and 
 debate, and even to determine on the most important and weighty 
 affairs of state. Against such as resist or gainsay their decrees 
 they thunder out anathemas and excommunications, by which, 
 according to their teaching, body and soul are damned and deli- 
 vered to the devil. By these means they exercise a wonderful 
 terror not only over the poor ignorant mob, but even over the 
 nobility. They interdict all commerce and intercourse with the 
 excommunicate, thus lightly tearing asunder and destroying the 
 bonds that unite servants to masters, children to parents, wives to 
 husbands, the people to their magistrate. Those who differ from 
 them in religion, or even in the most trivial rite, are, in their judg- 
 ment, to be pursued with exile and imprisonment, fire and sword, 
 even to death. But their chief fury is directed against those who 
 persist in denying the divine right of the presbytery. If they owe 
 a neighbour a grudge, all his words and actions are narrowly 
 scanned and scrutinised, so that very few can live safe among 
 them. In their meetings they rail with the greatest bitterness 
 against lords, princes, and even kings, to their very face, load 
 them with abuse, render them odious and contemptible to the 
 commons, and harass them with impunity.. By such arts they win 
 favour and power with the people, and persuade them that they 
 are inspired with a spirit of prophecy. They preach that nothing, 
 not even in Parliament, can be duly performed, unless approved 
 by the vote of the presbytery ; that presbyters can and ought to 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 201 
 
 be judged by the presbytery only, — their divine privilege, as they 
 never cease to assert ; and further, that the civil magistrate has no 
 right to call men to account for sedition and rebellion, until they 
 have been first condemned by the presbytery. Such assertions are 
 as widely at variance as it is possible to be with the " classes" of 
 the Reformed Church in Belgium and the Palatine, and the Genevan 
 Consistory. These yield due honour and respect to the civil 
 magistrate and obey his commands ; whereas the Presbyterians 
 despise him, contradict, oppose, stir up riot, and hound on the 
 populace to arms, whom they hold in bonds by dreadful super- 
 stitions and oaths. In a word, they are oppressive to all ranks of 
 men by their insolence, greed, and self-conceit ; and far more cruel 
 and intolerable than the Druids of old, or Papal inquisitors of 
 modern times. 
 
 To this account of the Presbyterians we add that of the 
 Independents, their proper spawn and natural brood; for they 
 are all of the same feather — all tarred with the same brush. They 
 are called Independents, I suppose, because they acknowledge no 
 dependence upon any superior. Emperors, kings, popes, bishops, 
 presbyteries, synods, councils — however free and general — they 
 reject, with cursings and anathemas, as anti-christian and devilish 
 inventions. Separated from the rest of mankind, whom they 
 consider as polluted and profane, they are divided and split among 
 themselves into countless sects and parties, an inevitable con- 
 sequence, where men violently rend asunder all bonds of union 
 and society. In one point, however, they show a wonderful 
 agreement ; they tolerate one another, and inflict no heavier 
 punishment on those who differ in matters of religion than seclu- 
 sion from the congregation. In treachery, avarice, sacrilege, and 
 cruelty, in hatred of magistrates who do not truckle to them, 
 they agree and vie with the Presbyterians. Ecclesiastical orders, 
 especially the laying-on of hands, of which the Presbyterians are 
 willing to retain some show, they abhor as a magical rite, an 
 invention of devils. The people elect their ministers. Those 
 whom they set up one day they pull down the next. In their 
 private meeting-houses they settle everything relating to divine 
 worship and ecclesiastical government. Learning and learned 
 
202 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 men they hate like poison, as enemies of Christian piety. They 
 give ear to no preacher who does not profess divine inspiration. 
 In their babbhng-, random prayers, wordiness, magical gestures, 
 distortions of the eyes and face, horrid bawling and general dis- 
 order are applauded and admired as infallible proofs of the Spirit's 
 presence. Almost all of them are Anabaptists, and baptize by 
 immersion of both sexes, naked, in rivers. The Eucharist they 
 pollute in foul and abominable ways. Besides the Arian heresy 
 and other impieties of the like nature, these notable reformers of 
 the age have recalled from hell all the ravings and obscenities of 
 the Carpocratians, Adamites, and Gnostics. Only Papists, and 
 those who follow the form of divine worship prescribed by the 
 Anglican liturgy, are by them held worthy of punishment by 
 prison, exile, confiscation, fire, and sword ; but they are more 
 indulgent to Papists than to English Churchmen. All other 
 heretics they tolerate, even Turks and Jews. They maintain 
 that the people, meaning the lowest class only, excluding kings, 
 princes, and peers, have by divine right absolute power over the 
 lives and fortunes of all. In this, as in most other respects, they 
 agree with the Presbyterians, except that the power they nominally 
 ascribe to the people is in effect arrogated by the presbytery, to 
 whose decrees the people are entirely subjected. 
 
 From the beginning of the troubles in Britain the Presby- 
 terians have been at great pains to court the Independents, 
 looking on them as their dearest sons and brothers. As they 
 were more numerous, their assistance was considered likely to 
 help them in subduing the public enemy, as they wickedly called 
 the King. These silly and infatuated men would, they thought, 
 at once join them in arms ; or, if they refused, they could easily 
 be brought over by force or fraud. Inflated by this vain hope, 
 they did their utmost, without hesitation, to welcome, encourage, 
 and advance the Independents. No favour was refused. Many 
 of them were elected members of Parliament, others were pro- 
 moted to positions of authority, and encouraged to aspire to the 
 highest honours. They were made captains and colonels, intrusted 
 with the command of cities, seaports, and castles, and even ap- 
 pointed to the richest provinces. Gradually they rose to such 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 203 
 
 power that they became objects of suspicion and dread to their 
 patrons, the Presbyterians, who found, when too late, that they 
 had nursed in their bosom a viper which,- by the just judgment 
 of God, paid them their due reward. Thus the Independents 
 deceived the most deceitful of mankind by well-earned treachery, 
 and ventured to impose laws whe 3 they had hitherto received 
 them. Among the sacred articles of that horrible confederacy 
 which they impiously denominate their Solemn League and Cove- 
 nant, not the least was an agreement, whereby both parties, with 
 fraudulent interest, bound themselves to mutual toleration till the 
 end of the war, as though they intended thereafter to discuss 
 their controversies in an amicable spirit. The Presbyterians 
 were resolved never to endure the Independents. The Inde- 
 pendents were resolved never to submit to the tyranny of 
 Presbyterians. The latter are more powerful in Scotland, the 
 former in England ; but the Scotch Presbyterians who favour 
 the Independents, now that they have seized the government in 
 England, are far more numerous than the English who favour the 
 Presbyterians. 
 
 The King having been delivered up by the Scotch Cove- 
 nanters to the English Presbyterians, was lodged in Holmby 
 Castle,^ and subjected to the indignity of a military guard. Here 
 the Independents seized him by open force and carried him off,^ 
 a deed which at last opened their eyes to their power and daring. 
 The Presbyterians were furious with rage and indignation. They 
 appealed to their solemn pledge ; they threatened vengeance for 
 their breach of faith. The others, triumphant in the possession 
 of their royal booty, insulted the Presbyterians like vanquished 
 foes, and laughed their vengeance to scorn. They could afford 
 to despise empty threats, for they were armed, and showed 
 it. Extraordinary efforts were made by each party to deceive 
 the other. Both pretended to defend the King's cause. Both 
 
 ^ The Earl of Pembroke received the King, and conveyed him to Holmby House, in Northamp- 
 tonshire, February 3, 1647. 
 
 "^ Seized by Cornet Joyce, June 3rd (Guthrie says 4th). For his warrant to the King and Commis- 
 sioners, Joyce pointed to his troopers. "A warrant," said Charles, smiling, " written in characters 
 legible without spelling." The King in a kind of progress was carried at the head of the army to 
 Hampton Court. 
 
204 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 declared that his liberty and honour, his dignity and crown, 
 should be restored on just terms. They bewailed his forcible 
 detention by the others, whom they accused of maltreating the 
 King and dealing dishonestly with themselves. They proclaimed 
 that not only the King, but all his adherents should be restored 
 to their favour and friendship. This was the only way to cement 
 a firm, lasting peace, so ardently desired by all true men. In 
 their public writings they made many protestations to this effect, 
 especially the Independents. The chief among these was Crom- 
 well,^ the lieutenant-general of the army under Fairfax. But men 
 of penetration saw through these professions, and perceived that 
 no such intention had ever entered their mind. In fact, the object 
 of the whole dispute between these parties was not which party 
 should have the honour of liberating and restoring the King, but 
 which should triumph over their sovereign, the captive of their 
 bow and spear, which should wrest from him the reins of govern- 
 ment. For some time the Independents actually treated him with 
 less severity, so that many hoped they would make their peace 
 with him. Numbers of his servants, particularly his chaplains 
 and ministers of religion, were allowed access to him, a favour 
 which his most pressing entreaties could not obtain from the 
 Presbyterians. They permitted him to use the form of divine 
 worship prescribed in the Liturgy, to which he was wholly and 
 entirely attached, to his latest breath. The Scots were admitted 
 to audience and conferences without the presence of witnesses. 
 Several of the nobility and courtiers, even those who had adhered 
 to him in the war, were allowed to visit him. In many matters 
 he was treated with the respect due to royalty.^ But the 
 miserable catastrophe has proved that all these concessions were 
 a treacherous scheme of the Independents to gain time till they 
 had crushed their rivals, and established the power of their own 
 faction on a broader, firmer basis, both in the army and in 
 Parliament. 
 
 ' Fairfax and Cromwell entered London August 6th, and took possession of the Tower and 
 command of the militia, a popular movement. They expelled the eleven members. 
 
 * Hence the rumour that the King's full restoration was imminent. Montrose alludes to it in 
 his letters to Keir, July 26, 1647. The chaplains were Sheldon and Hammond. The King was at 
 Hatfield June 27th, at Windsor July ist, at Caversham July 3rd, at Hampton Court August 24th. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 205 
 
 The English Presbyterians, degraded, despairing, on the verge 
 of pohtical annihilation, turned for refuge to their old allies, the 
 Scots. They implored their help. They promised that as soon 
 as they took up arms and set foot in England, the vast bulk of 
 the nation, now heartily sick of the tyranny of the Independents, 
 would at once flock to their standard. The Scots, eager for a 
 war in England, grasped at the opportunity, and laid the matter 
 before their Parliament. The expedition was almost unanimously 
 resolved on, but there was a difference of opinion as to the pretext 
 for war and the choice of a general. Some would allege the 
 perfidy of the Independents, their breach of the Solemn League 
 and Covenant : the Presbyterian church government had not yet 
 been established in England, though Episcopacy had long been 
 utterly demolished, and the Independents were to blame. Argyll 
 and his associates, who had drawn over all the most seditious 
 ministers to their party, considered that this alone was sufficient 
 pretext. Others, headed by Hamilton and his brother, though 
 they acknowledged this as the principal cause of war, were for 
 urging as additional cause, the unjust, shameful, and harsh deten- 
 tion of the King, contrary to the pledge given to the Scots at 
 Newcastle. They considered it their bounden duty to take up 
 arms and demand his liberation; to bring him to a "personal 
 treaty," as they used to phrase it, with the Estates of his kingdom, 
 in spite of the Independents. The Hamiltons were loud in such 
 declarations, wishing to conciliate the Royalists and catch their 
 votes. But Argyll and his creatures, those fine Presbyterians 
 who boastfully term themselves the reformers of the world and 
 the times, would not hear a word about the King. He was stiff- 
 necked ; he had hardened his heart in his wicked resistance to 
 the presbytery. Let him be left to himself; let him be aban- 
 doned to his most cruel foes. Accordingly Argyll appealed to 
 the General Assembly, and the Hamiltons to Parliament.^ 
 
 The question divided the nation. Two supreme courts of 
 appeal were set up, battling full tilt at each other. The General 
 
 * See General Assembly Records for important additions to history of Engagement, with pref. 
 Sir James Turner, Guthrie, Hamilton Papers, Burnet's " Hamiltons," contain valuable information ; 
 see also Gardiner. Significantly Balfour in his Annals omits the events of the Engaging Parliament. 
 
2o6 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 Assembly, on the one hand, thundered out curses and anathemas 
 of excommunication ; the Parhament, on the other, were loud in 
 threats of imprisonment, banishment, forfeiture, fire and sword. 
 Between fear and superstition the wretched commons were dis- 
 tracted. Even the nobles did not know how to act in such 
 confusion. The Hamilton faction, who had a majority in Parlia- 
 ment, secured a vote to raise a very large army,^ and appointed 
 officers zealous for their party. They exacted pay, arms, and 
 supplies from the people, and made every effort to hasten the 
 preparations. In spite of the opposition of many who suspected 
 his loyalty to the King, the Duke of Hamilton was nominated 
 general, a sure omen of disaster. Argyll's faction, predominant in 
 the Assembly, passed a decree denouncing and condemning the 
 expedition sanctioned by Parliament. Not satisfied with using 
 their spiritual artillery to terrify the people, they stirred up large 
 numbers in the West to open riot and a reckless rush to arms. 
 Their numbers gave them confidence. They were inflamed by 
 their worthy preachers, whom they regarded as inspired ; and 
 though a raw, undisciplined rabble, it was not without difficulty 
 that the rising was suppressed by Middleton.^ Not a few of their 
 ministers were taken prisoners, armed to the teeth,^ and fighting 
 desperately in the foremost ranks. But Hamilton, to curry favour 
 with the presbyteries, gave them a free pardon for that and other 
 treasonable crimes. 
 
 At the same time the members of the General Assembly, to 
 draw reproach on the Parliament and render it odious, proclaimed 
 and held a solemn fast^ throuorhout all Scotland. The chief 
 
 o 
 
 * May 3, 1648. 
 
 ■^ Middleton and Hurry were wounded in the head and forced to retire on this first attack upon 
 the " Communicants " at Mauchlin. The "slashing communicants " fled on approach of Callendar 
 and Turner. Sixty foot, five officers, and some ministers were taken. All were dismissed save 
 three officers of fortune, who were sentenced to death, but spared on the intercession of some ladies. 
 The ministers in charge of the rising were William Adair, William Guthrie, Gabriel Maxwell, and 
 John Nevay, "old Cant's nephew." Nevay was Leslie's chaplain at Dunnavertie, "whenever 
 ceased to tempt him to bloodshed ; yea, and threatened him with the curses befell SauU for spareing 
 the Amalekites, for with them his theologie taught him to compare the Dunnavertie men." Turner, 
 47 ; Guthrie, 277. 
 
 * Lat. caligati, in jack-boots (?). The word implies equipped like soldiers. 
 
 * On March loth, the Parliament was got to observe a " fast " in the Parliament House. The 
 fast alluded to here was appointed for all kirks in the kingdom on the last Thursday of June and 
 first Sabbath of July. The causes are set forth in Records of Assembly, 567. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 207 
 
 reason alleged for this was the apostasy and defection of the 
 Estates of the Realm from the truth and purity of religion, inas- 
 much as they were minded to restore the King upon too easy 
 terms. The Duke of Hamilton openly professed himself a Pres- 
 byterian, and in several papers which he published/" declared 
 and protested that it was his intention to uphold their solemn 
 covenant and sacred league unimpaired against all mortals, and 
 that the army which had been raised and put under his command 
 would be employed before all things to that end. All Royalists, 
 especially those who had served with Montrose, were carefully 
 excluded from every post of honour and service, but secretly he 
 gave them good hopes of promotion as soon as he entered 
 England. By these means he thought he could please both 
 parties, but succeeded in pleasing neither ; for both suspected and 
 hated him. 
 
 ^° A declaration of the Committee of Estates was issued, and other political papers are alluded 
 to in Lanark's letter, April 13, 1648. See Burnet's "Dukes of Hamilton," and references to the 
 Hamilton documents in Records of Assembly. 
 
 The General Assembly was by no means unanimous in support of Argyll's policy, for in July 
 1649 in the Assembly " maney ministers were deposed for manteining the last expeditione into 
 England to be lawfull, for reliffe of our King. . . . They wold not dance to the play of the leaders, 
 Douglas, Dicksone, Cant, Guthrie and Law." Balfour, Ann., iii. 418. See Baillie's Letters, 
 especially iii. 31 ^ Spang, who saw the effects of this Kirk severity on the public mind abroad, 
 gives Baillie excellent advice in his letters of March 1%, 1649, pp. 71-84. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 Hamilton invades England— Joined by Musgrave, Langdale, and others, who hand over 
 Berwick and Carlisle — Defeated by Cromwell at Preston — Flight and surrender — A 
 new army raised in Scotland under Lanark — Monro defeats Argyll at Stirling — 
 Lanark's loyalty suspected — He concludes a dishonourable peace with Argyll — 
 Cromwell and Argyll in Edinburgh. 
 
 BESIDES the choice levies^ raised in Scotland, Hamilton sum- 
 moned from Ireland a considerable force of veteran troops 
 under George Monro, an energetic officer. The Earl of Callendar, 
 who had been trained in warfare from his earliest years, and ac- 
 quired experience and distinction abroad, was appointed by Par- 
 liament his lieutenant-general, and accompanied him to England. 
 Hamilton left his brother, Lanark, at home to bring up reinforce- 
 ments, if required. Everything, in short, was settled to his mind : 
 brave troops, a staff of skilled officers, great store of arms and 
 provisions, the certainty of support in England ; and yet one and 
 all were astonished at his tardy, slow advance.^ There were even 
 some who loudly complained that he was wasting time : the enemy 
 were getting under arms and in high spirits ; the opportunity for 
 striking a blow was slipping through his fingers ; the English 
 Royalists still in arms were being shamefully deserted, and the 
 King himself again betrayed, all because of his shameful, ill-timed 
 hesitation. It is indeed certain that large numbers in many 
 counties of England, especially in Wales, Kent, and Cornwall, 
 trusting to Hamilton's promises, and relying on stout support, had 
 prematurely flown to arms, an error which in the end involved 
 both themselves and the King in destruction. 
 
 ^ See for the history of Hamilton's expedition, Burnet, Turner, and Clarendon, the last named 
 agreeing in much with Wishart. Gardiner, the historical specialist of the period, has given a clear 
 narrative and abundant references. See our notes below, which are mainly gathered from his 
 volumes. 
 
 ^ But see Turner, p. 6i, &c., "This ill equipd and ill orderd armie." He blames Langdale for 
 the route chosen, and attributes the want of preparation to the precipitancy of the rising in England. 
 
 308 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 209 
 
 At last he reached the Borders,^ where he was met by a 
 number of gentlemen from the North of England, eminent for 
 courage and loyalty, and men of great weight in their own 
 country. They joined the Scots as volunteers ; and, as the surest 
 proof and pledge of their fidelity and constancy, they delivered 
 up Berwick and Carlisle, two strongly fortified towns, which they 
 had lately wrested from the Independents. They withdrew their 
 own garrisons, and admitted a Scotch governor and Scotch troops. 
 Among those who joined were Sir Philip Musgrave* and Sir 
 Marmaduke Langdale,'* with many other gentlemen of birth, emi- 
 nent for influence and authority, for their wealth, their following, 
 and their achievements. These were usually admitted to public 
 deliberations on matters mostly of slight moment ; but were ex- 
 cluded from the secret councils, where serious business was 
 transacted by a small conclave.* 
 
 The English, who knew the temper of their countrymen, the 
 nature of their country and the roads far better than the Scots, 
 were for marching through Yorkshire, the natives of which were 
 better disposed to the King. But Hamilton, whose manner was 
 to neglect Royalists and advance the interests of the Presbyterians, 
 preferred to march through Lancashire, where he knew the in- 
 habitants were more favourable to his sect. Unfortunately, he 
 ordered Monro ^ to stay in Westmoreland with a very strong 
 
 ' • Hamilton entered England, July 8th, with 10,500 men, counting on 3000 more under Lang- 
 dale. He took over Carlisle on the terms arranged with Sir P. Musgrave when the Royalists took 
 Carlisle, April 29th. Sir M. Langdale had surprised Berwick, April 28th, and came under obliga- 
 tion to surrender it to the Scots when called on. Gard., Civil War, iii. 37a Cf. Walker, Hist. 
 Independency, ii. 9. 
 
 • Sir Philip was to have joined Montrose with 500 horse in 1645 (see p. 61, n. 11). His fiulure 
 evoked Montrose's letter to the King : " Had I but for one month the use of those 500 horse, I 
 could have seen you before the time this could come to your hands with 20,000 of the best this 
 kingdom can afford." Montrose to the King, April 20th. Merc. AuL, quoted by Gard., Civil War, 
 ii. l6a He acted with Monro, and held out Appleby till about Sept. 30th. 
 
 • Sir Marmaduke served with distinction at Naseby, Rowton Heath, and Sherbum. He ac- 
 companied Digby to Scotland. At Preston, says Gardiner, " by the admission of friend and foe, 
 Langdale and his Englishmen fought like heroes." He was captured, and imprisoned in Notting- 
 ham Castle. He escaped to the Continent before he was excepted from pardon, Nov. 21st. See 
 Gard., Civil War, 510, and index. 
 
 • " Hamilton suffered himself to be bearded with impunity by Callander, and only escaped 
 outward humiliation by assuming the appearance of being convinced." — Ibid. 416. These two, with 
 Baillie and Middleton, formed the conclave. 
 
 ' Sir George Monro from Ireland joined Hamilton at Kendal, but as Callander and Baillie 
 would not treat him as a commander, Hamilton was obliged to leave him behind in the North, to 
 
 O 
 
2IO DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 detachment of horse and foot. He also requested Sir Marma- 
 duke and his men, who were, it is true, not very numerous, but 
 Englishmen of courage and loyalty, to march and camp apart 
 from the Scots. His own column he allowed to divide and 
 straggle far and wide for more than twenty miles ^ across country, 
 through the hamlets and farmsteads — a flagrant breach of all rules 
 of military discipline. To excuse this madness, he pretended in 
 this to consult the welfare of the yeomen and natives of a country 
 so strongly favourable to the King, and give his men greater 
 facilities for obtaining food, forage, water, and fuel. Meantime 
 he neglected the enemy, who were most active and eager to seize 
 on every chance of war.^ Indeed, he carried carelessness so far, 
 that though on other occasions he was, in the estimation of many, 
 a man of wariness and foresight, and particularly skilful in laying 
 traps for his adversaries, on this expedition he showed himself a 
 general without aim, without skill, and without success, not to say 
 worse of him, to the great misfortune of the King, the kingdom, 
 and himself. 
 
 Meantime the Independents, who by violence and deceit had 
 forced the King to fly to the Isle of Wight, had seized his person. 
 They also snatched the city and Tower of London from the hands 
 of the Presbyterians, and expelled them from both Parliament and 
 army. As soon as they were absolute, they at last threw off the 
 mask. Hating Presbyterianism as much as monarchy, they re- 
 solved to crush and trample on both. Their general, Fairfax, 
 undertook to repress some Presbyterians who were in arms with 
 the Royalists in Kent and Essex. This he easily effected, as they 
 were ill-prepared and undisciplined, without officers, a raw rabble, 
 unfit for war." Colchester, however, though poorly fortified, held 
 
 form, with Musgrave's force, a separate army. He was nephew of Sir Robert Monro, commander 
 of the Scots in Ulster. 
 
 ^ Here Clarendon agrees. Had he read Wishart ? The army was depending much on plunder. 
 
 * Lambert fell back slowly, fighting wherever he got a good position. He quartered his men 
 at Bowes and Barnard Castle, and left a garrison in Appleby Castle. Card., Civil War, iii. 416. 
 
 '** June 1st, Earl of Norwich with 7000 Kentish men moved on London and took Bow Bridge. 
 June 4th, Lucas raised a force in Essex, and at Chelmsford, June 9th, united with Norwich. June 
 1 2th, they were in Colchester, preparing to hold it against Fairfax. It capitulated August 27th, 
 and was occupied next day. Holland took the field at Kingston July 4th, and by the loth was 
 surprised and taken at St. Neots. Lingen in Hereford and Byron in Wales also proved failures. 
 The Prince of Wales off Yarmouth and in the Downs was equally ineffective. Ibid, under dates. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. an 
 
 out longer than was expected, owing to the courage and deter- 
 mination of the King's officers, especially Lucas ^^ and Lisle." 
 Cromwell, the lieutenant-general, surprised the Scots under Hamil- 
 ton in Lancashire, and met with much the same success. The 
 English, commanded by Sir Marmaduke, were the first to be 
 attacked. For a long time they held their ground with great 
 bravery ; but at last, borne down by numbers, almost surrounded, 
 in want of powder, and despairing of the help from Hamilton, 
 which they had implored in vain, they were forced to look to them- 
 selves and fly. Cromwell, accurately informed by deserters of the 
 sort of order and discipline maintained by Hamilton, in the cer- 
 tain hope of a very easy victory, charged furiously on the centre 
 of the Scots with his cavalry, in which he was pre-eminently 
 strong. Hamilton, in his ignorance of military affairs, was con- 
 founded by this sudden onslaught. In aimless panic he fell back 
 on Preston with what forces he had about him.^'^ Even there he 
 
 ^^ Sir Richard Lucas, a Colchester man, brother of Lord Lucas. His execution with Lisle on 
 the capitulation was an act disgraceful to Fairfax. By two P.M. on the 28th they were sentenced to 
 death and executed at seven o'clock. According to Colchester belief, the grass will not grow in the 
 castleyard round the stone on which he stood to be shot. Ibid., and Walker, Hist. Ind., ii. 14. 
 
 ^^ Sir George Lisle, a good soldier, had held the important ridge at the battle of Cheriton 
 which Waller gained. From London he joined Norwich, and shared in the defence of Colchester. 
 As Lucas fell Lisle leaped forward, caught the body, and kissed the face. He then took his place 
 on the fatal stone. The men said they would not miss him. He smiled, and said they had missed 
 him before when he was nearer. Ibid. 
 
 ^^ The dates of events (from Gardiner) may help to clear this somewhat vague account. About 
 August 3rd Lambert took up a position between Knaresborough and Leeds to await Cromwell's 
 coming, and check any movement of the Scots to relieve Pontefract. W^hile Hamilton lingered at 
 Kendal, Langdale, impatient, pushed on to Settle, hoping to win over the governor of Skipton. 
 August 9th, Hamilton advanced towards Hornby, where he still was on the 13th, when Langdale 
 rode over from Settle to tell him the Parliamentary forces were gathering in Yorkshire. Whether 
 Langdale knew that Cromwell was near Lambert is not certain, but Cromwell joined forces with 
 Lambert that very day. While Langdale was drawing in his forces from Settle towards Preston, 
 Cromwell marched through Craven, and reached Gisburn on the 15th. On the evening of the i6th 
 he fixed his quarters in Stonyhurst Park, while the Scottish cavalry were far south of Preston, 
 towards Wigan. Hamilton arrived in Preston early on the 17th, and ordered Baillie to continue his 
 march across the bridge. Meanwhile to the north-west of the town Langdale was already engaged 
 with Cromwell. The Duke, surprised by this, stopped Baillie and sent for the cavalry. Callander 
 overruled this decision, and Baillie crossed the bridge. Hamilton, however, fell back with a small 
 body of horse to aid Langdale, outnumbered two to one. After four hours' heroic struggle they fell 
 back on the town. The Ironsides soon cleared the streets. Langdale himself cut his way across to 
 Baillie, but his infantry surrendered and his cavalry fled north to Monro. Hamilton crossed by a 
 ford. Before night Baillie was driven over the Darwen, leaving the bridge as well as Ribble Bridge 
 in Cromwell's hands. Turner was for fighting on the spot, but it was decided at a night council to 
 slip away in the dark. On they went to Wigan, and next night on towards Warrington. Cromwell, 
 
212 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 made no fight. Driven on by fear or fate, that very night he 
 abandoned the town without waiting for the rest of his men, who, 
 though summoned by no messengers and without orders, were 
 promptly and cheerfully hastening in to his assistance on the first 
 report of the action. He hurried across the river, leaving no 
 guard to defend the bridge, which was immediately seized by 
 Cromwell ; and abandoning his infantry, he got to horse and fled, 
 a leader only in disgrace and helplessness. The foot, following 
 their commander Baillie's example and orders, shamefully threw 
 down their arms and surrendered to the victorious enemy. Some 
 of the horse joined Monro, but most of them followed and managed 
 to overtake their flying general. He still had over 3000 light 
 cavalry, who, after a march of three or four days, having recovered 
 their strength and left the enemy far behind, were of opinion that 
 something might still be done. Some were for cutting their way 
 through to Monro, others thought they should push on to Wales, 
 and there join the Royalists who were still in arms. All, with 
 scarcely an exception, agreed that they should rather sell their 
 lives with honour, than endure the misery and disgrace of capti- 
 vity. The General was absolutely alone in declaring that it was 
 the fortune of war, to be accepted with humility ; they must not 
 kick against the goads of fate ; there was no hope in fighting, 
 while there was not the least reason to despair of mercy from the 
 enemy : surrender at once was the sole road to safety. Crom- 
 well's officers had not come up, but the Duke's impatience brooked 
 no delay. He hastened to treat with the governor of some 
 obscure garrison,^* and having obtained a promise of quarter, he 
 agreed to surrender himself and his followers. This petty governor 
 
 on the 19th, was on them at Winwick, killed looo and took 2000 prisoners. Though still superior 
 in numbers, Baillie with his 4000 foot surrendered at Warrington Bridge. Cromwell wrote that he 
 had now 10,000 prisoners. Lambert continued the pursuit. On the 22nd Hamilton with his cavalry 
 was at Uttoxeter. On the 25th he offered to capitulate to the governor of Stafford. Lambert then 
 appeared on the scene, and articles of surrender were agreed on. Lord Grey of Groby rode in and 
 seized Hamilton as his prisoner, but Lambert stuck to the terms of agreement — they were to be 
 prisoners of war, " the lives and safety of their persons assured to them." Ibid., but see Clarendon, 
 Turner, and Burnet. Walker gives Colonel Wayte as the actual receiver of H.'s submission, and 
 agrees much with W. 
 
 " Governor of Stafford. " Vitam," below in the singular seems invidious, but had W. meant 
 only his own life he would have written "suam." 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 213 
 
 had hastily got together a rabble of some four hundred country 
 people, to whom Hamilton with his three thousand finely-appointed 
 cavalry was on the point of surrendering, when word came that 
 the Earl of Stamford ^^ (others say Lambert) was at hand. To 
 his discretion he surrendered himself and his army on the same 
 terms as the governor had prescribed, and was immediately led 
 off to prison.^^ Callander, ^^ his lieutenant-general, whom Hamil- 
 ton's friends blame for the loss of the army and all their misfor- 
 tunes, because the general had devolved on him the charge of the 
 discipline and entire control in the camp, avoided this deep dis- 
 grace, and adopting a more honourable expedient, travelled in 
 disguise through England, and having found a ship, escaped to 
 Holland, Of the prisoners, the richer were set free on ransom. 
 Some escaped by eluding or bribing their guards. The common 
 soldiers were treated with barbarous and unchristian cruelty, and 
 sold for paltry sums to slave-dealers, who sent them out to the 
 most degrading, grinding slavery in the West Indies.^^ 
 
 Monro and those of his men who had survived the battle of 
 Preston were at once recalled to Scotland by the Earl of Lanark. 
 Near the Borders he was joined by a large number of his friends, 
 vassals, and other Royalists. A number of English noblemen 
 and gentry also volunteered to serve either in Scotland or Eng- 
 land, ready to fight to the last against the rebels, and eager to 
 share his fortunes. The nobles, most of whom were favourable 
 to the King, gathered their forces from every side and came 
 fliocking in, or sent special messengers to assure him of their 
 goodwill and readiness to help. Soon an army was gathered 
 
 ^^ Lord Grey of Groby was commander of the Midland Association, and claimed Hamilton 
 {vide n. 1 3). The Earl of Stamford was a Grey, hence the error. Lambert was first on the scene 
 after the surrender. Cf. Walker, Hist. Ind., ii. 55 and 131. 
 
 ^® Vide p. 26, n. 4. 
 
 ^^ Callander went first to Ivondon, and thence escaped. See Turner for account of his own mis- 
 fortunes and the whole expedition. 
 
 ^® The mass of prisoners was a sore burden. A distinction was made between those who had 
 taken service under compulsion and the volunteers. The former were released on parole, the latter 
 sent to the Plantations. When the market there was glutted, the rest were sent to Venice to serve 
 under the Republic. Gard., Civil War, iii. 448. In January 1649 many were sold to Cromwell's 
 admirers, the Jews, " who kept a constant traffic with the Turks, Moores, and other Mahometans ; 
 the Barbadus and other English Plantations being already cloyed with Welch, Scottish, Colchester 
 and other prisoners." Walker, Hist. Ind., ii. 62. 
 
214 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 sufficient to oppose Cromwell should he invade Scotland, and 
 to quash Argyll if he attempted to stir up trouble at home. But 
 this army wanted a leader. A council of war was therefore held 
 to appoint a new general in place of Hamilton, now a prisoner 
 in England. Lanark, his brother, whose ambition exceeded his 
 merits, claimed the appointment, and, in spite of the strongest 
 opposition, assumed rather than received the command. The 
 Earl of Roxburgh, a man of great experience and distinction in 
 the country, and far the most powerful nobleman in those parts, 
 opposed him in a grave, moderate speech, and earnestly implored 
 him, for the sake of their dear sovereign and distressed country, 
 to withdraw his untimely demand for that dignity. " Even be- 
 fore the late defeat," he said, " many were much offended at the 
 disastrous expedition into England. It seemed in a manner 
 foredoomed, and solely because your illustrious brother had been 
 appointed general. Not a few denounced his want of loyalty in 
 the King's business — unjustly, as I think. But no one would 
 have denied his want of success. And on this success people's 
 estimate of the conduct of generals does, in a great measure, 
 though erroneously, depend. For my own part, I would rather 
 ascribe the late loss of that very powerful army and the signal 
 disgrace of our nation to the cowardice of others or the malevo- 
 lence of fate. But it is evident enough that most of the people, 
 whose favour at this crisis we must do our utmost to conciliate, 
 differ widely from what I feel it proper to express. Their minds 
 are now embittered and sore ; and if you, my Lord, are substituted 
 for your brother, they will at once cry out that King and country 
 are undone ; that the brothers are one in mind and motive, one in 
 the objects they pursue, and will certainly experience one and the 
 same fate. Among our nobles there are still many men of weight, 
 courage, and ability, men whose ancestors have commanded royal 
 armies with honour and renown. I propose that one of these be 
 invited, and even obliged, if he hesitate, to assume the command. 
 And I think, if it please this honourable council, that the com- 
 mand should be intrusted to the Earl Marischal, a man in the 
 prime of life, possessed of great wealth, second to none in ancestry 
 and family renown, untouched by the breath of suspicion or the 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 215 
 
 cavils of faction, and, I must not omit to say, no canvasser for the 
 honour of this office." 
 
 All the nobles and officers present voted for Roxburgh's 
 proposal. But at last Lanark, after indulging in excessive com- 
 pliments to his own merits, threatened that he would never 
 endure to have the command wrested from his hands in the 
 absence of his brother. Roxburgh, and others with him, who 
 had the wisdom and foresight to perceive the end of such courses, 
 retired home, full of sorrow and anxiety, and from that day forth 
 abstained from meddling in affairs so utterly confused and so 
 plainly rushing on their doom.^^* 
 
 As soon as Lanark entered Scotland, his first care was to 
 dismiss his honourable and vahant English allies. The reason 
 he alleged was his unwillingness to offend and irritate his Scots 
 by surrounding himself with strange foreign soldiery. Meantime 
 he held out hopes of concerting some plan for mutual aid — a hope 
 which they found at last to be as vain as it was false. Next, 
 with great parade of business, he despatched messengers with 
 letters to all parts of the realm, to encourage all men of every 
 rank, especially the nobles and chiefs of wealthy leading families 
 and clans, to rise boldly and at once. Part of his brother's army 
 had, he admitted, been lost, in spite of their general's courageous 
 resistance, by the cowardice of others, but the greater part was 
 still safe and resolute under his command. He therefore earnestly 
 begged them to gird themselves to share with him the glory and 
 profit of certain victory. But as he was well aware that many 
 considered him wavering in loyalty, he solemnly imprecated curses 
 on himself, if he failed to pursue to his last gasp that most 
 holy war, begun at first to rescue and restore his most gracious 
 Majesty, with the additional motive now of his dearest brother's 
 safety. Few were so steeled and hard of heart as not to be 
 touched, few so incredulous as to doubt his sincerity and earnest- 
 ness. All beyond Forth, not even Fife excepted, prepared to 
 rise. The Earl of Seaforth brought up 4000 choice men from 
 the Hebrides and farthest parts of Ross and Caithness. From 
 
 186 Vi(ie p. 223, n. 36. 
 
2i6 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 the uttermost Orkneys the Earl of Morton ^^ was already in 
 Lothian with about 1 200 men ; but they were unarmed, and to 
 arm them was not the intention of their excellent general. There 
 was also good reason to suspect that they would soon be joined 
 by the Gordons, — whose chief, the Marquis of Huntly,^° was then 
 shamefully imprisoned at Edinburgh and in danger of his life, — by 
 the Earl of Erroll,^^ hereditary Master of the Horse in Scot- 
 land, the Earls Marischal, Buchan,"'^ Athole,^^ with all their men, 
 Ogilvy, Spynie,^^ Carnegie, Scrimgeour,^^ Drummond, Tullibar- 
 dine, Erskine, Fleming, Livingstone, Lindsay ,^^ Sinclair, ^^ Douglas, 
 Queensberry, Hertfell, Galloway,^^ Dumfries,^^ Maxwell,^" Annan- 
 dale, Home, Linton, with very many other Earls, Barons and 
 chiefs of clans, either devoted to the Hamiltons or ardent 
 Royalists. ^^ The Highlanders were ready to a man, Argyll alone 
 
 ^' William, seventh Earl of Morton, had just died in Orkney, August 7th. His son Robert was 
 served heir in March 1649, ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ same year in Orkney. He probably was in Lothian with 
 his retainers on succession questions. Orkney was granted to the seventh Earl to reward sacrifices 
 for the crown which had involved the sale of Dalkeith. See Kinnoull's letter from Orkney below. 
 
 '*'' Huntly had remained in arms off and on during 1646 and part of 1647. Some of his bravest 
 followers, such as Young Leith of Harthill and Gordon of Newton, had suffered on the scaffold. 
 He was captured in Strathnaver, and imprisoned in Edinburgh in 1647. 
 
 ^^ Gilbert, tenth Earl of Erroll, was a colonel of horse in the Engagement, and raised a regiment 
 for Charles II. 
 
 ^ James, seventh Earl of Buchan, fined by Cromwell's Act of Grace ;f 1000 for this loyalty. 
 
 ^^ John Murray, second Earl of Athole, was excepted from the Act of Grace for joining 
 Glencairn against Cromwell. He was made Marquis in 1676, aided William of Orange at the 
 Revolution, and died in 1 703. His wife was a daughter of the brave Countess of Derby. 
 
 ^* George Lindsay, third Lord Spynie, suffered much in the cause as an Engager, and with 
 Charles at Worcester, being imprisoned in the Tower and excepted from the Act of Grace. On 
 the death of Ludovic, Earl of Crawford, he became head of the ancient family. The patent of the 
 title of Spynie could not be found, and was never voted on. 
 
 '""* John Scrimgeour, third Viscount Dudhope, was at Worcester, out with Glencairn, and 
 captured by Middleton. At the Restoration he was made first Earl of Dundee. 
 
 '^ John, tenth Lord Lindsay of Byres, afterwards Earl of Crawford-Lindsay, {v. index), stood 
 for the Engagement, and suffered a long imprisonment in the Tower and Windsor Castle. He 
 held high offices in Scotland after the Restoration, but his hatred of Episcopacy and refusal to 
 make declaration shook his influence, and he retired from office, dying in 1676 at the age of eighty. 
 
 ^ John, sixth Lord Sinclair, an Engager, at Worcester, in the Tower till 1660, died 1676, 
 set. 66. 
 
 2* Alexander, first Earl of Galloway, died in 1649, and the honours and penalties of loyalty fell 
 to his son James, second Earl, whom Cromwell fined ;iC4000 sterling. The second Earl "was a 
 proper stately person, most courteous and affable, so that the meanest persons in the country might 
 easily have got access to him , . . yet he knew well enough how to keep his distance " (Douglas). 
 
 ''* William, seventh Lord Crichton of Sanquhar, made Earl of Dumfries in 1633. 
 
 ^^ Was this Robert Maxwell, restored in 1647 to his father's forfeited title as second Earl of 
 Nithsdale, and commonly called the Philosopher ? He had been out with Montrose. 
 
 " As to the other noblemen given here, see index. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 217 
 
 excepted. Many of these had already drawn sword in the war, 
 to their own great cost. 
 
 Argyll's faction, aided and abetted by the most fanatic of the 
 ministers, had gathered a rabble from the West, made up of a few 
 farmers, cowherds, shepherds, sailors, cobblers, and the like, utterly 
 untrained to war and without arms, and sent them to Edinburgh 
 to fight under David Leslie.^^ They were loaded rather than 
 fitted with weapons they were quite unsuited to carry, and 
 mounted on horses, or rather jades, long condemned to the mill, 
 and equipped with pack-saddles and rude halters in place of 
 saddles, bridles, and bits. Argyll himself followed with some 700 
 soldiers of the same sort, some of whom he intended to throw as 
 a garrison into Stirling, the place being suitable to his design. 
 
 To Edinburorh Lanark was now advancing- at the head of a 
 powerful army, composed of 5000 very active cavalry and 6000 
 foot, mostly veterans. The men were cheerful, well drilled, well 
 armed, and well officered, eager to engage the enemy, and con- 
 fident of an easy, bloodless victory. The advanced guard had 
 already reached Musselburgh, four miles from the city, where 
 they attacked the bridge over the Esk,^^ and though much inferior 
 in numbers, dislodged and routed the force stationed by Leslie to 
 defend it, with some loss to the enemy and none to themselves. 
 They reported to Lanark that the enemy showed no aptitude or 
 spirit for fighting, and thought of nothing but flight or surrender. 
 
 ^^ The Whigamore raid of Lord Eglinton and his son Robert moved on Edinburgh about Sep- 
 tember 5, accompanied by Loudon, the Chancellor, and David Dickson, and w^elcomed by the city 
 magistrates and ministers. Leven held the Castle, which protected them. The Hamilton party in 
 the town opened negotiations with them, and Lindsay and Glencairn rode south with proposals to 
 Lanark. Monro crossed the Tweed September 8, and advanced by Haddington on Edinburgh, 
 which they passed on the south side, and on the nth ate the deserted supper of Cassilis and his 
 raiders at Linlithgow. By the afternoon of the 12th, Monro with the cavalry was at St. Ninians, 
 close to Stirling. Argyll entered Stirling at eleven o'clock that morning, and having set his posts 
 and quartered his men, went to dine with Lord Mar, the governor. The meat " was setting on the 
 table " when he heard of Monro's approach, and fled by the bridge to North Queensferry, where he 
 took boat for the fourth time." Monro's slaughter of Argyll's men was condemned by his superiors 
 on their arrival. On the night of the 12th Leslie and the Whigamores were at Falkirk. Monro 
 offered to destroy them, but Lanark negotiated, and on the 1 6th concluded a treaty in effect harsh 
 to Monro and his Irish. All the Irish ports to which they might have sailed were now in Monk's 
 hands, and old Sir Robert Monro taken. Cromwell crossed the Tweed September 21, met Argyll 
 on the 22nd, sent Lambert on to Edinburgh at once, and himself followed October 4. See Guthrie. 
 
 3^ The picturesque old bridge near the railway station. 
 
2i8 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 A victory without bloodshed, and therefore without prejudice, was 
 in their hands. The capital of the kingdom, the naval magazines 
 of Leith, with immense stores of implements, cannon, powder, and 
 ball, and a great supply of provisions, might easily be seized that 
 very night, perhaps even before sunset, if they pushed on. There 
 was no need for the whole army ; a mere third of it would suffice 
 to settle the whole business. 
 
 And in truth, had he given his assent, no one doubted that 
 Scotland might have been regained and returned to its allegiance. 
 Instead, he sounded a retreat, and ordered his victorious troops to 
 cease fighting and retire. Then leaving the highway to Edin- 
 burofh, he marched off to the left. Officers and men were astounded 
 at such a movement. Soon their astonishment gave place to 
 murmurs of indignation at letting slip so grand a chance to 
 finish the war in Scotland at once. His ill-timed hesitation would 
 benefit their enemies and injure themselves. It gave them not 
 only time to breathe, but time to collect forces both in Scotland 
 and beyond the Borders, especially from Cromwell, for whom they 
 were fighting. The capital, where the Estates were held, with all 
 its stores, arms, and treasure, was being simply given away gratis 
 to the enemy. To crown all, their own reputation, which is a 
 matter of no small moment in a war, was being lost and passing 
 to enemies who did not deserve the name of soldiers. 
 
 The more sagacious now began for the first time to suspect 
 his drift. No sane person could suppose that Lanark, a man of 
 keen intellect and much foresight, could be so foolish and so mad, 
 without some object very different to what he professed. He had, 
 in fact, long before this resolved on any terms to make his peace 
 with Argyll's faction, and had made a show of arms to display his 
 power, not his will, to do them a mischief, and to secure greater 
 favour with them. It is now notorious that he had long been in 
 secret negotiation with Argyll, utterly indifferent to the interests 
 of his soldiers and comrades, whom he had summoned to his 
 standard. 
 
 When the enemy saw to their joy that Lanark had turned 
 away from Edinburgh and was marching through the Pentland 
 Hills, they hastened to draw out their contemptible force of dummy 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 219 
 
 soldiers ; not that they put any confidence in them, but by making 
 a show of force to keep up appearances and influence with the 
 people, and fleer at brave men crippled by their leader's orders. 
 The veteran officers and soldiers, pierced with sorrow, shame, and 
 rage, could scarce brook the affront. Their general had great 
 difficulty in restraining them from falling furiously upon their 
 paltry foe ; but his authority prevailed, and they were compelled 
 to march towards Stirling. 
 
 On reaching Falkirk ^* the van with a few veterans was led by 
 Monro, an honourable man, earnest in the King's service, and 
 eager to serve him faithfully in a war which, as he imagined, had 
 been undertaken in his cause. He had now got wind of Lanark's 
 intrigues, dark and secret though they were. As he could not 
 overthrow them, he resolved to thwart them or expose them by 
 a skilful stratagem. The general was marching slowly, bringing 
 up the rear far behind, when word was brought that Argyll with 
 700 Highlanders had that morning occupied Stirling. To Stir- 
 ling, therefore, Monro and his men advanced with all speed, in 
 order, if possible, to surprise him. The gates were shut and 
 guarded ; but he managed to gain access through a park which 
 Scottish kings had constructed near a pleasant orchard as a deer 
 preserve. Here he found a small postern, but too narrow and 
 low to admit him on horseback. Dismounting, therefore, this 
 active, indefatigable officer broke down the gate and burst in. 
 The rest of his men followed slowly, one by one, as they could 
 scramble through the narrow wicket, and scarce six came up with 
 him before he was engaged. Argyll's men, confounded by the 
 sudden attack, and at a loss what to do, with none to command 
 them, scattered through the streets and wynds in disorder and 
 confusion. Their leader himself, at the first news of the enemy's 
 entrance, resolved, as usual, to make off, and headed the flight. 
 Mounted on his swiftest steed, he passed the gate farthest from 
 the attack, and made for the bridge over the Forth, hotly pursued 
 by Monro. But his fleet horse carried him off like a deer from 
 the fangs of a stag-hound ; he gained the bridge and escaped. 
 
 ** Lat. tanum Valli, Wall Kirk, according to W. 's derivation, p. 10. 
 
220 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 His men, however, were not so lucky. Nearly 200 of them were 
 killed, and the rest taken prisoners. 
 
 At length Lanark came up, attended by Lords Lindsay and 
 Glencairn, the sole confidants of his secret plans. They were 
 vastly disgusted at this gallant action of Monro. Lindsay could 
 not contain his annoyance, and angrily exclaimed, "Woe's me, that 
 ever I should live to see this unlucky and disastrous day ! " For 
 they were sorely afraid that the exasperation on both sides would 
 defeat their hope and eagerness for peace. 
 
 Lanark, however, disguised his feelings with profound craft 
 both to the soldiers and those nobles who had not yet joined, and 
 whom he teased continually with letters to that purpose. Monro, 
 however, and others too, saw through his machinations. Among 
 these were the men of Athole, rough Highlanders, but by no 
 means lacking in sagacity. They had been in arms for some 
 time, and had come down as far as Strathearn. Thence they 
 sent their humble earnest petition to the general and nobility 
 with him, praying them, if they were in earnest, to exert the 
 authority intrusted to them by the King and last Committee of 
 Estates, and proclaim those who resisted, and specially those who 
 convened forces at Edinburgh, as rebels and traitors. Such a 
 pledge would confirm the doubtful and wavering. " For though," 
 as they said, " it were wrong to doubt your firmness, loyalty, and 
 courage, yet there are many capable of greatly aiding your cause 
 who are deterred by the fear that you may desert them, and con- 
 tract a base peace with the enemy, dishonourable to yourselves 
 and destructive to your allies. Should that which we mention 
 with loathing really happen, what can we expect but curses and 
 excommunications, imprisonment, exile, confiscations, and every 
 form of death from our savage enemies ? " Others too made the 
 same and many more complaints, but without avail. They at 
 first dallied and put off their just and honourable demands, and 
 soon thought nothing of deceiving them outright. At last Glen- 
 cairn, first cousin of the Hamiltons, and Lindsay, their brother- 
 in-law, both of them bound like slaves to their interest, had the 
 effrontery to speak of the necessity of demanding and accepting, 
 not on fair terms, but on any terms whatsoever, a peace which 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 221 
 
 they had already concluded unknown to the rest of their party. 
 At this the soldiers were indignant, and began to murmur and 
 storm. The general, with a skill that almost extorts admiration, 
 welcomed this display of spirit and resolution, while he approved 
 of the zeal for peace displayed by the others. In outward show 
 he agreed with his soldiers ; in his heart he was with his kinsmen. 
 In a vague, rambling speech he accused Glencalrn and Lindsay, 
 and complained that they had begun to treat with the enemy 
 without their general's knowledge or consent, and demanded a 
 dubious and treacherous peace on very hard — almost intolerable 
 conditions. At the same time he aimed a side blow of reproof 
 at those who expressed such abhorrence of accommodation and 
 seemed to rejoice in civil broils. And though he professed that 
 he himself would never accept those hard terms thrust on them 
 by the enemy, yet he implored others, by the perils to which they 
 exposed their parents, wives, children, and friends, to acquiesce 
 in those very terms. Few, however, were so foolish and infatuated 
 as to believe that this brace of peace-makers, devoted to him on sc 
 many accounts, and in all else the creatures of his will, would 
 have presumed to think, not to say treat, of peace without his 
 orders. 
 
 Thus at last, in spite of much resistance on the part of soldiers, 
 officers, and all the loyal nobility, the advice of Glencairn and 
 Lindsay prevailed. These soldiers had been levied by authority 
 of King and Parliament. On that same authority their officers 
 had relied. Their supplies were abundant. Their force was 
 continually growing by large and powerful accessions from every 
 side. They were worn out by no fatigues, thinned by no disease, 
 unassailed by even the slightest loss an enemy could inflict ; in 
 straits for nothing, unimpaired in health and vigour, well armed, 
 and in high spirits. Yet they were compelled to accept the 
 hardest and most iniquitous terms imposed by a few feeble un- 
 soldierly rebels, without the King's mandate, without the vote of 
 Parliament, without the support of any legal authority. 
 
 By the articles of this peace it was provided, firstly, that all 
 officers and men who had served under the Hamiltons should 
 lay down their arms, — those who were at Stirling and in the 
 
222 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 neighbourhood within two days, — their adherents in more distant 
 parts within a fortnight. Those who refused were to be held 
 guilty of rebellion. All noblemen who had shared in Hamilton's 
 recent expedition, or in any way abetted it, were to present them- 
 selves before the next meeting of the Estates, to stand their 
 trial. In those proceedings they were to have no voice or vote. 
 Colonels, captains, and other officers were to be stripped of their 
 titles and commissions, and excluded from any return to office, 
 until penance done and satisfaction given to the Presbytery. 
 The same enactment applied to the common soldiers. The Irish 
 one and all were to quit Scotland, under pain of death if found 
 there beyond a certain day. Finally, all were to submit to the 
 judgment of the Presbytery, and cheerfully accept the penalties 
 it imposed, under pain of excommunication. 
 
 On the day when these articles were published to the troops, 
 it happened conveniently that they were almost all scattered in 
 villao;-es and hamlets. Otherwise it is certain there would have 
 been a great mutiny. The few who were on the spot were filled 
 with the bitterest indignation, and could scarce refrain from falling 
 on those worthy peace-makers and tearing them limb from limb. 
 Lanark, their general, did his utmost to clear himself of all blame. 
 But, to his pain as much as shame, their fury found vent in a 
 wild burst of Scotch lamentation. " Montrose ! Montrose ! " they 
 cried, " who will give us back Montrose ? Alas for the evil 
 chance that keeps thee from thy distressed country ! We, who 
 to-day are treated as worthless cowards and pedlars, and, heaven 
 help us ! turned adrift like godless traitors, under thy command 
 would have given peace to our country, stamped out the rebels, 
 and, with God's good help, restored the King to his throne." 
 The whole town rang with their complaints and cries, their curses 
 on those who had betrayed their king, ruined their country, 
 deserted their brave, loyal soldiers, and abandoned all true men 
 to their enemies' lust. Thus, like mourners taking a last farewell, 
 they turned away and went as chance or Providence directed. 
 Amidst the general misery the most miserable of all were the Irish. 
 Without food, and without money to pay their way and passage, 
 in instant ff ar of death if they delayed a moment, they had to 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 223 
 
 depart. Some of them while preparing to return were stripped 
 of their clothes, others wounded or killed, all ill-treated, at the 
 instigation especially of the Westland ministers, who urged their 
 people to wreak on these poor innocent men an unjust, unchristian 
 vengeance for the Irish massacre. 
 
 The Argyll faction having thus, without effort and bloodshed, 
 gained a fine victory, and made themselves as absolute in Scotland 
 as the Independents were in England, bent all their attention to 
 their own interests. In the first place, even while the peace was 
 being negotiated, they invited Cromwell into Scotland. On his 
 arrival he was received at Edinburgh in the most friendly and 
 magnificent manner by Argyll, After solemnly thanking him, as 
 one who had conferred great benefits on Scotland by destroying 
 Hamilton's army, he entertained him to a public banquet, and 
 escorted him like a conqueror to the Castle amidst a roar of artillery. 
 Before his departure he secretly entered into an accursed compact 
 with Argyll and his partisans to destroy the good King,^^ then his 
 prisoner, and all his race, and they engaged to help each other in 
 rooting out monarchy throughout Britain. Of this Cromwell, on 
 his return to England, was wont to brag among his party far more 
 than of his victory at Preston.^® 
 
 ^^ *' Lady Home's house in the Canongate became an object of mysterious curiosity, from the 
 general report at the time that the design to execute the King was there first discussed and approved." 
 Napier, Mem., 673. Gardiner says Cromwell was lodged in Lord Moray's house. Moray House, 
 in the Canongate, was built by Mary, Countess of Home, at the beginning of Charles I.'s reign, 
 who left it to her daughter Margaret, Countess of Moray. Wilson, Memorials of Edinburgh, 294. 
 Cf. Notice in the " True Funerals," Appendix. 
 
 ^ As negative evidence of date of MS. of Part II., the statement as to Roxburgh on p. 215 is of 
 value. Roxburgh in 1651 joined in the invitation to Charles to come to Scotland. See Crit. 
 Introd. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 1649. — The King's execution— Conduct of the Scotch Commissioners in London — Mon- 
 trose's journey to Prague and reception by the Emperor— He reaches the Hague, 
 where he hears of the King's death— Attends Charles H. at the Hague — His advice 
 opposed by Lanark and Lauderdale — Execution of the Duke of Hamilton. 
 
 THESE events have been described at somewhat greater 
 length than the scope of our work perhaps required, chiefly 
 for the benefit of foreigners, that they may see by what artifices 
 not only Montrose but the King himself was opposed, and how 
 these worthy men ruined themselves and enslaved their country. 
 
 Such was the state of Scotland towards the close of 1648. In 
 the beginning of 1649 they suffered a calamity, the curse of which 
 will last for ever. On the 30th of January the Independents, 
 elated with their victories, maddened with frenzy, and blinded with 
 ambition and avarice, contrary to all law, human and divine, im- 
 piously butchered their sovereign, that most holy, just, chaste, and 
 gracious prince, responsible only to the tribunal of God. At this 
 very time commissioners to the English Parliament, sent by the 
 Argyll party, but nominally from the Estates of Scotland, were 
 residing in London. The chief of them in power and influence 
 was the Earl of Lothian, the most implacable and ungrateful 
 enemy to the King, although his Majesty's signal munificence had 
 raised him and his father to the highest honours and wealth. 
 These men took no steps to oppose the sentence of death passed 
 on the King, acquiescing in it as a just and legal procedure. 
 Their instructions were, not to question the right of the English 
 Commons to dethrone, and even punish the King with death, if so 
 resolved.^ However, they were willing to protest against his exe- 
 
 ^ Cf. Gardiner as to Lothian and his fellow-commissioners. " On the 6th, the 19th, and the 22nd 
 they denounced, in the name first of the Committee of Estates, and secondly of the Scottish Parlia- 
 ment, the proceedings taken against the King." His authority is •' a letter from the Commissioners 
 cf Scotland, E. 539, 11." But see Clarendon, who speaks of a "few men in Scotland who no 
 doubt were as consenting to the parricide as Cromwell or Ireton." Clar. State Papers, ii. 474, 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 225 
 
 cution, that by a show of disapprobation on their return to Scot- 
 land they might have a ready excuse to throw dust in the eyes of 
 the ignorant, as if that crime had been perpetrated against their 
 will and intervention. Accordingly, on the day appointed for that 
 accursed butchery they left the city, to return without compunction 
 in a few days' time. Craftily those wicked, faithless men judged 
 that they must turn their eyes from a spectacle that would shame 
 the Christian world, though in their hearts they panted for it. 
 Indeed, it deserves to be accounted one of this good King's greatest 
 calamities that many of those on whom he or his father King 
 James had showered the highest favour, enriched with the most 
 profitable offices, and advanced to the most honourable positions 
 of wealth and dignity, should of all men prove the most ungrateful, 
 the very head and front of rebellion ; whereas those whom he found 
 most loyal were generally those who were furthest removed, and 
 even repelled from the court, the Parliament, and every office of 
 administration. 
 
 Montrose, who thoroughly knew the temper of the Covenanters, 
 had not only foreseen, but openly predicted those disasters, and 
 had laboured to prevent them, but in vain. The minds of the 
 royal family were prepossessed by the specious, deceitful promises 
 of the Presbyterians, and fascinated by the blandishments of the 
 Hamiltons. For his wholesome counsels there was no room. 
 When he observed this, worn out with grief and pain, he left 
 France, where he found all his efforts useless to serve the King 
 or himself^ This he did without the Queen's knowledge ; but 
 in writing he fully explained the reasons of his action and neces- 
 
 There is nothing either explicit or implied in the Instructions to the Scots Commissioners to bear 
 out the words of W. as to the death or the dethroning of the King. In the Declaration given in 
 1 819 ed. of W.'s "Montrose," p. 483, we read — they, the Scots Commissioners, "did expostulate 
 with the Commons for taking away the Eling's life ; " — a tardy proceeding, coolly worded, and thus 
 bearing out W.'s account. 
 
 2 As to opportunities of advancing his own interests in France, see Lord Napier's letter, Napier, 
 Mem., 665. "Montrose was in treaty with the French, who, in my opinion, did offer him very 
 honourable conditions, which were these : — First, that he should be General to the Scots in France 
 and Lieutenant -General to the Royal army, when he joined with them, commanding all Mareschals 
 of the field, as likewise to be captain of the gen-d'armes, with 12,000 crowns a year of pension, 
 besides his pay, and assurance the next year to be Mareschal of France and Captain of the King's 
 Own Guard, which is a place bought and sold at 150,000 crowns." The two last were only 
 promised by Mazarin, not inserted in the terms. 
 
 P 
 
226 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 sity for his departure, for which he humbly craved her pardon and 
 ofenerous construction. 
 
 In the beginning of April he arrived at Geneva, accompanied 
 by two gentlemen of knightly degree. From Switzerland he 
 passed by the Tyrol and traversed Bavaria and Austria. The 
 Emperor,^ to whom he was bound, with a view to the King's and 
 his own interests, was then absent from Vienna ; but at Prague 
 he overtook him, and was very kindly and graciously received, 
 both on account of his achievements in Scotland and his eminent 
 loyalty and devotion to the King, which had spread his name and 
 fame to the remoter parts of Christendom. After a few days his 
 Imperial Majesty left Prague, taking Montrose with him, and 
 distinguished him with signal marks of his favour and esteem. 
 He appointed him one of his generals, with the honourable title 
 of Marshal in the Imperial army,^ by letters patent, and a com- 
 mission to raise forces, with the sole command, under the Emperor 
 himself. He allowed him to enlist and impress men in all parts 
 of his Imperial Majesty's dominions, with power to have his own 
 colonels and captains. The parts of Germany on the borders of 
 Flanders were considered specially suitable for promoting and 
 completing his levies. He therefore dispatched a letter to the 
 Spanish ambassador, recommending Montrose in the most honour- 
 able terms to his Serene Highness Leopold, his brother, Archduke 
 of Austria and Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, requesting 
 him to use his authority and influence to advance Montrose's 
 business. In this Montrose's plan was successful. His sole object 
 being to serve the King, it was his wish to be near at hand, in 
 order to take advantage of any opportunity that might occur. 
 Indeed, he never ceased to apprehend that the King would be 
 betrayed, and even destroyed, by those Presbyterians to whom he 
 had intrusted himself and his fortunes. 
 
 Being honourably dismissed by the Emperor, as the shorter 
 road through Germany was beset by the enemy, he was obliged 
 
 '^ Ferdinand III., 1639-58. 
 
 * The patent is dated from the Castle of Lintz, on the Danube, " 12th 1648." The 
 
 month is torn off, but it was probably June or July. It mentions Montrose's "famous repute and 
 experience in war." (Original in Montrose charter-chest.) Napier, Mem., 670, n. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 227 
 
 to go from Vienna to Presburg in Hungary. Thence he descended 
 by Tyrnau^ to Poland, and passing through Cracow, made his 
 way through Prussia to Dantzig, the busiest port on the Baltic. 
 Here he took ship for Denmark, where he was kindly received 
 by the King, and rested for some days after the fatigues of a most 
 troublesome journey. He then passed into Jutland, took ship 
 again for Groningen in Friesland, and so made his way to 
 Brussels, The Archduke had fallen back on Tournay after his 
 late defeat at Lens.^ Thither Montrose hastened with the Em- 
 peror's greetings, and having delivered his credentials, besought 
 his advice and assistance in the affairs of the Archduke's Imperial 
 brother. But after the severe loss inflicted on that gallant army, 
 such jealousies and disturbances prevailed in the provinces that 
 nothing could then be done to help him, and the matter was de- 
 ferred till their return to Brussels. On their arrival there, the 
 Archduke laid it before the States to consider the best method of 
 assisting the Emperor, and order the necessary steps to be taken. 
 During the progress of these deliberations at Brussels, Mon- 
 trose received from his Royal Highness Charles, Prince of Scotland 
 and Wales, who was then residing at the Hague, letters^ full of 
 esteem and confidence, and with an urgent invitation to come 
 thither. Those who attended the Prince, and were devoted to 
 his service, especially his Highness Prince Rupert of the Palatine, 
 who had always agreed with Montrose's views of the Presbyterians, 
 had induced Charles to follow his own natural inclinations, and 
 send for Montrose. The Duke of Hamilton had just lost an 
 excellent army in England, and in Scotland his younger brother 
 had shamefully abandoned and dispersed a still better and more 
 
 ^ Lat. Terranova. Is this Tyrnau, about forty miles north-east of Presburg, on the railway to 
 Cracow ? 
 
 ' August 20, 1648. The Archduke lost 7000 men, 32 cannon, and 100 standards. Lens is 
 south-west of Tournay. As to the Lat. Lansensem, v. Crit. Notes. 
 
 ' Montrose was at Brussels early in September. He writes to Prince Rupert from there 
 September 7th, and he had before written to the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York. Some 
 five letters from Prince Rupert, the first dated September 20, follow before the close of the year. 
 The Duke of York answers on September nth. The first letter from the Prince of Wales is dated 
 January 20, 1649. In it he says Hyde was to meet Montrose in some place which the latter was to 
 name, to discuss in secret the proposals that had been made. Napier, Mem., 676-692. This 
 meeting took place at Sevenbergen. 
 
228 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 powerful army. Presbyterians and Royalists alike, in both king- 
 doms, were now reduced to great straits. Montrose alone re- 
 mained, the only man now with will and resolution to make any 
 attempt in Scotland. He had been badly treated. His advice 
 had been neglected, his assistance never called for except to lead 
 a forlorn hope. Yet such, they felt confident, was his generosity, 
 his loyalty and affection to his dearest lord and master, that in 
 spite of all he would still be ready to face any peril in the King's 
 service. 
 
 Montrose being thus assured of the Prince's esteem and con- 
 fidence, obtained the Archduke's leave, and was hastening to the 
 Hague,^ when he was stricken by the doleful tidings that the good 
 King, who had ever been dearer to him than his own eyesight, 
 had been murdered by the English Independents. Good God, 
 what horror seized him at the first uncertain rumour of his death ! 
 But when the news of this monstrous parricide was confirmed, and 
 there remained no more room for hope, his grief became passion, 
 his anger was heightened to fury, and his noble spirit was so over- 
 whelmed that his limbs stiffened, and he fainted in the midst of 
 his attendants, falling down like one dead. When at length he 
 recovered, after many deep groans, he broke out into these words : 
 " We must die, die with our gracious King. May the God of life 
 and death be my witness, that henceforth life on earth will be 
 bitterness and mourning ! " Among those who stood round him, 
 I, who write this history, happened to be present, and though 
 grieved beyond measure, and unable to bear up against the blow 
 which had stunned my own spirit, on hearing these exclamations 
 I hastened to minister words of encouragement. " No," I said, 
 " rather must brave men live, live, my noble master, and summon 
 up all their courage and spirit to inflict vengeance on those impious 
 and inhuman parricides, to take up arms in a just and holy cause, 
 and restore his princely son and lawful heir to the throne of his 
 ancestors. These are the obsequies due to the memory of the 
 dead, a worthier aim for your affection, loyalty, courage, and reso- 
 
 * Montrose was on the point of leaving Brussels, or already on his way, when the news came. 
 Probably it was conveyed by Hyde. On February 15 Montrose was at the Hague (Letter to Hyde). 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 229 
 
 lution, than weakly to despond and sink under the greatest mis- 
 fortunes, even such as ours, to gratify our wicked enemies, and 
 give them a new victory and fresh triumphs at our cost." Kind 
 and gracious as he ever was, he heard me with patience at least, 
 but as the sweeter thought of the vengeance he so ardently longed 
 for recalled new life into his choking heart, he revived somewhat, 
 and, with a calmer, more resigned mien, replied, " And for that I 
 may endure to live henceforth, to avenge the martyred sire and 
 raise the son to his father's throne : I swear it before God, angels, 
 and men 1 " With these words he rushed into the most retired 
 chamber of the house, and refused to see or speak with any one 
 for two days. At length on the third day he permitted me to 
 enter his bedchamber, and there I found a piece of paper on which 
 he had recorded his solemn vow in a brief but elegant poem, 
 breathing the spirit of his deepest heartfelt thoughts ; for he was 
 a man of most refined genius, and used to divert his intervals of 
 relaxation from weightier cares with poetry, in which he had a 
 very happy vein. A Latin version by myself will be found on 
 the page which follows these additional memoirs. I cannot pre- 
 tend to rival the author's fine point ; but perhaps the rendering, 
 such as it is, may not be unacceptable to those who are ignorant 
 of the English tongue.^ 
 
 Charles, the second of that name, and by royal right the lawful 
 heir, on his father's death sent for Montrose, as soon as grief and 
 decency would permit, and gave him many signal and encouraging 
 proofs of his close friendship and esteem. In the first place, he 
 gave him a commission to be Lieutenant-Governor of Scotland 
 and commander-in-chief of all forces by land and sea, with much 
 the same powers, expressed in the same terms, as in the commis- 
 sion he had previously held under his father. He likewise ap- 
 pointed him his ambassador to the Emperor, the King of Denmark, 
 the Princes of Germany and others, his allied kinsmen and friends, 
 with power to raise forces and procure the arms and money neces- 
 sary to renew the war ; and with full authority to make treaties 
 and alliances, give pledges, and transact all business as he should 
 
 * For the lines and Latin see Appendix. 
 
230 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 think fit, in the King's name. In the most pressing and honour- 
 able terms he recommended him to the various courts/** 
 
 Affairs were now in fine train. All were sanguine of the 
 happiest results, when the younger Hamilton ^^ interfered, as usual, 
 to blast their fairest hopes. Accompanied by his creature Lauder- 
 dale,^^ he had sped to Holland, pretending that he had been 
 obliged to fly from Scotland. But his real object was to oppose 
 and thwart Montrose's sounder counsels, in which he and his 
 brother the Duke had somewhat too often succeeded with the late 
 King. Montrose's advice was that the King should go in person 
 to Scotland ^^ as soon as possible, and by his presence and example 
 animate his faithful subjects, who were far the most numerous 
 party, to rise in arms. The people, he urged, had now learned 
 by experience the deadly shifts and tricks of the rebels. Most 
 men now hated and despised the invectives against the King with 
 which their fanatical ministers had hitherto blinded the people, 
 enslaved them to superstition, and seduced them from their due 
 allegiance. Men's hearts were hot with indignation, wrung with 
 horror at the recent murder of the King, and eager for revenge. 
 
 ^'^ The first commission is dated at the Hague, March 4 ; the second at Brussels, July 6. Napier, 
 Mem., ii. 388, n. The first was given after Lanark and Lauderdale had reached the King, but 
 before the Commissioners from Scotland arrived, March 25th (O.S.) For some guiding dates see 
 n., end of chapter. 
 
 ^^ Lanark had scarcely arrived in Holland when he heard of the King's death. Burnet's " Hamil- 
 tons," 421. In a letter to Ormond, March 30, 1649, Lord Byron says, " I came to the Hague ten 
 days since, where, not long before, the Earl of Lanerick, now Duke Hamilton, was arrived. There 
 I found likewise the Marquis of Montrose, the Earls of Lauderdale, Callendar, and Seaforth, the 
 Lords St. Clair and Napier, and old William Murray. These, though all of one nation, are subdivided 
 into four several factions. The Marquis of Montrose, with the Lords St. Clair and Napier, are very 
 earnest for the King's going to Ireland. All the rest oppose it, though in several ways. I find 
 Duke Hamilton very moderate, and certainly he would be much more were it not for the violence of 
 Lauderdale, who haunts him like a fury. Callendar and Seaforth have a faction apart, and so hath 
 William Murray, employed by Argyll." Napier, Mem., 695. 
 
 ^'•^ John, second Earl of Lauderdale, at first a strong Covenanter, then an Engager. He was 
 sent over to Holland to invite the Prince of Wales to Scotland when Hamilton marched into Eng- 
 land. After the news of Preston he left Holland to employ his interest for' the King, but finding 
 the Engagers in trouble, he did not land, but returned to the Hague, carrying Lanark with him, at 
 the beginning of 1649. He stayed there till Charles went to Scotland in 1650, and was only allowed 
 to attend the King of Scots after penance in the kirk of Largo for his sins as an Engager. After 
 Worcester he was nine years in the Tower, and soon after the Restoration he gained, with many 
 offices, the chief administration of affairs in Scotland, and was made Duke of Lauderdale. He died 
 August 24, 1682. He was an enemy of Montrose, but confessed that he knew of no death to be 
 attributed to him but what was done in the field. Clarendon, Burnet, Douglas, Napier. 
 
 ^' But see Byron's letter above, and n. at end of chapter. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 231 
 
 Delays were useless ; they should not linger until their rage grew 
 cool, but cut off from the conspirators every chance of increasing 
 their strength by force and fraud. Many who had hitherto been 
 opposed to monarchy were now softened, sensible of their folly, 
 and returning to their senses. In short, the Prince's presence 
 would be equal to a host. Let him therefore use all speed, and 
 not delay his journey a single day or hour. At such a crisis every 
 moment was precious. 
 
 This advice was strongly seconded by the Earl of Seaforth, 
 Kinnoul, Sinclair, and other noblemen, who had purposely come 
 from Scotland to Holland to impress this very advice upon the 
 King. Hamilton, however, said that nothing should be done 
 rashly. A new King ought to suspect everything, and must win 
 men's affections before he exposed his life to such a risk. The 
 clergy, the King's most bitter foes, had unbounded influence with 
 the common people. The power of Argyll's faction was unlimited, 
 and supported by the name and authority of the Estates. Every- 
 thing, he declared, was unfavourable to the King. He must 
 therefore deal kindly and gently with the Parliament, and attempt 
 nothing not previously sanctioned by their votes. In the most 
 tragic terms he repeatedly declaimed against the cruelty, treachery, 
 and seditious tempers of those people who were incensed beyond 
 measure against himself for the Prince's sake. Still his sole 
 endeavour was to induce the King to depend entirely on them, 
 and trust those who had brought his father to destruction. Charles 
 himself inclined decidedly to Montrose's opinion. Seeing this, 
 Hamilton, with the help of the courtiers, strove, but strove in 
 vain, to alienate the youthful Prince's mind from Montrose, whom 
 he represented as a headstrong, reckless, self-seeking adventurer, 
 too eager for civil wars, and ready to promise more than he could 
 perform. His insinuations so far prevailed that more time than 
 Montrose cared to lose was wasted in discussions, which only 
 added more delays and obstacles to his scheme. 
 
 The King loved Montrose, but feared Lanark. He wished 
 to have them both devoted to his service ; but he found it im- 
 possible to reconcile opinions so divided and minds so adverse 
 and estranged. Montrose protested that he had never had any 
 
232 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 private quarrel with the Hamiltons. The difference, he said, 
 had arisen and been perpetuated by their insincerity in the King's 
 affairs. Under the cloak of duty they had always seemed to hurt 
 the King more than his declared enemies. Their pernicious 
 counsels had shattered his strength and energies. They had 
 assisted and encouraged the rebels, with whom they had been 
 careful to maintain the most intimate friendship. No arguments 
 had ever prevailed, or could even now prevail on them, openly 
 and entirely to break with the Covenanters in Scotland, under 
 whatever name they put themselves up for sale, whether as 
 Estates of the realm or Assembly of the Kirk — and heartily 
 throw in their lot with their Prince. Their deeds had always 
 belied their words, their pledges been mere shifts.^* But if they 
 were at length really sorry for the past, freely and frankly re- 
 turning to their allegiance, and would promise that henceforth 
 they would have nothing to do with the Covenanters, he was 
 ready to forget their former misdeeds, and join them in a solemn 
 pledge of friendship ; but only on condition that they would sign 
 and publish a bond to protest their abhorrence of the Scotch 
 conspiracy with the English rebels, and of all leagues contracted 
 by his subjects without the King's will and consent, particularly 
 their so-called Solemn League and Covenant; and, further, de- 
 nounce all wars against the King, whether in Scotland or Eng- 
 land, and declare that those who were the authors and abetters 
 in this crime were in their opinion impious and wicked persons, 
 guilty of high treason ; and that Charles the Second, by the grace 
 of God King of Great Britain, etc., failing other means, might 
 lawfully, and even ought to, take up arms to avenge his father's 
 murder, and recover his ancestral throne ; and lastly, that they 
 would give their solemn promise that they would for that end 
 afford him and his generals and vicegerents staunch and loyal aid, 
 and venture life and fortune in his cause. 
 
 Hamilton and Lauderdale, who, in their private audience with 
 the King, used to accuse the Estates of the Kingdom of treachery, 
 
 " See Montrose's formal argument and advice, read in Council, May 21, 1649, entitled, "My 
 opinion to His Majesty upon the desires of the Scots Commissioners at the Hague." Napier, Mem., 
 705. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 233 
 
 cruelty, rebellion, and the foulest crimes, yet took good care not 
 to assail or offend them by any public document or declaration, in 
 this anxious dilemma replied vaguely, without sufficiently explaining 
 their views of the royal rights, which in casual conversations they 
 extolled, but craftily declined to commit themselves in public. 
 The name, authority, power, and resources of the Estates they 
 proclaimed aloud and magnified. It was more, they said, to the 
 King's interest to wait for their opinion, and be raised by their 
 votes and influence to his father's throne, than to waste his 
 country with fire and sword, and regain even a rightful crown 
 at the cost of a bloody civil war. In short, they could not approve 
 the opinion or accept the friendship of those who urged for civil 
 wars, however just, least of all the friendship of Montrose, who, 
 for his services in the field done with the late King's commission, 
 had been banished, outlawed, and sequestrated. 
 
 Meantime the Duke of Hamilton, who, after his defeat at 
 Preston, had been detained prisoner in England, was beheaded 
 in London by the Independents.^^ Thus the justice of Heaven, 
 by the unjust judgment of the regicides, brought him to the same 
 scaffold as his murdered sovereign. Long before he had, it is 
 said, consulted a wizard, whose answer was : " The King shall 
 die a violent death, and the Fates have decreed that thou shalt 
 succeed him." So perhaps some evil spirit deluded this ambitious 
 man, who succeeded his Prince, not on the throne, but on the 
 scaffold. 
 
 ^' March 9, 1649, see p. 26, n. 4; also Turner, 83-84. Walker, Hist, of Independency, ii. 131. 
 " See Digitus Dei upon Duke Hamilton " is his marginal comment. 
 
 Additional Notes. 
 
 Page 229. — Hyde at the Hague writes to Rupert, February 28 : " Montrose a gallant person, 
 very impatient to be doing — the King entirely trusts M. . . . M.'s hopes of Germany. M. very 
 friendly with Seaforth." — Rupert's Mem., 332. Scotch Commissioners' Instructions drawn out 
 March i. They contain no mention of Montrose, whose presence at the Hague was probably un- 
 known in Scotland. Spang writes, March 9, " Montrose frequently at court," &c.— Baillie, iii. 78. 
 Commissioners sailed March 17th, reached Rotterdam 22nd, and Hague 26th. These dates dispose 
 of Clarendon's remarks, "When he (Montrose) heard of the Commissioners being come from Scot- 
 land, and of the other Lords' arrival there, he would no longer defer his journey thither, but came to 
 the Hague . . . and presented himself to the King, who received him with a very good countenance." 
 (Clar. V. 287.) 
 
 Page 230, n. 13. — Wishart, in writing the above, antedates Montrose's later policy. Ireland 
 
234 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 till September was almost entirely in Royalist hands. It was not till the news of Cromwell's landing 
 at Dublin (Aug. 15) and rapid successes that the plan was abandoned. As late as .Sept. 2 the Queen 
 of Bohemia wrote to Montrose, " The King is constant in his resolution to go to Ireland." On Sept. 
 7 Baillie (iii. 102) wrote, " It seems Ireland is lost." On Sept. il Drogheda was sacked, and 2000 
 of the garrison massacred — "almost all their prime soldiers" (Cromwell's Letters, Carlysle, ii. 49). 
 Baillie, iii. 100, on Sept. 14, "Now on the great change of the Irish affairs . . . The King's chief 
 hope was Ireland. ... It looked once prettie fair for him. . . . This was the King's great snare 
 all this year to keep him off an agreeance with us." Queen Elizabeth wrote, Oct. 2, "The King 
 went for Jersey upon Monday was sennight {i.e., Sept. 24). . . . The King will go to Ireland if 
 not stopped by Pari, ships." About the end of October Rupert broke out of Kinsale, and gave Ireland 
 up as hopeless. Nov. 19 Queen Elizabeth writes, " All goes ill in Ireland." 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 Message to the Hague from the Estates, with their proclamation of Charles II. as King 
 of Scotland — Arrival of Cassilis and the Commissioners — Huntly executed — The 
 Commissioners present their demands — The opinion of the Scotch Peers — Charles 
 leaves for France, attended to Brussels by Montrose. 
 
 T~\URING this period of suspense at the Hague, a messenger^ 
 -■-^ arrived from those who styled themselves the Estates of 
 Scotland, who assured the King of their sincere affection, and 
 presented a proclamation, wherein they declared Charles the 
 rightful heir of his father and successor to the throne of Scot- 
 land.^ The Hamilton and Presbyterian faction seized the occasion 
 not only to offer their congratulations, but to boast and exult over 
 this as a special manifestation of Providence. They now openly 
 inveighed against those who maintained that the King should not 
 rely on men who had given such signal proof of loyalty and 
 affection. In truth, had they been sincere, and actuated by a sense 
 of allegiance, no one would have denied that they had done their 
 duty and gave good hopes of its performance. But men of dis- 
 cernment recognised on the face of it a base plot, craftily aimed 
 at the most vital interests of the King and monarchy. The people 
 were eager to avenge the King's murder, and loud and threatening 
 in their clamour to restore his son to the control of Government. 
 To throw dust in their eyes, the intriguers issued this proclama- 
 tion, not to establish the King, but to overturn the royal authority, 
 root and branch, and grasp it for themselves. Not only had they 
 
 ^ Sir Joseph Douglas was the chief messenger. " He arrived at Rotterdam, March 2nd 
 (N.S.)." Baillie's Letters. The letters from William Spang to Baillie at this time give the feelings 
 and intrigues of Montrose's opponents. See specially the letter from " My dwelling-house," March 
 7th, and from " My chalmer at Hague," March i\, iii. 67-84. 
 
 ^ The Chancellor Loudon, " in black velvet goune," read the proclamation at the Cross, 
 Feb. 5, 1649. Balfour, Ann., iii. 387. The news of the execution of Charles arrived Feb. 4. 
 
 235 
 
236 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 made great changes in the ancient form of words usual on such 
 occasions, but had added new phrases of their own contrivance.^ 
 
 As to the death of Charles, they were content to term it 
 violent. There was not a word of regicide, not even of homicide ; 
 not a single mark to brand the wickedness and injustice of it, or 
 to testify their abhorrence of the crime, or indeed of many other 
 crimes which it is needless here to recount. Above all, it was 
 intolerable, to loyal minds horrible, that the very Prince whom 
 they acknowledged as their lawful and supreme sovereign should 
 in almost the same breath be debarred from all exercise of his 
 lawful authority, until he had given satisfaction to the Estates, 
 which they call the Parliaments, of both kingdoms. This was 
 not to declare him King, but to cite him to judgment in their own 
 court. What else was this but to offer him a crown without 
 security, to strip him of that supreme temporal authority, for 
 which he was accountable to none but God — subjects trampling 
 on their lord ? What was it but to degrade their young, innocent, 
 and harmless Prince before themselves, persistent rebels against 
 the late King ; nay, to expose him also to English traitors and 
 regicides, still reeking with his father's blood, a fresh victim for 
 the rage and hatred of men gone mad ? Such just reflections and 
 censures on their edict would soon have checked and abashed the 
 empty boasts of the Presbyterians at Court about their Estates, 
 had they not received from Scotland fresh supplies of the same 
 grist to feed their assurance. 
 
 The news of Montrose's great influence and favour with the 
 new King roused various feelings in Scotland. The Royalists 
 were full of glad hopes. Their opponents heard it with no less 
 sorrow and dismay. The Estates in particular were in great 
 dread. They knew the man's innate courage ; they had often 
 proved it. Besides the old adherents of royalty, there were many 
 who now repented their errors, and were ready to obey him. 
 They thought therefore that they must do their utmost to prevent 
 his return to Scotland, either alone as lieutenant-general, or even 
 
 ^ Charles 11. was proclaimed "over the Cross of Edinburgh only conditionally till he did subscribe 
 the League and Covenant . , . . and till that tyme not to have any exercise of his royal power." 
 Lamont, p. i. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 237 
 
 in the King's train. In the present state of public feeling they 
 foresaw that he would carry the country almost to a man with 
 him, to the certain destruction of those who had consented to the 
 King's murder. To meet this danger they sent the Earl of 
 Cassilis,* one of the first nobility, with some creatures of inferior 
 rank, as commissioners to the King in Holland. All of these 
 were deeply in the toils of the new superstition, and inflamed with 
 a bigoted hatred of monarchical government. Their commission, 
 as they pretended and carefully proclaimed to all the world, was a 
 free invitation to Charles to his ancestral realm of Scotland ; but 
 their real object was to baffle Montrose's plan, and by flattering 
 the King with idle hopes of peace and obedience, to deter him 
 from prosecuting the war until the chance of success had slipt 
 away. 
 
 Meanwhile, lest these proceedings should arouse the suspicions 
 of their English confederates, the regicides, they encouraged them 
 with a melancholy proof of their intentions. As they had none of 
 royal rank to butcher, they took the Marquis of Huntly, chief of 
 the Gordon clan, as the nearest to the throne, and after a long 
 imprisonment, passed on him a most iniquitous sentence, and 
 beheaded him.^ Huntly, besides the splendour of his birth, in 
 which he was second to no subject, was of an ancient family, long 
 dreaded by neighbours for its power in friends, vassals, clansmen, 
 and the favours of fortune, as they are called. In person he was 
 endowed with the highest gifts of mind and body. To his Prince 
 
 * The Commissioners Cassilis, G. Wynram of Liberton, Revs. Robert Baillie, of Glasgow, and 
 James Wood, of vSt. Andrews, " shipped in at Kirkaldie in Ihone Gillespie's shipe, and loused on 
 Saturday, the 17th March, at night. They returned to this kingdome the nth of June 1649 mutch 
 unsatisfied." Lamont, 2. See Baillie's speech " made in the King's bedchamber at the Hague, 
 March 27th, Tuesday, three o'clock afternoon." Letters, iii. 84. For their railings against Mon- 
 trose, see ib. 512-53. His temperate reply to their more serious proposal is given, Napier, Mem., 
 700-705. The Commissioners in their letter April 3rd describe the King as "of a very sweet and 
 courteous disposition," and Baillie says "he is one of the most gentle, innocent, well inclyned 
 Princes, so far as yet appears, that lives in the world ; a trimme person, and of a manly carriage ; 
 understands prettie well ; speaks not much ; would God he were amongst us." Ib. 88. 
 
 "5 March 22nd. Lamont says "he was beheaded at the Cross of Edinburgh. He died 
 blockishlie, not being relaxed of his excommunicatione ; his corps afterwarde werre carried by 
 sea to the North, to be interred there " (p. 3). Balfour says he was carried to Seton to be " interrid 
 ther in the comon buriall of that family, from which himselve had issewed." Ann., iii. 393. The 
 Commissioners in Holland, April 3rd, speak of the "supposed death of Huntly" as being wrested 
 to their disadvantage. See Huntly's last speech, Wigton Papers, Maitland Club Misc., ii. 442. 
 
238 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 he had been loyal from the very beginning of the troubles, and 
 this alone rendered him so hateful to the Covenanters that they 
 resolved to make away with him. Indeed, except for that un- 
 happy quarrel he had with Montrose and the King and country, 
 it will be hard to find his equal. The very day on which the 
 Commissioners sailed from the Firth of Forth was appointed for 
 his execution.'' From this the King might easily have drawn an 
 omen of what was to be expected at the hand of those who were 
 daily slaughtering his best and most loving lieges. 
 
 When these fine Commissioners were admitted to the King, 
 their solemn gait, mournful dress, downcast eyes, and dismal 
 countenances were the picture of abject humility.^ In fact, many 
 who were unacquainted with the temper and habits of these men 
 hoped that they were about to implore pardon and oblivion for 
 the past, and promise loyal obedience for the future, with a full 
 acknowledgment of the King's hereditary rights, and a sincere 
 offer of lasting peace and concord. Their commission was two- 
 fold, from the Estates and from the Assembly of the Kirk. In 
 both Cassilis was the spokesman, as a member of the Estates and 
 as a lay elder. Introduced into the royal presence, they prefaced 
 their address with deep sighs and many groans, as Vergil says of 
 the sibyl, " To shake heaven's burden from the labouring breast."^ 
 At last they presented their papers, containing the oracles of the 
 Estates and General Assembly. In these they protested that the 
 terms of accommodation offered were honourable, respectful, and 
 obedient, and absolutely necessary for the settlement of the State 
 and the King's restoration. If he complied, he could be brought 
 to Scotland by universal consent. 
 
 When the King had considered these papers in council, at the 
 first glance they appeared a bogus contrivance to scare him from 
 assuming the government, rather than an invitation to accept it. 
 Their demands were unjust, a reproach to the late King his father, 
 and a snare and pitfall for his son and successor. In a word, they 
 
 " But see p. 233. 
 
 ' See the Queen of Bohemia's references to " the Brethern " and godly Windrum. Napier, 
 Mem., 711-720. 
 
 * Vergil, ^n., vi. 78. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 239 
 
 demanded three things : First, that the King should ratify not only 
 the National Covenant, but also their Solemn League and Cove- 
 nant of the three kingdoms ; to be confirmed by his signature, 
 oath, and sanction, extended in its ends and aims throughout all 
 his dominions, and promoted to the utmost of his power. Secondly, 
 that he should also ratify and confirm all acts and ordinances of 
 the Estates of Scotland passed to establish that Covenant and 
 League, the Presbyterian Church government, the rule of divine 
 worship which they call the Directory, the Confession of Faith, 
 and the Catechism ; and that he should also freely and readily give 
 his assent to all acts and ordinances already passed or hereafter to 
 be passed by the other Parliaments of his dominions ; that he 
 should himself conform to them, especially in divine worship, both 
 private and public ; that he should renounce the old liturgy of the 
 Anglican Church, and adopt the new Directory, with a solemn 
 promise and oath never to oppose it or alter one tittle of its tenor. 
 The third demand, which in itself would have sufficed, as it em- 
 braced all else, was that he would solemnly give and declare his 
 assent to all civil enactments of the present and succeeding Parlia- 
 ments ; and that in ecclesiastical matters he would abide by the 
 resolutions of the General Assemblies ; which all ranks, it appeared, 
 princes and subjects alike, were to submit to and cheerfully obey. 
 The King requested them, if they had orders to make any 
 other demands, to produce them at once,^ that he might answer 
 them altogether. He begged them to modify their terms, and 
 not cling too rigidly and obstinately to harsh expressions. He 
 desired also to be informed, in clear, plain language, what help he 
 might expect from them for the recovery of England and Ireland. 
 Lastly, they had not made the faintest allusion to the horrible 
 murder of the King, his father, of blessed memory, or to the cruel 
 authors and instruments of that crime, on which he would have 
 them openly before all the world express their thoughts and judg- 
 
 ^ " I do insist upon my former answer, and do desire and expect that you do deliver all the 
 propositions or desires you or any of you are entrusted to present to me, before I make an answer 
 to any particular one, being resolved to consider of the whole, before I declare my resolution upon 
 any part." C. R., April 10 (N.S.), 1649. See also a like demand repeated April l6th. Baillie's 
 Letters, iii. 5 1 3-5 1 5- 
 
240 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 ment.^° They replied that the sum of their commission was con- 
 tained in those three articles. They had nothing to add but what 
 was to the same effect, unless they received fresh instructions from 
 the Estates. Their demands were not only just and honourable, 
 but absolutely necessary, founded on divine right and Holy Writ. 
 They could not therefore without impiety recede from them one 
 hair's breadth or tittle. As for the assistance his Majesty demanded 
 for the reduction of England and Ireland, he might expect the 
 Estates to grant such succours as they shall deem fair and neces- 
 sary according to the League and Covenant. Such were their 
 vague involved replies to all questions. But as to the murder of 
 the King they were in a wretched dilemma. They were ashamed 
 to approve and commend it. They were no less loth to condemn 
 it, and provoke the English to awkward revelations of their com- 
 plicity in the crime. Though this was the main point on which 
 the King was most urgent, he could extort from them nothing 
 but complaints and expostulations on the suspicion with which 
 he seemed to regard the Estates of Scotland. 
 
 Much time was frittered away in these debates. Meanwhile 
 the Commissioners were busy making interest with the Prince of 
 Orange" and notables of the United Provinces, as well as with 
 the envoys of Denmark and other Princes, to use their mediation 
 with the King, and induce him to accept their terms. To them 
 they repeated in the same strain that the Estates of Scotland were 
 devoted to the King, and ready to receive him with open arms, to 
 restore him to his father's throne, to yield him due loyalty and 
 obedience, provided only he would renounce Episcopacy and 
 accept the Presbyterian form of church government. This was 
 the same as that which prevailed in Holland, the Palatine, Geneva, 
 
 1" " Our grief for this paper" {i.e., the King's reply) *' was great, it was much worse than any- 
 thing we expected ; not only the hand of the worst of the English counsell, but of James Graham 
 also, and others of our evil countrymen, was visible therein." Report, Baillie, Letters, iii. 517. 
 
 " William of Nassau, Prince of Orange, married Mary, eldest daughter of Charles I. He died 
 November 6, 1650, set. 24. For an interesting and somewhat amusing account of how Spang pre- 
 pared him to take up the case of the Covenanting Commissioners, see Baillie, ib. 71-80. "The 
 Prince of Orange will again extremely press the King to grant the Commissioners' desires, and so 
 ruin him through your sides," wrote the Queen of Bohemia in June 1649. The Princess of Orange 
 sided with Montrose. '* My niece is still of our side constantly," Queen Elizabeth writes to Mon- 
 trose in November 1649. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 241 
 
 and other reformed churches (though in reality they are very 
 different and plainly at variance). If he refused, all hope of ever 
 recovering the crown was lost. These suggestions would have 
 availed little with most of them, had not Hamilton and Lauderdale 
 insidiously seconded their efforts with their praise and approbation 
 of all they said. It was chiefly owing to them that most men 
 thought the King, considering the state of his affairs, could and 
 ought to assent to their demands, however hard and difficult. 
 Foreigners, indeed, in their ignorance of affairs in Britain, did not 
 penetrate the dark designs of the rebels, and failed to see through 
 the snares that beset the King and the very principle of kingly 
 government. 
 
 That all the Christian world, and especially his friends and 
 allies, might know that there was no sacrifice, consistent with jus- 
 tice, honour, and conscience, which Charles in his desire for peace 
 and harmony would not make to satisfy his Scotch subjects, he 
 turned to his Scots peers, many of whom were in Holland, and 
 charged them on their duty and allegiance to give him their opinion 
 separately, in writing, on these demands. Hamilton, Lauderdale, 
 and their faction, with sullen disrespectful obstinacy, declined the 
 task, though it was a duty established by the ancient law and 
 custom of their country. Montrose, Seaforth, Kinnoul, Sinclair, 
 and others complied.^^ They declared, and proved by many power- 
 ful arguments, that these demands were inconsistent with law, both 
 human and divine, repugnant to the laws of Scotland, insulting 
 to the memory of the royal martyr, insidious to his successor, and 
 ruinous to his race, a thing to shame and grieve every leal true- 
 hearted man. Their sole aim was to heap the blame of all the 
 calamities in Britain upon an innocent martyr ; to establish their 
 abominable leagues and covenants, which had already shed so 
 much innocent, noble, and gentle blood, not sparing even the King ; 
 and which, like the Trojan horse, pregnant with mischief, if once 
 admitted to the citadel, would quickly pour forth on them and their 
 descendants a fresh brood of sedition, rebellion, war, violence, 
 rapine, and murder. If yielded to, their rightful king and supreme 
 
 12 Napier, Mem., 700-705. 
 
242 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 sovereign would have nothing left but the bare empty name of 
 king. Even that and life itself he would enjoy only at the caprice 
 of men beyond all others crazed with gloom and sullen frenzy, 
 suspicious, passionate, and irreconcilably opposed in hatred to all 
 supreme authorities. The whole power and administration would 
 be vested in men haunted with the guilt of so many crimes against 
 the father, and who would therefore never deem themselves secure 
 so long as any of his race survived. To abolish the Episcopacy, 
 under which the Church had flourished so vigorously in all ages 
 throughout Christendom, would be to substitute the intolerable 
 tyranny of the Presbytery, as now established in Scotland, a form 
 of oppression which, in cruelty, pride, avarice, wantonness, and 
 lust of power, far surpasses the worst times of Hildebrand and 
 Borgia. The worst rebels and regicides would not only live 
 unpunished for their execrable crimes, but invested and enriched 
 with the plunder of the sovereign they had butchered and the 
 Church they had despoiled, exalted to the highest honours, glory- 
 ing, exulting in their triumph and supremacy. But as for the 
 King and all his race, and the brave loyal subjects who had never 
 faltered in his cause, they would be abandoned to the fury, hatred, 
 insolence, and revenge of their uncontrollable enemies, were a 
 Christian king so far forgetful of duty to parents, brothers, and 
 friends, to God and man, as to approve, sanction, and justify those 
 wicked edicts, whereby, under pretence of promoting their League 
 and Covenant, all subjects had been ordered to take up arms and 
 pursue their king with fire and sword, by which they had at last 
 dragged him to a miserable death, hunted his devoted consort the 
 Queen out of her husband's realms, and banished or confined those 
 of his children who still survived in cruel exile or imprisonment. 
 Lastly, they suspected that these idle missions served only to 
 waste time, until that savage regicide, Cromwell, with whom they 
 were on the best of terms, having already subdued England, 
 might also complete the conquest of Ireland,^^ in which he 
 was now engaged, and then, if need be, pour all his forces into 
 
 ^* Cromwell was appointed Lieutenant of Ireland March 15th, and directed affairs from Eng- 
 land, sending troops and raising an army. He did not go over to Ireland till August 15th, after 
 Jones had defeated Ormond at Rathmines. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 243 
 
 Scotland. For these and many other reasons they unanimously 
 declared that it was impossible for the King to accept terms from 
 those who falsely proclaimed themselves the Estates of Scotland. 
 If he had any regard for conscience before God, and duty to his 
 parents and successors, for dignity at home and reputation abroad, 
 for his personal safety, for laws human and divine, he should 
 await very different messages and demands from them, such as 
 should express a true though tardy repentance, and, in however 
 slight a degree, a sincere desire to restore the King. They con- 
 sidered, therefore, that loyalty and due obedience could be extorted 
 only by force of righteous war from these stubborn hardened 
 rebels. 
 
 These arguments were so clear, striking, and conclusive that 
 neither the Commissioners nor Hamilton and Lauderdale, who 
 served them might and main, could offer any answer. The King 
 was evidently moved, and inclined to accept the opinion of Mon- 
 trose. But by some fatality — for it is not easy to say whose advice 
 was followed — the expedition into Scotland was laid aside and 
 changed for a descent on Ireland from France.^* On his departure 
 most of the nobles, including Montrose, accompanied the King as 
 far as Brussels. The Commissioners, in their usual manner, were 
 virulent and bitter in their accusations of the King, whom they 
 blamed for not assenting to their demands and accepting their 
 offer of peace. However, they were overjoyed as with a signal 
 victory, to find that he had altered his intended journey to Scot- 
 land, where they dreaded his appearance, and where the people, 
 wearied out with the greed, insolence, and tyranny of rebels, 
 earnestly longed for his presence. 
 
 '* It is curious that all other writers identify Montrose with the policy of sending the King to 
 Ireland. He was first concerned to secure the King's presence for his own military descent on Scot- 
 land, and failing that to prevent his peaceful entry there as a Covenanter, in the hands of his own 
 enemies. Ireland was preferable to this, and he would himself go to Scotland as the King's lieu- 
 tenant. Montrose was appointed practically viceroy in Scotland, March 4th. The Commissioners 
 arrived at the end of March, and argued from the 27th till the end of May. In June the King set 
 out to visit the Queen-Mother at St. Germains, pausing at Breda and Brussels. Montrose accom- 
 panied him as far as the latter city. See letter from the King to Montrose, Breda, June 22, 1649 
 and his "diploma" as ambassador extraordinary, dated Brussels, July 6, 1649, with letters from 
 the Duke of York and Queen Henrietta. Napier, Mem., 706, 707. His portrait by Honthorst 
 {v. frontispiece) was painted between February and June of 1649, and presented to the Queen of 
 Bohemia, who says she will hang it in her chamber to fright the " Brethern." 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Montrose prepares for his descent on Scotland— State of affairs in Scotland and Ireland 
 — His prospects of assistance from foreign courts thwarted by Scotch intrigues. 
 
 MONTROSE was preparing for a difficult and dangerous 
 enterprise ; malicious people have even pronounced it rash 
 and desperate.^ But many circumstances encouraged him to hope 
 for success. He had received numerous messages from the nobility 
 in Scotland urging him to undertake it, and full of voluntary offers 
 of support.^ They assured him that almost all the Scotch were 
 disposed to obedience, that not a man desired any other general 
 under the King than himself. In the north Mackenzie,^ brother 
 
 ^ An answer to the view expressed in Montr. Redivivus (1652), 174, 175, which must have been 
 highly offensive to W. " But the Marquess (as is supposed), fearing lest he should have an express 
 command to desist from his purpose, because the Treaty betwixt the Prince and the Scotish Com- 
 missioners was now very neer a conclusion, did precipitate himself, and those that were with him, 
 into most inevitable ruine. . . . But the business being fatall, he must needs contribute his own 
 endeavours towards that destruction which his cruell fortune had provided for him. . . . After this 
 poor rabble of silly creatures was amazed [i.e., amassed, a misprint corrected by Heath, 261, who 
 follows the Montr. Red. verbatim] to embarque . . . the people having some experience of the 
 carriage of his former souldierie . . . fled away in heaps." . . . 
 
 2 See Clarendon, v. 350, and cf Col. W. Sibbald's speech intended to have been spoken at his 
 execution, June 7, 1650, and referred to p. 50, n. 16, where the month should be read June for 
 January. A misprint of Jan. for Jun. in Montr. Red. was followed by the 1819 edit., and at first fol- 
 lowed by ourselves. Notwithstanding Sibbald's disclaimer as to noblemen and gentlemen " keeping 
 correspondence with his Majestic and the Marquess of Montr.," letters from Montrose were found 
 in his "clocke bage" addressed to Rupert, Ormond, and Sir George Monro. Balf iv. 22. For 
 Montrose's letter to Lord Sinclair, taken in Hall's frigate, see tdid. iv. 33 ; and for other reference 
 to his correspondence, read in Pari, "with closse doors," idid. iv. 33. On April 7, 1649, William 
 Orde, a servant of Montrose, was arrested at Kerrimure in Angus with letters from his master 
 (idid. iii. 397, 398). 
 
 ^ Thomas Mackenzie of Pluscardine, Seaforth's brother, rose early in 1649 with Lords Reay, 
 Ogilvy, Lewis Gordon, and General Middleton. The Act of Classes and Huntly's execution gave 
 impetus to this rising of Gordons, Frasers, Monros, and Mackenzies to the number of 1200 men. 
 They took Inverness in February, and David Leslie was sent against them in March. Charles 
 wrote to Pluscardine, April 12th, referring him to Montrose for information as to his "particular 
 desires," and again on June 3rd to the same effect, and urging him to concur with Seaforth. Sea- 
 forth archives qtd. ,1819 edit, of W., 440-441. On May 4th the rising was proclaimed at Edinburgh, 
 and on the 8th LesHe's horse "routed the most considerable pairte of the re belles" at Balveny, 
 killing sixty or eighty, and taking nearly eight hundred, among them Lord Reay. For Pluscardine 
 subsequently, v. Ch. ix. See Balf. under dates, and Heath, 231, 232. 
 
 244 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 245 
 
 of the Earl of Seaforth and lieutenant of the King, was still in 
 arms, along with Lord Reay and other Royalists, who had seized 
 Inverness, demolished its fortifications, marched through Moray, 
 and crossed the Spey. The prospect in Ireland was bright and 
 hopeful. Ormond, the King's viceroy and Lieutenant-General, 
 was acting with vigour and success ; and Monro,^ followed by 
 others, was sent to him with the King's commands and a letter 
 from Montrose, to stipulate for mutual assistance, as circumstances 
 might require. Those of the English who had always remained 
 staunch to the King, and escaped the taint of Presbyterianism, 
 openly declared that, after being so basely deceived and abandoned 
 by the Hamiltons, Montrose was the only Scotsman whom they 
 could and ought to trust. With him they were ready to encounter 
 any danger in the cause of their beloved prince. Some of the 
 electors and princes of Germany promised their assistance.^ The 
 Emperor himself engaged to summon a Diet of the Empire, and 
 represent to them how deeply the King of England's fate merited 
 the abhorrence of all crowned heads. Of the goodwill and favour 
 of the King of Denmark there was no room to doubt. His 
 ambassador^ at the Hague, both in his own and in his master's 
 name, daily encouraged Montrose as well as the King to hope 
 for the best. 
 
 The illustrious Queen of Sweden'^ was expected to do no less 
 
 ■• Vide p. 209, n. 7, and n. 2 above. 
 
 '•> Vide below, pp. 246-7, 252, n. 9, and Ch. vii. 
 
 ® Clarendon, in his small sneering way, wrote that, during the Hague period, Montrose " had 
 found means to endear himself much to Cornificius Wolfelte, ambassador extraordinary of Denmark, 
 who promised to aid him." v. 302, 303. Ulfeldt set out for Holland before the news of Charles First's 
 execution reached Denmark. On October -^-^ Queen Elizabeth at the Hague writes to Montrose, 
 "The Denmark Ambassador is going away." In November 1649 Turner, released from Hull, 
 reached Hamburg, where " I found a number of Scotch gentlemen . . . attending the orders and 
 motions of the famous Marquesse of Montrose ; who, haveing trusted too much to Vlefeld, the Great 
 Stewart of Denmark's promises of assistance, found himself disappointed by that faithles minister 
 of estate, who afterwarde went faire to betray both his prince and countrey. This obliged the 
 Marques to retire himselfe to Gottenburg in the Suedish dominions, where he was underhand sup- 
 ported, bot very inconsiderablie, by the great Queene Christina." Mem. 91. 
 
 ^ Queen Christina, daughter of Gustavus Adolphus, was at this time twenty-four years of age, 
 and at the height of her fame and power. Her profession of the Romish faith hastened her abdica- 
 tion in 1654. Would W. have so written of her after this event ? In her letter to the Scot. 
 Pari., read May 20, 1650, she promises to comply with their wish, and " had commanded her 
 ambassador Laurentius to attend the tretty of Breda, and be assistant ther for that effecte." Balf. 
 
246 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 than any other friend or kinsman, not merely because of the ancient 
 alliances between the kingdoms, but out of the natural goodness, 
 justice, mercy, and magnanimity of that incomparable heroine, 
 who had inherited these virtues from her father and grandsire. 
 Little help was to be looked for from France and Spain,^ then 
 unhappily engaged in an exhausting struggle. But the King of 
 Poland^ and the Duke of Courland were expected to be among 
 the first to hasten to the aid of Charles. To both these princes 
 the King had sent special envoys to solicit their aid for Montrose. 
 But he never received any benefit from these embassies, not so 
 much by the fault of those princes, who were very friendly, as 
 owing to the base arts and unaccountable treachery of the Presby- 
 terians, who not only succeeded in destroying Montrose and ruining 
 the King, but, unless God will it otherwise, have burdened them- 
 selves, their country, and descendants with a heavy humiliating 
 slavery.^" 
 
 These people with their bribes and promises had corrupted the 
 courtiers, generally a faithless class of men, and bound them to do 
 
 iv. 1 6, 17. Baillie, iii. 256, writes : "What the mysterie may be of the Queen of Swan's [Sweden's] 
 dimission, and why her last act should have been (without all necessitie) a strict friendship with the 
 Protector (Cromwell) is much marvelled." 
 
 ^ The twenty-four years' war with Spain ended in 1659 by the Peace of the Pyrenees. The wars 
 of the Fronde (1648-1654) also kept Mazarin fully occupied with internal affairs. " France is in a 
 fyre for that unhappy Mazarin " (Spang to Baillie, March 7, 1649, iii. 69). On April 3 Baillie 
 wrote from the Hague : " Our enemies have great confidence by the French peace to get powerful! 
 assistance from France " {ibid. 88). But see Clarendon, v. 324, 325, for the relations of France to 
 Charles in the autumn of that year. 
 
 ® John Casimir the Fifth, born 1609, a Jesuit, made a Cardinal in 1647, ^^^ King of Poland in 
 succession to his brother Ladislas IV. or VII. in November 1648, and crowned January 17th, 1649. 
 In August 1649 he made peace with the Cossacks, but was again at war with them and the Tartars 
 early in 1650, events which probably hindered the promised aid. 
 
 The Duchy of Courland was at this time a dependency of Poland. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth, October 2, 1649, writes : " Culpepper is gone for Muscovy." She adds, 
 " The spices and aqua vitae will burn him quickly up." 
 
 Perhaps his instructions included letters to Poland and Courland. " Collonel Cochran, who had 
 been despatched Commissioner into Poland to the Scotish Merchants, there to require their assist- 
 ance, having procured very considerable summs of money upon that score, and other provision for 
 the furthering of that expedition, dispos'd of the money for his own uses, made sale of the corn and 
 provision, together with the vessel which was provided for the transportation of it, and did himself 
 turn tayl to the quarrell." Montr, Redivivus, 172. 
 
 ^^ From this and the absence of all allusion to events even so shortly after as Dunbar and Wor- 
 cester, we may infer that Wishart wrote very shortly after the events he describes. Ruddiman's 
 translation (reprinted in 1 81 9) has wholly obscured this passage, and makes it appear as if written 
 after the Restoration. See Ch. x., «. i below. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 247 
 
 their utmost to thwart and overthrow Montrose's dealings with the 
 King ; or failing that, to throw every obstacle in his way, and pre- 
 vent affairs of the utmost weight and moment. Nor was this all. 
 To the friendly and allied princes they sent their creatures and 
 emissaries,^^ who, under pretence of other business, had obtained 
 passes and letters of recommendation from the King himself, in 
 ignorance of their criminal designs, and succeeded in making them 
 believe that Charles had been very honourably invited to assume 
 the government of Scotland, that the terms offered by the Com- 
 missioners were just and reasonable, such as certainly ought not 
 to have been rejected ; that it was still to be hoped the King 
 would assent without delay : it was his only chance of safety and 
 success. Those who gainsaid this might perhaps be consulting 
 their own interests, but did ill service to the King. Their request 
 for arms, soldiers, pay, ships, and provisions ^^ in the King's name 
 were made for their own personal profit and advantage, and were 
 not only unserviceable and ill-timed, but detrimental to his cause. 
 The proper time would be when the King was established in 
 Scotland, and could with the consent of the Estates send honour- 
 able and dignified embassies to request their aid. Meantime they 
 
 ^^ See note 7 above with reference to their letter to Queen Christina. Their Commissioners spent 
 the day after their arrival at the Hague in visits to the Queen of Bohemia, the Princess Royal, the 
 Prince of Orange, the Princess Dowager, and the Estates General. Baillie, iii. 86. Their instruc- 
 tions contained letters to them {ibid. 509). Most of the English Council " are of Prince Rupert's 
 faction, who caresses Montrose." They were favoured by Henrietta at Paris, and " Culpepper 
 and some bed-chalmer-men [he mentions Wilmot, Byron, Gerard] are of the Queen's faction " {ibid. 
 87). See also Queen Elizabeth's letters to Montrose, which express great fear of Henrietta's influ- 
 ence and the intrigues of Jermyn, &c. 
 
 Sir Joseph Douglas, Robert Hamilton, William Murray, and subsequently Winram of Liberton 
 and Will Fleming were go-betweens in negotiations of 1649-1650. 
 
 ^^ On October 15, 1650, the Committee of Estates " ordaines the armes belonging to his Maiestie, 
 that are at Bergen in Norruay, and Gottinberrey in Sueden, to be sent for." Balf. iv. 124. Had 
 these been gathered by Montrose ? The Commissioners to Breda had warrant to borrow ;^300,ooo 
 to give the King, " if so it was he and they accorded ; wtherways to give him no money at all" 
 (ibid. 6). On July ist they petitioned Parliament for payment of 100,000 merks they had borrowed 
 for the King at Campvere on their own surety, as they could raise none "upon the public faith" 
 {ibid. 68). Charles at the time of the Breda treaty was " broght very low, when he hes not bread 
 both for himself and his seruands, and betwixt him and his brother not ane Inglish shilling ; and 
 worse yet, if I durst wryte it." Wynram's letter, November t\> i^P- Baillie, iii. 523. " Canterstein 
 is come from Suedland to attend this Treaty, and promiseth in his Master's [Mistress's ?] name 
 all assistance for a happy agriement." Wynram to R. Douglas, April |-j {ibid. p. 524). 
 
 / 
 
248 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 advised them to save their treasure, and not be vainly lavish of 
 benefits which could do no earthly service to their royal friend 
 and kinsman/'' 
 
 ^^ Here there is a gap in both MSS. {v. Crit. Introd.). Wishart's account is continued in Ch. x. 
 It is very necessary to emphasise this, as the tracts at the end of the Montr. Redivivus Part I. are re- 
 peatedly quoted as " Wishart's Memoirs of Montrose." This error first appeared in the 1720 edition, 
 reproduced in 1752 and 1819 editions, though the editor of the former had MSS. before him. 
 
CHAPTER VIU 
 
 1649.— PREPARATIONS FOR A DESCENT ON SCOTLAND. 
 
 June. — Montrose with Charles at Brussels — His commissions — Letters of Queen 
 Elizabeth — He returns to the Hague— At Rhenen. 
 
 September. — Letters to and from Frederick William of Brandenburg— Kinnoul's detach- 
 ment lands in Orkney — Leslie sent to suppress them — Montrose at Hamburg — 
 Sends Sir J. Cochran to Courland and Poland, and Sir W. Johnston to German 
 princes— Ulfeldt at the Hague— Montrose meets Frederick of Denmark at 
 Flensburg. 
 
 October. — Proceeds to Copenhagen — The Swedish envoy's account of his doings — 
 Sibbald, with letters to Ormond, Rupert, and Monro, arrested in Scotland — Montrose's 
 letter to Frederick HL 
 
 November. — His Declaration — loth, leaves Copenhagen for Gothenburg — Ribbing's 
 account of his doings there. 
 
 December. — Second (?) detachment sent to Orkney — Letters to Seaforth. 
 
 1650. — Montrose awaits the King^s messenger — Receives the George and Garter. 
 February. — Goes to Norway. 
 
 March. — Sails for Scotland — Letters of Charles, Henrietta, Col. Gordon, Maclear, 
 Ogilvy of Powrie, «&:c. 
 
 EARLY in June 1649 the Scottish Commissioners bade farewell to 
 Charles.2 It was now high time for the King himself to quit the 
 Hague, where his presence threatened to embroil the Dutch Estates with 
 their haughty sister republic.^ The irregular seizure of vessels on both 
 sides, the harbourage afforded to Rupert's fleet in the preceding winter, 
 and the recent murder of Dr. Dorislaus,* the English Parliamentary Com- 
 missioner to Holland, strained the relations of the two countries. All the 
 influence of the young Prince of Orange was required to save his cousin 
 
 ^ In cc. vii.-ix., the Editors endeavour from contemporary records to piece together the 
 narrative of events omitted in the MSS. {,v. Grit. Introd.). Much of this material is now printed 
 for the first time. The dates are all "old style." Wishart's narrative is resumed in Ch. x., with 
 Montrose's landing at Leith. 
 
 2 Baillie, iii. 413. They reached Scotland, June nth. 
 
 3 Act abolishing Monarchy, passed February 7, 1649: Walker, Hist. Indep., ii. 1 1 8. England 
 declared a free state, May 19 : Carlyle's Cromwell, ii. 2. Act proclaimed in London, May 30 : 
 Walker, ibid. 184, 185. Cf. Evelyn's Diary, ii. 8, " Unkingship proclaimed." 
 
 * Vide Index, Whitford. The murder occurred May 3. T. Bates, Elenchi, ii. 233. Walker, 
 ibid. ii. 59, 103, 173, 174. Clarendon, with his usual vagueness in dates, says this event caused Charles 
 to quit the Hague. Doubtless it added to his difficulties, yet he lingered some six weeks later. 
 
250 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 the ignominy of a request to betake himself and his squabbling courtiers 
 from the Dutch capital. 
 
 But before he left, Charles had definitely resolved to employ Montrose. 
 On June 3rd he wrote to the King of Denmark, "accrediting the Marquis 
 " of Montrose, whom he had appointed Commander-in-chief of all the forces 
 " that can be raised." ^ On the same day he wrote to Thomas Mackenzie, 
 of Pluscardine, brother of the Earl of Seaforth, to acknowledge his great 
 services and sacrifices, and referred him to Montrose, as to his particular 
 wishes, with a recommendation to concur with Seaforth in his service.® 
 
 On the 1 5th Charles left the Hague, escorted by the Prince of Orange.'^ 
 By Rotterdam and Dort he travelled to Breda, where he took up his 
 residence in the Prince's house, until his servants at the Hague could 
 complete their preparations for his journey to France. From Breda he 
 wrote privately to Montrose, to render him confident of his resolutions — 
 " I will not determine anything touching that Kingdom [Scotland] without 
 " having your advice thereupon. As also, I will not do anything that shall 
 " be prejudicial to your commission." ^ 
 
 These assurances, frequently repeated, were far from needless. Among 
 the King's partisans were many, who, from conviction or jealousy, were 
 strongly opposed to Montrose's policy ; and Montrose's party in the King's 
 council had been much weakened by the untimely departure of Hyde on 
 his futile embassy to Spain.^ The Prince of Orange was well known to 
 be in favour of the late proposals from Scotland.^" 
 
 With so many urgent reasons why Charles should leave the Hague, the 
 Prince may also have desired to remove him from the influence of Montrose 
 and his friends. Their fears were roused, and Montrose followed his 
 master. On the 24th he received a letter from Queen Elizabeth at the 
 Hague, urging him " not to leave the King as long as he is at Breda." She 
 had discovered " by great chance " that Orange would again press Charles 
 to close with the Scots Commissioners.^^ 
 
 '' Dep. Keeper of Public Records, Forty-seventh Annual Report, January 1886. 
 
 ^ Letter, Wishart's Montr., edit. 1819, p. 441. 
 
 ' The details of the journey are from Heath, 236 ; Clar. v. 307 ff. (edit. 1717) ; Balf. iii. 415, &c., 
 and letters in Napier, Mem. 
 
 ^ Letter, June 22, Napier, Mem., 706. 
 
 ® Nicolas to Ormond, Jersey, Oct. 13-23, 1649, speaking of the New Scots CommLssioners 
 expected, and of their faction, headed by Jermyn, says: Hyde's "unnecessary and unskilful" 
 employment in Spain has given this faction a great advantage ..." For he was expert in all their 
 jigs and artifices, and only [alone] understood perfectly thir canting." "Jermyn is not only 
 entirely of the Scots Presbyterian faction, but I may tell your excell^, he is no friend to the 
 Marquis of Ormonde, or Marquis of Montrose." 
 
 ^° Strickland, Hagh, Aug. 30-Sept. 9, 1649, in Thurloe, i. 115. "All possible endeavor will 
 be used from the Prince of Orange to make the Scots and thire King to close, hopeing by that means 
 to Carrie all heere ; but I believe he will be mistaken for reasons I will not writt." 
 
 " Napier, Mem., 711. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 251 
 
 From Breda Montrose appears to have accompanied Charles by Antwerp, 
 — where they stayed for two days — to Brussels. Here they remained for 
 three or four days, and Montrose received a second letter from the Queen 
 of Bohemia, repeating her advice, and informing him that Jermyn had just 
 arrived from Henrietta, with orders, it was said, to get Montrose's com- 
 mission for Hamilton.^^ But on the eve of parting, Charles, in a formal 
 document, appointed Montrose his ambassador extraordinary to foreign 
 princes, with the most ample powers.^^ Charles then continued his journey 
 to Paris, and reached St. Germains on July 12th. On September 24th,^* 
 after wasting much precious time in Paris, he retired to Jersey, vainly 
 loitering for an opportunity of crossing to Ireland, attracted by the brilliant 
 prospects of the Royalists in that country. But the watchfulness of the 
 rebel fleet, and the news of Cromwell's rapid successes in Munster, 
 finally "broke all their measures to the expedition," ^^ and forced him to 
 abandon it. 
 
 His choice now lay between Montrose and Argyll. With characteristic 
 duplicity he chose both, and eventually ruined both. But even before he 
 left Holland, with the ink of Montrose's commission yet scarce dry, Charles 
 had written to the heads of the dominant faction in Scotland. The messenger 
 he selected was ominous ; the persons he addressed still more so. These 
 secret letters were conveyed by William Murray ^^ — the same who, in a 
 position of the greatest confidence, had been suspected of betraying Montrose's 
 correspondence with Charles I. — and they were sent to Argyll and Loudon. 
 Murray reached Edinburgh on July 15th, only four days after the Com- 
 missioners landed at Stonehaven. There he found the thinly attended 
 Parliament still in session, awaiting the " express " from Charles. At first 
 it was supposed that Murray was the promised messenger. But when it 
 transpired that he brought only private despatches, the contents of which 
 were not divulged, the Estates grew uneasy. Their jealousy was still 
 further excited by a motion of Argyll, supported by the chancellor, Loudon, 
 to send new commissioners to the King. Lothian was " made more willing, 
 " with Argyll's consent, to have been sent." The House continued to wrangle 
 over the subject till the very end of the prolonged session. It was not till 
 August 7th, a day or two before it rose, that the messenger was " voiced " 
 to be Libberton. The letter, however, with which "the godly Wyndram" 
 
 ^^ Dated Hague, Jul. 3rd and 4th {ibid. 712, 713). 
 
 ^' Dated Brussels, July 6, 1649. Original in Montrose Charter Chest (ibid. 706). 
 
 " "In the middle of September " Clar. The date is inferred from a letter of Elizabeth, 
 Oct. 2 (a Tuesday), wherein she writes, "They went for Jersey upon Monday [Oct. l], was 
 se'ennight." 
 
 " Clar. V. 323. 
 
 ^® See Index, Wm. Murray ; and Balf. iii. 417 ; Baillie, iii. 97-99, for what follows. 
 
252 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 was intrusted, being regarded by the rigid faction as "too smooth,"" he 
 made shift to defer his mission till October nth, when he sailed from Leith 
 for Holland. Apparently it was supposed that Charles had intended to 
 return to the Netherlands, as the letter was addressed to the King "now 
 at Bruxells." Such had perhaps been the impression conveyed in the King's 
 own private letters.^^ The defeat of the Royalists in Ireland now seemed 
 to promise the Argyll faction a brighter prospect of concluding a " treaty ; " 
 and the rumours of Montrose's preparations, with the arrival in Orkney of 
 his advance-guard under Kinnoul (September), helped to quicken Libberton's 
 tardy movements. 
 
 From Brussels, Montrose had returned to the Hague, where he remained 
 for about two months, doubtless engaged in preparing Kinnoul's detachment, 
 and in attempts to procure assistance from princes friendly to the exiles. 
 On July 22nd he wrote to Frederick William, Elector of Brandenburg, a 
 relative of King Charles, through the House of Orange, and then resident 
 in his duchy at Cleves, to solicit his aid.^^ From the reply, we learn that 
 Montrose's messenger, Harry Graham, his half-brother, had already been 
 sent on a similar mission to the Elector, while the King had employed 
 " Lieutenant-General Adam de Karpf " ^^ for the same purpose. The Elector 
 had promised a considerable sum of money, but in his reply of the 27th, 
 he excused himself, owing to difficulties in raising the loan. But beyond 
 promises and professions of good-will, it does not appear that either Charles 
 or Montrose received any material aid from the " Great Elector." 
 
 On July 23rd the Duke of York wrote from St. Germains, " I am very 
 " glad the King, my brother, has found an occasion of employing you ; " ^^ and 
 on the same date Henrietta, at Paris, acknowledged two letters from Mon- 
 trose, and assured him that she felt for him an esteem "that never can 
 " be diminished." In the light of her previous lukewarm conduct, and her 
 favourite Jermyn's ill-veiled hostility, we may suspect that this protestation 
 was evoked by some hint of doubt in Montrose's letters. 
 
 ^^ Baillie, loc. cit. Balf. iii. 432. For the negotiations and contemporary events, see the table 
 at the end of this chapter. 
 
 ^^ On Sept. 13 Strickland wrote from the Hague, "Some apprehende the retume of P. C. 
 [Prince Charles, i.e., the King] into these parts : if he do cum hither, it will be much against the 
 minde of the Hollanders." Thurloe, i. 121. Strickland is mentioned as the English rebel agent 
 at the Hague in a letter Mar. 4 (N. S.) 1648-9 to Ormond. O. Papers, i. 223. 
 
 ■^^ Copies sent to the Editors from the Royal Archives, Berlin [v. Appendix, No. iv). There 
 can be no doubt that the Elector's reply was the paper found in Dunbeath Castle {v. Appendix, 
 No. ix). The sum '■^decern millia imperialia " = Reichsthaler (?), i.e., about ;£'2250 (?). 
 
 Frederick William I., "the Great," Markgrave of Brandenbui^, Elector, &c., b. 1620, reigned 
 1 640- 1 688, married Louisa Henrietta, Princess of Orange. 
 
 ^° See Index. 
 
 ^^ The correspondence with Charles, Henrietta, Elizabeth, the Duke of York, and Seaforth, is 
 extracted from Napier, Mem., and the App. to W.'s Montrose (1819). 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 253 
 
 From the Hague he wrote to Queen Ehzabeth to inform her of his com- 
 missions. She returned his papers in a letter dated Aug. 4-14, and invited 
 him to visit her and meet Kinnoul at Rhenen, whither she had probably 
 retired before Montrose's return from Brussels. During this visit he must 
 have concerted with Kinnoul some definite outline of his plans. On Aug. 
 15th we find him again at the Hague, writing to Seaforth, who had ac- 
 companied Charles to St. Germains. He expresses regret that he should 
 linger there, instead of putting himself at the head of his powerful clan ; 
 " for y"" presence, where you know, wold doe much goode; since you sei 
 " affairs go so equally and on a levell. Alwayes [but] I hope thes will fynd 
 " you goeing, and my best wishes shall accompany you alongs. I am just 
 " now setting out, and intends to recover thir delays by the best dispatch I 
 " can." The nature of these delays can only be conjectured. In addition to 
 the opposition of the Hamilton-Lauderdale faction, and the divided counsels 
 which beset the irresolute King, Montrose had to encounter great difficulties 
 in procuring funds and ships to transport the numerous volunteers and 
 mercenaries who besieged him with offers of service. About the end of 
 August he left the Hague ; Kinnoul probably accompanied him to Amsterdam,^^ 
 and remained there to take charge of the first detachment. On Sept. 2nd 
 Strickland, the newly accredited envoy of the English Parliament, wrote to 
 Secretary Frost: "Since Montrose his absence, those, who appeared soe 
 " much in designs against me, are seen noe more. I believe most of them 
 " are gon, soe as I am more at liberty then I was. . . . Montrose hopes to 
 " raise a thousand horss and thre thousand foote, and with them to visite 
 " his cuntremen. My lord Kenowle, who is well knowne in England, I heare, 
 " is gon to take possession of some island in Scotland. He and Montrose 
 " perfectly hate the praevaling party in Scotland ; yet the governing party 
 " had much strenthened the hands of Montrose by makeing thire King be 
 " received by them, whose commission to Montrose by that is more authen- 
 " ticall." ^ Kinnoul, however, had not yet sailed, for on the 6th Strickland 
 again wrote : " Thire is in Amsterdam a shippe in which is much armes and 
 " ammunition, bound for Scotland, for the use of Montrose, as I am informed. 
 " If thire be any in Scotland, who desearve such an information, it were well 
 " they knew it. It is to be sent to some of the isles, some say the Orkades. 
 " Those of that nation are soe excessively my ennimyes heere, that it is 
 " high charity for me to doe any thinge, which may tend to thire service. 
 " Montrose is expected at Hambourgh." 2* And again, in a letter of the 
 
 ^ Carte's Ormond papers, i. 345 ff. Nicholas to Ormond, enclosing paper of Jan. 20, 1650. 
 We shall have frequent occasion to refer to this paper. Its authority, however, where un- 
 supported, is very questionable, as the whole account it gives of Montrose's preparations abounds 
 in exaggeration. 
 
 23 Thurloe, i. 117. ^ Ibid. 119. 
 
254 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 same date, he adds, " Some armes are shipped at Amsterdam for Montrose 
 " his use, to goe for some isle in Scotland, some say the Orcades. If thire 
 " be any remnant good [i.e., in Scotland] I wish they knew it. I am now 
 " the man they hate most ; but that is no woonder, the English doe soe to."^ 
 
 A variety of considerations marked out the Orkneys as a suitable rendez- 
 vous for the expedition. These islands were then governed with almost 
 regal powers by Robert, Earl of Morton, a loyal nobleman, uncle to Kinnoul. 
 They were remote from the influences and authority of Argyll's faction, and 
 near the country of the loyal Lord Reay and the Mackenzie clan, who had 
 recently, under Pluscardine, Seaforth's brother, been in arms for the King. 
 The season of the year was late ; and though it exposed the expedition to 
 great risks by storm, yet for that very reason there was less to be feared from 
 English cruisers. 2^ Moreover, the strength of the rebel navy was then 
 occupied with Ireland, in attendance on Cromwell's movements. To them it 
 was of the last moment that Rupert should not escape from Kinsale, either 
 to convey Charles to Ireland, or to act in concert with Montrose. Of the 
 two dangers the former was certainly the more imminent. Yet so ill- 
 informed were the Scots at this time, that it was not till August, when 
 Cromwell actually sailed, that they ceased to fear invasion ^"^ from the army 
 voted for Ireland as early as March 15th. On the other hand, Montrose's 
 descent on Scotland was likely to kindle a fierce civil war ; and it is by no 
 means certain that at that time such a diversion would have been unwelcome 
 to the English rebels. The rise of the Independents, their repudiation of 
 the Solemn League, the invasion of the Engagers, the execution of Charles 
 and Hamilton, and the proclamation of Charles II. as King of Scotland, had 
 completely estranged the rebel parties of both nations. The English were 
 accurately informed of Montrose's movements, ^^ but the event shows reason 
 to suspect that their officers in northern waters were not disposed at this 
 crisis to act with vigour in support of the Scottish " Estates." 
 
 Kinnoul arrived at Kirkwall about the end of September, after a perilous 
 voyage of three weeks. The force, according to Balfour, consisted of "80 
 
 ^ Ibid. 119. It is inferred that Strickland here speaks of the ship Kinnoul sailed in, the ship so 
 ill spoken of by Gwynne. Gordon of Sallagh (Hist. Earls of Sutherland, 550), says Kinnoul came 
 out of Holland about the end of September, " with a number of Scots and Danish Commanders 
 with some two hundreth Danish common souldiers." Gordon's authority for events outside his own 
 ken is poor. He makes Montrose too come out of Holland (ibid. 551). The other ships in which 
 Montrose was disappointed had perhaps, like Rupert's, taken to roving, which the needy Royalists 
 found very profitable. Were they the three ships mentioned by Strickland, Thurloe, i. 115 ? 
 
 "^ The same reasons, in reference to Charles's voyage to Ireland, are urged with force by Jermyn, 
 August 10, 1649. Orm. Papers, i. 300-302. 
 
 ^^ Baillie, iii. 97. 
 
 "^ See Strickland above. They had many agents and well-wishers abroad. " It is most certain 
 the Queen's and Prince's counsels have been long time still known to the Rebels in England as soon 
 as resolved on." Nicolas, Orm. Papers, iii. 584. He accuses Culpepper of treachery. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 255 
 
 " commanders and about 100 Danes and strangers," ^^ with arms and ammuni- 
 tion for a thousand men.^'' With Kinnoul went Captain John Gwynne,^^ whose 
 memoirs give the following narrative of the voyage : — 
 
 " At Amsterdam, before he [Gwynne] went over into Scotland with the 
 " Earle of Kaynoole, upon Marques Montros his ingagement, I was told by 
 " those who condol'd us, (as knowing our busines better than some of our- 
 " selves did,) that we were all betraid ; and by our proceedings it appear'd 
 " to be so, as thus : First, we were to have a small fleet vessel, with twelve 
 " guns ; and instead of that we had an old one, new vamp't, without a gun ; 
 " then we were chast at sea by a Parliament frigot, which the tempestuous 
 " weather kept off, and as that might soon faile us, we were prepar'd, as 
 " knowing the worst, to receave our doome bravely, with an attempt to board 
 " the enemy, sinke or swim : or had there been ever so many of them, we 
 " were all resolv'd, with the Earle of Kaynoole, in that desperat condition, 
 " rather to be buried alive with our swords in our hands, than dye any other 
 " way less honourable, and more cruelly, at their choice : and when, through 
 " the extreamity of continued stormes, we arrived (as Providence would have 
 " it) at our port, there had been, for three weeks, three more Parliament men- 
 " of-warr, impatient at our long coming ; and, at the very hour we came, 
 " they went some other course to looke us, as though we were not out of 
 " sight [meaning, " as though we were out of sight ? "] ; but as the evening 
 " drew on, and the fog which obscur'd us, then we came secure ash oar." 
 
 The narrative is continued in the following letter from Kinnoul to his 
 chief: — 
 
 " For his excellencie Lord marques of Montrose.^^ 
 
 " My very noble Lord, 
 
 " Your Lords : good fortune hes so much influence upon those that have 
 " the honour to obey your commandes, that I daere promes my self as good 
 " succes in the business, as your Lords : shall see hou happie wee have bein 
 " hitherto. After a tedious stormy on and tuenty days sea jurny, wee cast 
 " ancher att Kirkwall, wher I found by boatmen that came from the toune 
 " that my unckle Mortone was att a house of his aune some 16 meiles 
 " from this place, bieng wery confident of his loyaltie I venterd to land, 
 " and without reposing I took hors and went in all heast to him, having left 
 
 ^ Vide Sallagh, n. 25 above, 
 
 30 Balf. iii. 431. 
 
 31 Memoirs, edit. Sir W. vScott, 1822, pp. 83-85. The extracts in the text are all he tells us of 
 this expedition, beyond some verse, on the perils of the voyage, not worth quoting. He wrote pro- 
 bably long after the Restoration, and speaks of himself as of a sole survivor. His account is scanty, 
 and quite deficient in dates. 
 
 32 Original, Advocates' Libr., Wodrow MSS., fol. Ixvii. 93. 
 
256 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 " orderes to our men to land in the night, which was punctuly obeyd. I 
 " found my Lord more zelus to the obedience of the Kings commandes and 
 " your Lords: then I thoght possible a personne of his fortune in this place 
 " could be, in so much that efter I was bold to call us faive hundreth, he 
 " wisht them hartily thousants, and gave mee all asseurances that so soone 
 " as wee wold shou ourselves to be in capacitie to reduce the cuntry, he wold 
 " not faile to be assistant to us in lyff and fortune ; which bieng impossible 
 " for us to compasse, I was forced (by my Lords desyre) to send a party 
 " from this to his house of Birza {^Birsay Castle] requeirring ane positive 
 " answere and active assistance, which was so hartily condescended to, that 
 " I shall humbly desyre your excellence to considder him as the cheefest 
 " instrument nixt to your Lords : of the Kings service. I am confident of 
 " your approbatione anent my procedeur, since it was the sence of those that 
 " affectes the Kings service and honors your Lords : most. My unckle my 
 " Lord of Mortone was plaised to think he was neglected in [that] the Com- 
 " missiones for stating \raising\ this Cuntrie were not imedeately conferrd on 
 " him from your Lords:. Wherupon having all asseurance of his Lords : 
 " Loialitie, I weavd my aune interest so much that I assind all pouer of my 
 " commissiones to him, which he was plaised to accept of befor the gentilmen 
 " of this Cuntrie, who were convocat for the receaving of his commandes and 
 " your excellences, which were so cheerfuly embract, that unanimusly they 
 " did condescend to a posteur of warre for our present defence, to consiste 
 " of four hundreth men presently to be levied, which is sufficient to manteane 
 " this place agenst all that dare call themselves Committes. I hop your 
 " Lords : shall feind this resignatione conduce so much to the advantage of 
 " the kings service, that I shall have no bleame from you, but on the 
 " contraire I could nether bein ansuerable to my allegence nor your Lords : 
 " if I had refusd it, having asseurance under my Lord his hand and scale to 
 " be repossesst in my commissiones, so soon as your Lords : shall think fitt 
 " the regement shall wait on you in Scotland, for my part I esteame it the 
 " greatest adventage onder the sun that I have this occasione of testiefieng 
 " my repect to your Lords:. This actione hes given the rebelles such a blou 
 " that I will tak it on my salvatione, if you fall upon them att the nick of 
 " ther distemper, you shall find assistance beyond all expectatione, and that 
 " sufficient to effectuat your ententiones. Your Lords : is gapt after with 
 " that expectation that the Jeus looks after ther Messia, and certenly your 
 " presence will restore your groaning Cuntrie to its Liberties and the King to 
 " his rigts. God almighty hes not only blist us thus by land, but hes made 
 " those we werre to expect disservice from our frindes, for the nixt day efter 
 " wee landed ther ancerd a shipp of i6 gunnes in another roaad of this 
 " same Island the Captaine no sooner understood the reality of our inten- 
 " tiones and your orders, but wery galently delivred the rebelle armes unto 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 257 
 
 us, and declared shipp and all to be at your commandes.^^ your Lords: 
 knos bei what to gratifie so generus ane act, which hes maade me give 
 him asseurance of your keindnes and him to think himself happy in the 
 expectatione of it. I shall humbly intreat your Lords: to send my Lord 
 ane absolute commissione for these Islandes, and that you wold recalle such 
 Commissiones as hes Lords: conseaves to be his prejudice, as George 
 Drumondes, whose father is my Lords ennimie, and is gone to the south to 
 shunne ingaging in this bussines. my unckle hes proived so cordiall and 
 so active, that his doings are beyond the limetes of being satisfied by 
 woordes. I ame confident you will feind it fitt to befrind him in all his 
 particulars, for mee, if your Lords: will doe me the honor to belive that 
 ther is nothing able to alter my esteame of you, I shall be incurreged to 
 serve you faithfully, and shall be still happie in being 
 
 " the most passienatte of your servantes 
 
 " K LE. \_torn.] 
 
 .KWAL." 
 
 Some weeks later the rumour reached Edinburgh that Kinnoul was busy 
 in levying and arming soldiers in Orkney.^* About the 14th of October, 
 Lieutenant-General David Leslie, with seven or eight troops of horse, went 
 north, "where he stayed some fifteen days, confirming the Northern shires 
 in their obedience and weiuing [viewing] the garrisons." He returned south 
 about the beginning of November, " finding no sture nor opposition there." ^^ 
 The season was in fact unfavourable to any active operations on either side. 
 About the end of September both Lowlands and Highlands were visited by 
 heavy rains and "very great snows." ^^ But this did not prevent Leslie 
 from proceeding as far at least as Ross, and he had some intention of cross- 
 ing into Orkney, as we gather from Gwynne's Memoirs : — ^"^ 
 
 "A while after that we were in quarters in those several islands of 
 " Orkney, David Lesley was sent with a considerable force of horse and foot 
 
 ^^ Captain Hall's frigate. See p. 244, n. 2, and Index. '■^'^ Balf., loc. cit. 
 
 ^ Ibid. iii. 432. '^ " After Michaelmas " (ibid. 433). 
 
 ^ Pp. 86, 87. Nicolas to Ormond, Feb. I1-21, 1649-50. "David Lesley marched northward 
 in November, having only with him ten troops of horse, and 700 foot, and appointed to have a 
 rendezvous at Inverness : but first caused divulge a feigned proclamation in Montrose's name, to 
 try the pulse of the people. But no man stirred ; neither when he pressed them to rise, would they 
 at all take arms. His intention was to have made himself strong, to have gone against Kinnoul in 
 Orkney, but he was disappointed. Neither could he have been able to effect anything there, the 
 Isle of Orkney being strong to the number of 8000 fighting men all loyal to the King ; besides 3000 
 gallant men that were come from Montrose and had fortified themselves strongly in the town of 
 Kirkwall : having also some three or four good ships, wherewith Kinnoul falls in when he pleases 
 upon the mainland, and brings all necessary provisions for the soldiers. One of these ships belongs 
 to Captain Ball [Hall] of Leith, who was loaded with arms and ammunition of my Lord Argyle's to 
 go about by the North Isles to my Lord Argyle's country, for furnishing of two or three of his 
 
 R 
 
258 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 " to subpres us ; and before he came to the water side, which he was to 
 " cros over first, sent a packet to Earle of Kynoole, and, amongst other 
 " circumstances, declar'd, that by all the obligation and interest that ever 
 " was between them, the best service he could do his Lordship, was to advise 
 " him speedily to make his retreat into some other countrey ; for his orders 
 " were to be severely executed upon him and his party : which my Lord 
 " Kaynoole receiv'd with so much indignation, that he commanded the packit 
 " to be burnt under the gallows, by the hand of the hangman ; and his Lord- 
 " ship himself was [there] to see it don. Upon this so publick and general a 
 " defiance, David Lesley presently prosecuts in his comands ; and when he 
 " had boarded several boats-full of horse and foot, to come and fall upon us, 
 " there arros so great and sudden a storme, that they could not stirr, before 
 " another strange relief came, by a counter command sent to Lesley, that 
 " where ere it reacht him he was to quitt all former orders, and forthwith to 
 " return and march to the west, against a greater invasion there ; which at 
 " last prov'd to be but false allarum, whatsoever the design was, more then 
 " to divert them from us, and to give us a longer respiet in the countrey. 
 
 "About two months afterwards the Earl of Kynoole fell sick at Bursey, 
 " the Earl of Murton's house, and there dyed of a pluresy, whose loss was 
 " very much lamented, as he was truly honourable, and perfectly loyal." 
 This event is said to have occurred within a few days after the death of his 
 uncle, Robert Douglas, Earl of Morton, who died at Kirkwall on Nov. I2th.^^ 
 
 From Amsterdam Montrose, accompanied by Lord Napier, continued his 
 journey towards Hamburg, which he reached early in Septeraber.^^ On the 
 way he was well received by the Count of Friesland, who is said to have 
 "promised him free quarter for his soldiers, and what further assistance he 
 could be able to contribute." ^° At Hamburg he found Sir John Cochran, 
 who had arrived there, June nth, on a mission from Charles to raise money 
 and induce the Senate to discountenance the disloyal proceedings of the 
 heads of the English Merchant Company. His efforts do not appear to 
 
 houses there : but the captain went in with ship and all to my Lord Kinnoul. The ship carries 
 i8 guns, and has taken since a ship of ten guns." See further, Ch. ix. Of the "feigned pro- 
 clamation " nothing further is known. 
 
 " In the beginning of Nov. . . . Leslie came with nyne troopes of hors as far as Chanrie 
 [Chanonry, in the Black Isle, Dornoch Firth] in Ross . . . and sent proclamations into Orknay to 
 summond the Earl of Kinnowl and his adherents to come in and give obedience to the state. He 
 returned south, about the midst of the same month, upon a report that there were like to be some 
 commotions in Angus and Merns, which were quelled (if any were intended) at his return thither." 
 Gordon of Sallagh, Hist. Earls of Sutherland, 551. 
 
 ^ Balf., iii. 433, 434, gives the exact date. He attributes Morton's death to "a displeasure 
 conceiued at his nephew" (Kinnoul), probably a bit of idle gossip. See Napier, Mem., 727. 
 
 2^ Elizabeth to Montrose, Oct. 2nd, acknowledges a letter from him dated Hamburg, Sept. 4. 
 Napier, Mem., 717. 
 
 '"' Nicolas, loc. cii. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 259 
 
 have met with much success, to judge by his own report to Charles,*^ trans- 
 mitted to Montrose, with a commission, dated St. Germains, Sept. 5, 1649, 
 empowering him to compose these differences, and treat for a loan, half of 
 which was to be remitted to Amsterdam for the King's use, the other half to 
 be employed by Montrose himself. Later on we shall find similar terms in 
 Montrose's commission to Sweden. Sir John Cochran was afterwards 
 despatched as commissioner to the Duke of Courland, who " contributed very 
 " nobly, furnishing six great ships loaden with corn, and what ever else was 
 " demanded of him by Sir John Cockran, who went from thence to the King 
 " of Poland, who is so forward that he cannot suffer to hear of a Scotsman 
 " there (where of there are many thousands in his Majesty's dominions, 
 " besides children and servants) "who is not honest and loyal to his King."*^ 
 But, if we may believe the anonymous author of the Montrose Redivivus 
 (Part IL p. 172), Sir John, "having procur'd very considerable summs of 
 " money upon that score, and other provision for the furthering that 
 " [Montrose's] expedition, dispos'd of the money for his own uses, made sale 
 " of corn and provision, together with the vessell which was provided for the 
 " transportation of it, and did himself turn tayl to the quarrell. . . . 
 "This did much retard the Marquesses affairs." In Cochran's absence. 
 Colonel Sir William Johnston, who succeeded in charge, was sent to the 
 Dukes of Brunswick, Celle, and Hanover ; but in the absence of more trust- 
 worthy information as to his success, there are strong grounds to suspect 
 that the rosy prospects of help from this and other sources, mentioned in his 
 letter from Hamburg, Dec. 14.-24.ih, to Nicolas, were grossly exaggerated, 
 and that the whole picture of Montrose's proceedings sent by Nicolas to 
 Ormond (Jan. 20, 1650), owed much of its warm breadth of colour to the 
 same touch. With naive simplicity Nicolas owns that the rebels in Scot- 
 land professed to have little fear at such rumours, " in respect that they 
 " know most assuredly that Montrose has neither men nor money, nor 
 " arms nor shipping." He admits, in fact, that " during the space of two 
 " or three months none knew but himself the particulars he intended or was 
 " about, and those to whom he intrusted anything were men of known 
 " fidelity and secrecy. He did not write himself to any friend, nor suffered 
 " he any that belonged to him to touch any particular ; only in general, that 
 " they hoped all would go well and very few had that much assurance till 
 " his business was compleat." *^ 
 
 *^ Dunbeath Papers. Wodrow MSS., fol. Ixvii. 89 {v. App., No. ix.). A long windy paper, 
 omitted by the Editors as not directly bearing on the subject. For Montrose's commission to 
 Hamburg, see App., No. v. 
 
 *'^ Nicolas, loc. cit. The archives at Vienna contain no record of the help offered by the Emperor, 
 and the interview he proposed to hold with Montrose at Frankfurt-on-the-Main. This tale of 
 Nicolas requires confirmation ; but see p. 245. *^ Nicolas, loc. cit. 
 
26o DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 After staying little more than a week in Hamburg, Montrose hastened 
 to meet the King of Denmark at Flensburg in Schleswig. This meeting 
 took place on October 8th, according to the information received by Nicolas. 
 But the Copenhagen archives have preserved a copy of Frederick's letter 
 to Charles, September 1 5 th,*^ wherein he acknowledges the commission of 
 Montrose, and states that his case had been expressed ^^ singulari dexteritateP 
 As Montrose had reached Copenhagen by October 6th, he cannot have 
 lingered long in Hamburg. Hope of the King's assistance, no less than 
 strict etiquette and courtesy, would require him to present his credentials 
 in person ; and the King's presence in Flensburg was favourable to an early 
 interview. Thither, Frederick is said, on the same doubtful authority, to 
 have summoned the nobility and gentry of Holstein, "to consult of Montrose's 
 business, and the result of that meeting was to his (M.'s) mind." Enough 
 was promised to encourage even a less sanguine temperament; but what- 
 ever Frederick's intentions may have been, he had little power to carry 
 them out. The real authority of Denmark was then vested in a Council of 
 Nobles, a close oligarchy, whose powers remained supreme, till shattered by 
 external disaster. To this council, therefore, Montrose was referred by 
 the King.*^ 
 
 The greatest subject of Denmark at this date was Korfits Ulfeldt, the 
 " Rigs-hofmester " (Grand Maitre du Royaume).*^ His influence had been 
 strengthened by marriage with the King's half-sister. Early in 1649, he 
 had been employed on a special embassy to Holland, and after some delay 
 concluded a treaty by which Denmark, in return for large sums of money, 
 conceded to the Estates certain privileges in passing through the Sound. 
 At the Hague he met Montrose, who, in the invidious phrase of Clarendon, 
 " found means to endear himself to Cornificius Wolfelte." It is asserted 
 by Sir James Turner that " that faithles minister of estate, who afterwarde 
 went faire to betray both his prince and countrey," did little or nothing 
 to fulfil the expectations he had kindled. It is, however, just to the memory 
 of both King and minister to record, that as early as March 24th, Ulfeldt 
 
 ** Copy of Montrose's letter to Frederick sent to the Editors, with some valuable notes, by 
 Herr C. F. BriCka, Arkivar, Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen. See App., No. iv. ; and for Frederick's 
 letter, Deputy-Keeper of Records, forty-seventh report, p. 75. Montrose's letter is holograph, 
 and strongly characteristic of the writer. 
 
 *" Nicolas, loc. cit. 
 
 ** For the sums paid by Ulfeldt, see Danske Magazin, 3 Raekke, 55 fif. In 1653 Charles II. 
 denied the debt. Meantime, Frederick had quarrelled with Ulfeldt, who was imprisoned, but 
 escaped to Sweden. Ulfeldt's papers had been lost at sea, and Frederick seized the opportunity 
 to accuse him of misappropriating these sums ; but the ex-minister triumphantly produced Montrose's 
 receipts. The scene is described in detail in AUmoires de Chanut ( 1677), "i- 342 ff. Cf. "Whitelocke's 
 Journal" (1855), ii. 91. In 1663, Ulfeldt's widow renewed the claim ; but not even wealth could 
 make an honest man of Charles II. From notes sent by Herr Arkivar Bricka. See further, 
 Thurloe, i. 357, 473. His name appears in contemporaries as Vlefeldt, Vlefield, Woolfleet, &c. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 261 
 
 received from Denmark a letter of credit for Charles II., and paid to 
 Montrose the sum of 24,000 Rigsdaler — about ;^5400 — and out of his own 
 resources advanced him a further sum equivalent to ;^4275. On the 5th 
 of October, Ulfeldt was on the eve of quitting the Hague.*'^ He would, 
 therefore, reach Copenhagen shortly after the arrival of Montrose. 
 
 On October 14th, Montrose addressed three letters from Copenhagen *^ 
 to Prince Rupert, to the Marquis of Ormond, and to Sir George Monro, 
 all three in Ireland. During his preparations he is said to have maintained 
 an active correspondence with his friends, and to have sent messengers 
 "every week or fortnight to Scotland, from which he received assurances 
 " that the whole people and gentry, and most part of the nobility, were ready 
 " to join him upon his first appearance ; that there were strange changes 
 " there, even in those that were his greatest enemies ; and that the most part 
 " of the officers and soldiers commanded by David Leslie had vowed solemnly 
 " to render themselves for the King under his command." *^ On this occa- 
 sion, we are unhappily able to trace his messenger, for shortly after his 
 landing at Leith, Colonel Sibbald, with the letters and instructions in his 
 cloak-bag, was arrested, and reserved for the same scaffold on which his 
 leader fell. 
 
 These letters, " all in Montrose's own hand," were read in Parliament, 
 May 22, 1650, but must have disappeared in the disturbances that ensued. 
 Some details they may have contained of Montrose's progress, with, perhaps, 
 suggestions of a scheme for concerted action. Early in the year such a 
 scheme appears to have been on foot, as we gather from Prince Rupert's 
 letter of April ist.^° 
 
 " My Lord, 
 
 " I have received three letters from your Lordship in one day, among 
 " which there was one sent me by Major-General Monro, whose business, 
 " though I know not, yet whenever he shall please to let me know the 
 " assistance I shall give, shall be set forward as much as it may. My Lord, 
 " I find upon all occasions, that your kindness to me is the same you 
 
 *^ Queen of Bohemia to M., Napier, Mem., 719. 
 
 ''^ Balf. iv. 22 ; and see p. 244, n. 2. 
 
 *^ Nicolas, loc. cit. Among these messengers, and in connection with Pluscardine's rising, 
 were " Mr. Villiam Orde, serviter to James Grhame, sometyme Earle of Montrose quho had 
 lately beine sent to this Countrey with letters from his master out of Holland ; he was apprehendit 
 at Kermure in Angus." Balf. iii. 397, 398, under date April 7, 1649. 
 
 '"' W.'s Montrose ( 1819), 446. " Kingragly " we cannot identify. Is it a mistake for "Kinsale," or 
 is the castle " Ringrone" mixed up with Kinsale ? The date of Rupert's arrival there does not appear 
 in his Memoirs (Edit. Warburton, 1849), a valuable work, but, like Balfour's Annals, Thurloe, Carte's 
 Ormond, and other collections on the period, a sad pickle of dates, much in need of re-editing. 
 
262 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 " profest, and I am very sorry that as yet, there is no occasion for me to 
 " give a real testimony of mine, virhich I intend upon all occasions to do. 
 " Of this your Lordship may be confident, since this is from, My Lord, your 
 " Lordship's most faithful friend and servant, 
 
 P. Rupert. 
 
 "KiNGRAGLY, ^/nVl, 1649." 
 
 As Montrose wrote to Prince Rupert on Oct. 14th, it is evident that 
 he had not then received Queen Elizabeth's letter of Oct. 2nd,^^ inform- 
 ing him that Rupert was said " to be at sea again," escaped from Kinsale. 
 She also assured him that " the business in Ireland was not so bad as 
 was expected : Ormond had lost no towns. The King was now at Jersey, 
 still intending to go for Ireland, if not prevented by the Parliament's ships. 
 Culpepper had been sent to Muscovy.^^ Jermyn was expected at the Hague 
 to meet, it was said, Lauderdale and Hamilton, and arrange to have new 
 commissioners from Scotland. But the King remained most constant to 
 Montrose." Again, on the 5th, she wrote to confirm her news of Jermyn, 
 but "the King was constant. Cromwell was said to have been defeated 
 [a false report ^^]. Those that governed Scotland made a show to wish 
 for their King, but were not disposed to abate their terms." Her news had 
 been brought by Patrick Ruthven, the aged Earl of Brentford and Forth, 
 who had shown great ability in England during the early years of the 
 rebellion.^* At this time he entertained a project of joining Montrose, who 
 is repeatedly assured by Elizabeth of his constancy and esteem. Clearly, 
 when she wrote these letters, she had not heard of the massacres at 
 Drogheda and Wexford.^^ 
 
 Among those who are recorded to have given help to Montrose, the 
 " Duke of Holstein " is mentioned, but it does not appear which of the many 
 Dukes of Holstein is spoken of. He contributed some ships, probably, early 
 in 1649, "which were kept a great while at Amsterdam to no purpose, being 
 
 " Napier, Mem., 717, 718. 
 
 "2 Culpepper was sent to recover ;i^8ooo lent by James I. to the Emperor of Muscovy. Nicolas 
 Carte's Ormond, i. 310 ff. {ibid. 358, 359 "lent him by the late King's means"). Ibid. 313, Oct. 8th, 
 mentions that Culpepper had set out. 
 
 ^ Cf. Balf. iii. 433. 
 
 " See Gardiner, Hist. RebelL, Index. Charles to Ormond (Papers, ii. 376), May 16, 1649, had 
 appointed " Brainford " to send him arms out of Sweden. Queen Elizabeth's last letter to Montrose, 
 Hague, 7th Jan. (1650), begins " This bearer's dispatch to you, [written] by honest old Brainford, 
 gives me occasion to write to you. You will find by his letters what he desires. I assure you he 
 is very fast to you." In her letter of the 9th Dec. she had written, "Old Brainford will chide 
 you, that you should mistrust his constancy to you. He says he is now too old to be a knave, 
 having being honest ever. I am confident he is very real." He died at Dundee, Feb. 2, 165 1. 
 Napier, Mem., 721 ; also Ruthven Papers, Roxburgh Club. 
 
 " Mentioned in her letter of Nov. r9-29th [ibid. 720). 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 263 
 
 " three or four very fair vessels, and well mann'd. Which Prince would 
 " have willingly contributed more to that service, but that he perceiv'd that 
 " which he had given before to be so misemployed ; wherein both he and 
 " the Marquesse were grossly abus'd." Montrose had sent Colonel John 
 Ogilvie "to Amsterdam to entertain such strangers as might be for his 
 " purpose. But he, forgetting his Commission, bestowed both moneys and 
 " pains in entertaining himself, suffering those who upon any termes would 
 " have engaged to shift for themselves."^'' 
 
 The ports of Holland and towns of Northern Europe were at this time 
 crowded with needy English and Scottish refugees, eager from principle 
 or necessity to embark in this — perhaps in any, cause. The termination 
 of the Thirty Years' War, while it left the princes with impoverished 
 treasuries, had also thrown many Scottish adventurers out of employment. 
 Whole regiments were being disbanded.^'' It had been no mere idle boast 
 of Montrose, that if money were forthcoming, he could land in Scotland with 
 10,000 men^^. 
 
 At Copenhagen, Montrose must have received the following letter from 
 Charles. It is written from St. Germains, where the King was more imme- 
 diately under the influence of the Queen-Mother and her Jesuitical faction. 
 The warmth of its re-assuring terms was necessary to lull suspicions excited 
 by rumours of the King's trafficking with the Presbyterian party. Evidently 
 Charles meant the "man of the dearest honour" to believe him wholly 
 devoted to Montrose's policy. But in the light of the King's conduct then 
 and afterwards, the reservation implied in the words "than when I left 
 you " . . . " upon the same principles I was," conveys an impression of 
 astute duplicity, and surprises us only that a prince so false should have 
 had scruples enough to insert such a saving clause. 
 
 " My Lord, 
 
 " I entreat you to go on vigorously, and with your wonted courage and 
 " care in the prosecution of those trusts I have committed to you, and not 
 " to be startled with any reports you may hear, as if I were otherwise 
 " inclined to the Presbyterians than when I left you. I assure you I am 
 " upon the same principles I was, and depend as much as ever upon your 
 " undertakings and endeavours for my service, being fully resolved to assist 
 
 ^^ Montrose Redivivus, pp. 170-172. 
 
 ^'' Wishart to Lord Napier at Hamburg, Shiedame, Jan. i, 1650 (Napier, Mem., 730-732) : 
 "The provincial Estates of Holland will needs . . . casheer ane 109 companies of foot, all of 
 strange nations, French, English, and Scots, and most part of the cavalry, and reduce yet more 
 those that remain." For interesting details of Scots then in foreign service, see Sir Thomas 
 Urquhart's Mems., in Burton, " The Scot Abroad," 327, 328, &c. 
 
 ^ See p. 195. 
 
264 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 " and support you therein to the uttermost of my power, as you shall find 
 " in effect, when you shall desire anything to be done by your affectionate 
 " friend, 
 
 Charles R."^^ 
 
 " S. Germains, Sept. i()ih, 1649. 
 
 On Oct. 6th, the Swedish resident in Copenhagen wrote to inform his 
 government that Montrose was there, awaiting the King's return. But 
 he waited in vain. Frederick remained in Schleswig.^" In the Ormond 
 paper already quoted, it is said that Montrose received great satisfaction 
 at Copenhagen. But the following characteristic letter of Oct. 19th, shows 
 how keenly Montrose felt the disappointment and delay. The King's letter 
 referred to is not extant. 
 
 " Sire, The letter with which your Majesty has been pleased to honour 
 " me has made me await with impatience the commencements therein 
 " promised. Seeing no appearance of this, I am obliged humbly to crave 
 " your Majesty's pardon for begging to know your intentions. Delays are 
 " the worst of all evils. What your Majesty shall please to do will be 
 " doubled by being done soon. In such affairs a refusal that sets us free 
 " to act, is better than a promise that ruins us. There are, I know, some 
 " who would have your Majesty believe that the little assistance you may 
 " give your royal cousin will disable you from guarding against your enemies, 
 " and that your neighbours may take advantage of it. But I humbly beg 
 " your Majesty to do me the honour to believe (and I should not make bold 
 " to say it, without, perhaps, sufficient assurance thereof), that your Majesty 
 " has never done anything which shall put your neighbours under greater 
 " obligations ; and if you do it not, which shall give them more cause to 
 " take exception, and occasion worse results. I shall add no more than 
 " that this slight assistance to the King, your cousin, can but serve to display 
 " your Majesty's honour, justice and friendship, and to strengthen you on 
 " all sides." 
 
 On October 27, the Swedish resident again wrote that Montrose was 
 engaging troops "in great style," ^^ but from lack of money the numbers 
 enlisted were insignificant. Finally, on November 10, he wrote to inform 
 his government that Montrose had left for Sweden. 
 
 Before his departure he sent the following letter to Seaforth, but neither 
 
 "» W.'s Montrose (1819), p. 447, 448. 
 
 *" Notes on the information of the Swedish envoy, and the following letter of Montrose were 
 courteously communicated to the Editors by Herr C. F. Bricka, Arkivar, Copenhagen. See App., 
 No. iv. 
 
 ^^ " Montrose endnu er her og i al Stilhed lader hwerve, men at disse Hvervinger af Penge- 
 mangel kun er ubetydelige." See App., No. ix., Dunbeath Papers. "Not [note] of the Jewells 
 and plate that is pawned. " 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 265 
 
 this nor any other inducement appears to have procured for him more than 
 " advyse " from that shifty nobleman. 
 
 " COPNAHAGEN, 27 Octobr, veteri [Old Style]. 
 
 " My Lord, 
 
 " Tho I heave writt many tymes to you, which seimes is not come to yr 
 " hands, and only receaved some tuo of yrs, yett I cannot hot tell you how 
 " glaid I am att the informations I receave of yr nobell and resolutt cariages 
 " concerning his majestic, and yr kyndens towards yr friends, which I assure 
 " you hes procured you so much respect mongst all honourable people as is 
 " not to be exchanged for a world ; for what friendship you heave beane 
 " pleased to doe me the honor to witnes (tho it con be no more then I ever 
 " promised to myself,) I will make you the faithfullest returne my lyfe can 
 " doe, and if it please God I los it not very suddenly, I shall be sure not to 
 " dye in yr debt ; meanetyme, I humbly entreat you be confident that wher- 
 " ever I be, or whatever occasions I may heave to correspond with you, or 
 " not, that I can never forgett what I owe you, but shall ever in all fortunes, 
 " places, and tymes, be faithfully and as effectually as it may please God I 
 " can, my Lord, yr L.'s. most faithfull cossing and servand, 
 
 " Montrose. 
 
 " I am useing yr advyse, and setting furth in the way that is possible, 
 " and I shall make you the best account that it shall please God to give me 
 "leave." 62 
 
 [Directed in another hand] 
 " For the Earle of Seaforth this." 
 
 In the absence of certain information we may conjecture that Seaforth's 
 advice referred to Montrose's choice of the north of Scotland for his landing, 
 and the assistance he might expect from Seaforth's own following. 
 
 Disappointed in his hopes of Denmark, the Marquis now turned his eyes 
 to Sweden, and the circumstances alluded to in the following letter, in his 
 own hand, may have had something to do with his leaving Copenhagen a 
 week later. Unhappily it is somewhat torn, and bears no address.^^ 
 
 " COPNAHAGEN, 3 Nobi \November\ 1649. 
 
 " Sr, 
 
 " I receaved yrs and a[m rjeadlie satisfy[ed] with the cours you [heav]e 
 " taken concerning that Lieutenant ... as for that proposition touch- 
 " ing the ships and that ship of cloth and all of that kynd, Iff it can be 
 
 ^2 W.'s Montrose (1819), p. 443, 444, from Seaforth archives. 
 *• Advocates' Library, Wodrow MSS., fol. Ixvii., No. 90. 
 
266 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 " handsomely done, and be sure that it shall not misgive, I should be joyed 
 " with it ; only Iff it be medled with, lett it be sure to carry, otherwayes It 
 " will give disrepuit [iorn] to lett them come to [Gjottenberry or a [ny ?] port 
 " belonging to the Queene [of] Swed[en] neir it. I will answer [for] them, 
 " for I he[ave] all civilities can [be] from that place, be doeing the best you 
 " can in all, and expect ane express from me with all possible heast. I am, 
 
 " Sr yr constant leall freind 
 
 " Montrose."^ 
 
 As this letter was afterwards found among the papers taken by Leslie in 
 Dunbeath Castle, it must have been addressed to one of the officers who 
 accompanied the expedition. It refers to some proposal to seize a " cloth 
 ship," probably belonging to the English rebels, and perhaps then lying in 
 some port near Gothenburg. 
 
 On November 4th he wrote to Queen Elizabeth,*^ and from her reply of 
 December 9th, seems to have expressed some distrust of Brentford, which she 
 seeks to allay. 
 
 Early in November, probably, therefore, before he quitted Denmark, 
 Montrose issued his Declaration. Its immediate effect was to attract to 
 his service a number of Royalists on the Continent.^ It was aimed, perhaps, 
 as a counterstroke to the rumours of the King's negotiations with the 
 Presbyterians. He must have felt that these rumours were paralysing his 
 friends, both at home and abroad. It is certain that they contributed mainly 
 to the ruin of his expedition.'^'' The Declaration roused serious apprehen- 
 sions in Scotland, where Montrose found means to publish it in December. 
 On January 2, 1650, it drew forth a Defence and Warning from tJu Com- 
 mission of the General Assembly, followed on the 24th by a long acrimonious 
 rejoinder of the "Committee of Estates," '^ in vindication of their proceedings 
 from the aspersions of a scandalous pamphlet published by that excojnmunicaie 
 Traitor, fames Graham," signed "A. Johnston, Clericus Registri." ^^ 
 
 *' Original, holograph, now first printed. Dunbeath Papers, Advocates Libr., Wodrow MSS., 
 fol. Ixvii. 90. The letter is mildewed, and has two holes through the middle. 
 
 *' Mentioned as received in her letter, Hague, December 9, Napier, Mem., 720. See above, 
 p. 262, n. 54. 
 
 *'*' Nicolas, toe. cit. 
 
 ^ "The people of Scotland in general are (for certain) extremely well affected to the King, 
 and rightly disposed to join with the Marquis of Montrose, as soon as he shall appear in that 
 Kingdom in any good posture able to secure their rising ; but some (not without reason) apprehend, 
 that the report of the now approaching Treaty will 7nake those of the better sort forbear to appear for 
 him, until they shall see the issue of this treaty." Nicolas to Ormond, Beauvais, March 5-15, 
 1649-50. Orm. Papers, i. 363. 
 
 ^ For these replies, v. W.'s Montrose (1819), pp. 458-491. A previous proclamation against 
 Morton and Kinnoul is mentioned in Queen Elizabeth's letter of December 9th. The expression, 
 " that detestable bloody murderer and excommunicate traitor, James Grteme," rouses her to scornful 
 indignation. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 267 
 
 "Declaration of His Excellency James Marquis of Montrose, Earl of 
 
 " Kincardine, Lord Graham, Baron of Montdieu, Lieutenant-governor 
 
 " and Captain-general for his Majesty of the Kingdom of Scotland, 
 " anno, 1649. 
 
 " In tanta reipublicse necessitudine, suspecto senatfis populique imperio, ob certamina potenlium 
 " et avaritiam magistratuum, invalido legum auxilio ; quae vi, ambitu, postremo pecunia turba- 
 " bantur ; omnem potestatem ad unum redire pacis interfuit, non aliud discordantis patriae remedium 
 " quam ut ab uno regeretur. 
 
 C. Tacitus. 
 
 "Though it may seem both a public and private injury, rather than 
 " matter of duty or just procedure, to do any act whatsomever, that can 
 " in so much as appear to dispute the clearness of this present service, or 
 " to hold such enemies as a party, the justice of his majesty's cause, the 
 " wickedness of those rebels, and my own integrity, being all of them so 
 " well and so thoroughly known as they are, yet, the further to confirm 
 " the world, the more to encourage all who are to engage, and the power- 
 " fuller to convince many who have harmlessly been involved, and innocently 
 " inveigled in those desperate courses, I do, in the name of his most sacred 
 " majesty, and by virtue of the power and authority granted by him unto 
 " me, declare 
 
 " That howbeit there have been, and still are, an horrid and infamous 
 " faction of rebels within the kingdom of Scotland, who most causelessly 
 " at first did hatch a rebellion against his late majesty, of glorious memory ; 
 " and when he had granted unto them, by their own acknowledgement, all 
 " their violent and most unjust desire, they were so far from resting, not- 
 " withstanding, satisfied, as that, being themselves able to find no further 
 " pretences, they did perniciously solicit one party in the kingdom of Eng- 
 " land, to begin where shame and necessity had inforced them to leave off; 
 " and when those of the English, being by much less wicked, would have 
 " often satisfied themselves by his majesty's extraordinary concessions, they 
 " then, not intending the desperate lengths which fatal success and their 
 " hollow practices did thereafter drive them to, did still thrust in, as oil to 
 " the fire, and ganger to the wound, until they had rendered all irrecoverable ; 
 " neither were they contented in the fox-skin alone to act this their so brutish 
 " a tragedy, which indeed could never have served their ends, but while they 
 " had received all imaginable satisfaction at home, as their own very acts of 
 " parliament doth witness, wherein they say, * That his late majesty parted a 
 " ' contented king from a contented people,' finding their rebel brood whom 
 " they had begot in England beginning to lessen, and that his majesty's party 
 " appeared to have by much the better, they not only, contrary to the duty 
 " of subjects, but all faith, covenants, oaths, attestations, to which they had 
 " so often invoked God, his angels, the world and all, as witnesses, did 
 
268 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 enter with a strong army the kingdom of England, persecute their prince 
 in a foreign nation, assist a company of stranger rebels, against their native 
 king, and those of his loyal party, within that same kingdom, except for 
 which, the whole world does know, his majesty had, without all peradventure, 
 prevailed. And not ashamed of all this, which even many of their own 
 party did blush to avow, when his late majesty was, by, God knows, how 
 many unhappy treacheries, redacted to think upon extreme courses for his 
 safety, he was pleased out of his so much invincible goodness, and natural 
 inclination towards his native people, notwithstanding all their former 
 villanies, to chuse that ignoble party to fall upon, thinking, that those 
 whom his greatness and their duty could not oblige, his misery and their 
 compassion might perhaps move with pity ; yet too justly fearing their 
 * Punic ' faiths, he first resolved to engage them by a treaty ; after which, 
 when, by many intercourses, his majesty had received all manner of assur- 
 ances, which though shame would make them willingly excuse, yet guilt 
 will let them have nothing to say for it, it being so undeniable, and to all 
 the world so known a truth, casting himself in their hands, they, contrary 
 to all faith and paction, trust of friends, duty of subject, laws of hospitality, 
 nature, nations, divine and human, for which there hath never been pre- 
 cedent, nor can ever be a follower, most infamously, and beyond all 
 imaginable expression of invincible baseness, to the blush of Christians 
 and abomination of mankind, sold their sovereign over to their merciless 
 fellow-traitors to be destroyed ; with whom, how they have complotted his 
 destruction, their secret intercourses, both before, in the time, and since 
 this horrid murder, do too evidently declare. Of all which villanies they 
 are so little touched with the guilt, as they now begin with his majesty 
 upon the same scores they left with his father, declaring him king with 
 provisos ; so robbing him of all right, while they would seem to give some 
 unto him ; pressing him to join with those who have rigged all his dominions 
 in rebellion, and laid all royal power into the dust, that in effect he would 
 condemn the memory of his sacred father, destroy himself, and ruin his 
 faithful party within all those dominions. These are those who at first 
 entered England, soliciting all to rise in this desperate rebellion, as the 
 prologue of their ensuing tragedy ; who were the chief and main instru- 
 ments of all the battles, slaughters, and bloody occasions within that king- 
 dom ; who sold their sovereign unto the death, and that yet digs in his 
 grave; and who are more perniciously hatching the destruction of his 
 present majesty, by the same bare, old, out-dated treacheries, than ever 
 they did his sacred father's : yet the people in general having been but 
 ignorantly misled to it, whose eyes now for the most part God has opened, 
 and turned their hearts, at least their desires, to their dutiful obedience, 
 and that there has still been a loyal party, who have given such proofs of 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 269 
 
 " their integrity, as his majesty is moved with a tender compassion for those 
 " righteous sakes, in behalf of all who now at last have remorse for their 
 " former misdemeanours, his majesty is not only willing to pardon every 
 " one, excepting such who, upon clear evidences, shall be found guilty of 
 " that most damnable fact of the murder of his father, who, upon sight or 
 " knowledge hereof, do immediately, or upon the first possible conveniency, 
 " abandon those rebels, and rise and join themselves with us and our forces 
 " in this present service ; but also to assure all who are, or will turn loyal 
 " unto him, of that nation, that it is his majesty's resolution, which he doth 
 " assure, and promise unto them upon the word of a prince, to be ever ready 
 " to ratify so soon as it shall please God to put it in his power, according to 
 " the advice of the supreme judicatures of that kingdom, all that has been 
 " done by his royal father, in order to their peace ; desiring nothing more 
 " but their dutiful obedience and faithful services, for the revenge of the 
 " horrid murder of his father, his just re-establishment, and their own per- 
 " petual happiness under his government. 
 
 " Wherefore, all who have any duty left them to God, their king, country, 
 " friends, homes, wives, children, or would change now at last the tyranny, 
 " violence, and oppression of those rebels, with the mild and innocent 
 " government of their just prince, or revenge the horrid and execrable 
 " murder of their sacred king, redeem their nation from infamy, themselves 
 " from slavery, restore the present, and oblige the ages to come ; let them 
 " as Christians, subjects, patriots, friends, husbands, and fathers, join them- 
 " selves forthwith with us in this present service, that is so full of conscience, 
 " duty, honour, and all just interests, and not apprehend any evils, which 
 " they may fear can fall, half so much as those they presently lie under; 
 " for though there may appear many difficulties, yet let them not doubt 
 " of God's justice, nor the happy providence that may attend his majesty, 
 " nor their own resolutions, nor the fortunes of those who are joined withal ; 
 " resolving, with Joab, to play the men for their people, and the cities of 
 " their God, and let the Lord do whatever seemeth him good ; wherein, 
 " whatsomever shall behappen, they may at least be assured of Crastinus's 
 " recompense, that, dead or alive, the world will give them thanks. 
 
 " Montrose." ^'^ 
 
 About October, Sir James Turner,''*^ who had accompanied Hamilton on 
 his ill-fated march into England, was liberated from Hull, and sailing to 
 Hamburg in a "cloth ship," arrived early in November. There he met 
 Lord Napier, and learning that Montrose was already in Gothenburg, he 
 enclosed a letter to him, in one from Napier, offering his services ; to which 
 
 69 W.'s Montrose (1819), pp. 454-458. ''" Turner, Mem., 71, 72. 
 
27© DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 he " had a very favorable returne, and invitation from the Marques to come 
 to him, writ with his oune hand." Turner was, however, prevented by want 
 of means; and meeting at Hamburg with Colonel Sibbald,'^^ on his way 
 to Scotland and Ireland with despatches from Montrose, he accompanied 
 him as far as Rotterdam, whence Sibbald set out on his fatal mission. 
 
 The Swedish service at this time was full of English and Scots, many 
 of whom had attained high commands during the Thirty Years' War. James, 
 Duke of Hamilton, had commanded 6000 English, under Gustavus. The 
 two Leslies, ''2 Brentford, Lumsden, Baillie, General Sir James Spence, made 
 Earl of Orcholm, and many others had won experience and wealth in the same 
 terrible war. Shortly after the battle of Leipzig, " in one place, at one time 
 Gustavus had six and thirty Scottish Colonels about him." ''^ From many 
 of these, Montrose might reasonably hope for assistance in men and money ; 
 but from none more than from General James King,''* created Lord Eythin 
 in the Scottish peerage in 1643. This veteran officer was known to be 
 well affected to the royal cause, in which he had fought with distinction. 
 After the disaster at Marston Moor, he had again retired to Sweden. 
 Montrose was led to expect that he would join "with a considerable party 
 of Horse," ^^ and actually appointed him lieutenant-general, by warrant 
 
 ^^ Col. William Sibbald was arrested at Musselburgh. For the letters found on him, see 
 p. 244, n. 2. He was executed at Edinburgh with Dalgetty. " The other with'a little more vigour 
 [than Dalgetty], smil'd a while, and talk'd to the disorderly rabble that was about him : then with 
 such an heroick gesture march'd to the block, as if he had been to act a gallant in a Play." Montr. 
 Rediv., pp. 175, 187. 
 
 ^^ Nicolas, loc. cit., apparently quoting information from Montrose, says, that "when old 
 General Lesley sent one thither [to Sweden] (among other things) to demand the pensions due 
 to him and his Cousin David Lesley, her Majesty would not hear of them, and did cause signify 
 to him that was sent, that she had nothing to do with them since they were become traitors to their 
 King : and on the other part gave new pensions to all those officers, Scotch and English, who had 
 been in the Swedish service before, and had been faithful to their King." 
 
 ^* Sir Thomas Urquhart's Memoirs. 
 
 ''*' James King, son of Sir James King, of Barracht, Aberdeens., b. 1589 (?), entered the Swedish 
 service in 1614 or 1615, and took part as Colonel in the Thirty Years' War. In 1634 he was 
 Major-General, in 1636 Lieutenant-General, in 1637 Commander [Ofverbefdlhafvare) in Westphalia. 
 Owing to a misunderstanding with Field-Marshal J. Baner, he was recalled to Sweden in 1638. 
 He acquired property in Germany, and later, in Sweden. In 1641 he visited Edinburgh, and 
 appears to have done Charles I. some service there. In his will, of the year 165 1, he claimed 
 ^40,000, due to him from the King for this debt, and for an unpaid pension of ;i^iooo. In the 
 spring of 1649, King was in Hamburg; in September 1649 back again in Stockholm, where 
 he died, January 1652. He was buried in the Riddarholms church, and the Queen attended his 
 funeral. Notes from Herr C. F. Oehner, Kongl. Riksarkivar, Stockholm ; also Gardiner, Hist. 
 Civ. War, Index. He is said to have received a commission as Lieutenant-General, under Montrose, 
 and "A letter of 13 March 1650 shows that he was also engaged in some negotiations for 
 bringing Charles II. to Sweden." Diet. Nat. Biogr., Article James King. 
 
 ^* Montrose Redivivus, 172. Nicolas, loc. cit., was probably misinformed in writing, "Very 
 many officers of the greatest reputation came flocking to him [Montrose] ; to whom he has given 
 commissions for the second levy, which is to be levied under Coningsmark [see p. 273, n. 88], to the 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 271 
 
 dated March 19th, 1650; but, "either he could not be ready so soon as 
 was expected, or else delay'd the time of purpose." 
 
 Queen Christina, whatever her private sentiments may have been, had 
 good reasons of policy for not openly supporting Charles and Montrose at 
 this period. In April the Swedish ambassador at the Hague is said to have 
 tendered Charles offers of help to suppress the rebels.''^ The Ormond corre- 
 spondence bears evidence that high hopes were built on her support. In 
 August strong representations were made to Charles to accept the alliance of 
 the Swedes, as Protestants, in preference to that of Spain." On August 25- 
 September 4 Nicolas relates to Ormond, " as a secret that there is a letter 
 " now delivered to the King from the Queen of Sweden, acquainting his 
 " Majesty that the Scots have pressed her to intercede for them to his Majesty; 
 " which she hath absolutely refused to do, saying she will not interpose between 
 " his Majesty and his subjects. She hath further assured the King that she 
 " will join with any Prince in assisting him to recover his Crowns and just 
 " Rights, but adviseth his Majesty to forbear as yet to send any extraordinary 
 " Embassador to her for some weighty Reasons." ^^ A week later he wrote 
 that " Sir William Balladine [Bellandine] had been left by Brainford [Brent- 
 " ford] as agent to the Queen. She requests the King through him not to 
 " send any extraordinary-Embassador at present. Lord Hatton is going to 
 " be sent." '^^ Sweden at this time felt itself injured by the treaty Denmark 
 had recently concluded with Holland.^^ To offend the strong naval republic 
 of England at this juncture would be to lose the one natural ally whose 
 power could enable them successfully to resist this treaty. We find, there- 
 fore, that the wily Chancellor Oxenstiern looked with a cold eye on Mon- 
 trose's scheme.^^ Queen Christina " supported him underhand but very 
 inconsiderably."^'- Even at this time she may have had some leanings to 
 the rebels, to whom she afterwards showed such marked favour in the person 
 of their representative, Whitelock. 
 
 It was the interest of the Royalists to exaggerate the secret sympathy she 
 may have felt for Charles. It was even a project of some to carry him to 
 Sweden, either to join Montrose's expedition,^^ qj. jq -y^^jn the hand of the 
 
 number of lo or 12000 of foot and horse, who are to be landed (God wiUing) about the middle 
 of April in Scotland or England, as Montrose shall give them order." 
 
 '^ Carte's Orm. Papers, i. 277, 278. See further id. 345 ff., 358, 359, 455, for these dealings 
 with Christina. 
 
 ''"' Orm. Papers, i. 296. As early as May 29, 1649, Ormond, writing from Kilkenny, urged 
 this alliance {ibid. ii. 376). 
 
 78 Ibid. i. 306, 307. 
 
 ^* Ibid. i. 310. For " Brainford," see p. 262, n. 54. Lord Hatton was Lauderdale's brother. 
 
 8" Thurloe, i. 463. ®^ Nicolas, Orm. Papers, i. 345 ff. ^^ Turner, Mem., 91. 
 
 ^^ See p. 270, n. 74. On March 15, 1649 (1650), Harry Seymour wrote from Breda to Ormond, 
 " If the Scots do not meet at Breda, of which there is a rumour, or if the treaty succeed not, his 
 Majesty is resolved to lose no more time in idleness, and therefore must either go to you or to my 
 
272 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 powerful and brilliant queen. But her favour to Montrose, as we shall see, 
 did not extend to more than acquiescence in his presence at Gothenburg, 
 with secret orders to her officers there to wink at his proceedings, and permit 
 him to buy material. Even his frigate, accredited to her generosity, was sold 
 to him, as it now appears from the correspondence obtained from the Swedish 
 archives. 
 
 According to Sir William Johnston, quoted by Nicolas,^* Montrose had 
 already " sent 3000 men at several times before to Orkney," and " in the 
 " beginning of December (N. S.) there parted nine ships of great burden, 
 " full of men and horse, and passed the Sound to go for Scotland, but the 
 " commander's name was kept secret. Also that Major David Grothorie 
 " [Guthrie] took voyage with five compleat companies, the 14th of December 
 " (N. S.) to sail for Orkney ; the rest of Montrose's men being shipped at 
 " Gottenburg, where there were 14 sail of great ships, besides small bot- 
 " toms, waiting upon Montrose." He adds that Montrose " had shipped 
 " to the number of 16 or 18000 arms, 24 excellent field-pieces, 9 
 " pieces of battery, with all things belonging, store of powder, match and 
 " ball, abundance of corn for the provision of his army, and besides those 
 " 3000 men long since in Orkney, he had ready 5000 foot and 12 or 
 " 1500 horse to be shipped at Gottenberg and other places, whereof a great 
 " part is gone in the month of December." In another letter (undated) he 
 states that " the Queen of Sweden hath furnished the King with 10,000 arms 
 " and munition proportionable ; whereof one half is assigned to the Marquis 
 " of Montrose ; the other is designed for Ireland ; but [he adds, significantly] 
 " these are engaged for over 1000/." The writer of the continuation of 
 Wishart's history is probably nearer the truth in saying that she furnished 
 Montrose " for the arming of such Gentlemen as should upon his arrivall 
 " betake themselves to his partie, fifteen hundred arms, compleat for Horse, 
 " back, brest, headpiece, Carrabines, Pistolls and Swords, all which after 
 " his defeat in Cathanes [Ross] were taken untouch'd." The correspondence 
 of Ribbing,^ given in the Appendix to this volume, affords some test for the 
 truth of these reports. 
 
 Gothenburg, or Goteborg, was peculiarly fitted for Montrose's enterprise. 
 With a commodious harbour, rarely closed by ice, sheltered from the Atlantic 
 by the Skdrgard, or barrier of rocky islets which fringe the westward coasts 
 of Scandinavia, and communicating by the river Gota with the great chain of 
 
 Lord Montrose ; his own inclinations lean to the first ; but a powerful interest press the other way 
 whose game lies another way." Orm. Papers, i. 367. 
 
 8* Ibid. 345 ff. 
 
 ^ From the Royal archives, Stockholm, courteously communicated by the keeper, Herr C. F. 
 Oehner. To him the Editors are gratefully indebted for notes on King, Maclear, and other persons 
 and points in this valuable correspondence, now first printed. App. vii. and viii. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 273 
 
 lakes which form the water-way to the capital, the town was then, as now, a 
 favourite residence for Scottish merchants. Conspicuous among these was 
 John Maclear, already noted for his loyalty to the house of Stewart. 
 Maclear had acquired great riches, and in 1650 was made a baronet by 
 Charles.^^ So highly were his services to the royal cause appreciated, 
 that he was deemed worthy of a special commendation to Christina's favour 
 in the proposals submitted to her by Robert Meade, the King's envoy, on 
 February 25, 1650.^^ 
 
 Leaving Copenhagen on November loth, Montrose arrived at Gothenburg 
 about the 12th, attended only by a few officers and servants, in all not more 
 than ten or twelve persons. Two days later the circumstance of his arrival 
 was notified by Per Lindormson Ribbing, the local Landshofding, or pro- 
 vincial governor, to Field-Marshal Count Leonard Torstenson,^^ Governor- 
 General of Western Sweden, at Ulfsunda, his residence on Lake Malar, near 
 Stockholm. It was understood that Montrose had taken up his abode 
 in Gothenburg only till the King of Denmark returned to Copenhagen. 
 From the letters which passed between the two, we learn that, during the 
 four months Montrose remained in Gothenburg, he observed profound secrecy 
 in his plans and movements. At the beginning of December the local 
 magnate's inquisitive fears were further stimulated by the arrival of a ship, 
 with 200 men, engaged in Denmark, which came to anchor at the Billinge, 
 a small spot below Gothenburg. Another ship had been recently hired 
 in the town itself; and a quantity of arms and ammunition and four field- 
 pieces, which had been consigned to Maclear, were conveyed on board. 
 
 ^ Herr Oehner, to whom we owe the date, informs us that Maclear's great-grandson, in 1784, took 
 the name of Maclean (probably confused with Maclear) when they received the title of " Friherrar'' 
 (Freelords, Germ. Freiherr). For Maclear's letter to Montrose, see p. 284. On January i, 1651, a 
 Captain Cuninghame signs a deposition at Anstruther, that arms which he had brought from Sweden 
 were not sent to the King by " Sir Jhone Macleir" (Thurloe, i. 170, 171). Apparently the ship 
 had been seized for Cromwell, and the captain endeavours to save his goods on the ground that they 
 were a free private speculation. Whitelocke, when he landed at Gothenburg in 1653, on his 
 embassy, met Sir John, and, in spite of his loyalty, to which he bears testimony, was favourably 
 impressed by his character. 
 
 8^ See Appendix, No. vii. 
 
 ^ Leonard or Linnart Torstenson, in 1641 succeeded Baner as Commander-in-Chief of the 
 Swedish army in the Thirty Years' War. In 1642 he defeated the Imperialists at Breitenfeld, 
 near Leipzig. In 1643 he overran Holstein and Jutland. Next year he was shut up in Denmark 
 by the enemy, but escaped with great dexterity, and defeated Enkerfort at Jiiterbok. In 1645 
 he marched up to Vienna, but was forced to abandon a siege for want of artillery. Gout, to which 
 he had long been a victim, obliged him to resign the command to Wrangel in 1645, when he retired 
 to Sweden. Konigsmark, one of the boldest robbers and a most restless commander, was his 
 lieutenant-general in the war. To him Sweden owes the famous Codex Argenteus of Ulfilas, 
 taken in the plunder of Prague (1648), with Correggios, which Christina, with truly Gothic taste, 
 cut out and pasted on tapestry ! 
 
 For the correspondence of Ribbing, Torstenson, and Ankerhielm, see Appendix, No. viii. 
 
 S 
 
274 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 On the 1 2th, when Ribbing again wrote, the two ships were expected 
 to sail shortly, but he does not mention their destination. 
 
 That Montrose himself intended to sail with these ships, we learn from 
 his own letter to Seaforth : — 
 
 "GOTTENBERG 1 5 Decetnber 1649. 
 
 "My Lord, 
 
 "I am sory I heave not had so many occasions as I wold, to express 
 " unto you the joy I heave of all yr honorable and freindly cariages, both 
 " concerning publick and pryvatt, which I assure yr Ip. is no less content- 
 " ment to your friendes, and satisfaction to all honest men, (evine those 
 " who know you not,) then it is happynes for yrself. I pray God give joy 
 " to preferr so vertuos and honorable a tract [trait, conduct], and be seur 
 " I shall be no longer happy then I be not thankfuU for the nobell obliga- 
 " tions I owe you. I am so prest {being to sett say le to-morrow for Scotland) 
 " as I can say littell more, only I must [give] yr 1. a thousand thanks for 
 " yr favours and kyndness, to yr servand Mr James Woode, which I humbly 
 " intreat you to continue, and I will not feale, if I heave a lyfe, to cans 
 " returne what you ar pleased to doe to any of yr servants. 
 
 " I will say no more, but that I shall live or dye, my Lord, yr L. most 
 " faithfull cossing and servand, 
 
 " Montrose. 
 " [Directed] For my Nobell Lord the Earle of Siafort. 
 
 " I heare our cossing Chartrous hes gone to the King, which his maide 
 " me not writ unto him." ^^ 
 
 The transport from Denmark with the 200 " Danes " seems to be all the 
 foundation there is for the " nine ships of great burden " which, in the begin- 
 ning of January, N. S. (/.^., about December 20th), passed the Sound for 
 Scotland, "full of men and horse." ^^ Or, perhaps, in this we may recognise 
 the " five compleat companies," which on December 4th (O. S.) sailed under 
 Major David Guthrie for Orkney. Of this detachment and its fortunes no 
 record appears to have been preserved. But as we shall find Major Guthrie 
 at the battle of Carbisdale, we may assume that they reached their des- 
 tination. 
 
 Meantime Montrose maintained an active correspondence with his followers, 
 and every day Scots passed between Denmark and his headquarters. 
 
 On December 26th Admiral Ankerhielm wrote from Gothenburg to the 
 Governor-General that a ship of the town, intended for Portugal, had 
 
 89 Seaforth archives, copy in W.'s Montrose (1819), 441, 442. For James Woode and cousin 
 Charters, see Index, 
 
 "" Nicolas, Orm. Papers, i, 345 ff. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 275 
 
 been purchased, and now lay at the Bilhnge, along with the two Scottish 
 ships belonging to Montrose. Also the Crown had sold him the frigate 
 Herderinnan (Shepherdess), which to-morrow would be handed over to 
 Maclear, and would probably be ready to sail with the rest. Again, on 
 January 2nd, Ribbing, impatient at receiving no orders from her Majesty or 
 Torstenson, repeats his information. Montrose had arrived " about November 
 15th, kept himself secret, but presently began to assemble a number of 
 officers, who were quartered here and there in the town. On this he had 
 caused him to be questioned, whether he had the Queen's permission to 
 make such a rendezvous of Gothenburg, without informing her servants." 
 Thereupon Maclear was employed to show Ribbing a letter from Christina 
 to Montrose, wherein she ordered her officers to pass the ammunition pur- 
 chased by Maclear, whether consigned to himself or to his agents. The 
 Queen's letter contained no further instructions. Ribbing had then written 
 to the Queen to inform her of Montrose's conduct, and that he expected a 
 ship from Denmark with 200 men, and that various officers gathered to him 
 daily. To this letter there was no reply. Montrose had, however, been 
 heard to say that General King might be expected any day. The Danish 
 ship with the 2(X) men, the ammunition, and about four field-pieces, now lay 
 with another ship out at Billinge. Montrose had also received the Her- 
 dertujian, a small royal ship, which Admiral Ankerhielm had been ordered 
 to deliver, along with the guns, and two months' provisions for 50 persons. 
 This vessel was now lying in the river, and expected to sail in a few days. 
 Of Montrose himself he could render no account. At times he gave out that 
 he was going to Stockholm, at times to Denmark, at times elsewhere. He 
 studiously avoided the Queen's officers. " When he chanced to meet one 
 in the streets, he at once turned round, and either went back or aside, so 
 that I cannot understand the man or his designs." Yesterday (January ist) 
 other two "Counts came to him, but look wretchedly naked." ^^ Some of 
 his officers had again departed, and all had provided themselves with ship- 
 ping. Maclear advances what they have need of. A few days ago Hannibal 
 Sehestedt ^^ was here at Bohus,^^ in the house of Mr. Ivan Krabbe ; and it is 
 thought that Krabbe is coming here to speak with Montrose. The stir of 
 these secret preparations occasioned much uneasiness in the town, many 
 
 91 " Counts" or Earls. Were these the new Earl of Kinnoul and Brentford? Many Royalists 
 suffered extreme poverty. For instances, see Gwynne's Mem., pp. Ii8, 133, &c., and n, 114 below. 
 
 *^ Hannibal Seested or Sehested, a son-in-law of Frederick, King of Denmark, successfully 
 defended Norway during the war with Sweden, 1643-1647, thence called in Norway "Hannibal's 
 Feud." See further the Journal of Whitelocke, who met him on his way back to England, and 
 Thurloe, i.. Index, " Sestede." 
 
 93 Bohus (BMhuus in Ribbing's letter) on the R. Gota was then— as well as Marstrand— in 
 Norway. It gave its name in 1658 to the province of Bohuslan. Extensive ruins of its castle may 
 still be seen from the railway between Gothenburg and the famous falls of TroUhattan. 
 
276 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 fearing that the Parliament might pounce upon their shipping as they passed 
 English waters. In conclusion, Ribbing earnestly begged for instructions, 
 as no faith could be put in King's coming, or in Montrose himself 
 
 The reply to this (9th January) was briefly to let Montrose alone. Tor- 
 stenson had no doubt her Majesty was aware of Montrose's proceedings, but 
 would inquire, and take the first opportunity to let him know. 
 
 Meanwhile, before receiving this reply, a previous letter from Torstenson, 
 dated January 2nd, had reached Ribbing, who further informed his chief 
 on the nth, that the "Scottish Count" had embarked yesterday on the 
 Herderinnan, but the vessel was now wind-bound. And so he remained 
 for a week, though the wind meantime changed to " the best " — and " God 
 only knows why he lay still," Ribbing petulantly adds. " Meantime I have 
 acted as though I had nought to do with him. Time will show what he 
 is now after. God grant I may hit on doing what is her Majesty's pleasure " 
 (Letter, i6th January). 
 
 Montrose had indeed the most urgent reasons for setting sail. As early 
 as November, Captain Hall's ship, which had joined Kinnoul shortly after 
 his arrival in Orkney, and which was reported to have since taken another 
 of ten guns, was despatched from Orkney to Denmark. With Captain Hall 
 were "Sir James Douglas, my Lord Moreton's brother, and one Major 
 " Melvin (Melville) with many Gentlemen of Quality from all places of the 
 " Kingdom, who in the name of the whole Kingdom did intreat and press 
 " Montrose earnestly to go to Scotland, and not stay for all his men (who 
 " might follow), for his own presence was able to do the business, and would 
 "undoubtedly bring 20,000 men together for the King's service; all men 
 " being weary and impatient to live any longer under that bondage pressing 
 *' down their estates, their persons and their consciences."®^ 
 
 Yet, urged as he was to depart, and with a fair wind to waft his little 
 frigate westwards, Montrose once more turned back, and two days later, 
 January i8th. Ribbing writes — "the Scottish General, Count von Montrose, 
 " is back again from the ship, and lodging at the house of the ' well-born ' 
 " Hans Maclear. Most of his people are still aboard the ship. Time will 
 " show whether they too are returning. However, they are quite frozen in." 
 
 From these extracts it is clear that Montrose might certainly have sailed 
 under apparently favourable circumstances. The question arises, What had 
 occurred to detain him ? The answer is to be found in the Ormond paper 
 already so often referred to.®^ Doubts of the King's double dealings, reports 
 of which must have reached the Marquis, so far from precipitating him into 
 a rash and desperate enterprise, as some unwise critics have represented, 
 must have seriously hampered his movements. Immediately after describing 
 
 ^* Nicolas, Orm. Papers, i. 345 ff. '* IbiJ. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 277 
 
 the arrival of Captain Hall's ship in November, Nicolas, in his report to 
 Ormond, proceeds : " and no doubt he is parted long ere now, if the adver- 
 " tisement he has got of an express coming from his Majesty to him. have not 
 " stayed him : for Colonel Johnstoun writes that he waited at Gottenherg 
 " the coming of that express, who I believe is at him long ere now." The 
 express, however, thus heard of in December, and expected to be "at him 
 " long ere now," when Nicolas was writing (January 20th), did not even 
 start from Jersey before Jan. i6th, and the delay must be attributed solely 
 to the cruel vacillation of the King. That the King, however, continued up 
 to the very last to urge the expedition is beyond question. The evidence 
 for this is, in truth, so complete and overwhelming, that only ignorance and 
 malignant prejudice can stoop to repeat the base forgery of Argyll.^^ Not 
 only did Charles in his own hand write the letters quoted below, but even 
 Henrietta assured him in the most ample terms of her deep interest in his 
 welfare, her grateful memory of his past services; and, in spite of all 
 rumours to the contrary, her unshaken esteem and sincerity. " My attach- 
 " ment to you being such, that I can never divest myself of it, whatever may 
 " befal you." So she wrote on December i, 1649; and again, as late 
 as March 1 0th: — 
 
 " MoN Cousin, 
 
 " Aiant receu votre lettre par Pooley, et par icelle veu les assurances de 
 " la continuation de votre affection pour le service du roy, monsieur mon 
 " fils, comme vous avez toujours eu pour celuy du feu roy [the late king] 
 " mon seigneur, dont le meurtre commis en sa personne doit augmenter a 
 " tous ses serviteurs la passion de chercher tous les moyens de se revancher 
 " d'une mort si abominable ; et comme je ne doute point que vous ne soyes 
 " bien aise d'en avoir les occasions, et que pour cet effet vous ne fassies 
 " toutce qui dependra de vous ; je vous conjure done de vouloir vous joindre 
 " avec tous ceux de votre nation qui voudroient resentir comme ils doivent 
 " cette mort, et oublier tout ce qui s'est passe entre vous ; c'est tout ce que 
 " j'ai a vous recommander, et de me croire avec autant d'assurance comme je 
 " suis en effect, et serai toujours, Mon Cousin, votre bien bonne et affectionee 
 " Cousine et amie, 
 
 " Henrieta Maria R.^^ 
 
 " Paris, ce 10 Mars 1649." 
 What could be stronger than this earnest appeal from the widowed 
 
 ^ See table, end of this chapter, under May 25th. 
 
 ^ See Wishart's Montr. (1819), 439, and for her letter of December 1st, Napier, Mem., 751. Did 
 Montrose receive this letter, and if so, where ? The letters of Charles are quoted from the same sources. 
 
278 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 Queen, outraged by the violent death of her Royal Consort, and eagerly 
 grasping at every means to take vengeance on his murderers ? 
 
 Before returning to Montrose it will be convenient here to record the 
 remainder of this correspondence. 
 
 " Charles R. 
 " Right trusty and right entirely beloved cousin, we greet you well. An 
 address having been lately made to us from Scotland by a letter, whereof 
 we send you a copy herewith, wherein they desire that we should acknow- 
 ledge their parliament, and particularly the two last sessions of it, and 
 thereupon offer to send a solemn address to us for a full agreement ; we 
 have in answer thereunto returned our letters to them, a copy whereof we 
 likewise send you here inclosed, by which we have appointed a speedy 
 time and place for their Commissioners to attend us : and to the end you 
 may not apprehend that we intend, either by any thing contained in those 
 letters, or by the treaty we expect, to give the least impediment to your 
 proceedings, we think fit to let you know, that as we conceive that your 
 preparations have been one effectual motive, that has induced them to make 
 the said address to us ; so your vigorous proceeding will be a good means 
 to bring them to such moderation in the said treaty as probably may 
 produce an agreement, and a present union of that whole nation in our 
 service. We assure you, therefore, that we will not, before or during the 
 treaty, do anything contrary to that power and authority which we have 
 given you by our commission, nor consent to anything that may bring the 
 least degree of diminution to it ; and if the said treaty should produce an 
 agreement, we will, with our uttermost care, so provide for the honour and 
 interest of yourself, and of all that shall engage with you, as shall let the 
 whole world see the high esteem we have of you, and our full confidence in 
 that eminent courage, conduct, and loyalty, which you have always expressed 
 to the king our late dear father, of blessed memory, and to us, both by 
 your actions and sufferings for our cause. In the mean time, we think fit 
 to declare to you, that we have called them a Committee of Estates, only in 
 order to a treaty, and for no other end whatever ; and if the treaty do not 
 produce an agreement, as we are already assured that the calling of them 
 a Committee of Estates, in the direction of a letter, doth neither acknowledge 
 them to be legally so, nor make them such ; so we shall immediately declare 
 to all our subjects of Scotland what we hold them to be, notwithstanding 
 any appellation we now give them ; thereby to satisfy them and the whole 
 world, that we desire to reduce our subjects of that kingdom to their due 
 obedience to us, by our just and honourable condescensions, and by all 
 endeavours of kindness and favour on our part, rather than by war and 
 hostility, if their unreasonable demands do not necessitate us to that, as to 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE 
 
 " the only way and remedy left us. We require and authorise you to proceed 
 " vigorously and effectually in your undertaking ; and to act in all things in 
 " order to it, as you shall judge most necessary for the support thereof, and 
 " for our service in that way ; wherein we doubt not but all our loyal and 
 " well affected subjects of Scotland will cordially and effectually join with 
 " you, and by that addition of strength either dispose those that are otherwise 
 " minded to make reasonable demands to us in a treaty, or be able to force 
 " them to it by arms, in case of their obstinate refusal. To which end we 
 " authorise you to communicate and publish this our letter to all such persons 
 "as you shall think fit. "98 
 
 Though this document is undated, there can be no doubt that it is the 
 " public letter " referred to in the following : — 
 
 " My Lord of Montrose, 
 
 " My public letter having expressed all that I have of business to say to 
 " you, I shall only add a word by this to assure, that I will never fail in the 
 " effects of that friendship I have promised, and which your zeal to my 
 " service hath so pre-eminently deserved ; and that nothing can happen 
 " to me shall make me consent to anything to your prejudice. I conjure 
 " you, therefore, not to take alarm at any reports or messages from others ; 
 " but to depend upon my kindness ; and to proceed in your business with your 
 " usual courage and alacrity ; which I am sure will bring great advantage to 
 " my affairs, and much honour to yourself. I wish you all good success 
 " in it, and shall ever remain your affectionate friend, 
 
 " Charles R.^^ 
 
 "Jersey, i2tk-22d January 1649-50." 
 
 That nothing should be wanting to mark his approbation, Charles, by the 
 same messenger, sent him the George and riband of the Garter, with a letter 
 concluding in the following terms : — 
 
 " We are most assured that as you have hitherto with singular courage, 
 " conduct and fidelity served us, so you will still do the same as becomes a 
 " Knight and Companion of so noble an Order. Given at our Court in the 
 " Castle Elizabeth, in our island of Jersey, this 12th day of January, in the 
 " first year of our reign, 1649" [1650]. 
 
 *^ Was this or the letter of September 19 {v. p. 263) the one mentioned by R. Long in a letter 
 to Ormond, Beauvais, March 2-12, 1650? Among other difficulties in the way of the Scots Treaty 
 they have " caused a letter to be printed, which his Majesty writ to the Marquis of Montrose, as he 
 did to your Excellency, upon occasion of his intention to treat with that nation ; which though 
 proper enough to be said to my Lord of Montrose upon that occasion, was very unfit to be published, 
 and was accordingly ordered to be kept secret. But his Majesty commanding me to give one copy 
 of it, it was by some practice printed in three languages, with very great disadvantage to the King, 
 by the use the rebels of England make of it. " Orm. Papers, i. 367, 368. 
 
 ^ Napier, Mem., 752. 
 
28o DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 How or when the news of this intended express from the King reached 
 Montrose does not appear. But to this cause of delay was added the 
 obstacle of heavy ice. He seems, however, to have succeeded in despatch- 
 ing three or four ships. The Herderinnan lying higher up stream, was 
 either unable to clear the harbour, or was purposely retained for his own 
 transport. At the very outset these vessels seem to have encountered severe 
 weather. Only two ships arrived at Kirkwall. There is probably, therefore, 
 some truth in the highly coloured reports of disaster spread in Scotland. 
 On February 19th the following account of the little armament and its 
 fortunes was published in Edinburgh : — 
 
 " There is more men landit this weeke in Orknay-Iylands from Montrose, 
 " bot the gratest pairt of his men and weshells are spoyled and lost ; for 
 " of 1200 he shipped from the sea syde, neir Gottinburrey, ther are noe 
 " more then 200 landed in Scotland. (It is said heir, that thosse that cam 
 " last to Orknay-Iylands, are going for Irland ;) for quhen they had sayled 
 " about tuo leaugues from the shore, they wer shattred by sticking in the 
 " ice ; maney deyed, others after got ashore and deserted : and they wer 
 " much broken. {Not a word of this in Ribbings letters !) 
 
 "Ther cam now onlie tuo shipes vith 200 souldiers and ther officers 
 "{The Danish ship evidently); 12 brasse feild peices, and some small 
 " number of armes, with a parcell of amunitione. Montrosse himselue 
 " is zet at Gottenbrughe, with some Scotts, Englishe and Dutch (German) 
 " officers, waitting to see if he can gett aney moneyes for them : if not, they 
 " will desert him. 
 
 Edinbrughe, 19 February, 1649 {i.e., 1650, Civil Year). 
 
 ** %{&, of tlje i?orce0 anu ^munition tljat \m& 0l)ipeD \yo S^ontrosfsie for 
 ** ^fotlauD, mos;t of Uitcl) teas; De0trot?et) anu sfporleti,^"*' 
 
 " Imprimis, 1200 souldiers, officers for 2 regiments, 13 frigatts fraught, 
 " 2 weshells for conwoyes, 12 brasse guns; the Kinges foote colors for one 
 " regiment, the Kinges standard and colores, Montrosses standard and 
 " colours, prouisions for aboute a mounthe, commissions for the officers. 
 
 " The Kinges standard was of blacke damaske, with 3 paire of handes 
 
 ^'^ Montr. Rediv. 174, which is, however, very vague in details and sequence of events, 
 seems to allude to some such disaster : " I told you a little before of Montrose's whole Strength, 
 which did accompany him from Germanic, whereof two ships, with neer upon a third part were sent 
 before, but by storm of weather (which is both frequent and dangerous) amongst those Northern 
 Islands, they were lost with all the men and arms, nothing saved." The writer does not say which 
 islands, and speaks of this loss as preceding a "second party" which landed at Orkney, undoubtedly 
 Kinnoul's. But there is no evidence of any detachment having preceded his. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 281 
 
 " folded in eache other, and one cache syde of them 3 handes and naked 
 " armes, out of cloude, with suords drauin. 
 
 " The Kinges standard of foote was of blacke tafftay, with a mans head 
 " in the midele, bleeding, as if cutt off from a bodey. 
 
 " Montrosses standard was of whyte damaske, with a lion rampant one 
 " the tope of a rocke, with ane other steepe rocke on the other syde of a 
 ** riuer. 
 
 "The Kinges standard of horsse had this motto — Quos pietas virtus 
 " et honor fecit amicos. 
 
 " The Kinges standard of foote had this motto — Deo et victricibus armis. 
 
 "Montrosses standard had this motto — Nil medium." ^"^ 
 
 There is a strong family likeness between this report and the tidings 
 sent by Nicolas to Ormond, with this difference, that Montrose's enemies 
 in Edinburgh were as little likely in magnifying delay and partial disaster 
 to "think no evil," as his friends to communicate any really ill news. 
 The paper to Ormond also concludes : " In the meantime I am desired from 
 " Hamburg, Denmark and Sweden to find some faithful friend to give infor- 
 " mation to his Majesty of all these former truths. Montrose has caused 
 " make the King's Standart all black, all full of bloody hands and swords, and 
 " a red character or motto above it carrying revenge." ^^- 
 
 If, as seems likely, the ships reported in Edinburgh on February 19th 
 were those which Montrose on December i6th was on the eve of sailing 
 with, they must indeed have had a long and severe passage, and not im- 
 probably suffered delay and damage from ice and storms, before they left 
 the coast. It is difficult to believe that the news travelled from Orkney 
 to Edinburgh in a week. February 19th was a Tuesday; "last week" was 
 therefore February io-i6th, within which days the party is said to have 
 reached Kirkwall. It is, however, more probable that, as in the case of 
 Kinnoul's arrival, the news took four to six weeks on the way to the capital, 
 and that the ships had arrived at Kirkwall early in January. With them 
 
 came Hay, the new Earl of Kinnoul,^^^ brother to Earl George who 
 
 died at Kirkwall in November. Lord Napier ^°* must have left his charge 
 
 i« Balf. iii. 438-440. 
 
 ^"^ According to Montr. Rediv. 178, the standard bore the motto, "Judge and revenge my 
 cause, O Lord, and the portraict of the late King beheaded exactly well done." For Montrose's 
 standard and motto, see his seal, title-page. 
 
 ^"3 See Ogilvy of Powrie's letter, Kirkwall, March 3, p. 286, below. 
 
 104 Wishart's Letter " to my Lord Napier in Hamburg," Napier, Mem., 730-732, was dated 
 January i, 1650. But this proves no more than that he had not heard of any previous change 
 in his residence. The letter of Charles to Napier, Breda, April 15, 1650, seems to imply that 
 Lord Napier had already joined Montrose, and not merely intended to do so, as Napier (Mem. 
 756) infers. 
 
282 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 in Hamburg shortly after Sir William Johnston's return in December. 
 Secretary Nicolas tells us expressly that, when Montrose "went incognito 
 " to Scotland," ^^^ he " left behind him his Lieutenant-General my Lord 
 " Rythen [Ruthven, Earl of Brentford and Forth] General Major Carpe,^''^ 
 " my Lord Naper and many Officers ready to make sail at such time 
 " as he had designed." This lends some colour to the conjecture that Earls 
 Ruthven and Kinnoul were the two "wretchedly naked Scottish Counts," 
 who arrived at Gothenburg on January ist. 
 
 But to return to the local record of Montrose's doings at Gothenburg, 
 which alone, scanty as it is, can be trusted for accurate detail. On January 
 26th, Ribbing received a letter from Torstenson, advising his " dear brother " 
 to give Montrose a free hand in his business, as her Majesty had not forbidden 
 it, and requesting to be informed of further delays. Not till the 12th of 
 February did Ribbing write again. " The royal Scottish General, Earl of 
 Montrose, is now for the third time ^°^ on the point of sailing. But I have 
 just been informed that he is coming here again. The ice is a complete 
 hindrance to him." Finally, on the 22nd of the same month, he wrote that 
 Montrose had at last departed. " His frigate has gone to Marstrand.^''^ The 
 general himself travelled by land to Norway, and thence to Scotland." 
 
 So much of Montrose's destination had at last become clear, even to 
 Ribbing's penetration. Whatever other motives may have caused this 
 change, Montrose must have been glad at last to quit the ice-choked harbour, 
 associated with so much disappointment and delay. 
 
 To this period we must assign a letter from a Scotsman, John Gordon, 
 colonel in the Swedish service, whom, however, research in Sweden has 
 failed to identify. The letter is addressed to Gothenburg, and must have 
 reached Montrose, as it was among his papers taken in Dunbeath Castle.^"^ 
 There can, however, be little doubt that the gallant colonel did find means to 
 join Montrose, " with hazard of liffe," and lost it bravely.^^° It is probable, 
 too, that Maclear's letter below, dated the 13th February, and endorsed in 
 Montrose's own clear bold hand, " Colonell Gordone," was sent by the 
 Marquis to this same John Gordon, who expresses so earnest a desire to 
 
 '"' There is no further evidence for this romantic visit. It was undoubtedly a false rumour. 
 Ribbing's letters account for Montrose's movements pretty continuously down to February 22, and 
 Nicolas's paper is dated January 20. Part of the information he sent was derived from Johnston 
 in Hamburg, under date December 14-24. Ribbing would certainly have commented on an 
 absence, which at the lowest computation would have lasted two to three weeks. 
 
 ^<'* See letter to Montrose from the Elector of Brandenburg, July 28, 1649. Appendix, No. iv. 
 
 ^"^ He has previously mentioned only once. The "third time" doubtless implies the second 
 occasion, mentioned in Montrose's letter of December 15 to Seaforth. See p. 274. 
 
 ^^^ Marstrand, on an island near the mouth of the River Gota. See Index. 
 
 ^'" For the evidence of this as to both Gordon's and Maclear's letters, see Appendix, No. ix. 
 
 "0 Idtcf. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 283 
 
 share his enterprise. As this too was found among the Dunbeath papers, 
 Gordon must have returned it to Montrose. 
 
 " Right Honourable and most renowned Lord, 
 
 " The glorious report of your excell. matchless loialtie, together with the 
 " never dieing fame of your noble actiones with such incredable almost both 
 " sufferings and valoure performed for the service of your prince and countreie, 
 " hath not only amazed your enemies, but also made you both admired and 
 " beloued euen of those strangers, who neuer had the happines to knowe you 
 " otherwaies then by the deserued fame of your heroiercke uerteues : yea 
 " and force me (nowe b}' a long continued absence almost a stranger in my 
 " Countrie) to invie the happie fortune of those who were followers in such 
 " praiseworthie atcheeuements, and nowe hearing of your being at Gotten- 
 " burgh, and of the Continuatione of your constant resolutione, ether to see 
 " our iniustlie disherited king reposessed of all his Roialties, or els to 
 " perish in so just a quarrel, I was more inflamm'd than euer with a desire 
 " to spend my liffe and all I have under you Eccell : command in the persuite 
 " of so noble ane actione, and was nowe a good waie on my Journaie, hoping 
 " to have had the honour to have kissed your hands and there personallie to 
 " have rendred my selff and mine whollie youres, which I am forced nowe to 
 " doe by proxie, haueing this morning receaued my Roiall mistresse com- 
 " mand in all hast to gather my regiment together and to desarme them yet 
 " heere (?) still in a generall peac[e], to obey which being forced against my 
 " will to returne, I send the bearer heereofF my brother in my place, who 
 " hath quitted a standing companie under me to inioie [enjoy] the happinesse 
 " of being inrolled amongst your Eccell : followers, for whom I will request 
 " no fauoure least I committ ane unpardonable sinne ; the generositie of your 
 " heroiercke nature being so universallie knowne. but so much lett me be 
 " bold to craue at your hands as to beleeue in what he shall deliuer con- 
 " cerning me ; for ho we soeuer now I am hindred, Yet if it shall please you 
 " to accept of my poore seruice, I shall by the grace of God not onlie shortlie 
 " be present to performe what shall be commanded me with hazard of liffe 
 " and fortunes but also make manifestlie appeare houe highlie I shall think 
 " my selff aduanced if once I male boldlie with your excne [Excellency's] 
 " consent intitle my selff 
 
 " Your Eccell : 
 
 " Most humble most affectionate 
 and most obedient Seruuant 
 
 " J. Gordon." 
 
 [Addressed] " pour son Excellence Monseigneur le Marquis de Montrose 
 " Conte de Kincairn, Seigneur de Grahame Baron de Mucdock Capitain 
 
284 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 " Generall de sa Maiest6e de la Grand Britaigne dans son Roiaume d'Escosse 
 " Mon Illustre patron 
 
 A Giotteborgh." "i 
 
 Of all the correspondence which has now for the first time been laid 
 before the reader, no letter is so tantalising as that of Maclean A consider- 
 able portion of it has been lost, and the writing is worse than the worst of 
 the most paper-grudging minister of the period. Apart from the name the 
 writer's nationality is quaintly apparent. Montrose seems to be on the point 
 of setting out. The ships expected from the Duke of Courland have not yet 
 arrived. Was this in consequence of the dishonesty attributed to Cochran ? 
 Or were they likewise lying ice-bound in Riga or Libau, or other eastern 
 port of the Baltic ? But we infer that others sent by the Duke had arrived, 
 and if there is any truth in the Edinburgh rumour of disaster, these may 
 have formed part of that ill-fated little fleet. " Abord " was perhaps the 
 neighbouring spot in Norway to which Montrose retired from Gothenburg; 
 but the Editors have failed to identify it. Of William Davidson, Strachan, 
 and Captain Law nothing further is known. The first seems to have written 
 from Courland, one of the many Scotsman living there. The Colonel Ogilvie, 
 now with Maclear, seems to be the dishonest " Colonel John Ogelbie " of the 
 Redivivus, whom Montrose had left at Amsterdam, and not his namesake of 
 Powrie, at this time in Orkney. In the postscript Maclear mentions the 
 receipt of fresh supplies from Stockholm, and engages to maintain communi- 
 cations between Gothenburg and Orkney by means of frigates. 
 
 ". . . uellie [Ogilvie ?] ^^^ he mentionats as new what the Currants bringe 
 " of the risinge of sundrie pties [parties] in England for o' dread Soueringe. 
 " I sail not omite dispatche thame to yo' exellcelF [Excellency] ; wisheinge 
 " the omnipotent god to grant ane guid feine and seasonable weather for 
 " yo' excellencys Speedie despatche and saife arreyvall. the port is werie 
 " neir frie in thee eis [ice] The Stockholmes post is not come as yit. 
 " receawinge [reserving] ane part for newis before yo"" excelP^ departure [I] 
 " sail not omite gif [omit to give] yo' excell^ notice y'of [thereof]. Williame 
 " Davidsone shawis [shows] me [that] Colnell Ogelvie will get most of 
 " cabten laws [? Captain Law's] men, hot [it] will cost him great chairges 
 " for intertaineinge thame untill the ships be riddie. so far I can learne 
 
 "^ Original, Advocates' Libr,, Wodrow MSS., fol. Ixvii. 92. Wodrow, in his index to the volume, 
 enters it as undated, but "probably of the same date as the last," i.e., Maclear's, February 13th. 
 But there is no evidence of this in the letters. In the " Note of the papers found in Dunbeath," 
 Maclear's is mentioned next after Gordon's. Appendix, No. ix. 
 
 ^" See his letter below, in which he mentions the arrival of the new Earl of Kinnoul (George 
 Hay). 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 285 
 
 " [by] Mr Davidsons letter it will be the end of this monthe or the ships 
 " be cleir. Herein he recomends yo' excell^ in [to ?] the protectionne of 
 " the omnipotent god. 
 
 " remaineinge yo' excellencys 
 
 " Most humble serwante 
 
 . . . ga , . . end [Iga^m street 1} " JOHNE MaKCLEIR, 
 
 the izfebr. 1650 
 
 [Postscript] "... I send herin Colnell Ogillvies letter . . . w' [with] 
 " the causes. The same had ane hard storme the last nicht ; quhille [while] 
 " this middaye, whenas [?] the wind is sete in easterlie, [he] hopes in god 
 " it will continewe to further yo' excellency's voyage. The great god pros- 
 " per and preserwe yo"" excelF, grantinge yo"" excelF ane saife arrayvell, qu . . . 
 " [which] sail be the faithefull prayer of yo' excelF' most humble servant. 
 " I   have receavite entire [? ane letter ?] from Stockholme conserninge 
 " petards, matpeices [hatpieces ? or matchlocks ?], and eandgranates [hand- 
 " grenades]. Expecting presentlie \i.e., immediately] from yo"" excell^ a 
 " happie arrayvell \i.e.^ news thereof], conserning all maiters threfter [there- 
 " after] I sail regulate my selfF and doe the uttermost in dewlie [? treuly ?] 
 " performing all can be in yo' excelF service. It will be newere \illegi] 
 " requite yo' excelF. Let. cabten Strachene [Lieut.-Captain Strachan] went 
 " to . . . \illeg.] for some guid expert mariners for transportinge the 3 
 " ships as yit expectit from the Ducke of courlande, which ... I conjecture 
 " that [?] will be in the end of aprell befoir they come here in . . . pas 
 " fregats betwixt for notice of all affaires. I hope we sail heave seemen and 
 " qut [what] ells yo' excelF stands in neid of reddie against y' [that] tyme 
 " on [?] receavinge tymius notice y'of for prepaireinge \the writing was con- 
 " tinned over the page, which is torn at the top and blackened] 
 
 " remaining \torn] 
 
 " Most humble seruante, 
 
 John Makcleir." 
 
 [Addressed in another clear German Itatid.] 
 
 " For his excell^ my Lord Marquis of Montrose thes Abord." 
 
 [Endorsed in Montrose's hand] 
 
 " Colonell Gordone." ^^^ 
 
 Inquiry has failed to ascertain the exact date at which Montrose set out. 
 Harry May, the chosen messenger, did not start on his long journey north 
 
 "' Original, Advocates' Libr., Wodrow MSS., fol. Ixvii. 91. 
 
286 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 till at least January i6th, as he brought a letter of that date from the Duke 
 of York.i^* The same messenger brought a letter from Seaforth, which 
 Montrose acknowledged from Kirkwall, 26th March. We may therefore 
 assume that May's arrival was the signal for sailing. Among the many 
 letters taken afterwards in Hall's frigate was one from Lord Sinclair, in 
 Amsterdam, dated February 13th 1650, and this too, Montrose must have 
 received before he left Norway. The Dunbeath papers contained a long 
 dispatch from Thomas Ogilvy of Powrie, dated March 3rd, which must have 
 reached Montrose about the same time. As we find Montrose in Orkney 
 by March 26th, allowing for the transit of Ogilvie's letter, we cannot be far 
 wrong in inferring that he sailed from Norway in the middle of March.^^^ 
 (For the King's letters by the same bearer, see pp. 278, 279) 
 
 [The Duke of York's letter.] 
 
 "My Lord: I would not let this gentleman, Harry May, go to you 
 " without writing to you. This bearer will give you a very good account 
 " of news, and of all the business that is here, and he will assure you how 
 " much I ever am your Lordship's most affectionate friend, jAMES. 
 
 " Jersey, i6(h-26th January 1650." 
 
 Letter from Thomas Ogilvie of Powrie, continuing the narrative of events 
 in Orkney. 
 
 " My Lord, 
 
 " In my last letter to your Lord : I forgott to show your lordship con- 
 " cerning my Lord marshell and Levetennent-gnall Midltone quho treulie (if 
 " faith and treuth be in men) ar verie loyall to his mats [Majesty's] service 
 " and that without any interest as they profes themselffs, aither of hamiltone 
 " or argetheliane [Argyll's] factionis, or ony othair quhatsoever, bot meirlie 
 " quhat concernes his mats hapines and service. Thairfoir let me humblie 
 " beg at your Lds. hands that your Ldp will be pleasit to intreat them both 
 " fairlie and kyndlie to adhear to ther loyall opiniones. This will conduce 
 " muche for your Lds interest and advantage. Your Ldp. knowes quhou 
 " saif and fitting ane gairisone Dunnotter is for kepeing of amonitione and 
 " artelliearie And belive me if your Ldp. desyre this fairlie and kyndlie you 
 
 ^* Even so, January i6th to ca. March i6lh was a long time for the journey. Want of money may 
 have delayed him. The King himself was at this time in desperate straits. On April 3-13, Nicolas 
 wrote to Ormond from Breda, that if Charles, on his way thither, had not found an English 
 merchant to lend him ;^2CX), he must have stayed in France for want. Orm. Papers, i. 375. 
 
 ^^^ King's commission of Lieutenant-General under Montrose (see p. 270, «. 74) was dated 
 19th March 1650. If Montrose signed it, he must have been on the verge of sailing, and had a very 
 quick run to Kirkwall. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 287 
 
 " will gett it, and for Middltone he is so far considerable that if your Ldp 
 " will be pleasit to make use of him quhme [whom ?] indeed ye will find him 
 " willing eneuche to except [accept] it He can taik of [off] the most pairt 
 " of all ther horss, to goe along with him any way — that he pleases to 
 " comand them bot cheiflie in the Kinges service My Lord your Ldp. will 
 " pardoune me to be a lyttill free for my earnest wishes for the weill of his 
 " mats service and my best respectes for your Ldp. selflf ar past all Compli- 
 " ment Your Ldp. hes beine pleasit to give sume commissiones quhilk 
 " treulie hes beine verie detastable to verie Loyall men and hes proved hielie 
 " disadventagious to the advancement of your Ldps Intentiones The par- 
 " ticulares I will refer to melting your Ldp, quhilk treulie your Ldp. will find 
 " too clear. My Lord since my Comeing to orknay lykewayes I am sorie to 
   " see authoritie and comyssiones to be put in such young handes quho 
 " treulie hes not witt to governe themselffes Lett alone to advance the weill 
 " of his mats service And Indead if this Lord Kynnoull haid not cum 
 " tymouslie over with that last recreuitt thair foUie had brock the verie small 
 " beginingis of his mats service If your Ldp sail stay any tyme from us 
 " (quilk god forbid) you sould aither send over sum man to comand in cheiffe 
 " or else send commissione to my lord Kynnoull to doe it heire and that all 
 " that ar heir shall not presum bot to obey him else treulie your Ldp. will 
 " fynd ane euill managit busines heir My Lord I will be verie loath to be 
 " ane spectator to anie \thtng\ that mey prejudice the Kinges service and in 
 " troath my affectione to the weill of it hes maid m[e] thus frie with your 
 " Ldp. at this tyme I sail never faill to approue my self as ever [torn] the 
 " Kinges interest to your Ldps selff in particular to death 
 
 " Your Ldp's obedient and 
 " faithfull servant to serve you 
 
 " Thomas Ogil[uie torn] 
 
 " Kirkwall 3 majrk 1650 
 
 [Addressed] " For his excellence Lord Marques of Montrose." ^^^ 
 
 Contemporary Events of this Period. 
 
 August 6th. The General Assembly rose. Its last act was a letter to Charles, 
 warning him against " malignants," especially " that flagicious person and most justly 
 excommunicated Rebell, James Graham, who has exercised such horrid cruelty," &c. — 
 nth. Parliament rose. — 24th. Committee of Estates met at Perth, to "see the 
 peace of the Highlands," and cause the chiefs " subscriue the band appointed by 
 Parliament in February last " (Balf.). — September 7th. " It seems Ireland is lost." 
 
 "^ Original, Advocates Libr., Wodrow MSS., fol. Ixvii. 94. 
 
2S8 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 . . . "James Graham cannot come here for the King's good" (Baillie, iii. 102). — 
 I ith. Cromwell storms Drogheda. — October i ith. Libberton sets out. Cromwell storms 
 Wexford, and massacres another 2000 Royalists, — 14th. News of Drogheda reaches 
 Paris (Evelyn, ii. 13). — i8th. Cromwell takes Ross. — Ca. 28th. Rupert passes St. 
 Malo. Queen Elizabeth, letter, November 19th. — November 8-1 8th. Libberton at 
 Campvere to R. Douglas : Charles brought very low ; very poor. France unable and 
 unwilling to help, " yet his pernitious and devillish Counsell will suffer him to starve, 
 before they suffer him to take the League and Covenant" (Baillie, iii. 522, 523). — 
 I Ith. Charles in Jersey signs a pass for R. Hamilton to Scotland (Wigton MSS., 494). — 
 On January ist Wishart writes to Napier, that Hamilton, Lauderdale, Dunfermline, Callen- 
 dar, Sinclair, &c., in Holland, are so " darned that we hear but little of their din." '* All 
 their present hopes are of Windrum's treaty." The last two profess good will to Montrose. 
 Sir William Fleming came this way, and went straight to Scotland (Napier, Mem.,*73i). 
 Fleming passed the Hague between December 2d and 8th. Letter of Elizabeth, 
 December gi\Sunday, in which she acknowledges Montrose's of November 4th, "received 
 last week," and says Fleming came the day after with a letter, also of November 4th, from 
 Charles in Jersey. — 1650. January 8th. Resolved in the Enghsh Commons to recall 
 Cromwell. The reason given was Laird Winram's dealings with Charles, and new 
 levies of forces in Scotland (Carlyle's Cromwell, ii, 95). — 12th. Charles writes to Com- 
 mittee of Estates for Commissioners to meet him at Breda on March 15th (Wishart, edit. 
 1819, p. 450). The same day he wrote to Montrose, and sent the George and Garter 
 {v. text, p. 279). — 24th. Charles in Jersey to Hamilton, requests his attendance at 
 the proposed meeting at Breda (Burnet, Hamiltons, 414). — February 2nd. Libberton 
 with letters from Charles reaches Leith (Balf, iv. 2). Heath says on 18th. — 
 5th, Charles in Jersey to Rev, R. Douglas, Moderator (letter in Baillie, iii. 524). — 
 12th. Committee of Estates vote to send Commissioners to Breda (Balf.). — 
 March 7th. Parliament session begins; Charles' letter and Libberton's negotiations read. 
 — 8th, Parliament gives ten instructions to Commissioners, Cassilis, Lothian, Brodie, 
 Libberton, John Smith, Alexander Jeffra (Jaffray). For the Kirk James Wood and 
 John Livingstone, ministers, were sent, to treat for thirty days (Balf.). — April 7. " Fast 
 for the treatie at Breda" (Baillie, iii. App. cviii.). — 15th. Charles at Breda writes to 
 Napier," continue your assistance " to Montrose (Napier, Mem., 756). — 20th. Libberton 
 to Rev. R. Douglas, encloses the King's concessions (Baillie, iii. 523). — 27th. Montrose 
 defeated. — May 3rd. Charles signs the treaty. Sends Sir W. Fleming with orders to 
 go to Orkney and inform Montrose of it. Writes to Montrose privately. — 5th. His 
 public letter to Montrose. — 8th. Charles to Parliament ; has ordered Montrose to 
 disband. — 9th. Charles' last letter to Montrose, ;per Sir W. Fleming, — loth. Signs 
 Sir W. Fleming's pass. — 12th. Writes to Parliament his regret at Montrose's invasion ; 
 had ordered him to disband. Read in Parliament, May 25th (Balf.). At the same time 
 gives private instructions to Sir W. Fleming to act according to circumstances (Wigton 
 MSS., 477). — i6th. Papers from commissioners read in Parliament; new instructions 
 sent, — 17th, Montrose brought as a prisoner to Leith. — i8th. Sir William Fleming 
 lands at Leith. — 20th. Charles signs a pass for Robert Hamilton to Scotland (Wigton 
 MSS., 494). — 2ist, Montrose executed. — 25th, Argyll in ParHament reads letter from 
 Lothian that Charles •* wes no wayes sorey that James Grhame was defait, in respect 
 he had made that invasion without and contrary to his command," — 31st. Cromwell 
 reaches London, — June. The King hears of "the murther" of Montrose (Heath, 268). 
 This news reached Paris, June nth (Cowley, the poet, to H. Bennet in Miscell, Aulica, 
 1702, p, 138). — 23rd, Sunday. Charles lands at Garmouth, and signs the League and 
 Covenant (Balf.), 
 
CHAPTER VHP 
 
 State of Scotland in 1649-1650 — Parliament, Courts, Kirk, Army — Affairs in Orkney 
 — Montrose at Kirkwall — Orders to Hurry — Lands in Caithness — Declaration 
 at Thurso — Caithness gentry — Effect of the news in the North — Dunbeath Castle 
 taken — March to Carbisdale — Preparations at Edinburgh — Negotiations at Breda 
 (Livingstone's Letter) — Lieutenant-Colonel Strachan ; his letter to James Guthrie 
 — Council of War at Tain — The local levy (Monroes and Rosses) — April 27, 
 Strachan surprises Montrose at Carbisdale and cuts his army to pieces. 
 
 SCOTLAND, on the eve of Montrose's landing, was seething with dis- 
 content. The ruinous mismanagement of the Hamiltons and defeat 
 of the Engagement had, with Cromwell's aid, restored the ascendancy to 
 Argyll and the root-and-branch faction of the Kirk. Emulating the extreme 
 party in England, the self-styled Estates were carefully managed, so as to 
 exclude all moderate counsels. In 1648 the nobility had been represented 
 by sixty-five peers. In 1649 never more than ten, and seldom as many, 
 
 ^ The sketch of Scotland in 1649-1650 is drawn mainly from Balfour's Annals and R. Baillie's 
 Letters (iii.) for those years. To these the reader may accept a general reference, in place of 
 citations too numerous for our text. 
 
 The description of the battle of Carbisdale is based on the very full, graphic account by Gilbert 
 Gordon, of Sallagh, in his "Continuation of the History of the Earls of Sutherland" (fol. 18 13). 
 The style appears to be that of an old man. His entries conclude abruptly with December 1651 : 
 "Thus with the loss of the libertie of my nation I end both this year 1651 and my collections, 
 having neither hart nor incoragement to proceed therein. — finis. — Laus Deo." — "This whole 
 book was copied out of the Author's own copies in the year 1656." Hence we may infer that 
 he was then dead. His authority is good for local events, but strongly tainted with bigotry, and 
 warped by family pride. On events beyond his personal ken he is often very inaccurate. (The 
 victory of Kilsyth he attributes chiefly to Aboyne, "who lead the vant-guard ! ") Sallagh took 
 his name from his estate on Loch Shin. He probably fled on Montrose's advance. His account 
 of the battle seems that of an eye-witness. In the main it is confirmed by the published report 
 given in Balfour, Ann. iv. 8-12. Of its accuracy in local colour, the Editors were assured by 
 inspection of the battle-field and neighbourhood. Dr. Joass, of Golspie Manse, a learned and 
 accomplished antiquary, has given valuable assistance in notes, sketches of the ground, &c. He 
 referred us to Mr. D. Cameron, of Culrain, for over sixty years a resident on the spot. Mr. 
 Cameron was indefatigable in courteous eagerness to show all the traditional points, to which he 
 guided us with a zeal and activity unimpaired by age. We had thus an excellent opportunity for 
 testing the value of a strong clear tradition, confirming and confirmed by contemporary writers. 
 This value was greatly enhanced by the fact that Mr. Cameron was unacquainted with these rare 
 works. The mental associations of beautiful placid scenery, resigned to melancholy memories, 
 in no way detracted from the pleasure and interest of his conversation. 
 
 289 T 
 
290 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 took their seats. Many shires and boroughs returned no members at all ; 
 and of the seventy-two elected, the attendance sank so low that, in May, not 
 twenty barons and burgesses were present. 
 
 The same wave of change swept the Courts, the Clerk- Register and 
 eight Lords of Session being displaced. The most eloquent testimony to 
 the corruption that then prevailed in the administration of the law is to 
 be found in the fact that the equity of the judges appointed by Cromwell, 
 after his conquest, extorted admiration from a people embittered against 
 England by religious, political, and national hate. 
 
 The Assembly of the Kirk was even more eager to celebrate its triumph. 
 Commissions, "sent out east, west, north and south," ousted scores of 
 ministers from their livings. Their fury fell not only on those who had 
 been active for the Engagement ; even those who had not denounced it were 
 turned adrift. In Edinburgh, Mr. Andrew Ramsay was ejected, in spite 
 of his fifty-three years of service ; and the one voice raised to remind them 
 that he was " the painfullest minister in Edinburgh," was hotly censured by 
 Robert Douglas, the Moderator. In Angus and the Mearns alone, eighteen 
 ministers were deprived, five suspended, and "two expectants silenced." 
 It is significant of the transference of authority in government, that a motion 
 of the Assembly to abolish Church patronage was passed by the Estates, 
 and Argyll and Loudon forced to acquiesce in a wholesale measure far more 
 drastic than the proposal which had set the nobles in a flame against 
 Charles I. 
 
 But with all this repression the country was bridled, not pacified. What 
 was the tyranny of bishops and the new Service Book to the inquisitions 
 of the General Assembly ? The little finger of kirk-sessions had proved 
 thicker than the King's loins. Many who had opposed Charles I. now 
 yearned for his son. No heavier indictment could be framed against the 
 Scots rebels and the tyranny of their triumph, than this new-fledged loyalty 
 to a son who had tenfold his father's faults, with none of his virtues. 
 
 In the North, especially, only a spark of enthusiasm and success seemed 
 wanting to rekindle the fitful loyalty of those who had shared Pluscardine's 
 rising. Again the great Mackenzie, Gordon, and Mackay followings would 
 rise in their thousands. Seaforth had promised all but the one thing need- 
 ful — his own presence. Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromartie, Colonels John 
 Monro of Lemlair and Hugh Eraser, the new Lord Reay, even Lewis Gordon 
 — despite his debt to Argyll for the Marquisate — Lord Ogilvie, Middleton, 
 the Earl Marischall, and the faithful clans of Athole and Badenoch — all 
 had been out with Pluscardine, and would rally to the King's standard. 
 There is, in fact, reason to believe that some of these chiefs had definitely 
 promised aid ; and others were certain to respond to the call of a leader 
 whose victories had gained fresh lustre from recent defeats. Charles him- 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 291 
 
 self, beggared in his hopes of Ireland, was pressed to share the expedition ; 
 
 and in the light of his reception two months later — two months too late 
 
 it is certain that his presence would have confirmed many waverers, now 
 puzzled and paralysed by his intrigues with those who had pouched his 
 father's blood-money. 
 
 The moment was propitious. Cromwell was still engaged on his scheme 
 of " Thorough " in Ireland — victorious, but with forces wasted by disease and 
 famine. Not till April 2nd did he choose to acknowledge the letter of recall, 
 of which he had received diverse private intimations before.^ Yet as early 
 as December 19th the English Parliament had passed the vote, on news of 
 " laird Wyndram's dealings with Charles." Stripped of his main support, 
 Argyll anxiously watched and sought to guide the rising flood of national 
 feeling, scheming busily to keep his craven head above the breakers. Even 
 among those most deeply compromised in opposition to Montrose, there were 
 few whom he could trust. Loudon had been a foremost Engager, and " the 
 aboundance of teares " with which he had pubhcly repented of that sin would 
 flow as freely for his next sin of failure. No longer earning English pay, 
 and fearful of the spirit of the Engagement, the Estates had disbanded a 
 large portion of their forces, a measure dictated as much by policy as by 
 necessity.^ Heavy fines and sequestrations did little to ease the intolerable 
 burden. Taxation was imposed unequally, and provoked violent quarrels 
 between the boroughs and Edinburgh, between the West and Fife. The 
 country was drained to poverty. Money was scarce; the seasons bad; 
 provisions dear beyond all precedent ; the North on the verge of famine ; 
 Moray clamouring for relief. 
 
 At this time, therefore, Leslie commanded only 3000 foot (under Lieutenant- 
 General Holburn) and 1500 horse. Some of these forces had been distributed 
 in November as garrisons in Brahan, Chanonry, and Eilandonan Castles, 
 the last being " the Earl of Seaforth's strongest hold. This handfull did at 
 " that time overawe and keep under the discontented partie, though more 
 " powerfull. For besides those which had been disbanded by the Earl of 
 " Lanerick \now Duke of Hamilton] and Major Generall Munroe, at the 
 " bridge of Striveling [Stirling], there flock'd daily out of England great 
 " companies of those who had escaped out of prison ; who finding their 
 " estates sequestred and seiz'd upon, and withall most tyrannically proceeded 
 " against by the hot-spirited Ministerie, desired nothing more than an oppor- 
 " tunity of revenge. Besides these he [^Montrose] had a considerable number 
 " of his own name and faction in the North. The Gordons, the Athole 
 " men who (if he had not been crush'd at his first entrie) would certainly 
 
 * Carlyle, Letters of Cromwell, ii. 95, 142, 143. 
 
 ^ For striking confirmation of this, see Strachan's letter, pp. 302, 303. 
 
292 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 " have assisted him. This condition of the kingdome made the Marquesse 
 " appear like a prodigious Meteor hanging over their heads, which awaked 
 " those who sate at the helm of the State (whom it did indeed most concern) 
 " to endeavour the defeating of his attempts both at home and abroad."* 
 
 Beyond the meagre notices given in the last chapter, Orkney seems to 
 have preserved scarcely a trace in local contemporary record of either of the 
 foreign troops quartered there during those six winter months of weary 
 waiting, or of Montrose's own arrival. Two small fragments, signed by 
 Drummond and Kinnoul,^ and a final extract from Gwynne,^ with some letters 
 referring to the flight and capture of some of Montrose's followers,^ are all 
 that have been recovered. It might have been supposed that events so 
 unusual would have sunk deep in the memory of the inhabitants, and left at 
 least a strong tradition. But no trace of this has appeared. We can only 
 conjecture that all such memories were overlaid and effaced by the English 
 occupation of 165 1 and following years. 
 
 The two fragments alluded to are orders to John Potinger, then a leading 
 merchant in Kirkwall, for the delivery of arms. After the deaths of George, 
 Earl of Kinnoul, and his uncle Morton in November, affairs had fallen into 
 confusion. At this time Drummond may have held command, in virtue of 
 the commission which had given offence to Morton, his father's enemy.^ To 
 this period, therefore, we assign the first of the fragments given in the note. 
 William, the new Earl of Kinnoul, who signs the second order, took over the 
 command on his arrival, and we have seen that he probably accompanied the 
 ships dispatched from Gothenburg in December or January.^ 
 
 That Montrose had already reached Kirkwall before the close of March 
 
 * Montrose Red. 171. Their measures abroad were mainly intrigues with Charles, and letters 
 to foreign princes, especially Christina and Orange, representing Montrose as a man of no faith, 
 excommunicate, and hateful to the nation. 
 
 " These belong to Mr. J. W. Cursiter of Kirkwall, who kindly permitted the Rev. J. B. Craven, 
 of the Rectory there, to send us the originals. 
 
 (l.) " Mister potenger delifer al the Shabers [saires] you haue to this berer and get a reset 
 [receift] from him give him lykuais 2 hag botes [Aagduis] of found [cast metal]. 
 
 " George Drumond." 
 
 (2.) "Jhone potinger ye shall after sight heirof deliver thes four hagbits of found which are my 
 Lord Mortons to Captaine Wood and this shallbe your warrand March 8 1650 
 
 KiNNOULE." 
 
 See the facsimiles. As to Captain Wood, see App. I., Noltland Letters. 
 
 A writer on Orkney of last century states that " hardly a Gentlemans house in the island but lost 
 aither a sone or a brother " in this campaign. But see App. L The account of Montrose's arrival 
 at Kirkwall, by the late Mr. G. Petrie, County Clerk, Orkney (Calder's Hist. Caithness, 148), is 
 unsupported by any reference to authority or tradition, and seems mere imagination. 
 
 * See App., Sequel. '' See App. L, Noltland Letters. 
 
 ' See Kinnoul's letter, p. 257. » See p. 281. 
 
'x/^A/h^r^^^" 
 
 /^'JvTig^^ ^X?^/^ aJ-'^ir- 
 
 I: 
 
 
 KM/V 
 
 
 ><^t-i /y^X^J 
 
 To face page 292.] 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 293 
 
 we gather from his letter to Seaforth, in reply to one which he was perhaps 
 too busy to answer before leaving Norway .^° 
 
 It j^Y Lord " Kirkwall in Orknay, 26 March 1650. 
 
 " I receaved yr L. {letter] by Mr. May, who has confirmed me in the 
 " knowledge of all yr nobell and freindly cariages, for which beleave I will 
 " serve you with my lyfe all the dayes it shall please God to len me it. I 
 " am going to the maine-land, and hes no more leasure bot to assure you I 
 " shall tender yr freindes and interests as my aune life, and still live or dye, 
 " my Lord, yr cossen and faithfull freind and servand, 
 
 " Montrose." 
 
 " For the Earle of Siafort." 
 
 The Herderinnati could have brought httle accession in numbers to the 
 four or five hundred foreign troops who had already reached Kirkwall. 
 But accompanying Montrose were some nobles and officers of distinction. 
 Among these we read of the Viscount Frendraught, a kinsman of Lord 
 Napier, and nephew to the Earl of Sutherland; Colonel Sir William 
 Johnston, a resolute man and an old soldier, whose information to Nicolas 
 has already been referred to ; Colonel Thomas Gray,^^ a " German " soldier, 
 who, for thirty-four years had not visited Scotland ; Colonels Sir Harry 
 Graham and James Hay of Naughton ; Sir Francis Hay of Dalgetty ; and, 
 in spite of Crawford-Lindsay's dealings,^^ Major General Hurry. George 
 Drummond of Balloch is also said to have been of the party ; but we have 
 seen reason to believe that he was already in Orkney. ^^ 
 
 Two weeks were spent in organising and equipping the little force, and 
 providing for their transport. A bond of allegiance was signed by the 
 gentry and ministers of Orkney and Shetland.!^ Some of the ministers 
 agreed to accompany the forces as chaplains. Leaving Sir William Johnston 
 to act as governor in Orkney, ^^ the little army, some 1 500 strong, including 
 about 1000 natives, marched from Kirkwall across to Holm Sound ^''^ to take 
 ship for the mainland. For so short a voyage a fleet of fishing boats would 
 
 " Clarendon, v. 351, says Montrose arrived about the end of the year 1649. As he used Eng- 
 lish " ecclesiastical style," that gives us the date March 25 approximately. But to the same dale he 
 refers Montrose's Declaration, and adds that he " seized an old castle [Dunbeath] where he placed 
 his stores " — both events in April, i.e., 1650. 
 
 " Original, Seaforth archives. CopyinW.'s Montrose (1819), 443. As Montrose knew that 
 the King and Seaforth were now at Breda, he would direct this letter to Holland. 
 
 ^ App. I., Sequel. ^^ App. IX. " Montr. Rediv. 174. See p. 292. 
 
 ^'^ See Declaration below, p. 295. This is borne out by the sequel in Orkney. See App. I., 
 Sequel. 
 
 ^' This is inferred from the omission of his name in the records of what follows, and the letter 
 to Sir James Sinclair. App. I., Sequel. 
 
 ^"^ The probable point of embarkation. Calder, Hist. Caithness, 149. 
 
294 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 suffice, convoyed by the Herderiniian, Captain Hall's frigate, and an Orkney 
 vessel belonging to one Captain Love,^^ pressed into the service. 
 
 On April 9th all were in readiness to embark, and Montrose, already 
 aboard, issued the following orders to Hurry.^* 
 
 "Orders for General-Major Sir John Hurry. 
 
 "You are presently {at once] after the sight hereof, to take a part of 
 " my company of Guard, with four of my life regiment, commanded by 
 " Lieutenant-Colonel George Drummond, together with other four companies 
 " of Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Stewart's squadron, and immediately to 
 " emboat yourself, with what arms and ammunition doth belong, and set 
 " with this evening tide for the coast of Caithness ; choosing the most 
 "convenient place for landing as occasion shall serve; and if, according 
 " to your intelligence, you find not your landing opposed, nor no forces 
 " making in a body against you, you are to march directly to the Ord, and 
 " those narrow passes betwixt Caithness and Sutherland, for preventing 
 " the enemy's entry, and reducing such of the country people as shall offer 
 " to rise ; according to your own best discretion, and the rule of war in 
 " the like cases. But if you shall find, according to your certain intelligence, 
 " that all the country of Caithness are in arms to resist you, and oppose 
 " the landing in a real way of opposition or defence, then and in that case 
 " you are not to hazard to force it, but to set for Stranaver [Strat/i Naver\ 
 " and there to attempt your landing, as with most safety and conveniency 
 " you can. Where, if you should also find too much difficulty, as by 
 " appearance there cannot, you are to apply a little higher betwixt that 
 " and Kintail, which places are all for the King,^^ and there make your 
 " descent ; and use your best discretion in every thing as occurs. In all 
 " which cases you are still to send us frequent advertisements, as falls out ; 
 " and observe punctually the premises at your highest peril. Given under 
 " our hand from shipboard, near the island of Flottat,-^ this 9th day of 
 " April 1650] 
 
 " Montrose. 
 
 Postscript. " In regard of the shortness, and pressingness of the time, 
 " you are to chose five hundred of those you conceive ablest and fittest of 
 
 ^^ Balf. iv. 41, June 4th. " The housse ordaines James Loue to be payed out of fynnes of thesse 
 of Orknay, in respecte his shipe and goods was takin by them from him. " Was this the ship said 
 by Nicolas to have been taken by Hall's frigate ? (p. 258, «. 37). 
 
 ^' Napier, Mem., 743 ; and tdid. 743, 744 for the Declaration which follows. The original 
 documents were discovered in a trunk at Buchanan House. See Pref. to Nap., Memorials vol. ii. 
 G Wynne accompanied Hurry. Mem. p. 89. 
 
 '■"* He must have been assured of this. It was Seaforth's country. 
 
 *' Flottat for Flotta. See Nap., Memorials ii. 47S. 
 
Ardvreck Castle, 
 Loch Assynt. 
 
 
 
 61 
 
 i-)^. 
 
 Mar. -Mar 
 MDCL *^ 
 
 (^ SCALE-„ca 50 Wiles io I Inch. .^ 
 
 WlSTRAr^ 
 
 SkuH&ad 
 
 Skfrnes Vi C) 
 
 ORKNEV 
 ISLANDS 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 295 
 
 " my life-regiment, and Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Stewart's squadron, 
 " without looking to the equal proportion of either; as also my Company 
 " of guards, and such of the volunteer gentlemen and officers as are ready. 
 " Given ut supra." 
 
 A few days must have elapsed before the news arrived that Hurry had 
 landed without opposition, and pushing on past Wick and Dunbeath, had 
 secured the important pass of the Ord. The remainder of the forces then 
 steered for Duncansby, where they are said to have landed.^^ Thence, 
 skirting the north coast to Dunnet Bay, they marched to Thurso, where 
 Montrose took up his quarters in a small house near the old church, in that 
 part of the town called the " Fisher-biggins." ^^ 
 
 The following document, his "second Declaration," must have been 
 issued shortly after his arrival, and points to the nth or 12th as the probable 
 date of his landing at Duncansby. 
 
 "For the Gentlemen and Heritors of the Sheriffdom of 
 
 Caithness, these : 
 
 " Gentlemen : Your not appearing to us, after our arrival in this place, 
 " so timely as we expected, hath necessitated us (the conveniency of his 
 " Majesty's affairs requiring our removal from this part) to leave behind us 
 " some certain persons belonging to us, by whom we have thought good to 
 " communicate unto you such things as we judge most necessary to be done by 
 " you at this time, in order to the establishing and carrying on of his Majesty's 
 " just service in these parts, and the peace and happiness of every one of 
 " yourselves. For which end we have particularly commanded them to offer 
 " unto you, in our name, an oath of fidelity and allegiance, to be subscribed 
 " by all and every one of you, to his sacred Majesty ; as it hath been already 
 " done by those of the gentry and ministry of Orkney. As we expect your 
 " cheerful performance hereof, and ready concurrence with us in the prosecu- 
 " tion of that trust his Majesty has again reposed in us, so we shall make it 
 " evidently appear unto you, that they could not have pitched upon any who 
 " should more firmly and constantly protect and defend you, in all your just 
 " rights and concernments, than your very affectionate friend, 
 
 " Thurso, 14 April 1650. " MONTROSE." 
 
 Neither the gentry nor ministry of Caithness seem to have been stimu- 
 lated to any great alacrity by this appeal. Like many others they preferred 
 
 -^ "In the immediate vicinity of John o' Groat's." Calder, Hist. Caithness, 149. In tracing 
 the march to Thurso, and thence to Dunbeath, we give what seems the most probable route. 
 
 Magnus Mowat of Freswick in Canisbay is styled also " of Bucholie," and has been identified 
 with the " Balwholly " who fell at Alford. H is daughter Christina was the first wife of Sir John 
 Sinclair of Dunbeath. Ibid.i^'^. See p. 11 1, m. 20. Latheron churchyard contains curious monu- 
 ments to the lady and her daughters. ^ Ibid. 1 50. 
 
296 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 to wait, before committing themselves to open voluntary participation in the 
 movement. It has usually been represented that the bond of loyalty they 
 were required to sign, and which Harry Graham with a party was left to see 
 them sign, was only extorted from them by dire threats and compulsion. 
 Such indeed was their plea when called in question by the victors. But in 
 the Acts of Parliament and Presbytery records there is abundant evidence to 
 show that large numbers suffered fines, and the ministers almost to a man 
 were deprived for their engagement.-^ 
 
 A few, however, showed themselves more forward, chief of whom were 
 Alexander Sinclair, Laird of Brims, Hugh Mackay of Dirlot, and Hucheon 
 Mackay of Scourie,^^ the last two being staunch partisans of the Reay interest 
 against the encroachments of the Earl of Sutherland. These three were 
 sent on to Tongue in Strathnaver, to assemble what men they could, and 
 join by way of Loch Naver and Loch Shin,^^ The news of Montrose's 
 landing must have been followed by the immediate retreat of the garrison, 
 lOO strong, under Captain William Gordon, which had been stationed there 
 by the Earl of Sutherland, in October 1649, in Reay's chief house at 
 Tongue.^^ 
 
 ^ " Only 3 in all Cathnes that hes not takin the othe, nor subscriued the band to James 
 Grhame, viz. Francis St. Claire, grand vnckell to the Earle of Cathnes, the Laird of Dumbethe, 
 and William St. Clair, zounger ,of May." Balf. iv. 34. See also ibid. 33, 35, &c. "James 
 Graham compells the inhabitants of Cateynes to subscrybe certain new papers and bands, swearing 
 obedience to his excellencie as to the King's generalissimo ; which he presents also to the ministers 
 there. They did all subscrybe these papers, except one, Mr. William Smyth whom (upon his 
 refusall) he sent to his ships to be put in irnes ; but this minister was afterwards released." Sallagh, 
 554. For Mr. Smith, minister of Bower and Watten, see Calder, Hist. Cathn., 150, and App. I., 
 Noltland Letters. The Francis Sinclair above mentioned was a son of George, Earl of Caithness, 
 In 1644 he arrested the laird of Drum, who, according to Sallagh, p. 579, had fled with Huntly to 
 Caithness, and obtained part of the reward of 20,000 merks ; but see note, pp. 154, 155. 
 
 ^ "Hew Mackay of Dilret" with Wm. M. of Bighous and Hucheon M. of Scourie had 
 actively assisted Lord Reay, in 1645-1646, to oppose the claim made by the Earl of Sutherland 
 to the lands of Strath Naver. In the beginning of 1647 the Earl procured an act against them 
 " excepting and excluding them out of pardon, and forbidding the general persons to grant them 
 any passes or remitts, until they satisfied him and gave him possession of the lands of Strathnaver, 
 restored goods taken out of his Country and gave caution," &c. Sallagh, 536, 537. The same 
 writer, p. 529, tells us that Reay in 1645 held a commission from Montrose. He mentions "John 
 Macky of Dilret," brother to Reay, who died in 1645. Was Hugh his son, and therefore nephew 
 to Donald Mackay, Lord Reay, who died, February 1649, in Denmark ? 
 
 Hucheon Mackay of Scourie was father-in-law to the new Lord Reay. He was out with 
 Pluscardine in 1649. After the defeat he was "licensed" to go home with the Strathnaver men. 
 Huntly (Lewis Gordon), Ogilvy, Middleton, and Pluscardine made their peace with Leslie, leaving 
 "Rea to suffer for the rest." Sallagh, 549. 
 
 26 Ibid. 552, 553. 
 
 ^ " The garrison had the maintenance of Southerland, Cateynes, Strathnaver and Assint allowed 
 to them for their intertainment, which the Earl of Southerland caused take up dewlie for the use of 
 the garrison." Captain W. Gordon was a son of " Adam Gordon of Kilcalmkill that dyed in Ger 
 manie." Sallagh, 550, 551. We shall presently find the captain at Dunrobin. See p. 298, and 
 App. I., Sequel. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE, 
 
 297 
 
 Leaving a force of about 200 men ^s under his brother, to raise Caithness, 
 Montrose proceeded to Dunbeath, some twenty-seven miles distant, by the 
 road which strikes the coast at Latheron. 
 
 Meantime Sir John Sinclair of Dunbeath Castle, ^^ on news of Montrose's 
 landing, had hastened south to procure aid and to warn the Earl of Suther- 
 land. The latter at once sent messengers to Edinburgh with the news, and 
 also a request to two troops of horse quartered in Ross to come to his assist- 
 ance. This they refused, on the ground that they had no orders to that 
 effect, and their commanders were at Edinburgh. It is more probable, how- 
 ever, that they hesitated to venture into the mountains, where provisions for 
 man and horse were scarce; and by so doing they may have feared to 
 expose themselves to a rising in the rear. On this the Earl retired with 300 
 men to Ross-shire, leaving strong garrisons in Dunrobin, Skelbo, Skibo, and 
 Dornoch Castles.^*' 
 
 Dunbeath Castle,^^ before which Montrose arrived about the 17th (?) of 
 April, occupies a position of great natural advantage on a rocky cliff over- 
 hanging the sea. Seventeen years before these events additions to the south- 
 east front had added to its extent and strength. The fortress was well 
 victualled, and, though the garrison was small, it was not reduced till after 
 some days' siege, when Sir John's lady, who appears to have shown great 
 spirit in the defence, was permitted to retire with her baggage.^^ The strength 
 of the fortress, commanding Caithness and the line by which Montrose 
 might receive recruits, or in case of mishap retreat to Orkney, rendered it 
 necessary to secure the castle with a sufficient force, and accordingly Major 
 
 ^ An inference from the numbers he landed with, those he left in Dunbeath, and those present 
 at Carbisdale. " Harie Graham with some men." Sallagh. 
 
 ^ Sir John Sinclair of Dunbeath, with John Monro of Lemlair, among others, had brought about 
 a *' reconciliation " between Reay and Sutherland in 1649. One of the terms was the cession of 
 Reay's lands in Strath Naver. He sat for Caithness in the anti- Engagement Parliament of 1649. 
 When Montrose reached Dunbeath, Sir John was in Ross, according to Sallagh. Calder says, on 
 the first news of landing he " posted off direct to Edinburgh," to give the alarm (Hist. Caithn. 149). 
 The only authority for this is Montr. Rediv. 177, which places the battle near Dunbeath ! 
 
 =» Sallagh, 552. 
 
 ^ Dunbeath Castle is recorded as far back as 1428. The N.W. front dates 1633. The eastern 
 portion nearer the sea was built in 1859, and large additions made in 1879. Note from Mr. W. S. 
 Thomson-Sinclair, who now occupies the castle. In 1650 it is said to have been surrounded by a 
 moat (Calder), but of this there are now no traces. See App. I., Sequel. 
 
 '^ " Upon very fair conditions which were ill observed." Sallagh, 552. But he gives no details, 
 and his bias renders him of doubtful authority on such a charge. Montrose resigned an important 
 hostage for her husband's conduct and that of others in the district. She was Catharine, third 
 daughter of Hugh, eighth Lord Lovat (then deceased, and succeeded by a young grandson). Her 
 eldest sister Anne was the wife of John, thirteenth Earl of Sutherland, and her second sister Mary 
 was wife of David Ross, the important laird of Balnagown. After Sir John's death she was twice 
 married (Douglas Peerage, Lovat). Cf. Montrose's treatment of this lady with that dealt to his 
 sister and the Keir and Napier ladies, pp. 103, 133. He could not be guilty of an unchivalrous act. 
 For account of castle in 1760, see Pococke, 163 ; Proceedings of Antiquaries of Scotland, Index. 
 
298 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 Whitfurd and the Laird of Dalgetty, with 100 men, were detached to garrison 
 it. With the remainder of his forces, now reduced to about 700 or 800 
 men, Montrose hastened to join Hurry and the van at the Ord.^^ The 
 seizure of this pass, which a few resolute men might have made good, had 
 been effected with skill. Some skirmishing seems to have taken place, but 
 neither the Earl nor his followers showed much stomach for fighting, and 
 the key to Sutherland was resigned without a serious attempt at its 
 defence. 
 
 Following the coast, Montrose now advanced to Helmsdale and Gartie, 
 where he encamped for the night. The next night was spent at Kintradwell. 
 On the third day after entering into Sutherland he arrived before Dunrobin 
 Castle,^* the Earl's chief hold, and summoned it to yield. Captain William 
 Gordon however, who had been withdrawn from Tongue and left in com- 
 mand, refused to surrender, and seized a party of Montrose's men who had 
 incautiously ventured between the castle and the sea. A summons next 
 day to release his prisoners remained without effect.^ The night was spent 
 at Rhives on the slopes of Ben Bhragie, overlooking Golspie.^^ Being weak 
 in cavalry, and probably aware of the garrisons in the Dornoch peninsula. 
 
 ^ The present road over the Ord was made in 1811. The old road lay lower down, but 
 farther out over the sheer precipice. Brand, writing in 1 701, says, " The road is but narrow, and 
 the descent steep, and if any stumble thereupon they are in hazard of falling down a precipice into 
 the sea at the bottom of the rock, which is very terrible to behold ; but who pass it for the more 
 security use to lead their horses to the foot of the hill." " The path — for it did not deserve the name 
 of a road — along the outer edge of the rock, and without any protection from the precipice that 
 overhangs the sea, could not with any degree of safety be passed in stormy weather " (New Stat. 
 Account, XV. 190. See for good account. Bishop R. Forbes' Journals, 1762-1770, p. 185, and 
 Pococke's Tour in 1760, p. 164). Gwynne, Mem. 89, gives Hurry's force as 300, and the enemy's 
 as treble his number. 
 
 " Dunrobin, the old castle, is said to have been built by the first Earl in 13th century. He 
 died there in 1248. Pococke in 1760 says, it "is finely situated on the end of a hill which is cut 
 off by a deep fossee, so that it appears on the south side, and next to the sea, like an old Celtic 
 mount. Between it and the sea is a very good garden. The castle did consist of two square 
 towers and a gateway. One tower only remains now to which the house is built." When Bishop 
 Forbes passed it in 1762, he saw ladies and gentlemen walking on the top of the castle, and taking 
 a view of his party with a telescope. A good drawing of the old house by the Duchess- Countess 
 of Sutherland, is given in Statistical Account, xv. 34. See Pococke, 166; Bishop Forbes' 
 Journal, 179. 
 
 ^ The demand was, probably, couched in threatening terms. But there is no good evidence 
 that Montrose harried the country. Had he done so, Sallagh would certainly have mentioned 
 it. Whereas he relates that after reaching Carbisdale, Montrose "directed word to the Earl of 
 Southerland that though he spared to burne and spoyl his countrie, yet before it were long, he 
 should make his own neighbors undoe him." 
 
 "« The route he traversed is that of the railway from Golspie to Lairg. The details of the 
 march are from Sallagh, 553, who notes the stages, Gartie and Helmesdaill, Kintredwell, the Ruiffs, 
 Rein in Strathfleet, the Gruides in Brae-chat, Strathoikell and Carbisdaill. At Gruids, Mr. Black, 
 the tenant, informs us that there are still entrenchments pointed out by tradition as Montrose's 
 camp. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 299 
 
 Montrose now quitted the shorter and more level coast route, and ascended 
 the beautiful valley of Strathfleet to Rhaoine,^'^ and thence on the following 
 day, past Lairg to Gruids, where he halted for the night (April 23rd ?). 
 Here the roads from Scourie by Assynt, and from Tongue by Loch Naver, 
 converge, and the expectation of recruits from these districts was an addi- 
 tional reason for choosing the route up the Fleet. From the encampment 
 at Gruids, two ways into Ross lay open to him — either to follow the 
 course of the Shin down the narrow defile southwards to where the river 
 flows into the Kyle, or marching westwards to Rosehall over the low hill 
 between the Shin and Cassley, to cross the river Oykell by the fords above 
 its junction with the Cassley and the tidal waters of the Kyle, and thence 
 to follow the Kyle of Oykell to Carbester (Culrain),^^ a day's march of some 
 sixteen miles. Local tradition still tells of a ford near Culrain, and within 
 the memory of some yet living the Kyle here has been forded at unusually 
 low tides, and when there was little water in the rivers. Such, however, 
 is not likely to have been the case at this season of the year, and the 
 catastrophe which here overtook some of the fugitives affords a presumption 
 in favour of the longer route.^^ For this we have also the final authority of 
 Sallagh, who states that, on the sixth day after his entry into Sutherland, 
 Montrose marched from " the Gruides in Brae-chat " " to Strathoikell, and 
 thence to Carbisdaill." Maps of the district erroneously mark the River 
 Oykell east of Rosehall as far as Carbisdale. But it is clear that Sallagh 
 did not consider Carbisdale in Strath-Oykell. In this he agrees with local 
 usage, which still regards this name as proper only to the lower course of 
 the river above Rosehall, where its waters are merged with the Cassley in 
 the Kyle of Oykell. 
 
 The news of Montrose's landing must have reached Edinburgh about 
 this time. It is inconceivable that his leading opponents should have 
 
 ^ " Rein in Strathfleet" («. 34 above) is doubtless Rhaoine, between Golspie and Lairg. 
 
 ^ " Karbester," "Kerbester," or " Corbiesdale " are given by Balfour. His account makes 
 Montrose quartered at "Strathekell in Rosse" till the 27th, with Strachan, &c., quartered ten miles 
 distant, about Kincardine. Thence to Carbisdale (Culrain) is a good four miles, and from Culrain 
 to Strath Oykell proper (Rosehall) another eight or nine. Balfour's authority cannot weigh against 
 Sallagh's and local tradition, supported by other writers. 
 
 The form of the name given by Balfour suggests the common Scandinavian termination 
 bolstathr. The Car probably refers to the "height," which is the main feature of the locality. 
 The small loch is to the left of Culrain Station. It is still known as Carbisdale or Treasure Loch. 
 The last name is due to a tradition that in passing it the fugitives (the party of 200 who were 
 drowned ?) threw their arms, &c., into it. Several relics are said to have been found in it. Some 
 years ago a shepherd on the hills "kicked up" a few silver spoons of the period, supposed also 
 to be a relic of the event. They are now in the Museum of Antiquities, Edinburgh. 
 
 ^ Dr. Joass is in favour of the route down the Shin, and holds to the tradition of the ford 
 near its mouth. But, ford or none, Sallagh's evidence and local usage of the term "Strath Oykell" 
 are strongly against this. It must also be remembered that the winter of 1649-1650 had been 
 severe (see p. 257), and the rivers were likely to be full in April-May. 
 
300 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 delayed a single day in their measures to meet the danger. But it is matter 
 for surprise that so little precaution should have been taken long before. 
 Their attention was, however, at this time eagerly bent on the negotiations 
 at Breda. At first their prospects there were bad. Their terms were in 
 fact so high, that even the exclusion of their outspoken opponents, Nicolas 
 and Hopton, from the King's counsels, in favour of Buckingham, Hamilton, 
 and the Marquis of Newcastle, gave little hope of success.*** 
 
 Eleven days after the discussion opened, Livingstone, one of the 
 Commissioners, wrote as follows to Archibald Johnston, Clerk to the 
 Assembly : — 
 
 " Much and most worthily Honored, I can say no more of our busnisse 
 " then as writen in our publick letter to Mr. Douglasse, which I know will 
 " be impairted to your Lp. Massie, Bunch and Titus are here, as some of 
 " the presbiterians of England, they do not inclyne that the king be urged 
 " with the league and Covenant, and, as I heare of some, say that any 
 " ordinance wis [which was] for it in England is expired and doeth not now 
 " binde, what to make of this I know not. It is like the king come to 
 " Scotland whether we aggree or not. O what a company is about him, 
 " the quintessence of all that were thought evill counsellors befor, and how 
 " other he will forsake them or they leave him I know not. Yesterday 
 " D. Buckingham and Marq. Newcastle came to him. looke to your selfe, 
 " and trust in God, I cannot promise what this treatie may bring forth. 
 " The Lord grant we may returne with a good . . . 
 
 My Lord 
 Breda, -|^J 1650 yours in all service 
 
 Jo. Livingstone. 
 [Addressed] " For the worthily Honored my lord Wareston."*^ 
 
 But though the King had set aside those who on the very first day of the 
 treaty (March 1 5) had " fully and clearly advised that the King ought not to 
 " approve or allow of the League and Covenant of any sort, either in Scotland 
 " or in any of his other kingdoms, though he might give way to the national 
 " Covenant in Scotland only," Nicolas, who wrote this to Ormond as late 
 as May 2-12, adds : " the Scots terms are so unreasonable that they are not 
 " published. The King and they cannot [he thinks] agree, unless the Com- 
 " missioners have more power to recede than any of their Commissioners 
 "yet had." *2 
 
 *« Carte's Ormond Papers, i. 378-380. 
 
 *^ Now first printed from the original, Advocates' Library, Wodrow MSS., fol. Ixvii. 98. 
 
 ** See App. X. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 301 
 
 It is not our purpose to trace the progress of this treaty further than as 
 it affected the fortunes of Montrose. The details belong to the general his- 
 tory of our country. Fanatics dreamed of binding three nations to such a 
 spiritual slavery. To the astute politicians who directed their intemperate 
 zeal, this infamous proposal could only serve as a means of establishing their 
 own ascendancy among Scottish sects and parties. Small wonder that the 
 terms were not published ! 
 
 But to whatever cause we must attribute their apathy in preparing for 
 Montrose's invasion, they could not be blind to the imminent danger that 
 now threatened their position. Could he once reach the central Highlands, 
 and intrench himself in his old fastnesses, among the victors of Kilsyth, 
 Argyll and his handful of lords might for the fourth time spur off to the 
 nearest boat ; all but Loudon, who would again repent " with aboundance 
 of teares." 
 
 Hastily collecting what forces he could, David Leslie hurried north to 
 Brechin, where he had appointed the 25th of April for a rendezvous on 
 Brechin Moor for 4000 horse and foot. Thence he pressed northwards by 
 forced marches of thirty miles a day. Meanwhile he had transmitted orders 
 to Colonels Strachan and Hackett, commanding the troops in Banff and Moray 
 to do what they could to arrest the enemy's advance. 
 
 Archibald Strachan, heutenant-colonel of a troop of horse, had already, 
 with the same Colonels Hackett and Ker, whose troops now formed part of 
 his force, done the Estates good service by the rout of Reay at Balvenie (May 2, 
 1649). His rising reputation as a dashing cavalry officer, and his known 
 leanings to the " sectarian " opinions, made him no less an object of jealous 
 suspicion to LesHe than a favourite with the extreme party, headed by such 
 firebrand ministers as James Guthrie, Mungo Law, and Robert Traill. Early 
 in May 1649 Leslie had resolved to cashier him, ostensibly as a "sectary," 
 and was only deterred by Mungo Law, sent specially for that object by the 
 Commission of the Kirk. Law " assurid him that he wold want the prayers 
 of 10,000 saints and godlie of Edinbrughe, to accompeney hes armey : sua 
 Mr. Mungo played hes bussines so handsomly, that he persuadit the L. G. 
 \^Lt.-General'\ that it was better for him to lollerat one sectarey (and a villane) 
 quhom he called a godly and religious sant, then by degrading of him, dis- 
 apoynt Cromwell of his intelligence, and himselue of the shoe sants {cobblers] 
 of Edinbrughes prayers."^ Balfour's suspicion, here expressed, was only 
 too fully confirmed by events after Dunbar. But it was not till January 12, 
 1651, that "Collonell Archbald Straquhan was excommunicat and deliuered 
 " to the deiuell, in the churche of Perth, by Mr, Alexander Rollocke." 
 
 In the light of subsequent events it is with pecuHar interest that we read 
 
 ** Balf. iii. 413, 414, and ibid. iv. 240, for what follows. See also Baillie, iii. 107, ni-113, &c. 
 
302 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 the following letter to James Guthrie, his fellow " saint " and partner in 
 treason, shortly before the events now to be described. It is written in a 
 cramped illegible hand, more used perhaps to wield sword than pen, but glib 
 enough in the nauseous crafty pietism, which shows who were his models, and 
 foreshadowed his treachery. Of James Guthrie, minister of Lauder, let it 
 suffice to quote Balfour's character of him : " a man once totally episcopal!, 
 bot now a pryme rayller, a grate fauerer of conuentickells [a crime then 
 among Presbyterians !], priuey meittings and sectaries."** The reader will 
 find abundant evidence to the same effect in the pages of Balfour and 
 Baillie. 
 
 " Right Reverend " Inverness 3/a«» [?] 1650- 
 
 " I am w' much unwillingnes now constrained to present this broken and 
 " rud lyne craving y' pardone for my former unkyndnes and ungratfulness 
 "... I dar boldly say Sr, so it did not apear in paper it was in affectione 
 " in some measure knowing you will fairly . . . send [? illeg^ and hold me 
 " excused I need not make anie . . . \longer?'\ apologie then my weaknes to 
 " plead for me, . . . one [?] short thing I desyre may be taken notice of by 
 " you in the small returnes ar made by those in authoritie in the land unto the 
 " Lord for his matchless kyndnes and speciall [?] delyverance, wh. are not 
 " only meanly acknowledged and not laboured by us to walk in the power of 
 " his grace worthie it, . . . hale nation [?] to that called by him . . . we in 
 " his dispensations, badly answered his Matestie {GocT^ by continewing 
 " wicked malignant instruments in his work, wh. obscureth the glorie and 
 " grace y'of with ye simple and ignorant This [?] undewly greiveth his 
 " matestie, to behold not only in ye state very contrair returns from those 
 " that will not rightly know him, but ye deadnes of those that professeth his 
 " name may justly be much complaind of. Ther is ground of rendering great 
 " thanksgiving and praises to be assigned to ye most high for what he hath 
 " inabled you of y' calling to doe, in purging that . . . \way 7\ you have 
 " gone, but certainly much we yet advice especially in state and armies [?] 
 " I canot but acquent you w' ye lait act Assmie \Act of the Assembly ?] 
 ** for maner of quarterings which holdeth out and layeth ane oppressing 
 " burden on the comonaltie who are in manie places neir alreadie . . . 
 " [crushed?], but also injoyneth ye souldiers to live on such mentinance as 
 " canot be subsisted w' [with], the not being by you . . . sed [caused?] will 
 " neither clear the thing unto you, and show the [j«]stness y'of, four con- 
 
 ** Guthrie had held a professorship at St. Andrews, became minister of Lauder in 1638, and of 
 Stirling in 1649. He was a leading Protester in 1650, author and presenter of the Western 
 Remonstrance, and writer of " The Causes of Gods Wrath." For convocating the King's lieges 
 to disturb the peace, &c., he was hanged at Edinburgh, June i, 1661. See Life, by Committee of 
 Assembly, 1847 ; also Naphtali, 66, and Baillie, Index. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 303 
 
 " siderable things you wold be pleased to take notice of for pressing a 
 " r[^]d[«^^]ment [?] of the [army P], first the unsupportable burdens the 
 " kingdom lyeth under, especially the comonaltie, 2^"^ ye gross prophanes 
 " and malignancie of the armie, 3'^ unreconcilable differences amongst the 
 " forces who can not joyne togither against another comon enemie, being as 
 " much in [s^rzye P] aganst one another as anie other enemie whatsomever, 
 " and last w'out additio[;2 of] pay to the souldiers they canot subsist on what 
 '* is for present apoynted they live honestly [ilieg:, but the sense seems to be, 
 " so poorly paid that they cannot live honestly "], you will probably goe neir to 
 " loss manie if not most pairt of honest men out of the service if present 
 " course be not taken for preventing ye falling out of apearant inconveniences 
 "it is of great concernment y'for requyreth much diligence and hotly a 
 " remedie to be sought for. I know not if orders have bein given in these 
 " places for ordering the rest of the levies to be in redines but we hearde of 
 " such order heir, And also ar secretly informed that a pressing order is to 
 " follow for putting the same in execution, such fears of James Grame needeth 
 " not. And I know not what other call you have for such doing, such desingne 
 " must be stoped for certanly what other [?] groanings aryseth from what 
 " place soever . . . ar or may be raised ar to be made use of The Lord 
 " hath shown what he can doe by a few \_e.g., at Balvenie\ undoutedly much 
 " more he will yet doe for himself by us. If aright we trust In him yTor 
 " may . . . \lieedP^ not be given to such unlawfull courses ... I in the 
 " Lords most holy name intreate you to awake and rwise \rouse'\ upe all ye 
 " Lord his freinds to be stout hairted and open [?] and rebuke evill doers be 
 " they of what qualitie so ever, least by neglect and more slouthfulnes our 
 " burden be mad more then it is, The lord is strong and mightie and as he 
 " hath done will doe valiantly by weak means and in small apearances So 
 " [Sir .?•] assure y' self in ye lord his strenth wh. . I know he will grant. If 
 " James Grhame land neir this quarters he will suddenly be de . . . ed 
 " \defeatedP~\ And ther shalbe no need of the levy of knavis to the work tho 
 " they should be willing. 
 
 " I am yrs 
 
 " ARCHD. STRAHAN." 
 
 {Addressed^^ " The Richt Reverend 
 
 Mr. James Guthrie 
 Minister of Lather " [i.e., Lauder].^° 
 
 •** Original, now first printed (?), Advocates' Libr., Wodrow MSS., fol. Ixvii. 97. In the Index 
 (Wodrow's hand) the date (now torn) is given " 3 June ; " but the contents show that it must have 
 been written before news of Montrose in Caithness. Inverness contains no record of Strachan's 
 presence there in 1650. Had he started with Leslie from Edinburgh to reach Brechin by April 25th, 
 and been sent on thence, as some accounts seem to imply, he could not possibly have been at Kin- 
 cardine or Tain on the 27th. 
 
304 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 This letter throws a strong Hght on the difficulties with which Argyll 
 and his leading subordinates had to contend. It confirms in a measure the 
 report of Nicolas as to the spread of malignancy in Leshe's forces,** and this 
 alone may suffice to explain the want of preparation to oppose Montrose. 
 
 Unhappily chance gave Strachan his opportunity to show how little need 
 there was for Leslie and his " levy of knavis to the work." 
 
 Hearing of Montrose's progress, he advanced with his own troop and 
 Colonel Ker's,^^ then stationed at Brahan and Chanonry, to Tain, where he 
 was joined by Colonel Montgomery's troop, Lieut.-Col. Robert Hackett with 
 his troop, and the " Irish troop " under Captain Cullace. These five troops 
 numbered only some 220 sabres,*^ but they were experienced troopers, well- 
 officered, and animated by the same spirit that made of Cromwell's Ironsides the 
 most terrible soldiers in Europe. They had also some thirty-six musketeers 
 of Lawer's regiment,*^ under Quartermaster Shaw, which happened to be 
 stationed in the neighbourhood ; and in addition were supported by a levy 
 of about 400 of the Monroes and Rosses living in the district, commanded 
 by Colonel John Monro, laird of Lemlair, his son, Captain Andrew, and 
 David Ross, laird of Balnagowan.^*^ These 400 were, however, only to be 
 
 *® In Ormond Papers, i. 345 flf. 
 
 *^ When Pluscardine seized Inverness,' Feb. 22, 1649, Leslie, who had been sent to suppress 
 the rising, heard at Chanonry that Ogilvy and Middleton had roused the Athole men. He hastened 
 south, leaving Col. Gilbert Ker, and Lieut.-Cols. Robert Hackett and Archibald Strachan, with troops 
 in Moray to "attend" Pluscardine, should they make towards Moray. In his absence Pluscardine 
 retook Chanonry, and was joined by his nephew, the new Lord Reay, with 300 men. Leslie, turning 
 north again, surprised Ogilvy and Middleton, who fled to Pluscardine. The Royalists (if one may 
 call them so) advanced south to Badenoch, and were joined by Huntly (Lewis Gordon). Sutherland, 
 who had accompanied Leslie, went north to convene the counties of Sutherland, Caithness, and Ross, 
 with five troops under these same three colonels, who on May 8th surprised and took Reay at 
 Balvenie, with some 900 foot, Clan Kenzie, Strathnaver, and Badenoch men. Col. Ker returned to 
 Ross, took and demolished Reid Castle, put a garrison in Seaforth's house of Brahan, and after- 
 wards returned to Leslie in the Meams, and thence to Edinburgh. Neither he nor Montgomery 
 was present at Carbisdale. 
 
 *8 Balf. iv. 9. 
 
 *^ The regiment held Inverness for the rebels in Sept. 1644. The laird of Lawers in 1650 was 
 a minor. His father. Sir Mungo Campbell, led the van at Auldearn, where he was slain. The 
 regiment, according to Sallagh, 525, thrice repulsed Macdonald and his Irish. 
 
 *" On Dec. 20, 1650, Pluscardine, Balnagowan, the Master of Lovat, and Lemlair were chosen 
 by Parliament at Perth as colonels of foot for the Inverness and Ross levies (Balf). For references 
 to the Balnagowan family, see " Cronicles of the Earls of Ross," with continuation from Balnagowan 
 papers. For Lemlair's connection with Neil Macleod of Assynt, see App., No. xiii. " He was nick- 
 named, and is still spoken of by the country-people as, Ian Dhu na Cioch, ' Black John of the 
 Breast,' in consequence of having been accessory to a barbarous mutilation of some women." MS. 
 account of the Parish of Assynt, by the late Geo. Taylor, County-Clerk of Sutherland, written in 
 1832 (Dunrobin Charter-Room), kindly lent to the Editors, with the Duke's permission, by Dr. Joass. 
 The picturesque account in it of Montrose's flight is quoted, with a few variations, in Lord Mahon's 
 essay on Montrose. Quar. Rev. 157, Dec 1846 (reprinted Essays, 1849). Mr. Taylor's narrative is 
 too highly coloured and circumstantial for genuine tradition, and omits all mention of its sources. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 305 
 
 relied on in case of success. Not a year had elapsed since both Lemlair and 
 Balnagowan had been out with Pluscardine, and the circumstance lends 
 colour to Monteith's assertion that at Glenmuick (a mistake for Carbisdale) 
 Montrose "awaited a regiment of 400 men which he had ordered," that he 
 advanced in the expectation of meeting these, and that he had " sent Hurry 
 " to Balnagowan, who had espoused the cause." ^ It is at least a remark- 
 able circumstance that in this account the number 400 agrees exactly with 
 Sallagh's estimate of the local levy. The statement of the latter writer that 
 Balnagowan and Lemlair were present, with the Earl of Sutherland, at the 
 council of war held at Tain, in which it was decided to advance westwards 
 and reconnoitre the enemy's position, is not inconsistent with the natural 
 hope of their support entertained by Montrose. Sallagh indeed states that 
 " the enemie, who was then at Carbisdell, was espyed and found out by 
 " the diligence of Collonel John Monro of Leamlare, and his son Captain 
 " Andrew Monro, who incoraged the troops to goe on, and promised to be 
 " their leaders [g-uz'des], which they performed faithfullie and valiantly." Is 
 there in this commendation an unconscious vein of surprise that men of 
 fickle loyalty should have proved faithful to any side ? At least it is singular 
 that in the report of the action published in Edinburgh, and probably received 
 from Strachan, their names are entirely omitted, though we hear of Captains 
 William and John Ross, " who came upe to the executione with 80 footte, 
 " chosen out of the countrey forces, and did good service." After the rout 
 these claimed and received their share of rewards.^^ Of any reward to the 
 Munroes we find no mention, either in Balfour or the Acts of Parliament. 
 The accounts and traditions of the battle do, in fact, tend to strengthen the 
 suspicion that they played a waiting, treacherous part. 
 
 At the council of war in Tain it was decided that the Earl of Sutherland 
 should return to the north side of the Kyle, to "oppose Harrie Graham 
 
 Where the accuracy of his details can be tested, we suspect that they were derived from book-know- 
 ledge, not always borne out by contemporary evidence. 
 
 ^ Hist, des Troubles de la G. Bretagne, par Messire Robert Mentet de Salmonet (Paris, 1661, 
 p. 358; Eng. Tr., Ed. 2, London, 1738, p. 511). Monteith was a Scot, a Catholic priest, resident in 
 France. His account of Montrose agrees entirely with Wishart, Part I. ; but in his narrative of 
 1649-1650 he is an independent authority, evidently unacquainted with the Montr. Rediviv. The 
 details of the battle may have been derived from survivors, possibly from members of Pitfoddels' 
 family, who were Catholics living in France. See p. 309 n. 63. On the other hand Heath, for these 
 events, is not an independent witness ; he has transcribed bodily from the Montr. Rediviv. He 
 makes a notable correction of a singular phrase in the Rediviv. (175), speaking of Montrose's forces : 
 " After this poor rabble of silly creatures was amazed" for which he substitutes amassed. Chronicle 
 (Ed. 2, 1676), 261. 
 
 ®^ Balf. iv. 10, 37, 47. They were paid as usual, out of the " fynnes," a sure method of breeding 
 espionage, treachery, and feuds. On the other hand, Sallagh is silent on their prowess and rewards, 
 a silence which can scarcely be attributed to ignorance, since he mentions the rewards to Strachan 
 and Hackett, though not local men. He also omits the thirty-six musketeers. 
 
 U 
 
3o6 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 " with the Caithness and Strathnaver men, and to preserve his own country 
 *' from them, whose chief aim was to burn the country of Sutherland, having 
 " command from James Graham so to do." ^^ The Earl had ever shown little 
 taste for war, and still less aptitude in his feeble defence of the Ord ; and 
 now that Montrose was in Ross, it is not improbable that he made some 
 such excuse for again putting the Kyle between himself and the General 
 who had so severely handled the Sutherland levies at Auldearn — where 
 the Earl was in the reserve. 
 
 On Saturday, April 27th,^^ Strachan and Hackett marched from Tain 
 to Wester Fearn, opposite the Dun of Criech. Above this the estuary opens 
 into a broad lake-like expanse, contracted again by the flat alluvial beds 
 at the Carron mouth. Beyond the Carron the ground rises into an open 
 heathy slope, skirting the dale. Curving northward, the low range of hills 
 sends off a spur terminating in the cold bleak heights of Craigcaoinichean. 
 Two miles above the Carron the road passes Culrain burn, which flows 
 to the Kyle through a deep channeled bed, fringed with broom and scrub. 
 With the hills to the north, and the river-like estuary, the little burn 
 encloses a triangle of level ground, admirably fitted for cavalry. Near the 
 northern angle of this a dreary little tarn, known as Carbisdale loch, lies 
 at the bottom of a cup-shaped depression. Beyond this the valley narrows 
 into a pass, overhung by Craigcaoinichean. 
 
 At this point Montrose had pitched his camp, and for some days awaited 
 news of the expected recruits from north and south. To the rear and right 
 he was secured by the hills. His left flank rested on the Kyle. Here 
 he guarded the pass against an advance in front by a deep intrenchment 
 and breast-work, still clearly visible on a bluff facing south-east, towards the 
 open ground. 
 
 In a position of such strength a few resolute men might have defied 
 a stronger party than Strachan's. Montrose, however, in this last crisis 
 of his career, again felt the fatal want of horse. His entire cavalry numbered 
 only about forty, probably most, if not all, gentlemen volunteers, commanded 
 
 52 Sallagh. 
 
 '* Corresponding to May 7th of our season. Balfour gives about 230 as Strachan's numbers, 
 in detail. They attacked in three parties, as in the text. Sallagh makes the first attack 200 men 
 under Strachan. We follow Balfour's version as probably derived from Strachan's report. There 
 is no real discrepancy. The second party appears to have followed hard on the first. "After 
 prayers, said by the minister they marched about 3 a clock in the afternoone towardes the enimey, 
 quho wer drawn vpe in a place neire a hill of Scrogie [,scraggy, rough'] Wood, to wiche, vpone 
 the aduance of our horsses, they quickly reteired." Balf. iv. 9. In the Council it had been debated 
 "wither to marche towardes them presently {at once'], or to delay wntill Monday, and so declyne 
 the hazard of ingageing vpone the Lordes day" {ibid.). There is a Sabbatic strain of Strachan in 
 this, which must have pleased the " 10,000 shoe-saints of Edinburgh" {v. p. 301). This time the 
 minister is in evidence at a victory. vStrachan and his ghostly counsellors fared worse at 
 Dunbar. 
 
BATTLE OF CARBISDALE, April 27, 1650. 
 
 ( From Ihe Ordnance one-ifich Map. ) 
 
 CULRflIN From^he S.EAST. 
 
 EXPLANATION OF THE LETTERS. 
 
 A Wester Fearn, near which Strachan hid four troops in 
 
 the broom. 
 B Bonar Bridge Station ; Ardgay Hotel ; near it 
 C Remains of a small oblong encampment, 41 paces by 
 
 27, said to have been occupied by Strachan (?) 
 D Invercarron. Fords just above and below the road 
 
 bridge. 
 E Road to the upper fords of the Carron, by which Leam- 
 
 lair led the ambush party (?) 
 F Remains of entrenchments on a bluff facing east ; said 
 
 to have been Montrose's Camp. There are also 
 
 entrenchments on the opposite bank of the river. 
 
 The iisjiffes indicate 
 
 The main battle. Broken heathy slope: "ill riding 
 
 ground " 
 The "scroggie wood," scattered birches on a broken 
 
 slope. 
 Craigcaotnichsan (Craig a caoineadh ?) 
 Carbisdals Loch or Treasure Loch, in which arms of 
 
 tlie fugitives are said to have been found. 
 The point where ico fugitives were drowjied. 
 Seven .skeletons of young men found here s-ame years 
 
 ago. 
 
 the height. 
 
 CULRAIN FROM THE SOUTH-EAST. 
 
 A Main battle. | C Flight. Cairns. The whole of the.se hills were planted 
 
 B The " scroggie wood." ' with ftr son.e is years ago. 
 
 D Craigcaoinichean or " Lamentation Hill." E Culrain burn. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 307 
 
 by Major Lisle.^* The rest of his little army was composed of about 450 
 Germans and Danes, and some 700 recruits from Orkney, in all hardly 
 more than 1200 men. But the islanders were a raw levy, undisciplined and 
 ignorant of war. Most of them, perhaps all, had never seen a troop of 
 dragoons, and under any circumstances could not be trusted to face a 
 charge. 
 
 About three in the afternoon Strachan advanced as far as Wester Fearn,^^ 
 where he concealed his force in the tall broom which covered these slopes, 
 and was then just breaking into golden blossom. The Monroes and Rosses 
 ascended the Carron, which they forded, and under cover of the hills which 
 flank the valley of Carbisdale, awaited the issue.^^ Presently, Captain 
 Andrew Monro returned with intelligence that Montrose's horse had been 
 sent out to ascertain Strachan's position. His advice was to deceive the 
 enemy by exposing only a single troop to view. 
 
 The appearance of this troop was reported by Lisle to Montrose,^'^ and 
 confirmed the reports brought in by Robert Monro of Achnes, who with his 
 three sons had joined the Royalists, and, being recommended by his know- 
 ledge of the country, was employed as Montrose's chief scout-master. 
 Robert Monro assured him that there was but a single troop of horse in 
 all Ross.^* Montrose quitted his position, and, ordering Lisle to halt, 
 advanced to reconnoitre. The van was commanded by Hurry. 
 
 Suddenly Strachan, at the head of a hundred troopers, dashed out of 
 ambush, and riding down the little party of horse, hurled the survivors back 
 upon the panic-stricken foot, and threw the whole into confusion. The 
 immediate appearance of a second troop of eighty dragoons under Hackett, 
 closely followed by Captain Hutchison, with the reserve of horse and 
 
 5^ Monteith, 511 (Eng. Tr.), says, Montrose "ordered Major Lille, with a detachment of 
 Musketters to march through a wood, where he might find the Gentry of the Shire." This seems 
 evidence for our suspicion that Montrose was lured out of his position by a treacherous hope, 
 perhaps a promise, that they would join him. Beyond doubt they hung back from helping 
 Strachan at the first ; and unless he purposely omitted them in his report, in order to enhance 
 his own achievement, only a small party of them gave him effective aid at the "Scrogie Wood." 
 As to Lisle's musketeers, we have followed Sallagh, who makes the reconnaissance one of horse. 
 
 ^* Sallagh. 
 
 ^ The flank movement of the Monroes and Rosses is a tradition, communicated by Dr. Joass, 
 who had it from the late Mr. Sidney Hadwen of Balblair, who had it from his old gamekeeper, 
 " Duncan Rae, a great historian of local affairs, who died several years ago. Mr. Hadwen had 
 an unusually retentive memory." Note from Mr. D. Cameron. The incident rests on no written 
 contemporary evidence, but is quite consistent with the conduct of their leaders and narratives 
 of the battle. It explains their absence and Montrose's hope. Balblair lies opposite to Culrain 
 on the Sutherland side. Here there are said to be traces of intrenchments facing Montrose's. 
 The Earl may have established a post of observation at this point ; but we do not think that the 
 intrenchments were connected with these events. Sallagh would certainly have mentioned the 
 circumstance. 
 
 S7 Monteith, loc. cit. ^ Sallagh. 
 
3o8 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 Lawers' musketeers, confirmed the rout. The Royalists fled without resist- 
 ance. Only the foreigners maintained any show of order, and, retreating 
 along the slopes, made for the wood. In the whirl of attack, Menzies of 
 Pitfoddels, who bore the grim "royal standart," and Major Guthrie fell dead 
 at Montrose's side; and probably the same moment was fatal to Douglas, 
 Gordon, Powrie, Lisle, and other officers. The Orkney men, flinging aside 
 every encumbrance, streamed past the camp in helpless flight.^^ Two 
 hundred in one company perished in an attempt to cross the Kyle. A 
 few gained a boat, hotly pursued by a trooper, who was drowned, the only 
 loss sustained by the victors. 
 
 The rest of Montrose's men fell back on a " scroggie wood " of indigenous 
 birch, which still skirts the base of the Craig. But, in spite of " ill-riding 
 ground " on the broken heath, Strachan pursued them into the wood. He 
 was received with a feeble random volley, which did no execution. Two 
 troopers were wounded. One bullet, better aimed, struck him "vpon his 
 " belley, bot lighting vpone the double of his belte and bufFe coate, did not 
 " pierce." ^° At this moment he was joined by the Monroes and Rosses, 
 eager to show their zeal and share the plunder. Though the Royalists had 
 abandoned all resistance, they were ruthlessly slaughtered in the wood and 
 the hollow that passes over the hill.^^ For two hours the troops continued 
 killing them. Scarce one hundred escaped. More than 450,^^ including 
 ten chief officers, were slain on the field or in the flight. Hurry, severely 
 wounded, was taken prisoner, with Colonels Gray, Stewart, and Hay, 58 
 other officers, 386 common soldiers, and two Orkney ministers. Montrose 
 had his horse shot under him, and was covered with wounds. Seeing his 
 peril, the gallant young Frendraught, himself wounded in two places, " did 
 " an action worthy of remembrance, for he gave him his horse, and sur- 
 " rendered himself prisoner, well-knowing that if that nobleman should get 
 " off", the face of affairs would soon be changed." ^^ As for himself he could 
 
 ^^ Their conduct is inferred from the fact that it was the foreigners who gained the " Scroggie 
 wood." Probably the latter kept together on the slopes, and it seems likely that the 200 drowned 
 were islanders. Tradition marks the spot just above Culrain railway bridge (map, K). A mile 
 beyond, and just above the junction of the River Shin, seven skeletons were found in a peaty 
 hollow which the tenant was trenching. Dr. Joass saw the remains, and found them to be bones 
 oi young men, who were probably overtaken here on marshy ground (map, L). 
 
 «» Balfour. 
 
 ^^ Marked by cairns (map, H), which Mr. Cameron remembers seeing there twenty years ago. 
 We searched in vain for them in the dense young fir with which these hills have since been covered. 
 
 ^2 Inferred from the number of prisoners and those who escaped. Balfour. Sallagh says, " about 
 400" killed, which agrees sufficiently. For list of killed and taken, see App., No. I. 
 
 ^ Monteith, loc. cit. Sallagh, even if he knew it, may have thought it discretion to suppress 
 the fact. Frendraught would observe his own counsel in seeking his uncle's protection. He 
 was sent to Dunrobin " to be cured of his wounds." On May 23rd the Estates peremptorily 
 ordered him and other prisoners to be sent to Edinburgh, "and if suche as hes them in cuslodey 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 309 
 
 count with some confidence on the powerful protection of his uncle, the 
 Earl of Sutherland. 
 
 " This miraculous victorie hapned the twentie-seaventh of April one 
 ' thousand six hundreth and fiftie yeares, at fyve o'clock in the afternoon, 
 ' at Craigchoynechan, besides Carbisdell. In the verie field the victors 
 ' gave thanks to God for their happie successe, and so returned with their 
 ' prisoners to Tayn, where they kept them, untill the lievetenant-general 
 ' came, who gave order for conveying them south to Edinburgh to the 
 ' estates. He directed also the kings standart south, with all James 
 ' Grahams papers, which were found among the baggage. The countrie- 
 * men of Rosse and Southerland continued the killing of such as escaped 
 ' from the battle many dayes thereafter." ^ 
 
 letts them escape, the keepers to be anssuerable one ther perrill for them." Balf. iv. 23. The 
 mothers of Frendraught and Menzies of Pitfoddels were both sisters of the Earl of Sutherland. 
 From Sallagh we learn that Gilbert Menzies of Pitfoddels, the father of Montrose's standard- 
 bearer, was knighted in 1639 by Charles I. at Berwick. At the beginning of the civil broils 
 he retired to France. About July 1649, Lady Pitfoddels (Lady Ann Gordon), who was a Roman 
 Catholic, was drowned off the coast of Holland on her way to visit her daughters, then being 
 bred in France {ibid. S42). Possibly Monteith owed his information of these events to members 
 of this family. 
 
 A report was spread that Frendraught, after Montrose's defeat, "for vexation starved himself." 
 This news reached London, May 2yh, Whitelock's Memorials, ap. Napier, Mem., 746, n. This 
 rumour must have been circulated (designedly ?) soon after the battle. But Parliament knew better 
 than Whitelock's informant, as the above entry sub May "zyd shows. The Mercuriiis Caledonius, 
 for Jan. 25, 1661, mentions him as taking "his place in the House," and adds, "This 
 is the Lord, who upon that fatal day when the Marquis of Montrose was defeated, and hear- 
 ing that his Excellency was dismounted, came instantly and found him out, and put a constraint 
 upon the Lord Montrose, much against his will, to make use of his horse : For, as he rightly 
 urged, the preservation of his person was keeping life in the Cause : which without doubt it 
 would have done, if unfortunately he had not been betrayed three days after. But the result of 
 this brave action of the Viscount's, was the occasion of eight or nine dangerous wounds he received 
 for his gallantry." Frendraught was present at Montrose's "True Funerals," in 1661. Napier, 
 Mem., 841. 
 
 ^ Sallagh, 555. His mention of "Craigchoynechan" shows that the name is older than 
 Montrose's times. "Lamentation Hill," which appears on maps, is an Ordnance misnomer, due 
 to the likeness to Caoinead, " weeping," and suggested perhaps by the tradition of the battle. 
 Craigcaoinichean means " mossy crag," and is descriptive. Note from Dr. Joass. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 MONTROSE'S FLIGHT, CAPTURE, AND JOURNEY SOUTH. 
 
 MOUNTED on Frendraught's horse, Montrose galloped from the disas- 
 trous field and swam the Kyle of Oykell.^ He was attended by 
 the Earl of Kinnoul,^ Major Sir Edward Sinclair,^ an Orkneyman, Sinclair of 
 Brims ^ in Caithness, and four or five others, whose names have not been 
 preserved, and who soon separated from the other fugitives.^ Possibly 
 among them were Monro of Achnes and his three sons, who all escaped 
 death or capture, and do not appear in the Parliamentary records of pro- 
 ceedings against Montrose's followers. But as the passage of seven or 
 eight men through those thinly peopled regions could hardly fail to excite 
 attention, they prudently resolved to disperse. Tradition declared that 
 Montrose's unnamed comrades made for Kintail ; and if so, they must have 
 left him about Oykell Bridge, whence, by following Glen Einig, they could 
 reach Ullapool, or turn south-east up Strath CuUenach and Glen More 
 in the central highlands of Ross. For greater safety, Montrose, who had 
 early abandoned his horse, disguised himself in the costume of a shepherd 
 highlander. His coat, with the star or George so lately sent him by the 
 King, and sword-belt, were afterwards found in the field.^ The object of 
 
 1 The account of Montrose's flight and capture is drawn from Sallagh, Balfour, Montr. Rediviv. 
 and Monteith, &c. The traditions have been recorded by Mr. Taylor (Dunrobin MS.), but we 
 have not thought it safe always to follow his picturesque narrative. The "pedie," mentioned 
 in note 6 below, was perhaps one of the party. 
 
 2 The Earl of Kinnoul, who had followed his brother to Orkney and succeeded to the title 
 by right on his death, is unrecorded. His next brother, William, became fifth earl. See p. 63, 
 note I. 
 
 ^ There were two Edward Sinclairs of Orkney, Edward of Gyre and Edward of Ness. Their 
 names occur together in the lists of Orkney Committees, but neither is Sir Edward. 
 
 * John of Brims was made Commissioner of Excise, and in other ways rewarded, in 1 661. 
 
 5 Mr. Taylor, Dunrobin MS. 
 
 ® Balf. iv. 10. /6td. 34, May 30th. A letter read in the House from Colonel Gilbert Ker, showing 
 that he had taken a " pirat [a ship from Orkney ?] ladin with wyne and prouisione, for James Grhame 
 in Rosse . . . also, that he had sent them a grate maney of James Grhames papers and letters 
 wich were found in a wood neir the place of the fight, hid wnder a tree and discouered [i.e., dis- 
 closed] by a pedie [servant] of James Grhames for his lyffe." 
 
 Tradition points to a hollow under a ledge in the steep northern face of Craigcaoinichean as 
 " Montrose's cave," where he hid after the battle. But the spot is scarcely accessible for a horse, 
 too open and near the field, and a mere cul-de-sac. Monteith says he swam the river. Balfour's 
 evidence that his "coate and star wer found in the feild " is too vague to guide us. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 311 
 
 the four fugitives, as soon as they could elude pursuit, must have been 
 to reach Strathnaver and the Reay country, where they would be among 
 friends, and might hope to fall in with Harry Graham, or ship to Orkney. 
 So "they wandered up that river the whole ensuing night, and the next 
 " day [April 28th] and the third day also [29th] without any food or sus- 
 " tenance, and at last came within the country of Assint.'^ The Earl of 
 " Kinnowl being faint for lack of meat," [perhaps, too, Hke Montrose, 
 " covered with wounds "], — " and not able to travel any farther, was left 
 " there among the mountaines, where it was supposed he perished."-^ Not 
 a trace has since been discovered to mark the spot where this unfortunate 
 young nobleman breathed his last. As the party, after wandering for two 
 days and nights without food or shelter, were still scarcely thirty miles from 
 the battle-field, they must either have lost their way in those desolate wilds, 
 or been compelled to lurk for a great part of the time in the neighbouring 
 mountains. That Montrose and his two companions, if they still remained 
 with him, deliberately abandoned Kinnoul to his fate is more than we can 
 believe. Spent and famished as they were, it seems more reasonable to 
 suppose either that death had already intervened before they quitted him, 
 or that they separated in search of food and assistance. Montrose was 
 now alone, and would have shared his comrade's fate, " but that he fortuned 
 " in this miserie to light vpon a smal cottage in that wildernesse, where 
 " he was supplied with some milk and bread." ^ The traditional spot 
 was "a small hut occasionally occupied for dairy purposes by one of the 
 " laird of Assynt's tenants, at a grazing farm known by the name of 
 " Glaschyle." ^o 
 
 "Immediately after the battle Captain Andrew Monro wrote to his 
 " brother-in-law, Neil Macleod, Laird of Assynt desiring him earnestly 
 " to apprehend any that should come in his country and chiefly James 
 " Graham." ^^ The discovery of Montrose's horse may have given a clue 
 to the direction taken by the fugitives. It was a golden opportunity. The 
 
 ^ The present road up the Oykell to Assynt was made in 1823. From Tain to Culrain is 
 eighteen miles ; thence to Inveran across the Kyle two miles ; thence to Inchnadamff, at the head 
 of Loch Assynt, thirty-two and a half miles, with Ardvreck Castle about two miles further. 
 
 The ruins near Inchnadamff are those of Edderchalda House, built in 1660 by Kenneth, Earl 
 of Seaforth, and destroyed by fire about lOO years later. 
 
 * Sallagh. 
 
 9 Hid. 
 
 ^•^ Mr. Taylor, Dunrobin MS. The name is common in the north, variously explained as " Grey- 
 wood" or "Grey-pass," the former highly descriptive of the stunted lichened oaks and birches 
 of the country, the latter peculiarly appropriate to the narrow defile, which clambers between 
 limestone rocks and white marble quartz to the crest commanding the Loanan valley and descent 
 to Assynt. It seems likely that the Glaschyle here mentioned was near the Cnoc na [hill of] 
 Glas Chaoille to the left of the road, some four miles S.E. of Ledmore. 
 
 " Sallagh. 
 
312 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 reward was high ; and the Captain's " earnestness " might induce Neil to 
 repair the damaged credit of his wife's kin. 
 
 Neil Macleod ^^ was at this time in his twenty-second year. Descended 
 from the Lords of Lewis, his ancestors had invaded Assynt in the fifteenth 
 century, and established a firm hold on the district. The history of the 
 race is distinguished, even in Highland annals, by its dark record of family 
 feud and strife with jealous neighbours. Owing to discord in the family, 
 the overlordship of the district passed, at the close of the sixteenth century, 
 to Colin Mackenzie of Kintail, through whom George, Earl of Seaforth, in 
 1633, inherited the lands and barony. In 1646, Neil Macleod had attended 
 his superior, Seaforth, as his " friend," at Brahan, when Seaforth joined 
 Montrose at the siege of Inverness. Seaforth had then in his following 
 " 100 of Assints men;" and as Neil, though till 1649 still under his uncle 
 Hugh's guardianship, was then eighteen years of age, the circumstance, 
 admitted in Neil's own account of his troubles, lends strong presumptive 
 evidence to the assertion of three independent Royalist writers, that Neil had 
 himself served under Montrose's standard. It is, in fact, explicitly asserted 
 that Montrose knew him, expected his protection, and voluntarily discovered 
 himself to him, and that Neil was his " pretended old friend ; " and, unless 
 recent events had taught Montrose to doubt the loyalty of Lemlair, Neil's 
 marriage to Lemlair's daughter, if he knew of it, could only serve to 
 strengthen his hope of safety. Neil's miserable plea of an alibi, when called 
 in question for the deed, will not for one moment stand against the authori- 
 ties collected in our Appendix. We have, therefore, no hesitation in accept- 
 ing his friend Sallagh's account, written within a few months of the event, 
 that, on receiving his brother-in-law's letter, " the Laird of Assint was not 
 " negligent but sent parties everywhere. Some of them met James Graham 
 " accompanied only with one Maior Sinclare, an Orknay man. The partie 
 " apprehends] them both, and brings them to Ardwreck (the Laird of Assint 
 " his chief residence)." Here tradition, as recorded by Mr. Taylor, confirms 
 the Royalist writers. Shortly after leaving the shelling where he had 
 obtained food, Montrose was overtaken by one of Assynt's servants, accom- 
 panied, it is said, by the occupant of the hut, who inquired his purpose in 
 those wilds, and on being told that he wished to reach the Reay country 
 but had lost his way, they undertook to guide him. The spot where this 
 occurred was near the head of the hill where the road, from an altitude 
 of some 500 feet, looks northwards over wild moorland, towards the lofty 
 
 ^^ Neil Macleod. See App. xiii. for full evidence on his conduct and its consequences to himself. 
 The remarks on his family history are based on Mr. Taylor's MS., and notices passim in Hist. 
 Earls Sutherland. See also Mackenzie's Hist. Macleods, and the 1 738 account of Neil's troubles, 
 Trans. Gael. Socy. of Inverness, xvi. 197 ff. The reward of ;^25,ooo Scots was not the old reward 
 offered in 1644 (p. 64, n. 6). Gwynne's evidence suggests that the reward was proclaimed after the 
 battle. Did Neil hesitate till he heard of it ? 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 313 
 
 peaks of Suilven, Canisp, and Coulinor. About nine miles further, passing 
 Inchnadamff, at the head of Loch Assynt, they reached Macleod's residence. 
 
 Ardvreck Castle stands on a small peninsula on the far side of the loch 
 which rises slightly as it recedes from the shore. The blocks of masonry 
 which now strew the ground still attest the strength of the original keep. 
 " In size and accommodation this edifice was remarkably small, having only 
 " two vaulted cellars with a narrow passage below, and two storeys above 
 " them; while the length of the outside wall was only about 32 feet, and 
 " the breadth 27. There is a circular tower at the south-east angle, and 
 " some of the corner stones have been chisel-dressed, a rare ornament in 
 " similar old buildings in the Highlands." ^^ 
 
 Thither Montrose was conducted by his guides or captors, and tradition 
 declares that he was received at the door by the laird's wife. It has been 
 urged in extenuation of her husband's conduct to their illustrious captive, 
 that this unhappy woman was mainly to blame for it. But for this tradition 
 we have seen no evidence. We are not informed how they recognised 
 Montrose. Either he had already confided himself to those who led him 
 thither, or Macleod, "his pretended old friend,"^* knew him in spite of his 
 disguise and famine-wasted, fevered face, or Montrose now "wilHngly dis- 
 " cover'd himself" ^^ Major Sinclair of Orkney, who, according to another 
 account, had left Montrose, was also discovered and brought in by Neil's 
 search-parties. The two prisoners, for such they must soon have found 
 themselves to be, are said to have been confined in one of the cellars beneath 
 the castle. 
 
 Montrose appears to have reached Assynt on or before April 30th.^° 
 Entreaties and bribes were not wanting to shake his gaoler's wavering 
 purpose ; but fear of present punishment, and sordid visions of the price set 
 upon that golden head, outweighed all that Montrose could plead or offer 
 
 ^' Mr. Taylor's MS., Dunrobin Charter-room. ^* Gwynne. 
 
 ^^ Montr. Rediv. 178, 179. "The Lord of Aston . . . happened on him. He had been one 
 of his followers before. . . . The Marquesse knowing him, and believing to find friendship at his 
 hands willingly discover'd himself. . . . 'Tis said he profered great summes for his libertie, which 
 being in vain, he desir'd to dye by the hands of those who took him, rather than be made an object 
 of miserie and shame (as he knew very well he should) by his enraged enemies." 
 
 ^^ The dates which follow are conjectured to suit the distance to Tain, and order of events 
 subsequently. The one certain date in Eraser's account (Wardlaw MS.) is the halt at Keith on 
 Sunday 12th, which agrees well with his " May 4th, taken . . . and four days later delivered to 
 Lesley at Tain " (8th), if by " taken " we understand delivered to Holbum. The following dates 
 seem more or less probable ; the distances are approximate : — April 30th (?), Montrose reaches 
 Ardvreck. May 2nd (?), messenger to Leslie at Tain, 54 m., arrives that night. 3rd, Holburn 
 sets out ; halts at Rosehall (?). 4th, arrives at Ardvreck. Sunday, 5th, return march by Inveran, 
 to Skibo, 54 m., on 6th. 7th, rest at Skibo. 8th, to Tain, 4 m. ; Montrose delivered to Lesley ; 
 thence by Dingwall to Brahan, 27 m. 9th, by Conan Bridge, Beauly, Lovat, Muirtown, Inver- 
 ness {15J m.), to Castle Stewart, 21 m. loth, by Nairn (10 m.), Forres (10 m.), to Elgin, 31 m. 
 
314 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 for his freedom. Neil refused a proposal to go with him to Orkney,^^ and 
 despatched the fatal messenger to Tain. 
 
 There is reason to suspect that in this Macleod showed some hesitation. 
 It is not certain, though probable, that Montrose did not reach Ardvreck 
 on the 2gth. The course of subsequent events indicates either that the 
 messenger took two days to reach Tain, or else he set out on May 2nd, the 
 second perhaps the third day after Montrose's capture — days and nights of 
 alternate hope and despair for the unhappy prisoner. From Ardvreck to 
 Tain is 54^ miles, and there was then no regular road down the Oykell to 
 Rosehall. But a fleet-footed Highlander, spurred by reward, might cover the 
 distance on a long May day. At Tain he found Leslie, probably just arrived, 
 who at once despatched Major-General Holburn (May 3rd ?) to secure the 
 captive. On May 4th, Holburn arrived at Assynt, and setting out with the 
 prisoners next day, retraced his steps as far as Oykell Bridge, whence he 
 marched, on Monday the 6th, along the northern side of the Kyle to Skibo 
 Castle. His orders were to bring Montrose " to Sutherland ; " ^^ and we may 
 conjecture that at Skibo he expected to find the Lieutenant-General on his 
 way to crush the Royalists in Caithness and the north. The heavy marches 
 of the last four days, not to speak of over 180 miles from Brechin ^^ to Tain, 
 covered in six or seven days, must have taxed the endurance of his men to 
 the utmost ; and for two nights they halted at Skibo, awaiting further orders 
 across the ferry from Tain. This and the exhaustion of the party were 
 reason enough for the two days' halt. For their prisoner they showed little 
 consideration. 
 
 Skibo Castle was then occupied by a dowager lady named Gray.^° " On 
 
 nth, to Keith, 18 m. 12th, Sunday, halt. 13th, to Pitcaple Castle, 32^ m. 14th, to about 
 Fourdon, over 38 m. 15th, by Kinnaird Castle (14 m.) to Grange, 31 m. This was evidently a long 
 stage, or they would not have halted within five miles of Dundee, which they reach on the i6th. 
 Some time having been spent in Dundee, they probably advanced that day only to Leuchars or 
 Cupar, and next day, the I7lh, they proceeded to Dysart or Kirkaldy, and slept there. Saturday, 
 1 8th, by Leith, 4 p.m., to Edinburgh Tolbooth, 6 P.M. 
 
 The unhappy train of prisoners must have suffered severely from these forced marches. With 
 Montrose were "all the prisoners of quality on foot, about 40 persons " (Wardlaw MS.) ; and the 
 "281 comon souldiers" that " wer in the Canongait prisson, dismissed" (to slavery) on Tuesday, 
 May 2 1st, probably accompanied or followed hard after the officers. ^^ Sallagh. 
 
 ^^ Sallagh, who knew very well that Assynt was not then part of Sutherland, in spite of the 
 Earl's pretensions. In 1686 the estate was adjudicated to Isabella, Dowager-Countess of Seaforth, 
 and passed by judicial sale, July 21, 1757, to the Sutherland family. Taylor MS., Dunrobin. 
 
 ^* Leslie left (?) Brechin on April 25, and marched "30 miles a day" (Balf.) to Aboyne(?), ca. 
 30 m. ; thence (by Keith and Elgin ?) to Inverness, 105 m. ; thence to Tain, 45 m. Without a 
 halt on Sunday, April 28th, Leslie might reach Tain at this rate in six days, i. e. , on the night of 
 April 30th. Meantime he must have heard of the battle on the 27th. On the whole it seems more 
 likely that he reached Tain on May ist or 2nd, just in time to receive Macleod's message. 
 
 ^^ Robert Gray of Skibo appears on commissions of war for Sutherland and Inverness from 
 1 643- 1 645. A Robert Gray of Skibo, perhaps the son of the above, was Commissioner of Supply for 
 Sutherland in 1655. Act. Pari. Scot. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 315 
 
 " the arrival of the Marquis and his guards, she prepared a suitable enter- 
 " tainment for them. She presided at the dinner-table, at the head of which, 
 " and immediately before her, was a leg of roasted mutton. When Mon- 
 " trose entered the room he was introduced to her by the officers who 
 " escorted him, and she requested him to be seated next to her; but Hol- 
 " bourn, still retaining the strict military order he observed in his march, 
 " placed the Marquis between himself and another officer, and thus he sat 
 " down at Lady Skibo's right hand, and above his noble prisoner, before the 
 " lady was aware of the alteration. She no sooner observed this arrangement 
 " than she flew into a violent passion, seized the leg of roasted mutton by the 
 " shank, and hit Holbourn such a notable blow on the head with the flank 
 " part of the hot juicy mutton as knocked him off" his seat, and completely 
 " spoiled his uniform. The officers took alarm, dreading an attempt to 
 " rescue the prisoner; but the lady, still in great wrath, and brandishing the 
 " leg of mutton, reminded them that she received them as guests ; that as 
 " such, and as gentlemen, they must accommodate themselves to such an 
 " adjustment of place at her table as she considered to be correct ; that 
 " although the Marquis was a prisoner, she was more resolved to support 
 " his rank when unfortunate than if he had been victorious ; and, conse- 
 " quently, that no person of inferior rank, could, at her table, be permitted 
 " to take precedence of him. Order being restored, and the mutton replaced 
 " on the table, every possible civility was thereafter directed by all present 
 " towards the Marquis." ^^ 
 
 From this point the narrative is taken up by the Wardlaw MS.22 as 
 follows : — 
 
 " We are now to set down the fatal preludium and parade of one of the 
 " noblest and gallantest generals this age saw in Britain ; whose unexampled 
 " achievements might frame a history. Were its volumes far bigger than mine, 
 " it would yet be disproportionate to the due praise of this matchless hero. 
 
 " May 4th, 1650, he was taken; and the fourth day after delivered to 
 " David Leslie at Tain, Strachan having run south to have his reward of 
 
 2^ Mr. Taylor, Dunrobin MS. Sallagh, 555, "James Grahame was two nights in Skibo, and 
 from thence he was conveyed to Brayn and so to Edinburgh." 
 
 22 Extracts in Napier, Mem., 773 ff. ; and in the Highland Note-Book (1843, repr. 1887), by 
 the late Robert Carruthers, LL.D. The writer visited London in 1653 ^^'^ 1660 ; became episcopal 
 minister of Wardlaw^ and Kirkhill parish, seven miles from Inverness, ca. 1662 ; and in 1666 chap- 
 lain to the Lovat family, at whose request he commenced to set down the history of the Erasers. 
 He is said to have died in 1715, at a great age. He could, therefore, have been little more than a 
 boy at the time of events which he describes at least sixteen years later. The Editors were very 
 anxious to examine a document so important to their purpose ; but the present owner. Sir William 
 Eraser of Leadclune, curtly declined to lend it, or intrust it to a library. A further request for leave 
 at least to see it at his residence or elsewhere failed to elicit even the courtesy of a reply. Among 
 many scores with whom their work has brought them into correspondence, they are glad to record 
 that this instance is solitary. 
 
3i6 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 " blood from the State ; ^^ which did not a Httle gall Leslie to see an upstart 
 " rival risen to honour and to have so great a success : A vanity ! 
 
 " Montrose, being now in the custody of his mortal enemies, from whom 
 " he could expect no favour, yet expressed a singular constancy ; and in a 
 " manner a carelessness of his own condition. He was conveyed with a 
 " guard over the river Conan, towards Beauly. Crossing that river they 
 " refreshed at Lovat ; such scurvy base indignities put all along upon him as 
 " reached the height of reproach and scorn. Which confirms the poet's dixi 
 " and ditte : — 
 
 ' Nescia mens hominum fati, sortisque futurae, 
 Et servare modum, rebus sublata secundis.'^* 
 
 " But now I set down that which I was myself eye-witness of. 
 
 " The 7th of May, 1650,^^ at Lovat, he sat upon a httle shelty horse, without 
 " a saddle, but a quilt of rags and straw, and pieces of ropes for stirrups ; his 
 " feet fastened under the horse's belly with a tether ; a bit halter for a bridle ; 
 " a ragged old dark reddish plaid, a montrer (montero) cap, called magirky^ 
 " on his head ; a musketeer on each side, and his fellow prisoners after him. 
 
 " Thus conducted through the country, near Inverness, under the road 
 " to Muirtown, where he desired to ahght, he called for a draught of water, 
 " being then in the first crisis of a high fever. And here the crowd from the 
 " town came forth to gaze. The two ministers, Mr. John Annand,^'' wait 
 
 -3 Montr. Rediv. 175, 176, says Strachan had "a particular Commission" from the "Parlia- 
 ment [Committee] to command a choyce party of Horse, which shotild not be subject to David 
 Lesleys orders" {ibid. 179). " Straughan having atchiev'd his businesse with great expedition, and 
 freed the state from this much-fear'd danger, return'd to Edinburgh, leaving the rest of the businesse 
 to Lesley and Holborn, where he received great rewards and thanks for his eminent service ; not 
 without the great heart-burning of David Lesley, who seeing a rivall risen up io his honour, and 
 one whom he lookt upon as an tipstart souldier, have so great successe, fretted not a little " (ibid. 
 180). " The Marquesse being now in the custodey," &c., to " condition," identically as in Eraser's 
 narrative. From this it is certain that the writer of the Wardlaw MS. had the Redivivus or Heath's 
 transcript before him when he wrote ; probably the latter, as he seems to have borrowed his account 
 of Cromwell's inauguration as Protector (1653) from him. See Highland Note-Book (repr. 1887), 235. 
 
 ^* Verg. Aen. x. 501, 502. An inept quotation borrowed from the Redivivus, where it is applied 
 to Montrose's enemies. 
 
 '^^ The date does not agree with our estimate, p. 313, n. 16. It is also inconsistent with Eraser's 
 own account. If delivered at Tain on the 8th, Montrose could not have passed Lovat on the 7th. 
 Again, he reaches Keith on the iith, with only two stages between — Castle Stewart and Elgin. 
 That is, he passed Lovat on the 9th, halting the night of the 8th at Brahan, a stage omitted by 
 Eraser. We suspect the Wardlaw MS. contains a " 9 " for " 7." 
 
 ^ " The words in italics are given as they seem to be written. The MS. is in some places very 
 difficult to decipher." Note, Napier, Mem., 774. "John Livingstone rode to London in a gray 
 coat and a gray Montero cap." Grub, Ecc. Hist. iii. 4. 
 
 ^ " Only one of them is named in the MS." The Rev. John Annand was minister of Inverness, 
 and father of Mr. William Annand, Episcopal clergyman at Bellie. Hist, of Epis. in Moray, 299. 
 The senior minister was William Cloggie. John Annand was called to a church in Edinburgh, 1647, 
 but appears not to have accepted. Probably he got some benefit from it while he still held Inver- 
 ness. He may, however, have been at Inverness on a holiday. Scotti Fasti. Annand. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 317 
 
 " here upon him to comfort him ; the latter of which the Marquis was well 
 " acquainted with. At the end of the bridge, stepping forward an old 
 " woman, Margaret MacGeorge, exclaimed and brauted saying, — * Montrose 
 " ' look above ; view these ruinous houses of mine, which you occasioned to 
 " * be burnt down when you besieged Inverness.' Yet he never altered his 
 " countenance ; but with a majesty and state beseeming him, kept a counte- 
 " nance high. 
 
 " At the cross, a table covered. The Magestrates tieat him with wine, 
 " which he would not taste, but allayed with water. The stately prisoners, 
 " his officers, stood under a forestair, and drank heartily. I remarked 
 " Colonel Hurry, a robust, tall, stately fellow, with a long cut on his cheek.^ 
 " All the way through the streets Montrose never lowered his aspect. The 
 " provost, Duncan Forbes,^^ taking leave of him at the town's end, said, — 
 " ' My Lord, I am sorry for your circumstances.' He replied, — ' I am sorry 
 " ' for being the object of your pity.' The Marquis was conveyed that night 
 " to Castle Stewart, where he lodged. 
 
 " From Castle Stewart^'' the Marquis is conveyed through Moray. By 
 " the way, some loyal gentlemen wait upon his Excellency, most avowedly, 
 " and with grieved hearts : Such as, the Laird of Culbin, Kinnaird ; ^^ old 
 " provost Tulloch,^^ in Narden ; Tannochy TuUoch ; ^ Captain Thomas 
 " Mackenzie, Pluscarden ; 2* the laird of Cookstoun ; ^^ and old Mr. Thomas 
 " Fullerton,^ his acquaintance at College. He was overjoyed to see these 
 
 ^ Napier identifies this with the dangerous shot Hurry received on the left side of his head when 
 Hamilton's Engagers were routed. Turner, Mem., 65. But dangirous shots do not usually make a 
 " long cut." Hurry was "wounded" at Carbisdale, and Fraser here supplies a detail. 
 
 "^ Duncan Forbes of Culloden had been commissioner to Parliament for Inverness in 1625, 1633, 
 1639, 1640, and commissioner to Assembly in 1639. His son John is called provost in 1646; but 
 probably the old man retained the title in social intercourse. They were both " exempted in 1647 
 from public burdens and dues for their constant adherence to the cause. " The stock was Puritan, 
 but full of kindliness and courtesy. See " Culloden Papers," and " Family of Innes," Spalding 
 Club-Book, edit. Cosmo Innes, embodying an account of the Innes by Duncan Forbes, grandson of 
 Duncan, and father of the famous President. See also Grameid, 174, n, 
 
 ^^ About five miles from Inverness, now a ruin, seen well from railway on left hand going south. 
 It was full of gay company in 1665. See Grameid, 54, n. ; Bishop Forbes' Journal, 151. 
 
 *^ Walter Kinnaird of Culb}Ti, the representative of a loyal family. His heir appears again in 
 the Claverhouse rising. Grameid, 161. Act of Pari., VI. pt. ii. 33. His estate was overrun with 
 sand in 1695, and his house now lies buried under it. 
 
 3^ John Tulloch was in Parliament for Nairn in 1639 and 1641. He is probably the old provost 
 of Nairn. 
 
 ^3 Thomas Tulloch of Tannachy was on Committee of War for Elgin in 1643-1644. His son 
 Alexander was rewarded in 1661 by being made Commissioner of Excise. 
 
 ^* P. 245, n 3 ; 304, 1171. and index. 
 
 ** John Innes of Coxton and his brother James were Royalists. They were pardoned in 1647. 
 but have still the courage of their opinions in 1650. John caused Argyll much trouble in 1655. See 
 " Family of Innes," Index, and Grameid, 159. 
 
 ^ William Fullerton, minister of Rafford, took his degree at St. Andrews in 1628. He died in 
 1668. He was a Royalist. Thomas may be a mistake for William. 
 
3i8 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 ' about him ; and they were his guard forward to Forres, where the Marquis 
 ' was treated ; and thence, afternoon, convoyed to Elgin city, where all these 
 
 * loyal gentlemen waited on him, and diverted him all the time, with allow- 
 
 * ance of the general.^^ 
 
 " In the morning Mr. Alexander Symons,^^ parson of DufFus, waited on 
 
 * him at Elgin, being college acquaintance with the Marquis ; four years his 
 
 * condisciple at St Andrews. This cheered him wonderfully, as the parson 
 ' often told me. Thence they convoyed him all the way to the river Spey, 
 
 * and a crowd of loyalists flocked about him unchallenged. Crossing 
 'Spey, they lodged all night at Keith; and next day. May I2th, being 
 ' the Sabbath, the Marquis heard sermon there. A tent was set up in 
 
 * the fields for him, in which he lay. The minister, Master William 
 ' Kinanmond, altering his ordinary, chose for his theme and text, the 
 
 * words of Samuel the prophet to Agag, the king of the Amalekites, coming 
 ' before him delicately : * And Samuel said, As thy sword hath made women 
 
 * ' childless, so shall thy mother be childless among women,' &c. This 
 ' unnatural, merciless man, so rated, reviled, and reflected upon the 
 
 * Marquis, in such invective, virulent, mahcious manner, that some of the 
 ' hearers, who were even of the swaying side, condemned him. Montrose, 
 ' patiently hearing him a long time, and he insisting still, said, — ' Rail on, 
 ' Ra (?),^^ and so turned his back to him in the tent. But all honest men 
 ' hated Kinanmond for this ever after. Montrose desired to stay in the 
 ' fields all night, lying upon straw in the tent till the morning. 
 
 " Monday after they march through the Mearns, south.*" By the way 
 
 *' Napier adds David Leslie by way of explanation, but he had gone north. The general was 
 perhaps Holbum, part of whose infantry formed the escort. See p. 320. 
 
 ^ "Symons" is no doubt a mistake of copyist for "Somers." Alexander Somers, parson of 
 Duffus, was a contemporary of Montrose at St. Andrews, and a Presbyterian. He conformed 
 at the Restoration, and latterly was a thorough Royalist. He died in 1686, aged 74. Hist, of 
 Epis. Church in Moray, p. 194. 
 
 ^ Illegible in the MS. "Ra" is omitted in Dr. Carruthers' transcript. Napier conjectures 
 "Rabshakeh" contracted. For Mr. William Kinanmond, see Presb. Book of Strathbogie, Index. 
 He was appointed Sept. 6, 1649, and April 23, 1650, he got '■^ the Cruikit Haugh given him for 
 grass." He was commissioner to the Assembly, 1649. 
 
 *" Of the journey from Keith to Grange and Dundee no record has been recovered, except the 
 following incident narrated by John Davidson, D.D., in his "Extracts from Inverurie and the 
 Earldom of the Garioch " (Edinb., 1878), 297. He gives no authority for his account. " Mon- 
 trose was dressed meanly, in the garb wherein he had disguised himself for concealment, and 
 mounted on a Highland pony, having his feet tied with straw ropes, a herald, with needless parade, 
 riding before him and proclaiming 'Here comes James Graham, a traitor to his country.' In this 
 state Montrose passed through the Garioch, Pitcaple Castle being made his prison for a night. 
 The laird's wife was the Marquis's own cousin, and she tried to induce him to attempt escape by a 
 hole in the wall, which led out by a subterranean passage, but he refused." The laird was John 
 Leslie, Baron of Balquhain. The last laird died 1757. His sister sold the castle to J. Lumsden, 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 319 
 
 " the Marquis came to his father-in-law's house, the Earl of Southesk, where 
 " he visited two of his own children.^^ But neither at meeting or at parting 
 " could any change of his former countenance be seen, or the least expres- 
 " sion heard, which was not suitable to the greatness of his spirit, and the 
 " fame of his former actions, worth, and valour. In transitu, his Excellency 
 " staid one night at Dundee ; and it is memorable, that though this town 
 " suffered more loss by his army than any else in the kingdom, yet were 
 " they so far from insulting over him, that the whole tov/n expressed a 
 " great deal of sorrow for his condition ; and furnished him with clothes and 
 " all other things suitable to his place, birth, and person." 
 
 But here we turn from theWardlaw MS. to restore to history an incident 
 which occurred at the house of the laird of Grange, some five miles east of 
 Dundee. Doubt has been unjustly cast on the narrative from its omission 
 in Mr. Eraser's account; but it must be remembered that in describing the 
 latter part of this journey south, Mr. Eraser follows the fragmentary account 
 of the Montrose Redivivus, and omits all details of the journey from Keith to 
 Dundee, except the passing visit to Kinnaird Castle, near Brechin. His 
 narrative here loses the value of personal testimony. What follows is 
 related by the author of the " Memorie of the Somervills " *^ : — 
 
 " The old Laird of Grange and his lady, a true-hearted and loyall 
 
 Professor of Divinity, Aberdeen, whose daughters sold it to Henry Lumsden, '"'grandfather of the 
 present proprietor " (ibid. 417). This John Leslie and others offered, in August 1649, to submit to 
 the Presbytery and renew the Solemn League and Covenant, " but being asked to subscrive the late 
 acknowledgment and declaration of the General Assembly answered they could not take upon them 
 the guiltiness contained therein." On March 21, 1650, Alex. Leslie, yr., of Pitcaple, an Engager, 
 confessed and wished leave to "subscrive" (ibid. 304, 305). 
 
 If the Pitcaple tradition is to be accepted, the route taken would be by Huntly and the valley of 
 the Urie to Old Rayne. From Pitcaple they may have crossed the country to Mills of Drum, or 
 Craigton, and thence to Fordoun and Kinnaird. This route was probably adopted rather than that 
 from Keith over Suie Hill and Cairn Month, because of the danger of a rescue by Farquharsons 
 and other loyalists in Mar. 
 
 *i This passage also is borrowed verbatim from Heath, who had it from the Montr. Rediv. 181. 
 The sons were then in charge of their grandfather, David, first Earl of Southesk. They were pro- 
 bably Robert, born ca. 1636, and David, born January 8, 1638. Napier, Mem., 513, n. , and 827 n. 
 At this time therefore they were boys of fourteen and twelve. The bright face of their father, the 
 boy-bridegroom, painted by Jamieson, still adorns the castle which witnessed this last parting from 
 all he held dear on earth. 
 
 *^ "Memorie of the Somervills," Edin. 1815, written in 1676, "by way of ane epistle to my 
 sones." The writer's father made the acquaintance of Corhouse, his future father-in-law, then 
 Lieutenant-Colonel in Stewart's regiment of horse, at Corstorphine, just before Dunbar, and met 
 him again shortly afterwards at the laird of Grange's, where Corhouse was then quartered, and 
 where the two remained for a fortnight. This visit occurred within four months of the above inci- 
 dent. The author's father had therefore ample opportunity for hearing an account of the lady of 
 Grange's attempt to save Montrose, not only from the laird and lady themselves, but also from 
 servants and neighbours acquainted with the circumstances. There appears in the narrative nothing 
 improbable or inconsistent with other known facts. 
 
.^2o DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 gentlewoman, to whose memory, for her civilitie, I ow this breif narra- 
 tive.*^ 
 " ' It was at this ladye's house that that party of the Covenanters then 
 
 * standing armie, that gairded in the Marques of Montrose, efter his forces 
 
 * was beat, and himself betrayed in the nortii, lodged him, whom this 
 ' excellent lady designed to sett att libertie, by procureing his escape from 
 
 * her house ; in order to this, soe soon as ther quarters was settled, and 
 ' that she had observed the way and manner of the placeing of the guairds, 
 ' and what officers commanded them, she not only ordered her butlers to 
 ' let the souldiers want for noe drinke, but she herself, out of respect and 
 ' kyndenesse, as she pretended, plyed hard the officers and souldiers of the 
 
 * main-guaird (which was keeped in her owne hall) with the strongest ale 
 
 * and aquavite, that before midnight, all of them (being for the most part 
 
 * Highlandmen of Lawer's regiment) became starke drunke. If her Stewarts 
 
 * and other servants had obeyed her directions in giving out what drinke 
 
 * the out-gairds should have called for, undoubtedly the bussinesse had 
 
 * been effectuat ; but unhappily, when the marques had passed the first 
 ' and second centinells that was sleeping upon ther musquets, and like- 
 ' wayes through the main-guaird, that was lying in the hall lyke swyne 
 ' on a midding, he was challenged a little without the outmost guaird 
 
 * by a wretched trouper of Strachan's troupe, that had been present 
 
 * at his takeing. This fellow was none of the guaird that night, but 
 ' being quartered hard by, was come rammeling in for his belliefull 
 ' of drinke, when he made this unluckie discovery, which being done, 
 ' the marques was presently seized upon, and with much rudenesse (being 
 
 * in the adye's [ladye's] cloaths which he had putt on for a disguize) turned 
 ' back to his prisone-chamber. The lady, her old husband, with the 
 
 * whoU servants of the house, were made prisoners for that night and the 
 ' morrow eftir, when they came to be challenged before these that had 
 ' the command of this party, and some members of that wretched committie 
 ' of estates that satt allways at Edenbrough, (for mischieff to the royall 
 ' interest) which they had sent for the more security, to be still with this 
 ' party, fearing the great freinds and well-wishers this noble heroe had 
 ' upon the way he was to come, should, either by force or stratageme, be 
 ' taken from them. The ladie, as she had been the only contryver of 
 
 ^ Grange House or Castle was situated half a mile north of Monifieth parish church. The old 
 house, dating back to the beginning of the 1 6th century, has been replaced by the more common- 
 place structure. Erskine of Dun was frequently there in the early days of the Reformation, and 
 was more successful than Montrose in making escape from it. The owner of Grange at this time 
 was William Durhame and his wife, the lady of Grange, was Jean Octerlonie. Scott makes 
 much confusion by placing Grange in Fife and calling the lady Somerville. Wishart had been 
 minister of Monifieth, and could have given the story with local touches had he written. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 321 
 
 " * Montrose's escape, soe did she avow the same before them all ; testifying 
 " * she was heartily sorry it had not taken effect according to her wished 
 " * desyre. This confidence of hers, as it bred some admiratione in her 
 " * accusors, soe it freed her husband and the servants from being farder 
 " * challenged ; only they took security of the laird for his ladye's appearing 
 " ' before the committie of estates when called, which she never was. Ther 
 " ' worships gott somewhat else to thinke upon, then to conveen so excellent 
 " ' a lady before them upon such ane account, as tended greatly to her 
 " ' honour and ther oune shame." 
 
 Thus far, from the time when he set forth, armed with his faithless 
 sovereign's mandate to restore the sinking throne, down to within two 
 days of his entry into Edinburgh, we have been enabled from scattered 
 fragments to reconstruct the story of Scotland's most chivalrous hero. Of 
 his progress from Dundee across Fife to Leith, not a vestige has been dis- 
 covered. This singular absence of record in a county which of all others 
 had most grievous cause to remember the victor of Kilsyth, can only, as 
 in Orkney, be due to the obliterating tempest of trouble which swept the 
 land a few months later. At Leith the narrative is once more resumed in 
 Wishart's manuscript. Those who seek to know more than is contained 
 therein, will find in Napier's "Memoirs of Montrose" a fulness of detail 
 which has left, little more to tell of the dark tragedy on which the curtain 
 now rises. 
 
CHAPTER X.^ 
 
 SENTENCE PASSED ON MONTROSE.— HIS ENTRY INTO EDIN- 
 BURGH.— SPEECH IN THE HOUSE.— LAST WORDS AND 
 EXECUTION. 
 
 THE Covenanting nobles and the rest, who posed as the 
 Estates,^ as soon as they heard that the Marquis of Mon- 
 trose was betrayed^ and in their power, resolved to judge and 
 condemn him before he was brought to Edinburgh. They con- 
 sidered it necessary to avoid all delay, fearing that the reverence 
 felt for so great a man, for his splendid birth, majestic bearing, 
 and glorious achievements might excite in men's minds too much 
 favour and pity for the victim they had thus condemned to death 
 in his absence and unheard.* They therefore selected some of 
 
 ^ Here Wishart's Latin MSS. resume the narrative. He has translated freely from a tract 
 entitled "A true and perfect relation of the most remarkable passages and speeches at and before 
 the death of James Graham, Marquis of Montrose &c., faithfully collected by an eye-witness in 
 Edinburgh, as they happened upon the i8th, 20th and 21st of May 1650; printed 1650" (v. 
 Napier, Mem., 780, n). This we have not seen ; but from Napier's quotations it is evidently the 
 same as the tract bound up in the Montr. Redivivus (1652), p. 189 ff. The original, as Napier 
 points out, is undoubtedly embodied in the Wigton Paper, xliii, 481 (Maitland Miscell., 1840), and 
 Wardlaw MS. See note below. If, as seems likely, the Latin poem (v. p. 335 and 486) which con- 
 cludes W.'s MS. was written after this translation of the tract, the latter must have been made 
 within a year of Montrose's death. See p. 246, n. 10. W.'s variations will be noted as they occur. 
 Grief and the rapid revolutions of the time may have prevented him from completing a history, 
 begun to vindicate Montrose, and intended to crown his victory. Wishart in Holland was no longer 
 in a position to give an accurate account of Montrose's preparations in 1649. The Restoration, 
 and the return to power of such men as Middleton, Lauderdale, and Glencairn, probably induced 
 him to abandon a theme so distasteful to Charles IL and his advisers. 
 
 2 Wishart's characteristic refusal to acknowledge this " Rump" Parliament is based on a sound 
 constitutional principle. Charles had acknowledged their authority by signing the Treaty of 
 Breda, May 3-13. But Fleming, who bore his missive to the "Estates," did not land at Leith 
 till May 1 8th, i/ie day after Montrose's sentence; nor was the treaty finally ratified till July 4th. 
 Balf. iv. 72. For the base double-dealing of Charles and Argyll with Montrose and the Estates, 
 see Napier, Mem. , xxxvii. 748 ff. 
 
 3 The Latin proditione traditus is explicit of treachery. Wigton MS., "was apprehendit." 
 Perfect Relation (Montr. Rediv.), "was taken." The eulogy which follows is expanded for " counte- 
 nance and carriage " in the Wigton MS. and Perf. Rel. 
 
 * "Pity . . . unheard," "known . . . enemies." W.'s additions. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 323 
 
 their own number, known as his deadHest enemies, with a 
 commission to proceed with the needful despatch, and report 
 at once in writing to the Estates. This was on the 17th of May. 
 That same forenoon they gave in their report, that he should 
 be met at the city gate by the magistrates and hangman ; that 
 he should be put upon a cart, bareheaded, and tied with cords, 
 and so be conducted through the city by the hangm.an, mounted, 
 and with his cap on ; that he should be hanged till he was dead, 
 on a gibbet at the Mercat Cross, with the book of his deeds ^ and 
 his Declaration to the Scots tied about his neck. Thus he was 
 to hang for three hours in sight of all the people. He was then 
 to be beheaded and quartered, his head to be fixed upon the 
 Tolbooth of Edinburgh, and his limbs exposed at the cities of 
 Stirling, Glasgow, Perth and Aberdeen. Lastly, if he repented 
 and was relaxed from the bann of excommunication, his body 
 might be buried in a cemetery ; ^ if not, it was to be buried in the 
 place of public execution. 
 
 On the 1 8th of May,^ at four o'clock in the afternoon, he was 
 brought in at the Water Gate, and according to the sentence of 
 the preceding day, was met by the hangman, accompanied by 
 the magistrates and town-guard. Preceded by a long train of 
 prisoners walking two and two,^ he entered the gate, when his 
 sentence was handed to him by the magistrates. He at once 
 read it through with calmness and composure, and replied with 
 dignity, that he was ready to submit ; only, he regretted that 
 his Majesty, whom he represented, should in his person be treated 
 so foully and unworthily. Then with cheerfulness and alacrity 
 
 * Namely, Part I. of this Commentary — "written in Latin." The gibbet was to be "thirty 
 foot high." Part of his sentence, if he did not repent, was "to be bury'd under a Gibbet of four 
 Pillars, without the City." Monteith, 512 (Eng. Tr.). For the Declaration, see p. 267. 
 
 ® " Sould be hurried with pioneris [for notice of these officers, see Scot. Notes and Queries, 
 vi. 33] in the Gray feiris [Gray-friars], if not, to be hurried in the Boromoore." Wigton MS. and 
 Perf. Rel, They add that " the new Earle of Roxburgh and Mr. Cheislye knighted at the Isle 
 of Wight, were two of the Committee who projected this sentence." And the reason why he 
 was " tyed to the cart was in hope the people wold have stoned him, and that he might not be 
 able be his hands to save his face." 
 
 ^ Latin, May 20th, W.'s usual error in the Roman Calendar. 
 
 8 Also " barheiddit." Wigton MS. and Perf. Rel. add "prisoners of qualitie, betwixt thirtty 
 and fourty." Balfour says twenty-four, all imprisoned in the Tolbooth, iv. 34. 
 
324 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 he mounted the cart, and was driven slowly through the most 
 conspicuous parts of the city to the Tolbooth.^ 
 
 Besides the guard who escorted the cart, a vast crowd 
 thronged the streets to see him pass. Amongst them, mingled 
 with servants and scullions, there was a large number of common 
 women,^*^ set on to harass and revile him, and pelt him with dust 
 and filth and piles of stones. But in his bearing there shone 
 forth such lofty majesty, dignity, and undaunted composure,^^ 
 that even his enemies were abashed, and the spectators amazed. 
 Their insults and curses melted into tears and prayers. The 
 preachers, whom they call their ministers,^^ were so furious at 
 this, that on the next day, being Sunday, they were not ashamed 
 openly to rage against the people for not persecuting him with 
 their abuse and filthy missiles.^^ 
 
 When he was taken down from the cart, he bestowed some 
 gold on the hangman, as a reward, he said, for driving his 
 triumphal chariot so well.^* It was nearly seven o'clock in the 
 evening ^^ when he reached the prison. Immediately a number 
 of the Estates with some ministers were sent off to examine him, 
 or rather to torture him with abuse and impertinent questions.^^ 
 
 ® "Calmness . . . composure," "slowly," W.'s additions. 
 
 10 "Who had lost their husbandis and children in his waris." Wigton MS. " Hyred to stone 
 him " {ibid.), which W. amplifies. His congestis lapidibus suggests preparation for this indignity. 
 
 ^^ "And even somewhat more than naturall." Wigton MS., omitted Perf. Rel., but followed by 
 W., an indication that he wrote his Lat. before he saw the 1652 reprint. 
 
 12 "Whom . . . ministers," W.'s characteristic addition. 
 
 ^* The Wigton MS. adds, "Of many thowsand beholderis onlye the Laddie Jean Gordon, 
 Countese of Haddington did publicklie insult and laucht at him ;" whereon "a gentellman in the 
 streit cryed up to hir that it became hir better to sit upon the cart for hir adulltiries." Argyll, the 
 Chancellor, and Warriston, when the cart was stopped before their "lodging," and Montrose 
 "suspecting the bussines turned his face towards them, presentlye [at once] creipet in at the 
 windowes;" on which an Englishman "cryed up, it was no wonder they start asyd at his look, 
 for they durst not look him in the face thir seavin yeiris bygan." The incident was the talk of 
 the town, and mentioned in a letter of M. de Graymond, then in Edinburgh, to Mazarin five days 
 after. Napier, Mem., 781. 
 
 " Wigton MS. preserves his words, " Fellow, ther is drink monie for dryving the cairt." 
 
 ^^ " Past seavine a'clock at night." Wigton MS. 
 
 ^^ Their names were Robert, Lord Burleigh, Sir James Hope of Hopetoun, George Porterfield, 
 member for Glasgow, for the Estates ; and ministers, James Durham and James Hamilton. On 
 their report, the three first were again sent, with Sir Arch. Johnston (Warriston), Sir Thos. 
 Nicolson, King's Advocate, and Sir James Stewart, Provost. They replied to his question, that 
 "ther Commissioners and the Kings Maiestie wer agreid, and the King coming heire to this 
 countrie." Balf. iv. 13, 14. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 325 
 
 He declined to answer a word, until they should tell him the 
 state of his Majesty's affairs, and whether they had come to any 
 agreement with the King, his master. His resolution being 
 reported to the Estates, they deferred all further proceedings 
 against him till Monday. Meantime they permitted their repre- 
 sentatives to inform him that peace and concord were fully 
 established between the King and the present Estates of his 
 Kingdom. It was now late. Worn out with fatigue and hunger, 
 exhausted by a long and arduous journey, he desired some rest 
 and intermission. " The pomp and ceremony of his welcome 
 that day, had," he said, " proved a trifle tedious." ^^ 
 
 On the Sunday the ministers and members of Parliament 
 gave him no rest or respite. Though he wished to fix his mind 
 on higher thoughts, they maliciously beset him with impertinent 
 and troublesome questions of petty import, and were unceasing 
 in their reproaches and abuse.^^ But all their efforts failed to 
 wring from him a single word of impatience. He told them 
 "they were much mistaken if they thought the procession of 
 yesterday in a mean cart had affected him with shame or sorrow. 
 He esteemed it the most honourable and happy journey he had 
 ever performed. His most merciful God and Redeemer had 
 manifested his presence to him, to his great, unspeakable comfort, 
 and had illumined and elevated his soul with divine grace, to 
 overlook the reproaches of men, and fix his gaze firmly on him 
 alone, for whom he suffered their indignities." 
 
 On Monday he was brought before the Estates. The Chan- 
 cellor, in a long-set oration, declaimed against his crimes.^® In 
 the first place, he had broken both the National Covenant and 
 the Solemn League and Covenant. Secondly, he had invaded 
 and made war on his native land, called in Irish rebels, and shed 
 
 ^^ " A longsome jorney . . . and he said the compliment they had put upon him that day was 
 som thing tydeus." Wigton MS. 
 
 18 «'Wiio still perseued him with threatning, but they got no advantage of him" {ibid.). The 
 ministers were James Guthrie, James Durham, Robert Traill, Mungo Law, and David Dickson. 
 Patrick Simson's account, Wodrow MS. See Napier, Mem., 785-789. The General Assembly 
 minutes also mention Hugh Mackael. 
 
 ^^ " Had snivelled out a long premeditat discourse." Wigton MS. 
 
326 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 the blood of his countrymen : wherefore God had now brought 
 him to suffer a due and richly merited punishment. 
 
 When the Chancellor had done, the Marquis asked if he were 
 allowed to plead his own cause, and say a few words in self- 
 defence. This with some demur they granted, and he addressed 
 them briefly as follows : — 
 
 " As I hear that you are in some manner ^° reconciled to the 
 King, I regard this assembly just as if his royal majesty were 
 here in person. For this reason only do I appear before you 
 bare-headed, and plead my cause. In all matters and particularly 
 in affairs of state it has been my aim to act as becomes a faithful 
 Christian and subject. I own that I engaged in that first Cove- 
 nant openly ; and I adhered to it firmly, until it was clear as day 
 that certain persons, under colour of religion and liberty, were 
 endeavouring to wrest all authority from the King, and seize on 
 his prerogatives. To avert this evil and clear honest men from 
 the suspicion of a crime they abhorred, it was thought fit to form 
 some bond ; ^^ firstly, to preserve religion, and secondly to main- 
 tain the royal authority. This bond I was glad to share and 
 subscribe. As for that second League and Covenant, I thank 
 Almighty God that I never approved it, never acknowledged it 
 as lawful and honourable. I cannot, therefore, justly be accused of 
 having broken it. What profit it has been to the cause of religion, 
 thereby rent into so many shameful sects, what terrible tragedies 
 it has occasioned, these three distressed kingdoms can witness. 
 
 " During the rebellion in England against the royal martyr, of 
 blessed memory, the king, by the blessing of God, had almost 
 subdued the rebels, when a certain faction in this kingdom, to 
 their everlasting shame ^^ and remorse, sent very powerful succours 
 to their aid. His Majesty therefore resolved to send me, with 
 his authority and commission, to use my best endeavours to divert 
 
 ^" " In some manner," W.'s addition. The Latin is naturally more rhetorical than the simple 
 Wigton MS. account. 
 
 '^'- The Cumbernauld Band. See p. 20. Balfour's note of this speech, iv. 15, lamely admits 
 Montrose's contention : his wars he called " only diversione of the Scotts natione from interrupting 
 the course of his Maiesties affaires in England;" his last invasion was by the King's command, 
 " to accelerate the tretty." W.'s Latin here follows the Wigton MS. very closely. 
 
 ** "To . . . shame." W.'s addition. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 327 
 
 those rebel aids, armed against himself. I acknowledged the 
 justice and sanctity of the command. I was bound in conscience 
 and duty to obey promptly and loyally. How I performed this 
 duty most of you can bear me ample witness. Even the greatest 
 of generals have rarely succeeded on all occasions in preventing 
 the licence of their soldiers. Where such crimes were known and 
 clearly proved, I took care that they should be punished at once. 
 Except in the heat of battle I have shed no man's blood, not even 
 an enemy's ; and, even then it was my maxim and my practice to 
 spare, — and I have spared many thousands. I had taken up arms 
 by warrant of his sacred Majesty. At his command I laid them 
 down ; and, for his sake, without regard to my own interests, 
 retired beyond the seas. 
 
 " As for my coming to Scotland at this time, I did it by the 
 command, the express orders of his sacred Majesty now living — 
 and long may he live and reign happily ! — to whom we all owe 
 allegiance and fidelity. ^^ It was to accelerate and ripen the treaty 
 of peace and concord which he had resolved to make with you. 
 His Majesty well knew that I was and ever would be ready to 
 lay down arms at his command, as soon as a firm, lasting peace 
 was agreed on between you. I may therefore justly venture to 
 say, that never subject undertook more honourable warfare, in 
 better cause, with juster authority, than that which, in the service 
 of two of the best of kings,^* it was my duty to undertake and 
 carry on. 
 
 " I desire you therefore to lay aside prejudice, malice and 
 private vengeance.^^ Consider me, as a man and a Christian in 
 relation to the justice of the cause ; as a subject in relation to my 
 prince's commands which I faithfully performed ; as your country- 
 man,^^ who has the highest claims on your affection and gratitude, 
 for preserving the lives and fortunes of so many of you, when I 
 lacked neither power nor occasion, but solely the will to destroy. 
 
 ^ " Now living . . . fidelity." W.'s addition, here sadly out of place. 
 ^ For " in the . . . kings," Wigton MS. has simply " in these services." 
 28 «« Malice . . . vengeance," W.'s addition, 
 
 28 "Nighboure," and for what follows, to " destroy," — " in relation to the manie of your lyves 
 I have preserved in battaill." Wigton MS. 
 
328 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 And be not too rash, but judge me by the laws of God, the laws 
 of nature, and nations, and the laws of my country. Yet if you are 
 otherwise resolved, I appeal to the righteous Judge of the world, 
 who one day shall be judge of all, and always gives out righteous 
 judgment." 
 
 These words he pronounced with such solemnity, self-restraint, 
 and calmness of countenance, the surest index of an undaunted soul, 
 that even his bitterest enemies were moved to admiration.^'^ The 
 Chancellor then ordered his recent sentence to be read. He 
 listened attentively, but without emotion or dismay ,^^ and was on 
 the point of speaking a second time, when the Chancellor stopped 
 him in a threatening manner,^^ and immediately ordered him to be 
 carried back to prison. Scarcely had he returned, when a more 
 sullen and troublesome set of enemies,^" the ministers, intruded, 
 and laid siege to his composure. They thundered out anathemas. 
 In the most tragic terms they exaggerated the terrors of their 
 censure. They threatened eternal damnation, and sought to 
 
 ^ For " that . . . admiration," Wigton MS. has " as was admirable." 
 
 28 u With a sollid and unmoved countenance" (tdtcf.). 
 
 ^ The " Chancelor stopt him" (idzd.) ; " was presently [z.e., at once\ stopt by the Chancellour." 
 Perf. Rel. 
 
 *• " A more . . . enemies." W.'s addition, fully borne out by all other accounts. From " cen- 
 sure" to " Hell" is also W.'s addition. One of the ministers told Montrose " he was a faggot of 
 hell, and he saw him burning already." Montr. Rediv. 182. See Napier, Mem., 786, for interesting 
 details of the interview, described by Patrick Simson, who was present, and then twenty-two years 
 of age. The Montrose Redivivus mentions especially Mr. Robert Traill and Mr. Mungo Law, " two 
 such venomous preachers, as no man that knows them can mention their names without detest. 
 The first of the two had been Chaplain before to the Marquesse of Argyle, and was his companion 
 in his flight from the battell of Ennerlochie, and now prisoner to the States of England." The last 
 detail is probably a mistake for Mungo Law, who was surprised with the Committee of Estates by 
 the English under Colonel Aldrich, at Ellet (Alyth) in Angus, August 28, 1651, and conveyed to 
 Broughtie Ferrie, Tynemouth Castle, and London Tower. Balf iv. 314. See also p. 301. 
 
 Robert Traill, born about 1600 ; 1648, appointed minister in Edinburgh ; 1649, proposed that 
 ministers who had been silent against the Engagement should be deposed ; 1650, in Edinburgh 
 Castle and severely wounded, when taken by Cromwell ; ca. 1655, conspicuous as a Remonstrant, 
 of a faction in Edinburgh " inclined to frame our people to the Sectarian modell ; " wrote a calum- 
 nious letter about his opponents ; conversed much with General Monk, and opposed to the party 
 of "Charles Stewart;" August 23, 1660, arrested for signing the "Supplication" to Charles. 
 For this, for his share in the Remonstrance, his book on "The Causes of God's Wrath," and other 
 offences, he was imprisoned 1661 ; tried December 11, 1662 ; refused the oath of allegiance ; sen- 
 tenced to banishment. Early in February 1663 he retired to Holland, but afterwards returned, and 
 died in Scotland. Balfour, R. Baillie, and Wodrow (Indices). Traill's defence at his trial that he 
 was not at the contriving or presenting of the Remonstrance, being then besieged in Edinburgh 
 Castle, seems disingenuous. He owned that the charge on his book was " more ticklish to answer.' 
 Wodrow, Hist. i. 200-203. Of these blind fanatics it may be said, " disce omnes crimine ab uno" 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 329 
 
 frighten him with their curses. But all to no purpose. Firm in 
 his integrity and innocence, he calmly ignored their threats as the 
 ravings of fanaticism, a poor contrivance to overawe the ignorant 
 mob, which could do him no harm, but were fraught with far 
 greater dangers for those unjust and wilful keepers of the keys of 
 heaven and hell.^^ 
 
 To the magistrates, who were watching him closely, he remarked 
 that he was beholden to the Parliament for far the greatest 
 honour that had ever fallen to his lot. " I am prouder," he said, 
 " to have my head fixed on the summit of this prison, in sight of 
 the present and all future eyes, than had they decreed me a statue 
 of gold in the market place, or the finest portrait to be preserved 
 in the King's bedchamber. That my loyalty and affection to my 
 beloved sovereigns may never be forgotten, I account it the 
 noblest of honours that in the four ^^ chief cities of this realm they 
 will erect such lasting monuments to transmit my memory even to 
 the latest posterity. I could heartily wish that I had flesh and 
 limbs enough to have a piece sent to every city in Christendom, 
 as proofs and tokens of my unshaken love and loyalty to king and 
 country." ^^ 
 
 Very few of those who had had even the slightest regard for 
 him in the past were suffered to see him, and then only for a very 
 brief time, in the presence of magistrates, whose business was to 
 prevent any secret conversation.^ Meanwhile the guards and 
 
 ^^ This is no vague reproach. R. Traill in his MS. Diary (Napier, Mem., 789-791) says that 
 Law and he were appointed to attend Montrose on the scaffold, that " in case he should desire to 
 be relaxed from his excommunication, we should be allowed to give it \i'elaxation\ unto him in the 
 name of the Kirk, and to pray, with him and for him, that what is loosed on earth, might be loosed 
 in Heaven." So Patrick Simson's account : — James Guthrie said ..." We must with sad hearts 
 leave you . . . having the fearful apprehension that what is bound on earth God will bind in 
 Heaven." Napier, Mem., 788. 
 
 ^ Wigton MS., " fyve of your most imminent (eminent) towns." 
 
 ^ " I could wish . . . country ;" found in the Perf. Rel., not in the Wigton MS. 
 
 3* What friends were permitted to see him ? W. here is at variance with both the Perf. Rel. and 
 the Wigton MS., which say " His friends were not suffered to come near him." The Montr. Rediv., 
 182, also " all access denyed to him ; no, not his Father-in-law (Southesk) or any of his friends 
 suffer'd to come nigh him." It is doubtful if the Earl of Southesk was in Edinburgh. Only 
 fourteen noblemen attended this session of Parliament, and '■^scarce half of the Commissioners of 
 Shires and Boroughs." Balf. iv. 4. On the 20th, when Montrose heard his sentence, only eleven 
 noblemen were present {ibid. 17). 
 
 The officers in charge were Colonel Wallace and the notorious Major Weir, captain of the Town 
 Guard. See Napier, Mem., 794 «. 
 
330 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 soldiers (an impertinent and troublesome class of people) beset 
 his chamber day and night. Their wranglings and noisy clamours 
 scarce allowed him time or place to lift up his soul to heaven in 
 private prayer and meditation. ^^ 
 
 On the morning of the 21st of May,^^ the day on which he 
 was to suffer death, the whole city resounded with drums and 
 trumpets. He asked the captain of the guard ^^ what this in- 
 cessant din of trumpets meant. He replied that the citizens and 
 soldiers were being called to arms. The Estates were afraid of 
 some tumult on the rumour of his execution ; nor could they 
 disguise to themselves the fact that a large number of " Malig- 
 nants " (the odious name they have attached to Royalists) were 
 strongly in Montrose's favour. To this the Marquis replied 
 briefly : " When living I was a terror to your good friends ; am 
 I still so terrible when on the point of death ? But let them look 
 to themselves. Even when dead I shall haunt their consciences 
 for ever with an agony of terror." Soon after a member of 
 Parliament, Archibald Johnston by name, a sour, crazy, sullen 
 fellow, forced himself into his presence, and assailed him with 
 the question what on earth he was about. The Marquis 
 happened to be combing his hair. With a smile he answered, 
 " While my head is my own, I dress and arrange it. To-morrow, 
 when it will be yours, you may treat it as you please." 
 
 About two in the afternoon he put on a scarlet cloak richly 
 laced with gold, and was led from prison to the scaffold in the 
 market.^^ His eyes sparkled, his bearing was stately, and so 
 majestic a beauty shone in his countenance, that all the city was 
 horror-stricken at his cruel punishment. His very enemies were 
 forced to admit that the age had produced no man of greater, loftier, 
 more courageous and undaunted soul.^^ None of his friends or 
 
 35 " Meanwhile . . . meditation," omitted Wigton MS. and Perf. Rel. 
 
 ^ The Latin date is again incorrect. The whole of this paragraph is omitted in the Wigton 
 MS., Montr. Rediv., and Perf. Relation. The 1720 edition follows the Redivivus, which it states, 
 incorrectly we feel sure, to be a "translation of the Latin MS." The editor of Ruddiman's 
 edition, 1752, restored the passage in his Tr., reprinted by Constable, 1819. Singularly, Napier 
 (Mem. 800) records Sir Arch. Johnston's brutal intrusion, but omits to give his name. 
 
 ^'^ Major Weir. ^ By the Mercat Cross, near St. Giles. 
 
 ^^ "Did acknowledge him to be the gallantest subject in the world." Wigton MS. and Perf. 
 Rel. " His speech was full of composure, and his carriage as sweet as ever I saw a man in all 
 my days." Brit. Mus. MS. of date Afa^ 21st 1650, ap. Napier, Mem., 805. 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 331 
 
 well-wishers was suffered to come near him. An obscure lad*° 
 was therefore employed to take down his last words in short- 
 hand. In Scotland, condemned persons had always been allowed 
 to address the people freely. But even in this he was not per- 
 mitted to unburden his mind. The magistrates stubbornly denied 
 him the privilege. His words, therefore, were not so much in 
 the form of a set speech, as scattered remarks in answer to the 
 occasional questions of bystanders. The substance of these 
 replies, faithfully recorded by the notary, and transmitted to us, 
 was as follows : — 
 
 " I am sorry if any good Christian be offended at the manner 
 of my death. Has it not often happened to the righteous accord- 
 ing to the ways of the wicked, and to the wicked according to 
 the ways of the righteous ? Does not a just man sometimes 
 perish in his righteousness, and a wicked man prosper in his 
 wickedness ? Those who know me best will not esteem me out- 
 cast and miserable for my sufferings. Many far greater than I have 
 undergone the like fate. But the judgments of God are righteous. 
 I admit and declare the justice of all His punishments inflicted 
 for my many grievous private sins against His sacred name. To 
 His will I submit wholly and willingly. For the wrongs done 
 me by men, are but His instruments, freely and heartily I forgive 
 all men ; and may God Almighty forgive them too ! They have 
 oppressed the poor. They have perverted judgment and justice. 
 But He that is higher than they will reward them. 
 
 " What I have done in my country has been according to my 
 country's laws. The commands of my sovereign were to defend 
 his safety in his deep distress against wicked rebels in arms 
 against him. It was my duty to obey. My chief study hath ever 
 been, to fear God and honour the King, according to the laws of 
 
 *° " His friends, . . . debarred from coming near . . . caused a young boy to sit upon the 
 scaffold by him . . . who wrote his last speech in brachography as follows. The young man's 
 name was Mr. Robert Gordon, Cluny, my cammarad, son to Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstoun ; 
 from whom I got the same." Rev. James Fraser, Wardlaw MS., ap. Napier, Mem., 806. Napier 
 has conclusively demolished Lord Mahon's baseless conjecture that this speech was a Royalist fiction ! 
 The father of this boy was author of the Hist, of the Earls of Sutherland, continued by Gilbert 
 Gordon of Sallagh. Wishart in the speech closely follows the account given in the Wardlaw and 
 Wigton MSS. The last, in its quaint broken terseness, is probably the most faithful report of 
 Montrose's very tvords. 
 
332 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 God, of nature, and of our own nation. Nowhere have I sinned 
 against men. Against God only have I sinned, and with Him 
 there is mercy far above all. On this Mercy alone I rely, and 
 shall draw near to His throne without fear. I will not seek to 
 foretell the future, and pry into the secrets of God's providence. 
 Yet may God, our gracious Father, grant that the wrongs I suffer 
 this day may never turn to still greater miseries for this distressed 
 nation and beloved country, rushing headlong to ruin.*^ 
 
 "Among you are some, and those by no means bad men, who 
 lament that I die under the heavy censure of the church. That 
 is no fault of mine, if I have incurred it for no other crime than 
 because I have done my bounden duty to my lawful prince, to 
 preserve his sacred person and maintain his authority unimpaired, 
 according to law. This much I will say. Too rashly have your 
 ministers excommunicated me. I grieve for their sentence, and 
 as far as in me lies, saving always my conscience, I beg and pray 
 them to relax and cancel it, according to God's laws. If they 
 refuse me this, I appeal to the righteous Judge of the world, soon, 
 I hope, to be my Judge : to the Redeemer I appeal. 
 
 " Others, to injure and destroy my fair fame and reputation 
 even in death, *^ cry out that I am thus laying the whole blame 
 upon the King and his royal Father. God forbid that so wicked 
 a thought should ever enter my heart! The late King lived a 
 saint, and died a martyr. God grant that as my fate is like his, 
 so I too may face it with the same piety and resignation. Could 
 a man's soul pass into another's and be united with it, I would 
 choose his alone, before all others.^^ As for the present King, 
 happy the people that shall live beneath his just and merciful 
 government. His commands to me were most just. He is true 
 to his promise, and deceives none. Though his disposition 
 inclines to mercy, he reveres justice, and keeps his sacred word 
 to all. I humbly pray God that he may find his subjects and 
 
 *^ " I will not . . . ruin," not in the Perf, Rel., Montr. Rediv., Wigton and Wardlaw MSS. 
 
 *^ " To injure . . . death," W.'s addition. 
 
 ** " If ever I would wish my soule in another man's steid, it is in his." Wigton and Wardlaw 
 MSS. and Perf. Rel. This singular expression is explained by W.'s Latin, The next sentence is 
 his expansion of " For this king, never people was happier of a King" {ibid.). 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 333 
 
 servants no less faithful and just, that he be not at last betrayed 
 like his father, by those whom he has most advanced and 
 trusted/* 
 
 " Let none, I pray you, impute my bearing this day to dull 
 insensibility or stubborn pride, because in some points I agree not 
 with the most of you, and do not in all things yield to your wishes 
 and opinions. I follow the light of my own conscience, guided by 
 the rules of true religion and right reason, prescribed by the Spirit 
 of God in my heart. It is for me to use the courage of faith and 
 strength of resignation, which God in His gracious mercy grants. 
 Armed with this strength I face death boldly. Full of faith and 
 hope I stand before the throne of Heaven. May God be glori- 
 fied, even by this my condemnation. Yet these are not 
 words of fear and distrust, but gratitude to God and love to the 
 people. Whenever I see you, or think of you, I must needs weep 
 for your misfortunes, which I have sought in vain to heal, prevented 
 by our sins.*^ 
 
 *' I have no more to say, but to beg you of your charity to 
 judge me fairly, and to desire the prayers of the good for the 
 salvation of my soul, soon to be freed from the prison of this 
 body. I pray for you all, and earnestly but humbly implore God 
 to avert the wrath so long impending over this poor kingdom. 
 Let men triumph as they will over the perishing remains of this 
 body ; but never shall they hinder me to love, reverence and fear 
 God, and honour the King, in death as in life. I leave my soul 
 to God and my Redeemer, my service to the King, my honour to 
 my country and posterity, my good will to my friends, and to you 
 all my truest love. More I could add, were I permitted, but let 
 these few words suffice to clear my conscience." **' 
 
 Being then asked if he wished to pray apart, he replied, "If 
 
 ** " Betrayed under trust," Wigton MS., &c. — the expression used of Montrose's own betrayal 
 in the indictment of Neil Macleod {v, App. XIII.). 
 
 ** " Whenever . . . sins," W.'s addition. 
 
 ^ " And earnestly . . . life," and "More . . . permitted," W.'s additions. At "conscience" 
 there is a blank in the folio MS., left probably in W.'s original for further details not given in the 
 Wigton MS. and Perf. Rel. " The ministers, because he was under the sentence of excommunica- 
 tion, would not pray for him, and even on the scaffold were very bitter against him." Wardlaw 
 MS., which then continues as above. 
 
334 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 you do not suffer the people to join their prayers with me, my 
 prayer alone and apart in so great an assembly will perhaps be a 
 scandal both to you and me. I have already poured out my soul 
 before the Lord, who knows my inmost heart. Into His hands I 
 commend my spirit, and He has deigned in grace and mercy to 
 assure me of full forgiveness for my sins, and peace and salvation 
 in Jesus Christ my Redeemer." With these solemn words he closed 
 his eyes, and lifting his hands to heaven, remained awhile rapt in 
 silent devotions. During this it was manifest that his soul was 
 flooded with the boundless consolation of the Holy Spirit. ^^ 
 
 When he had done he called the executioner, and bestowed on 
 him some money. The history of his deeds and his late Declaration 
 were then brought to him, tied in a cord. He received them with a 
 strange cheerfulness and alacrity, and himself hung them round his 
 neck, saying, " Though it hath pleased the King to make me a 
 Knight of the most honourable Order of the Garter, I think it less 
 honour and glory than this cord and books. I take them with 
 greater joy than when I received the golden chain and glorious 
 badge of S. George. Hasten to tie them on me, as you please." 
 
 The bailies and officers of the guard then ordered his arms to 
 be bound, and his cloak stripped off. To these he said, " Inflict 
 on me, I pray you, what further shame and ignominy you can 
 devise. I am ready to bear all and worse than this with cheerful- 
 ness and joy for the cause in which I suffer. God Almighty have 
 mercy on this perishing nation!" These were his last words. *^ 
 The sentence pronounced upon him in his absence and unheard 
 was then executed. He suffered with undaunted courage and 
 wonderful magnanimity. He was a man, even by his enemies' 
 admission and esteem, without equal, and now became a candidate 
 for immortality, changing this poor mortal life for the life of 
 eternal bliss.*^ 
 
 *' "He stood a good space at his inward devotionis, being perceaved to be inwardlye moved all 
 the whyll." Wigton MS., &c. 
 
 ** The simpler and truer version is, " when [the books were tied on and] his armis tyed, he 
 asked the bailzies if they had anye more dishonour, as they conceaved, to put upon him, he was 
 reddie [to] accept ; and then, with a most undaunted courrage and gravitie, he went up to the 
 bussines." Wigton MS. The Wardlaw MS. adds that the very hangman shed tears. 
 
 ** For other details as to the end of Montrose, the bestowal of his limbs, &c., see App. XIV. 
 
ENGLISH OF 
 THE LATIN POEM ON THE DEATH OF MONTROSE 
 
 WRITTEN ON THE FIRST ANNIVERSARY, 
 
 By GEORGE WISHART.i 
 
 In faithful Memory of 
 
 the most famous, invincible, valiant 
 
 James, Marquis of Montrose, Earl of Kincardine &c. 
 
 Lieutenant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief 
 
 of all his Majesty's Forces in Scotland, both by Land and Sea, 
 
 who was inhumanly butchered by the rebel Covenanters, 
 
 this Elegy was written on the first Anniversary of his Death 
 
 by the Historian of his brilliant Deeds. 
 
 1650.2 
 
 Noble in birth and gifts of genius, strong of arm, and stout of heart beyond his 
 strength, in face fair, with the fairer beauty of the soul, loyal and just, unshaken by 
 a thousand storms, true to his King, the hero of six glorious victories, yet ever ready 
 to give the hand of pardon to his foes, patriot, and, alas, too faithful lover of his 
 perishing country, eternal Fame hath hallowed his memory and exalted him to 
 glory ; Virtue claims him for her own. Envy decries him, and with fierceness 
 wilder than the fury of wild beasts seeks to stain the memory of the illustrious 
 dead. 
 
 Ah, my countrymen, what madness burns in your hearts and fevered throats, 
 insatiable in thirst ? Will this fury never be glutted with blood, never sated with 
 ravening — a famine fiercer with each banquet of victims, a lust that grows with 
 feeding? Cruel, ah, too cruel is this rankhng rage ! Cease from wrath and stay 
 your hands. " Stay your reeking hands : " the shriek of innocent blood cries aloud 
 to Heaven. The vengeance of God makes ready His bow to slay ; His sword is 
 drawn to punish. 
 
 Why delight to refuse the mangled limbs and bleaching face a burial ? The 
 craven mouse insults the lion dead, and nibbles at his tawny mane. The base 
 
 ^ For Latin from MS. E, see end of Latin text. 
 
 * See p. 337. The Anniversary was of course 1651. 
 
336 DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 
 
 kestrel and carrion vulture prey on the stiffened limbs of the eagle dead. The 
 coward hind despises the stag-hound dead The silly lamb no longer flies in terror 
 from the wolf that is dead. Say, ye craven mice, base kestrels, ravening vultures, 
 hinds whose only fame is speed of flight — say, ye silly flock, is it no shame basely 
 to destroy a man o'erwhelmed by treachery and guilt, by your crime and fury — 
 great Heavens ! is it no shame to deny a grave to the piteous mouldering limbs of 
 him whose very name and shadow while he lived could hurl you into shameless 
 coward flight, set you quaking with dread, fain to hide your craven heads in moun- 
 tain wastes and forests, to burrow in the earth, to shun the land, to fly to ships and 
 skulk by sea ! 
 
 But if the vision of such virtue was for you no check, and served but to goad 
 your envy on, yet the King's commands, the Sovereign's name and authority in his 
 person, the restraints of lawful command, the rights of ancestry, the sanctity of law, 
 and that revered Power which is held on earth most holy might have averted the 
 crime. But in you there is no love of honour, no care for what is good. Your 
 blind souls are utter strangers to all sense of justice, right, and truth, without duty, 
 and without all shame. 
 
 Since reverence for the royal sceptre has departed, and it is held high honour 
 to be traitors to the throne, and justice has been administered by slaves, and the 
 bonds of law sundered, and leagues formed at the evil bidding of the sovereign 
 mob, nor truth nor righteousness remains. Deceit and guile, robbery, theft, rapine, 
 murder, are rampant ; armed violence defiles our beds and desolates all with reck- 
 less lawlessness. No crime is lacking. Impious war follows on war, and in war's 
 train pestilence and dire famine assail the wretched. New taxes grind the poor ; 
 and with new laws, new accusations, they delight to entangle loyal men, and harry 
 the innocent with their hate. To be loyal is a crime. And, stranger wonder still, 
 that ever racks my heart with grief and heavy dole, a terrible superstition and 
 impious cruelty has stolen into men's wanton hearts, and hounds them on to every 
 wickedness. God and man are assailed by the whole power of the wretched 
 rebellious rabble and self-seeking peers. Their greedy prophets interpose no check 
 to stay these monstrous evils. In their baseness they exult, and feed and fan the 
 flames, eager to goad men's savage hearts to fury, to inflame their minds with wrath — 
 haters of peace, whose dreary dirge croaks ever of war. Hell's furies seem to have 
 sallied from the Pit to brood over our land, the deadly foes of kings, their 
 venomous hearts swelling with rage and insolent malice, their tongues shrieking for 
 blood, appeased by nothing save the blood of the rich, gloating most over the 
 noblest victims. Why tell of Strafibrd's great and kingly soul, of Lily and Lucas, 
 the saintly Laud, the warrior Capel, the death of hapless Hamilton, the clan 
 Gordon and their fallen chief, the youthful Murray, the aged Spottiswood, Maxwell, 
 Rollock, and the death of the brave boy Ogilvy, and all the long list of the fallen ? 
 Charles the matchless, Charles the good and righteous, true son of Heaven, God's 
 own peculiar care, God's regent on earth is your chief victim, long predestined by 
 your cruelty to bleed upon your altars. Oh, woe the deed, accursed crime, dire 
 harbinger of coming misery ! 
 
 Grant, merciful Heavens, that since fate has given the Graham to accompany 
 
DEEDS OF MONTROSE. 337 
 
 the blessed Charles, who led the way assigned by fate to both, grant him his 
 prayers and wish.^ The King could wish no other comrade for the way, the 
 Graham no other guide. 
 
 But you, ye base inhuman monsters, the signs of the age, the wrath of God, 
 savages, birds of darkness, harpies, Hell's spawn. Earth's shame. Heaven's scourge, 
 what vengeance awaits your guilt, what fury of civil war shall hunt you ? I see 
 brothers fighting, hacking, rending brothers, the yoke of slavery laid on your stiff 
 necks, shackles of iron on your trailing feet, your throats parched with thirst, your 
 eyes fevered with plague, your limbs wasted with resistless famine, — ah, how small, 
 how small a part of the miseries that await you, are the penalties called extreme, 
 the scourge, the gallows-tree ! For the Avenging Angel shall haunt your guilty 
 breasts with fresh frenzies. Never a day nor night shall yield you rest. Waking 
 visions scare your shuddering thoughts by night, a whisper, a shadow startle you 
 by day. A thousand cares rack your anguished hearts. Grief and horror seize 
 your quaking souls. On this side dread, on that infamy hovering on dusky 
 pinions ; on this side the heavy wrath of man, on that the heavy wrath of God 
 scorch your shrivelling hearts with quenchless flames, without pause, or rest, or 
 end, until the Judge Supreme decree your sentence, and despair of the salvation 
 it were blasphemy here to name, and ruthless Hell swallow you up, and remorse, 
 too late ! too late ! 
 
 Meantime, the glorious hero Montrose, at once the shame and glory of his 
 ungrateful country, her pride and her reproach, Scotland's love and sorrow, ascends 
 to his starry home. Heaven's shining palaces, the stately mansions of the angels 
 beyond the spheres. There, beneath his feet beholding the vanities of the perish- 
 ing world, he has his joyous portion in the honour and love of God. 
 
 And those poor relics, the shameful monuments of impious rage, the hero's 
 limbs exposed on high, like glorious trophies, borne on the sounding wings of 
 fame, or reared for admiration in lofty vaulted shrines, shall tell of the virtue, 
 loyalty, and valiant deeds of the noble hero, and adorn his spirit with fresh praise. 
 The love of grateful posterity shall add titles and deathless records. Yea, and our 
 Muse shall bring her gift, her all, to thee, greatest of Grahams, and year by year 
 sing thy solemn dirge. He whom living she revered, when dead shall still, despite 
 of bursting envy, be her constant theme. 
 
 True love is drowned by no billows of mischance : true love fears no thunder- 
 bolts of fate : true love abides immortal, firm, unchangeable. To have loved once 
 is to love for aye. 
 
 (Written in my copy in the year 16^0).^ 
 
 ^ V. Montrose's dying speech, p. 332. 2 jjQtg ^y Wodrow. 
 
I. G.^ 
 
 DE REBVS 
 
 AVSPICIIS SERENISSIMI, 
 ET POTENTISSIMI 
 
 C A R O L I 
 
 DEI GRATIA MAGNAE BRITANNIAE, 
 
 FRANCIAE^ & HIBERNIAE^ REGIS, &c. 
 
 Sub imperio illustrissimi 
 
 lACOBO MONTISROSARVM 
 
 Marchionis,. Comitis de Kincardin, &'c. 
 
 Supremi Scotiae Gubernatoris Anno 
 
 ciDiDCXLiv, et duobus sequentibus praeclare gestis, 
 
 COMMENTARIVS. 
 
 Interprete A. S.^ 
 
 ^ I.e., Jacobus Graemus. 
 
 ^ These words are significantly omitted in the Farts edition of 1648. 
 
 * I.e., Agricola Sophocardius, for George Wise-heart, or Wishart. 
 
Serenissimo, Potentissimoque 
 
 CAROLO 
 
 Dei gratia Scotorum, et Walliae 
 
 Principi, Duci Rothesaiae, 
 
 Magnae Britanniae, Franciae^ & 
 
 Hiberniae^ Haeredi &c. 
 
 s. 
 
 pRONUS ac supplex, Serenissime Princeps, ad Te accedit Montis- 
 rosanus Tuus ; baud totus, aut semis, nee dum 
 
 Tantilla tanti portio miraculL 
 
 Qui, utut incultus, ac impolitus, et in habitu Romano barbara squallens 
 rubigine ; lucem tamen, hominumque conspectum non formidabit : si ilium 
 eo favore digneris, et gratia, qua hospites, advenasque solitus es. Et hoc 
 quidem meliore jure postulare videtur ; qui non totus peregrinus est : 
 sed in Paterno Tuo Regno genuinus natus : nee nisi fatali temporum 
 injuria, quasi expositus, in externo eductus et altus solo. Nee sane 
 desunt characteres, et notae undique impressae, quae patriam, patremque 
 demonstrent. Illam quidem Scotiam Tuam, centenis, novenisque e Majori- 
 bus Tuis regnatam : quorum omnium sanctissimus sanguis, animaeque in 
 Te spirant. Hunc vero antiquissimi ejusdem Regni alumnum, Patris Tui 
 charissimi, ac clementissimi Domini sui, servum humillimum ; et cultorem 
 contra omnes fortunae casus devotissimum.^ 
 
 Quae si minus sufficiant, ad conciliandam gratiae Tuae auram, qua 
 moribundo huic embryoni vitam, salutemque impertias : hoc saltern misello 
 praestare, pro longe maxima humanitate Tua, digneris, ut, rudi quamvis 
 pencillo depicta prototypi lineamenta, ac quandam figuram agnoscas : et 
 vel eo nomine, vitam, si non et immortalitatem largire. Enimvero quis 
 
 ^ Omitted in Paris edit. Previous Translations omitted this Dedication. 
 
 ^ These sentences are in apposition to patriam patremque, but probably W. meant the Marquis 
 by hunc. 
 
 341 Z 
 
342 EPISTOLA. 
 
 Alexandri, Cesaris, Scipionis, aut avorum Tuorum Jacobi Pacifici,^ vel 
 Henrici Magni^ imaginem, quae unica extaret, ideo haberet vilem, quod 
 obscuri cuiusdam, nee admodum periti artificis manu fuerit exarata ? Non 
 defuturum Montisrosano Apellem, non Leucippum, nee Homerum forsan 
 suum auguror : interim Princeps Benignissime, hoc nostro utere tantisper, 
 dum illi prodeant. Nee in sermonis impolitiam ; sed in res vere Romanas, 
 utpote nobiles, arduas, Heroicas, et quae vulgares animas longissime ex- 
 cedant, generosum ilium et excelsum animum Tuum intende. Si enim 
 quos deprehenderis naevos, erroresque, non genii ejus ; sed ingenii nostri 
 vitio (uti aequum bonumque est) imputaveris : equidem nee injucundum 
 Tibi, nee inutilem fore Montisrosanum Tuum, fidenter spondeo. 
 
 Quid enim Principi, mortalium nuUi post Patrem secundo, eo in loco 
 nato, eo in statu educato, eisque ab incunabulis assueto, quae nihil quam 
 Heroica omnia redoleant, jucundius sit, quam Heroa ilium (absit invidia) 
 nemini hoc seculo posthabendum, intueri, amplexari, observare, 
 Quern sese ore/erens, quam forti pectore et armis? ^ 
 
 Qui optimi Regum, clementissimi Patris Tui auspiciis militans, et 
 virtuti tuae, quae tam strenue adolescit, quasi praeludens ; ea gessit, quae 
 praesens quidem admiratur aetas, grata vero posteritas nunquam conticescet. 
 Utut enim gloriam consequatur invidia ; ejusque quasi vestigia premat : 
 caduca tamen cum sit, et mortalis, stabilem illam, ac immortalem nee 
 assequetur unquam, nee obfuscabit. 
 
 Nullum interim Tibi hie, Serenissime Princeps, exhibemus 
 
 Antiphaten Scyllamque, et cum Cyclope Charybdin ; 
 
 monstra nulla, aut speciosa miracula : monstris tamen simillimos hostes, et 
 miraculis partas de illis victorias. Quid enim de Gigantum arrogantia, fabulata 
 est Graecia mendax,* quod conjurati isti terrae filii, adversus Deum, pietatem, 
 fidem, jus, et aequum in Augustissimis Parentibus Tuis, Teipso, Tuisque omni- 
 bus non sunt ausi ? qui congestis mendaciorum et calumniarum montibus, ea 
 extruxerunt propugnacula, unde immanissimis viribus in Deos depugnavere. 
 Quid porro ab Apolline, Pallade, aut Marte in debellandis illis gestum 
 fingitur, quod noster hie, non pari suscepit virtute, et fortuna perfecit ? 
 Si vero de perdomitis tandem, non prorsus triumphaverit, fatis Tuis omnino 
 reputandum arbitramur ; quae noluerint Patriae genium tam insignem 
 salutem alteri, quam Tibi ipsi debere : Enceladum quippe Titanasque 
 
 ^ James VI. of Scotland and I. of England. "Our royal master's favourite benediction, Beati 
 pacifid."—ljorA Dalgarno in Scott's Fortunes of Nigel, ch. xiii. ; cf. also ch. ix. 
 ^ Henry IV. of France, grandfather of Prince Charles. 
 * Verg, Aen. iv. ii.   Juv. x. 174, 
 
EPISTOLA. 343 
 
 alios, qui Patrem in vinculis detinerent; non alio quam filii fulmine, 
 Aetneos in specus deturbandos esse censuerunt. 
 
 Maxime insuper Princeps, quid utilius Tibi ad ea tendenti, ad quae 
 Divino Humanoque jure obstringeris ; Patris, videlicet, Patriaeque ab 
 immani tyrannide vindicationem : quam eum quasi prodromum, et viae 
 ducem in oculis semper habere, qui et primus arcana perduellium consilia, 
 artesque et insidias detexit, et unus ferme infandam perdomari audaciam; 
 et coalitas prius quam cognitas vires, infringi posse demonstravit ? Neuti^ 
 quam enim in eo deprehendes corpus sine Pectore, qui, cum ne armis quidem 
 sit, quam consilio praestantior, monstrum illud in cunis jugulandum suasit 
 (utinam et persuasisset) et adultum, tantum non contrivit, ne virtuti tuae 
 materies tam ampla praecideretur. Enimvero praeter insignem in eo 
 fortitudinem, et rei militaris peritiam non vulgarem, invenies civilis quoque 
 prudentiae documenta, quamvis tristi temporum fato parum credita ; eximia 
 tamen, et Tibi, posterisque olim profutura : dum perduelles, nimia optimi 
 Regis mansuetudine, dementia in reos, in indignos fiducia, munificentia in 
 ingratos, indulgentia in omnes, magis quam suis viribus fretos, mature 
 occupandos, et justis armis (quando aliter fieri nequiret) compescendos 
 censuit ; prius quam vires, ex permissa illis mora, immodice valescerent. 
 Quod si factum fuisset, (ut alia taceam) non civili adeo sanguine horruisset 
 Britannia nostra, non tam impie, tam foede habita fuissent magnificentissima 
 Domini nostri templa, non Procerum Mystarumque cruore maduissent fora, 
 non detenti, indigna sub custodia Pater Fratresque, nee, quasi vidua Mater, 
 Tuque ipse extorris, in cognata quamvis ac hospitali, transmarina tamen 
 degeretis terra. 
 
 Quis taliafando 
 Tempertt a lachritnis f ^ 
 
 Cum autem in rebus gestis, etiam supra invidiam claris, Omnipo- 
 tentis Dei dextera splendidissime eluceat ; ut ad ilium unum solida ac 
 omnis referatur gloria : quis eum etiam non agnoscat, ornet, praedicet, et 
 amet, quem operum ejusmodi patratorem, ac quasi thaumaturgum, clementis- 
 simus Dominus constituere sit dignatus ? Si enim cum solis, et apertis 
 hostibus Montisrosano fuisset confligendum, leviora forsan videri possent 
 ilia : quod duobus semper, plerumque vero tribus exercitibus a fronte, a 
 tergo, a latere impetitus : quorum vel minimus copias ejus omnes, militum 
 numero, armorum genere, et copia commeatuum quam longissime excedebat ; 
 sese fortiter semper, ac feliciter expediverit. Quod pulvis tormentarius, 
 arma, aliaque instrumenta belli, nulla unquam subministrata fuerint, praeter 
 ea, quae devictis hostibus eripuit. Quod anni spatio sex insignes, ac 
 
 * Verg. Aen. ii. 6. 
 
344 
 
 EPISTOLA 
 
 plenas reportaverit victorias : omnique Scotia conjuratos Proceres penitus 
 exegerit. Quod hiemem rigidissimo caelo soloque non in tabernis, ac ne 
 sub pellibus quidem ; sed plerumque sub die egerit. Quod frigida, ac de 
 fluente saepius ex liquente nive, sitim jugiter depulerit : nee ullo pane, aut 
 sale ; sed sola bubula, atque ea non raro macida simul ac macilenti 
 toleraverit famem, et alia belli incommoda. Verum longe difficilior ilia 
 lucta fuit, cum eis qui videri volebant Regiae Majestatis accerrimi vindices. 
 Aliorum quidem segni ignavia, insolent! aliorum superbia, aliorum vili 
 pusillanimitate, faeda aliorum avaritia, aliorum infanda perfidia : quibus 
 omnibus tolerandis, ac corrigendis, nisi invicta prorsus constantia, et 
 charissimi Regio indomitus amor, nunquam suffecisset. 
 
 Non enim ille severitate legum, aut poenis (quod alii Imperatores 
 assolent) suos cofircere, aut potuit, aut debuit ; qui nuUis stipendiis, sed 
 sola charitate in Regem, et in eum benevolentia militabant : quibusque 
 facillimum semper ad conjuratos fuerit transfugium, si vel levissima lacessiti 
 injuria, aut ignominia notati sibi ipsis visi fuissent; viri plerique procaces, 
 faqtiosi, et ad defectionem proni, si vel tantillum fuissent irritati. Adeo ut 
 in exercitu illo authoritatem cum gratia conservare, res fuerit omnium 
 difficillima. Neque aliud ejus animum violentius exercuit, quam consilia, 
 actionesque suas aliorum modulo metiri, aut hoc saltem simulare cogeretur. 
 Verum ille ut rem Regiam promoveret, hostium odium, aemulorum invidiam, 
 aulicorum calumnias, amicorum querelas, vulgi contumelias, et (quod omni- 
 bus acerbius fuit, ac superstitiosae plebis animos magis perterruit) vatum 
 prorsus furentium, diras, atque anathemata susque deque ferens, quasi ab 
 alto despexit ; omnino ille nobiliore militia, et feliciore seculo dignus 
 Imperator. 
 
 Quod denique, Princeps Serenissime, e re tua maxime futurum spare, 
 demonstrabit hie Tuus Montisrosanus Scotos nunquam omnes ab optimo 
 defecisse Rege. Quod cum nominis nostri iniquissimi hostes, acerbe 
 nimis, et malitiose calumniantur, non magis immerentibus viris, et Regis 
 sui causa omnia volentibus injurii ; quam Patri, Tibique insidiosi et infidi. 
 Hocque unum agunt, ut suspectos vobis, adeoque inutiles reddant amicos, 
 servos, subditosque omnium optimos, ac fidissimos ; a quorum fide et forti- 
 tudine male sibi metuunt, ne eorum ope, et opera, ipsi pessimi consiliarii 
 aliquando dignas proditionis luant poenas. Ne vero quis obstrepat, nos 
 male de nobilissima Anglorum gente sentire, aut dicere (a quo sane scelere 
 toto abhorremus animo) eorum quidem plurimos fidelem fortemque operam 
 navasse Regi, ad aeternam suam gloriam, ultro agnoscimus, praedicamus, et 
 gratulamur. Hocque unum postulamus, ut aequo jure nobiscum, et candore 
 non minus ingenuo agant, nee factionis cujusvis, quantumvis potentis, ac 
 validae crimen universae impingant genti : quod cum sibi fieri nolint, aliis 
 
EPISTOLA. 345 
 
 ne fecerint. Neque diffiteantur fuisse Scotos, omnium ordinum viros 
 praestantissimos ; qui perditissimis temporibus, Regiam Majestatem ab 
 hominum utriusque gentis pessimorum conspiratione, vel sanguine suo 
 assertam et vindicatam voluerint. 
 
 Atque haec usque adeo raanifesta sunt, ut absque omni jactatione 
 fidenter possint praedicare, se, nullis conductos stipendiis, nulla mercede 
 alia, quam in clementissimum Regem fide, et pietate impulses, damna longe 
 graviora, pro rerum suarum ratione, passos esse, ac perduellibus retulisse, 
 et nobiliores de eis acquisivisse victorias ; quam illi, qui exhausto penitus 
 Regis aerario, ad tantam ferme rerum omnium inopiam redegerunt,^ ut sese 
 conjuratis quasi dedere coactus fuerit. Heu, quanto, ut videtur, satius 
 fuisset, si ad Scotos suos se recepisset ; non rebelles istos, qui contra eum 
 pro conjuratis Anglis stabant ; sed pios illos, fortes, et fidos, qui sub 
 Montisrosani imperio illi militabant. Omnino his, qui cum vicario ejus, 
 et militiae praefecto, ea et fortiter ausi, et feliciter exsequuti sunt, quae 
 summa fide, hocce commentario descripsimus : nihil arduum, aut difficile 
 videri potuisset, tam chari pignoris praesentia animatis. Nee quisquam, 
 nisi rerum Scoticarum ignarus, dubitaverit praesentem ilium civium animos 
 ad sententiam suam facillime fuisse pertracturum ; sponte videlicet in 
 optimi Regis gratiam propendentium. Et hoc cum probe notum esset 
 conjuratis proceribus, sedulo caverunt ne illi in solum natale reditus pateret : 
 cum vix xl. passuum millibus abesset a limite. 
 
 Et Scoti quidem, utut eo potissimum tempore, durissimo servitutis jugo 
 tyrannis istis subjecti ; horrendis tamen diris eos prosequi non metuebant, 
 qui pudendi istius consilii, de tradendo Anglis Scotorum Rege authores 
 forent vel participes. Atque illi etiam, qui hactenus cum faederatis in 
 aliis senserant, non obscure, quamvis cum capitis periculo praedicabant ; 
 suffecisse decessoribus Regis unicum Scotiae Regnum, suffecisse majores 
 suos eis tutandis, ac propugnandis contra potentissimos et ferocissimos 
 hostes : Anglos praesertim, de quibus, dum pro Regibus suis starent, 
 multos et insignes egerint triumphos. Et quamvis cum diversis, tam 
 externis, quam ejusdem insulae incolis, v?rio saepe Marte dimicassent ; 
 nunquam tamen eo redigi potuisse, ut Reges suos aliorum arbitrio et 
 potestati permitterent ingratiis. Id vero ne sponte jam facerent, majorum 
 umbras, sanctissimam Regii nominis reverentiam, fidem, pietatem, famam 
 apud exteros, ad posteros exemplum, jus omne divinum ac humanum 
 obstare. Hoc denique quam apertissime cum ipso suo faedere pugnare, 
 quo Deum immortalem testem vindicemque invocarunt ; se Regem, ejusque 
 dignitatem, amplitudinem, ac salutem, contra omnes mortales, ad extremum 
 
 ^ Sc, eum, regem. 
 
346 EPISTOLA. 
 
 vitae spiritum propugnaturos. Adeo ut (prater seditiosos, et sacrileges, 
 qui et malis artibus exercitum comparaverant, et in eundem summum 
 obtinuerant imperium ; ejusque armis, inermium, et imparatorum, sine duce, 
 sine capite, civium cervicibus, et jugulis imminebant) plerique omnes Scoti 
 nihil magis habuerint in votis, quam ut aliquando Regi optimo fidem suam, 
 ac obsequium testatum facerent, et vel sanguine suo obsignarent. Nee 
 sane ambigendum est, quin illi immanissima tyrannide oppressi, ad justis- 
 simum et mitissimum redeant imperium, ubi primum optatissima Paterni, 
 aut Tui vultus praesentia, quasi salutari sidere fuerint afflati. 
 
 Tuum ergo est, Princeps Nobilissime ac potentissime, in hoc omnes 
 nerves, omnem animi impetum intendere, ut laboranti Patriae Patrique 
 succurras. Opem ad hoc operamque Tuam, omnes serio flagitant, orant, 
 expectant, suam pollicentur. Provincia haec jure naturae, et Patrio Tua 
 est : et in te non civium modo, sed et orbis ora, oculique intenti sunt ; 
 piique omnes precantur, ut cum bono Deo, et faustis ominibus, hoc resti- 
 tuendae Ecclesiae, quae tot foedissimarum sectarum sordibus inquinata 
 jacet, stabiliendi denuo Paterni Regni, recuperandae pristinae felicitatis, et 
 gloriae opus strenue aggressus, ad optatum pacis ordinisque finem feliciter 
 perducas. Atque ut olim (sed sero) unum illud Europae antiquissimum 
 Regnum, Te dominum ac Imperatorem agnoscat, amet et veneretur : aeter- 
 numque ea felicitas obtingat soboli Tuae 
 
 Et natis natorum, et qui nascentur ab illis. 
 
 Quo fine, Princeps Clementissime, dignare Montisrosanum Tuum 
 erigere, amplecti, fovere ; eoque uti, seu in bello duce, seu senatore in 
 pace, tanto Principi (ut spero, et voveo) nunquam erubescendo. 
 
 Vale. Kal. Oct. ciDiDCXLvn> 
 
 ^ The Amsterdam edition has here die 7 Febr. 1648. 
 
LECTORI BENEVOLO 
 S. 
 
 TDAUCULA sunt, amice lector, quae commentariolum hunc lectures ignor- 
 are nolim: quorum alia quidem ad Montisrosarum Marchionem, cujus 
 res in Patria biennio gestae, hie describuntur ; alia vero ad operis authorem 
 pertinent. Ac imprimis quidem constare velim ilium antiquissimae ac 
 celebratissimae in Scotia Graemorum familiae Principem esse; et prisca 
 Scotorum lingua Graemum magnum nuncupari. Originem generis ducit 
 a celeberrimo illo in ejus Regni Historiis Graemo, Fergusii ejus nominis 
 secundi, Scotorum Regis socero ; qui primus generi sui auspiciis, vallum 
 illud Severi, ab aestuario Forthae, ad Glottae amnis ostium, qua parte 
 angustissima est Britannia, productum, et ultimum Romani imperii limitem 
 expugnavit, et evertit : Provinciamque Romanam arctioribus conclusit 
 terminis ; unde factum est, ut non obscura ejusdem valli vestigia quae 
 etiamnum extant, apud accolas, ejus nomen in hunc diem retineant, qui 
 Graemi murum vocitant. Idem vero nobilissimae gentis conditor, defuncto 
 genero Fergusio superstes. Administrator Regni, et Nepoti suo Gubernator 
 datus, pacis non minus quam belli artibus clarus ; cum Christianae fidei 
 Doctores, recenti bello extorres, postliminio reduxisset in patriam ; nee 
 minus Ecclesiam quam Regnum optimis ordinasset legibus, adulto Nepoti 
 regimen sponte tradidit. Floruit ille Augustorum Arcadii et Honorii tem- 
 poribus, an. salutis humanae circiter cccc ; a quo longa serie, et laeta, seri 
 descendere nepotes, qui avitam referentis virtutem, subsequutis seculis 
 praeluxerunt. In his enituit fortissimus Graemus ; qui cum Dumbaro 
 tempestivum admodum auxilium, periclitanti attulit Patriae ad versus 
 Danos ; rerum in Anglia tunc temporis potitos, inque Scotiam cum 
 validissimis copiis non semel frustra invectos. Majorum deinde omnium 
 virtutes, laudesque aequavit nobilissimus Johannes Graemus, qui post 
 Alexandri tertii mortem, interregni tempore, Brussio Bailioloque de jure 
 discrepantibus ; Patriae libertatis, cum inclyto illo Wilielmo Walla Prorege, 
 contra Edwardi Regis Angli iniquissimam tyrannidem accerrimus fuit 
 vindex ; et post plurima praeclare gesta, pro eadem strenue pugnans, 
 
348 LECTORI 
 
 honestissimo functus est fato. Visitur etiam hodie sepulchrum ejus in 
 sacello, quod fanum valli, ab eodem Graemi vallo (ad quod positum est) 
 dicitur. Ad quod etiam, agros sane amplos, et uberes, a primo illo 
 Graemo, nepotibus quasi per manus transmissos ; jure haereditario 
 Montisrosarum Marchio possidet. 
 
 Verum ne ab obscuris modo tantae antiquitatis vestigiis, illustrissimo 
 Heroi nobilitatem generis aucupari, ac astruere videamur ; praeterire 
 nequeo, avum hujus Montisrosarum Comitem nostra ferme memoria, 
 amplissimis in illo Regno honoribus ornatum, ac felicissime functum esse. 
 Qui, cum supremus esset Scotiae Cancellarius, quo tempore beatae 
 memoriae Rex Jacobus, ejus nominis sextus, rerum in Anglia potitus est ; 
 ab eodem in Scotia creatus est Prorex : et in supremo illo dignitatis gradu, 
 Regi juxta, ac populo charissimus, e vivis excessit. Patrem vero habuit 
 corporis, animique dotibus virum in paucis insignem ; nee minus apud 
 alias gentes, quam domi illustrem : qui cum plurimas, easque honorific- 
 entissimas legationes pro Jacobo Rege obiisset, supremi Consilii Praeses 
 a Carolo renunciatus, praematuro fato Patriae, bonisque omnibus ereptus, 
 maximum sui apud omnes desiderium reliquit. Et quid tandem de ipso 
 nepote censendum, sperandumque sit ; ex eis quae hactenus gessit ; cum 
 nunc quoque sesquianno post, vixdum trigesimum et sextum annum atti- 
 gerit, judicio tuo permitto. 
 
 Unum hoc in gratiam tuam addam, benigne lector; tres hactenus 
 fuisse Scotorum Regno fatales ferme periodos : primam a Romanis, 
 quorum jugum, Graemi illius primi ex nobilissima Brittonum Fulgen- 
 tiana familia oriundi ductu, repulerunt Majores nostri. Alteram a Danis, 
 quorum ne admitterent imperium, secundi illius Graemi praesertim eximiae 
 debetur virtuti. Tertiam ab Anglis, et Nortmannis, quos tertius ille 
 Graemus semel iterumque Scotia exegit ; ac multis et gravibus afFecit 
 damnis. Adeo ut (quod de Scipionibus in Africa olim dictum fuit) fatale 
 quasi videatur Graemorum nomen, quod Patriae, in ultimo discrimine 
 positae succurrat : nee sine numine pessimis istis temporibus exortum 
 hunc, qui Regi suum jus, civibus pacem, salutemque, et libertatem pristi- 
 nam, familiae vero suae avitam laudem ac decus conservatum iret. Atque 
 haec ferme ea sunt quae de Montisrosano praemittenda paucis censui. 
 
 Quod vero ad scriptorem attinet, sic habe : eum in hujusmodi studiis 
 non admodum versatum, nee laudem ab ingenii viribus sperasse ; quas 
 nullas plane esse, vel exiguas, lubens agnoscit : nee mercedem spectasse, 
 aut questum ; qui accerrimi sunt multis ad scribendum stimuli, Verum solo 
 propagandae, ad posteros, exterosque veritatis desiderio, opusculo huic 
 admovisse manum. Enimvero felici sceleri plurimos ; afflictae veritati per- 
 paucos fore patronos ; ex cognata huic causa, recenti, et lachrimabili 
 
BENEVOLO. 349 
 
 experientia perdidicerat. Cum enim iidem in utroque Regno conjurati, suis 
 artibus (mendaciis nimirum et calumniis) Ecclesiam evertissent ; ut ex ejus 
 reditibus, maximo sacrilegio partis, avaritiae suae litarent, posterosque dira 
 locupletarent anathemate : non defuere tamen qui immensis eos laudibus, 
 tanquam de patria, de Ecclesia ipsa, adeoque universe genera humano bene 
 meritos extollerent, et sanctissimos Dei servos, Confessores Martyresque, 
 quod illis constanter restiterint, maledictis, et blasphemiis onerarent ac 
 proscinderent. Dubitandum itaque minime arbitratus est, quin hi qui 
 eisdem artibus Regiam convellere Majestatem, ac destruere satagunt, ut 
 ejus potiantur honoribus, cum Majestatis et perfidiae crimine acquisitis ; 
 invenirent quamplurimos, qui simili maledicendi libidine, in excellentissi- 
 mum virum, et splendidissima ejus gesta debaccharentur : et, quod de 
 vespis dicitur, ex fragrantissimis et saluberrimis herbis, succos, sua lingua, 
 aut stilo venenatos colligerent, ac incautis, et ignorantibus propinarent. 
 Huic malo, brevem banc simplicemque narratiunculam, tanquam tempesti- 
 vum antidotum, sincerae veritatis amatoribus ofFerre libuit ; cujus tam per- 
 tinax voluit esse assertor, ut, quamvis hominum odium, invidiamque non 
 levem in se derivaturum praevideret : nee illis serviliter adblandiri, nee 
 earn obscuris et dubiis verborum ambagibus involvere decreverit. Ille 
 enim, ut liber natus est, liberque educatus ; libertatem non nisi cum anima 
 perdere constituit. Quamvis autem aliam boni Historici laudem, ab ingenio, 
 vel arte, vel eloquentia, nullam ambiat : unam tamen illam simplicissimae 
 veritatis, jure suo postulare videtur ; qui propugnandae illi propagandaeque, 
 charissima hujus seculi posthabuit : ter bonis omnibus exutus, toties car- 
 cerem foedissimum ac squallidissimum passus, tertio eodem nomine exulat. 
 Hilaris tamen est, ac laetus, quod nullius apud homines criminis reus, 
 dignus habeatur a Domino, qui ista patiatur justitiae et veritatis ergo. Tu 
 vero candide lector veritatem saltem in eo ama ; caetera aequi bonique con- 
 sule, ac vale. 
 
 Note. — In these Prefaces the original spelling and punctuation have been preserved. 
 In the following Commentary they are slightly revised. 
 
DE REBUS 
 
 Anno ciDiDCXLiv, et duobus 
 sequentibus ab illustrissimo 
 
 lACOBO 
 MARCHIONE 
 
 MONTISROSARUM 
 
 IN SCOTIA GESTIS 
 COMMENTARIUS. 
 
 CAP. I. 
 
 JACOBUS MONTISROSARUM MARCHIO, foederatorum in Scotia 
 partes hactenus amplexus, nimis strenuam illis et infeliciter operam 
 navaverat. Nihil enim illi quam religionem, regis honorem et dignitatem, 
 leges patrias, libertatemque antiquissimi regni, a potentissimis hostibus 
 Romanis, Saxonibus, Danis, Nortmannis, majorum sudore, sanguine, virtute 
 et vita, fortiter et feliciter semper vindicatam, speciose admodum obtendebant. 
 Et quas ipsi finxerant fabulas, ad populum per idoneos ministros deferebant. 
 Quasi nihil aliud in aula Anglicana ageretur, quam ut libera gens, velut in pro- 
 vinciam redacta, veterum inimicorum imperio manciparetur. Interim etiam 
 publicis attestationibus et solenni juramento sese obstrinxerant, non vi et 
 armis, aut alio quovis modo, quam per libellos supplices, apud dominum Regem 
 procuraturos, ut humillimis subditorum suorum supplicationibus clementer 
 annueret, et authoritate sua caveret, ne carissima patria in religione aut 
 libertate aliquid detrimenti caperet. 
 
 Verum anno demum midcxxxix, Montisrosanus comperit praeclara 
 ilia ad imperiti simul et superstitiosi vulgi animos inescandos, et a rege 
 (tanquam religionis et libertatis hoste), alienandos praeparata. Nee enim 
 
CAP. I. 35, 
 
 apud ilium dissimulabant foederati, nimis diu apud Scotos regnatum esse a 
 monarchis : nee recte cum illis agi posse, Stuarto vel uno superstite 
 (cognomen illud est regiae in Scotia familiae) : in eorum vero exstirpatione 
 ordiendum esse a Principe : adeoque regem ipsum regiamque Majestatem 
 peti sensit. Quapropter horrendum scelus vehementer detestatus, foedera- 
 torum partes constituit deserere, consilia frustrari, opes imminuere, vires 
 labefactare, et regem regiamque authoritatem sartam tectam pro viribus 
 conservare. Quia vero foederati, qua vi, qua dolo, universos ferme sub- 
 ditos ad se pertraxerant, seque unum eorum potentiae coercendae imparem 
 judicabat, consilium suum non statim et temere propolandum existimavit. 
 Plerosque enim inter eos habebat amicos, viros tam satellitum et clientium 
 multitudine, quam authoritate et opibus florentes, quos ab eis separare et 
 secum ad partes regias revocare decrevit. Et hac arte non aspernandam 
 manum contrahere, tam Regis, quam suae saluti melius consultum fore 
 duxit. 
 
 Interea foederati validum exercitum contra Regem comparant. Et ad 
 Duns oppidum in solenni conventu, absente Montisrosano, invadendam 
 armis Angliam decernunt. Quod quidem ante sex hebdomadas in secret© 
 suo conciliabulo conjurationis principes statuerant ; adeoque libellis apolo- 
 geticis (quibus expeditionis suae causas declarare laborabant) per omnem 
 Britanniam divulgari curaverant. Hoc eorum consilium reversus Montis- 
 rosanus, cum impedire non posset, videri voluit probare. Ducebat Montis- 
 rosanus in exercitu peditum duo millia, equites quingentos : quinque vero 
 millibus imperitabant amici, illi devinctissimi, et qui in hoc negotio operam 
 suam pro Rege sancte promiserant. Et sane si plerique eorum non 
 fefellissent fidem, vel omnem exercitum ad Regem secum perduxissent, 
 vel saltern foederatorum conatus facile reddidissent irritos. Positis porro 
 castris ad Tuedam amnem (qui finitimorum regnorum limes est), sorte 
 inter duces proceresque jacta, Montisrosanus obtigit ut primus fluvium 
 trajiceret. Quod quidem ipse pedes, sequentibus copiis suis pedestribus, 
 alacriter perfecit : quo facilius consilium suum occultaret, omnemque sus- 
 picionem amoliretur. Aeque enim hominis in exercitu potentia et liberalis 
 animi integritas male sibi consciis perduellibus formidabilis esse incipiebat : 
 adeo ut omnes ejus gestus, dicta, et facta diligentissime observarent. 
 
 Post haec superato Tina amne, quatuor M. passuum supra Novum 
 castrum, proditione ducum Anglicorum, qui se cum validissimo exercitu 
 regio Eboracum receperunt, oppido potiuntur. Missis vero hinc inde 
 arbitris qui de pace agerent, induciae secutae sunt. Dederat ad Regem 
 Montisrosanus induciarum tempore literas, quibus fidem, debitum obsequium, 
 et pronam voluntatem serenissimae Majestati testatus erat : nee aliud quid- 
 quam continebant. Istas per ipsos Regis cubicularios noctu suffuratas, et 
 
352 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 transcriptas, qui gratia apud Regeni caeteris mortalibus praestabant, ad 
 foederatos Novum castrum transmittendas curarunt. Illi etenim de die in 
 diem maxime arcana Regis consilia (quorum ipsi soli vel authores fuerant 
 vel participes) foederatis communicabant. Super istis literis Montisrosanum 
 satis acerbe interrogare non erubuerunt perduellium quidam promptissimi. 
 Et quamvis apertam litem intendere aut in jus vocare non auderent, quia 
 gratia et potentia in exercitu plurimum valebat, querelis tamen et calumniis 
 apud vulgus onerabant. Plerosque enim habebant per universum regnum 
 obnoxios sibi praedicatores ; quorum venalibus Unguis ad populi animos 
 quoquo versum flectendos abutebantur. Nee alia re rebellionem suam 
 efficacius promoverunt, aut etiamnum promovent, quam quod popularibus 
 concionibus boni illi oratores regem ipsum omnesque fidos sibi subditos 
 tanquam Christi hostes (ut illi loqui amant), acerbissime proscindant ; ipsi 
 Christian! nominis scandala, et opprobria. 
 
 Montisrosano vero in Scotiam reverso, et nihil animo versanti, quam 
 quo tandem pacto regiam Majestatem ab imminente rebellionis procella 
 vindicaret, hanc rationem inire visum est. Primariae potentiae et nobilitatis 
 plurimos icto foedere sibi adstrinxit. Quo sancte polliciti sunt se regem 
 ipsum ef omnia regiae Majestatis privilegia et praerogativas avitas et 
 legitimas, cum bonorum omnium et vitae discrimine, contra quosvis tarn 
 domesticos, quam extraneos hostes ad ultimum vitae spiritum propugna- 
 turos. Et sane eo ventum erat, ut in apertam secessionem res fuerit 
 evasura, adeoque optatum consecutura finem ; nisi quidam metu, levitate, 
 et pusillanimitate (qui sunt pessimi arcanorum custodes), rem totam 
 foederatis prodidissent. Hinc tumultus non exigua, et jurgia ; sed pro 
 tempore pacata. Neque enim adhuc durius quid in Montisrosanum palam 
 decernere audebant. Postea vero foederati, novo praestito sacramento, 
 exercitum ad obsequium suum confirmarunt. Et arctissimo foedere, 
 adjunct© sibi Parliamento Anglicano, quamvis a privati cujusvis machina- 
 tionibus satis securi sibi viderentur, de Montisrosano tamen toUendo 
 serio consultant : cujus erectum ad alta et honesta, quantumvis ardua, 
 animum non poterant ferre. 
 
 Ad muniendam ergo tanto facinori viam, opera quorundam Aulicorum, 
 quos spe et largitionibus corruperant, datas a rege ad Montisrosanum literas 
 intelligunt : easque tabellarii (Stuarti cujusdam, Trequarii comitis clientis) 
 ephippiis insutas esse. Tabellarium vixdum Scotiae limites ingressum pre- 
 hendunt, ephippium dirumpunt, literasque inveniunt. Nihil plane in illis 
 scriptum erat, quod optimum Regem jubere, optimum subditum exsequi 
 dedeceat. Optimi tamen illi calumniarum architecti per idoneos ministros 
 rumores spargunt plane tragicos ; deprehensa tandem et detecta regis cum 
 Montisrosano consilia de evertenda religione et perdenda patria. Ac ne 
 
CAP. II. 353 
 
 turn quidem palam in hominem animadvertere ausi, incautum ac nihil tale 
 suspicantem, cum Naperio Marchistoniae regulo et Sterlinio de K^ere 
 equite (quibuscum non affinitate tantum, sed et intima familiaritate et 
 amicitia junctus erat) in arcem Edinburgensem conjiciunt. 
 
 Pace tandem inter utriusque regni populos stabilita (inter quos nullum 
 intercesserat bellum, praeterquam quod in cleraentissimum dominum et 
 justissimum Regem communibus auspiciis meditabantur) conventus ordi- 
 num Edinburgum indictus est. Isti Rex ipse interfuit. Montisrosanus 
 coram rege et solenni hoc conventu causam dicere omnibus votis, sed 
 frustra desideravit. Foederati enim ejus innocentiae, et suae injustitiae sibi 
 conscii, in hoc unum animos intendebant, ut hominem in vinculis detinerent 
 inauditum, quoad Rex Scotia excederet, et illi in conventu omnia ex animi 
 sui sententia transigerent cum Rege. Et sane multum metuebant ne pru- 
 dentia, fortitudine, et gratia, qua tam apud aequales regni Proceres quam 
 plebem valebat, longe plurimos ad sententiam suam pro incolumitate et 
 authoritate Regis conservanda perduceret. Rege tandem in Angliam 
 reverso, Montisrosanus cum suis e carcere liberatus, quia in conventu 
 statutum erat ne in colloquium cum Rege veniret, paulisper domi suae 
 consedit : sub finem anni midcxli. 
 
 CAP. II. 
 
 Anno miocxlii Foederati utriusque regni larvam deponere et apertius rem 
 gerere coeperunt. Perduelles in Anglia querelis injustis, ineptis, impor- 
 tunis Regem fatigare, calumniis onerare, scurrilibus cantiunculis sacrum 
 nomen profanare, infamibus libellis (quos Pasquillos vocant) vilem facere, 
 tumultus ciere, perditissimos quosque de infima plebe armatos magno 
 numero in ipsum palatium immittere, extrema cuncta minitari. In quos 
 cum ille jure regio animadvertere potuisset ; rem taraen potius ad Parlia- 
 mentum deferre satius judicavit, quo eos sibi devinctiores redderet. Sed 
 frustra hoc et alia pleraque viris ingratissimis, ac horum scelerum authoribus 
 et patronis gratificatus est Rex clementissimus. Longe enim plura illis et 
 majora in civium suorum gratiam et (quod ab illis praetendebatur) levamen 
 et securitatem indulserat, quam in universum omnes majores sui reges 
 Angliae, postquam Gulielmus Nortmannus primus rerum in Anglia potitus 
 est Tandem ergo ut se suosque praesenti periculo subduceret, Londino 
 cedere invitus cogitur. Reginam quidem, ut vitae ejus consuleret, in Bel- 
 gicam ablegat ; ipse Eboracum se confert. Parliamentorum vero ordines 
 
354 
 
 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 (ut cum illis loquar) illico, et primi quidem ad arma convolant. Et iisdem 
 copiis quas rex (assignatis ex eorum sententia ducibus) in Hiberniam 
 destinaverat, quaeque in procinctu erant, ad Regem ipsum opprimendum 
 abutuntur. 
 
 Perduelles in Scotia, qui Regi satis virium esse ad coercendos Anglos 
 probe noverant, foederatis suis in manifesto discrimine positis deesse 
 minime voluerunt. 
 
 Et quamvis Rex clementissimus in conventu Edinburgeno, de quo 
 dictum est supra, ex voto illis prorsus satisfecisset (quod in acta publica ab 
 eis relatum est), ad bellum tamen illi in Anglia inferendum sese comparant. 
 
 Quo vero res suas domi in tuto collocarent, Montisrosanum (a quo ferme 
 uno sibi metuebant) ad suas partes denuo pertrahere summa ope nituntur, 
 Supremi in exercitu Legati munus, et quaecunque alia, quae suae forent 
 potestatis, desideraret, ultro deferentes. Ille longe maximam procellam 
 Regis capiti imminentem conspicatus, ut eum certiorem faceret, quo matu- 
 rius occurri posset, juncto, consilii et itineris participe, Ogilvio regulo, iter 
 in Angliam capessit. 
 
 Apud Novum castrum nuncium accipit, Reginam nuper ex Batavia 
 reducem Berlingtoniam in agro Eboracensi appulisse. Illuc se propere 
 confert, et Reginam omnia ordine recenset. Ilia mari vehementer jactata, 
 et nauticis molestiis aegra, respondit ; pluribus de eo negotio cum illo 
 consulturam postquam Eboracum venerint. Eo ubi ventum est, Regina 
 Montisrosanum ultro appellat. Ille rem totam denuo explicat, et non 
 minus periculum a foederatis Scotis, quam ab Anglis imminere demon- 
 strat, nisi mature obviam eatur. Rogatus vero sententiam, quid potissi- 
 mum faciendum arbitraretur ? vim vi repellendam dixit, Non regi deesse 
 in Scotia subditos, viros fidos et fortes ; non deesse illis animos, non opes, 
 non vires, quas foederatis opponerent, si quidquam contra Regem auderent 
 moliri ; unicum illis deesse Regis mandatum, sine quo nihil attentaturos, 
 illo vero animatos, nihil non ausuros, Periculum esse tantum in mora. 
 Foederatos, ubi exercitum comparaverint, caeteros, si quis vel hiscere 
 audeat, facile contrituros. Principiis tanti mali obstandum, viperam in 
 ovo conterendam, et seram medicinam, ubi in totum corpus praevaluerit 
 morbus. 
 
 Consilium salubre et tempestivum ; quod procul dubio prudentissima 
 Regina probasset, Verum sic secundo vento velificantibus, ecce remoram 
 ab adventu Hamiltonii ducis e Scotia, specie quidem ut Reginam salutaret, 
 et sospiti felicem reditum gratularetur ; reipsa vero ut Montisrosani consilia 
 destrueret. Consciis enim et consentientibus foederatis, illuc advolaverat. 
 Nee ille quidem periculum a foederatis Scotis dissimulavit ; extenuare 
 
CAP. 11. 355 
 
 tamen conatus est. Montisrosani vero consilium, ut temerarium, imprudens, 
 et intempestivum damnavit. Gentem ferocem et bellicosam non vi et 
 armis, sed lenitate et officiis reducendam. Bellum, praesertim civile ulti- 
 mum, et victoriam plerumque poenitendum remedium. Incertam belli 
 aleam. Regi etiam victori, tristem fore de civibus suis triumphum : victo 
 vero, expectanda quae dicere abhorreret animus. Omnia ad pacem cum 
 ista gente conservandam experienda. Necdum eo ventum esse, ut de pace 
 et conciliandis eorum animis desperandum sit. Totum denique negotium 
 in se suscipere, si Rex ejus fidei et industriae rem cum vicaria potestate 
 committeret. Regerebat Montisrosanus, nihil aliud agi, quam ut tempus 
 traheretur, quoad perduelles coacto exercitu Regi facultatem omnem se 
 suosque ab eorum tyrannide vindicandi praeriperent. Quod quidem verum 
 fuisse, moestissimus probavit eventus. Succubuit in hoc certamine Mon- 
 tisrosanus, aulicis artibus inferior ; cujus nunc toto orbe splendidissimae 
 virtutes, reginae nondum innotuerant. Reversus in Scotiam victor Hamil- 
 tonius nullum non lapidem movere pro Rege videbatur. 
 
 Foederati interim propria authoritate (contra manifestas regni leges) 
 conventum ordinum Edinburgum indicunt. Quem quidem Regi exitiosum 
 fore, oeulati omnes, et quotquot rebus ejus studebant, praeviderunt, adeoque 
 ab illo horrebant, ut praesentia sua honestandum minime putarent. 
 Hamiltonius vero nomine et authoritate Regis interposita, eosdem per 
 literas compellat, ut conventui frequentes interessent. Nee dubitare se, 
 quin suffragiis superiores forent, si operam suam hac vice Regi non 
 denegarent. Quod si secus accideret, paratum se fore, cum amicis, contra 
 foederatos protestari, et statim secedere. Nomine regio et ilia spe illecti, 
 proceres frequentes comitiis intersunt, Montisrosano paucisque illi adhae- 
 rentibus exceptis. Sed et cum Montisrosano idem per amicos egit ut pro 
 fide et prona in Regem voluntate se illis adjungeret. Ille (qui omnia merito 
 suspecta habebat) respondit se quidem paratum esse ad quodvis discrimen 
 subeundum, sub ejus etiam imperio qui vicaria regis potestate et authoritate 
 emineret ; hac tamen lege, ut fidem daret, si justum et aequum in conventu 
 impetrare non possent, se illud armis repetiturum. Ille protestaturum se 
 respondit, non pugnaturum. Quibus perpensis, Montisrosanus ut se ipsum 
 purum conservaret, rei eventum praestolaturus domi se continuit. 
 
 In conventu illo foederati suffragiis plus minus septuaginta superiores, 
 regiam authoritatem penitus conculcarunt, jus vocandi comitia, scribendi 
 milites, foedera cum exteris nationibus contrahendi, aliaque hactenus in- 
 audita, invito rege, sibi arrogant. Et in malorum omnium cumulum, 
 validum exercitum cogendum contra Regem et foederatis suis Anglis 
 auxilio mittendum decernunt. In quem finem, subsidiis et novis vectigalibus 
 populum onerant, eisque longe gravioribus, quam si in unum congerantur 
 
356 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 omnia, quae temporibus difficillimis, post duo annorum millia, centum et 
 novem ^ Reges imposuere. 
 
 Montisrosanus ergo, qui regia authoritate Regem ipsum perditum iri 
 conspiciebat, nee sese simul foederatorum viribus et Regis mandatis 
 opponere poterat, tristis et anxius omnia dissimulabat. Foederati vero, 
 propter repulsam quam Eboraci passus erat, et praelatum Hamiltonium, 
 alienatum ejus a Rege animum rati, clam denuo per amicos tentant, si qua 
 prece aut pretio pellectum, ad se pertrahere possent, magistratus, opes, 
 supremas in curia et exercitu dignitates ultro deferentes. Quae quidem 
 ille non admodum aegre audire videbatur, quo altius in intima eorum con- 
 silia penetraret. Foederati, quo certior simul et sanctior amicitia coiret, 
 magnum ilium foederis sui Apostolum, Alexandrum Hendersonium, ad eum 
 ablegant ; qui scilicet illi omnibus abunde satisfaceret. Ejus viri Montis- 
 rosanus avide expetebat colloquium, a quo profundissima foederatorum 
 consilia expiscari neutiquam dubitabat. Ne vero clandestini cum isto viro 
 congressus offendiculo essent aliis, qui secum regiae Majestati benevole- 
 bant, Naperium et Ogilvium regulos, Sterlinum Kerium equitem aliosque 
 Regi impensius faventes, testes et conscios adhibere statuit. Et ad ripara 
 Forthae amnis non procul Sterlino oppido congrediuntur. 
 
 Montisrosanus adventum tanti viri gratissimum sibi dixit, utpote cujus 
 fidei, integritati, et in rebus arduis prudentiae plurimum tribueret. Se 
 quidem ad amoliendam post recentes simultates hostium invidiam domi suae 
 substitisse ; rerum omnium quae in conventu transigerentur ignarum ; et 
 quomodo in tam lubrico reipublicae statu se gereret, ferme incertum pro- 
 fitetur. Rogare porro, ut pro solito candore, quid illis in animo sit, libere 
 impertiretur. Hendersonius ex hac oratione inclinantis ad foederatos animi 
 conjecturam faciens, quo hominem magis sibi obnoxium redderet, plane et 
 sine ambagibus respondit. Statutum esse exercitum quam possent 
 validissimum, foederatis suis Anglis auxilio, contra copias regias conscrib- 
 ere. In hoc acquiescere unanimiter omnes utriusque regni foederatos, vel 
 Regem in ordinem cogendum esse, vel illis pereundum. Nihil jam optatius 
 accidere posse, quam si ille cum aequalibus regni proceribus, adeoque caeteris 
 ordinibus gratiam et amicitiam inire velit. Hoc omnibus gratum ; ipsi 
 vero non modo utile, sed et honorificum fore. Ejus exemplo alios (si qui 
 sint) qui vanam regii nomine urabram revereantur, illico ad foederatos 
 transituros. Se quidem Domino Deo suo quam maximas debiturum gratias, 
 quod tam egregii facinoris ministrum et quasi sequestrum facere dignatus 
 fuerit. Enixe denique rogare, ut animi sui sententiam exponeret, ejusque 
 fidei et industriae committeret ea, quae a conventu ordinum ad utilitatem 
 
 * Vide Author's Dedication, p. 341. 
 
CAP. III. 
 
 357 
 
 dignitatemque suam fieri desideraret : certoque sibi persuaderet in omnibus 
 ex voto satisfactum iri. 
 
 Montisrosanus eorum notitiam liquido adeptus, quae magnopere 
 desiderabat, suspenses adhuc et incertos eorum animos detinere studebat. 
 Quid enim responsi daret ? si se illis hostem palam praedicaret, hoc Regi 
 quidem inutile, sibi vero exitiosum fore praevidebat. Ampliorem vero de 
 se spem facere dedignabatur ; eaque polliceri, quae exsequi non decre- 
 verat, manifesto dedecori fore reputabat generosus animus. Hanc ergo 
 ingreditur viam. Interfuit isti coUoquio cum Hendersonio lacobus Rollocus 
 eques, familiae perantiquae et opibus florentis princeps. Huic olim Mon- 
 tisrosani soror matrimonio locata fuit ; qua defuncta, Argathelii Marchionis, 
 foederatorum in Scotia coryphaei, sororem secundis nuptiis duxerat. Hie 
 pari affinitate utrique junctus, peridoneus amicitiae conciliandae internuncius 
 videbatur. Istuni Montisrosanus interrogat, utrum quae ab illis prolata 
 essent, publica conventus ordinum authoritate, an privato tantum studio 
 niterentur ? Ille Hendersonio a conventu data esse mandata arbitrari 
 se respondit. Hendersonius vero negat ; nihil tamen dubitare se, quin 
 conventus rata habeat, quae ipse promisisset. Montisrosanus nihil certi 
 statuere posse se asserit absque publica fide, dissentientibus praesertim 
 inter se internunciis. Hie (quod in ejusmodi rebus fieri assolet) alius in alium 
 culpam referebat ; cum utrumque justius de propria incuria et negligentia 
 queri oportuerit. Desito in hunc modum colloquio, Montisrosanus quidem 
 voti compos ; illi vero nihil certi referentes, ad suos rediere. 
 
 CAP. III. 
 
 Montisrosanus a colloquio reversus, rem totam sicuti gesta est ad 
 amicos, quibus unice fidebat, defert, et simul suadet ut una omnes 
 (ad majorem fidem faciendam) ad Regem properarent, quo plenissime de 
 cunctis edoctus, sanioribus consiliis aurem praeberet, et adhuc, si fieri 
 posset, ad tanta mala avertenda maturum adhiberet remedium. Plerique 
 conclamatum hactenus esse de Rege ejusque authoritate censebant Rem 
 esse humanas vires penitus excedentem, ut regnum istud ad debitum 
 obsequium reducatur. Se quidem Deo, propriae conscientiae et famae 
 satisfecisse, qui hue usque cum ignominia, bonorum jactura, et vitae 
 discrimine in fide perstiterint. In posterum spectatores, Deum optimum 
 maximum meliora ardentibus votis imploraturos. Montisrosanus, qui nullis 
 unquam rationibus adduci potuit quo minus in honestissima sententia 
 
 2 A 
 
358 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 perseveraret, communicato consilio cum Ogilvio regulo, quern unice semper 
 diligebat, recta Oxoniam petit. Aberat inde Rex, ad obsidionem Glocestriae 
 profectus. Reginae vero quid foederati in Scotia in Regiam Majestatem 
 molirentur, frustra impertit. Nihil ilia sibi persuader! patiebatur, propter 
 fiduciam quam longe maximam in Hamiltoniis fratribus coUocabat. 
 
 Cum nihil apud Reginam proficeret Montisrosanus, Glocestriam pro- 
 ficiscitur, ipsique Regi omnia denunciat. Exercitum validissimum in Scotia 
 comparari, diemque dictum esse quo in Angliam perduceretur. Sibi 
 consilia eorum penitus perspecta esse; et spe conciliandi ejus animi 
 amplissimas in eodem dignitates oblatus fuisse. Se vero tantum scelus 
 ex animo aversatum, ad Regem accurrisse, ut ille praemonitus, si minus 
 opportunum aliquod et efficax afferret remedium, remoram saltem et im- 
 pedimentum aliquod objiceret, quoad res suas in Anglia componeret. 
 Perduelles in hoc et illo regno seorsum facilius domandos ; ubi vero copias 
 viresque conjunxerint, rem fore difficillimam. Quamplurimos esse Scotos, 
 qui se suaque omnia pro carissimo Rege devoverent ; quorum prona 
 voluntas illi quidem inutilis futura sit, post coactum exercitum ; sibi ipsis 
 vero perniciosa. Mature premendos esse elatos perduellium spiritus, 
 viresque infringendas, priusquam in immensum excrescant, ne principiis 
 neglectis, sero forsan poenitendum sit. Haec et similia indies quidem, 
 sed frustra inculcabat. Enimvero illi non tantum cum fiducia Regis, quam 
 in Hamiltoniis longe maximam collocaverat, sed et cum perditissimis 
 aulicis colluctandum fuit. Qui ejus adolescentiam, temeritatem, ambitionem, 
 et in Hamiltonios odium invidiamque Regis auribus subinde insusurrabant. 
 De Hamiltoniorum vero integritate, fide, prudentia, potentiaque magni- 
 ficentissime disserebant. Nihil proficiente Montisrosano, Rex Oxoniam 
 ad hiberna reversus est. Et quamvis percrebrescentibus de exercitu 
 Scoticano rumoribus, vera omnia praenunciasse Montisrosanum persentis- 
 ceret, certum tamen fuit sanctissimo Regi, Scotis suis, nisi prius Angliam 
 ingressis, ne vel levissimam querelae materiam exhibere. Se quidem 
 datam fidem sancte colere : quam si illi violaverint, Deo et sibi poenas 
 daturos, nihil dubitare. Dum ista Oxoniae agitantur, foederati in Scotia, 
 nullo obstante, ex animi sui sententia omnia peragunt. Copias quam 
 possunt maximas contrahunt. Et jam in ipso regnorum limite exercitus 
 in procinctu stabat, qui peditum octo et decem, equitum vero duobus 
 constabat millibus. Tandem ergo Hamiltonii adventantis infesti exercitus 
 per literas Regem admonere non erubuerunt ; hoc excusationi praetexentes, 
 se secundum datam fidem sedulo curasse, ne qui eum ex Scotia praeterita 
 aestate invaderent : quo vero inclinante jam hieme hoc non faciant, impedire 
 non posse. Certo enim cum validissimis copiis jam jamque affuturos. 
 Rex ubi se aperte ludificatum sensit, tandem Montisrosanum ultro com- 
 
CAP. III. 
 
 359 
 
 pellat ; Hamiltoniorum literas explicat : et quid potissimum agendum sit, 
 sententiam ejus, sero quidem, sed serio postulat. 
 
 Montisrosanus refert, Majestatem regiam tandem pervidere posse, nihil 
 ipsum ex ambitione, aut avaritia, aut Hamiltoniorum odio, sed pro debita 
 fide et observantia dixisse. Annum jam et amplius elapsum esse, ex quo 
 tam ipsum Regem, quam prudentissimam Reginam imminentis periculi 
 admonere non destiterit. In hoc se infelicem, quod apud optimum domi- 
 num fidissimus servus fidem non invenerit. Rem jam deperditam videri, 
 cui facillime mederi potuisset, nisi se illorum arbitrio permisisset, qui ejus 
 authoritate suffulti, aliorum quidem ora obturaverint ; ahos vero nihil tale 
 cogitantes, specie caritatis in Regem, ad promovendam rebellionem inscios 
 abduxerint ; quique, jam comparato exercitu, perduellibus omnia gratis 
 tradiderint. Rex semet foedissime proditum conquestus ab eis quibus 
 arcana, sceptrum, honorem vitamque credidisset, impensius consilium ejus 
 rogare perstitit. Ille rem deploratam videri praefatus, verumtamen si sic 
 domino Regi visum fuerit, se vel in reducendis popularibus ad obsequium 
 nee impune periturum spondet, vel (quod nondum desperaret) perduelles 
 in ordinem coacturum. Rex hominis fiducia, magnanimitate, et in rebus 
 etiam perditis constantia non parum erectus, quo maturius de totius rei 
 bene gerendae ordine consultaret, diem unum aut alterum indulgens 
 dimisit.''" 
 
 Tempore praestituto reversus ad Regem Montisrosanus indicat, se rem 
 plane arduam et difficilem aggredi. Scotiam omnem foederatorum jugo 
 subactam ; munimenta praesidiis occupata, instrumenta militaria, com- 
 meatum, arraa, stipendia, militem, cuncta denique ad belli usus necessaria 
 abunde suppetere. Perduelles insuper Anglos arctissimo foedere ad mutua 
 auxilia contra omnes mortales junctos esse. Sibi vero nihil eorum esse, 
 quae ad famam saltem in belli initio conciliandam inserviant. Non militem, 
 non stipendia, et ne arma quidem. Justissimae tamen causae et divinae 
 opi non diffidere ; et si juberet Rex rem in se suscipere, Regi quidem 
 nihil novi detrimenti, odium, invidiam, periculum, pro caritate in Regem, 
 in se derivaturum : modo ad paucula ejus postulata clementer annueret. 
 Enimvero ut res melioribus auspiciis geratur, pernecessarium imprimis 
 videri, ut Rex armatos quosdam ex Hibernia in occidentalem Scotiae 
 partem immittat. Deinde ut Marchioni Novi castri (qui tum versus 
 Scotiam copiis Regiis cum summo imperio praeerat) mandaret ut aliqua 
 exercitus sui parte auxilio esset ad invadendas Scotiae partes meridionales ; 
 quorum praesertim praesidio Montisrosanus in intima Regni penetraret. 
 Insuper, ut a potentissimo Daniae Rege aliquot equitum Germanorum 
 
 1 Demisit in the editions, and often. 
 
36o RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 turmas impetraret. Et denique ut ratio iniretur, qua parari et ab exteris 
 nationibus arma in Scotiam deferri possent. Ad ista etiam humanam 
 accedere debere industriam ; caetera Deo et providentiae permittenda. 
 Rex, laudato ejus consilio, et gratiis etiam actis, quod nondum de summa 
 rei desperasset, hortatur ut tanto operi se alacriter accingat : postulata ejus 
 sibi curae fore. 
 
 Et sane quod ad auxilia Hibernica, Antromiae comitem accersit, et 
 consilii Montisrosani participem facit. Est ille origine Scotus, ex nobili et 
 antiqua Makdonaldorum gente oriundus, opibus et potentia in Hibernia 
 clarus, plerisque etiam in Anglia primae nobilitatis affinis, juncta sibi 
 matrimonio Buckinghamiae ducis vidua. Ditione autem sua pulsus, 
 Oxoniae degebat. Hie negotium, quod ad Hibernos attinet, summa cum 
 alacritate in se suscepit. Simulque foedus cum Montisrosano inire omnino 
 voluit, quo sese ultro obstrinxit ante kal. Ap. anno miocxliv in 
 Argatheliam (qua parte Scotia Hiberniae objacet) cum decem millibus 
 descensurum. Agebantur vero ilia mense Dec. anno midcxliii. Quod 
 vero ad externa auxilia et arma, Joannes Cokeramius eques legatione 
 ornatus, cum mandatis et diplomate Regio dimittitur. Mandata ad 
 Marchionem Novi castri in Montisrosani comitatu deferenda traduntur. 
 Ille vero Uteris et diplomate Regio instructus, quo regni Scotiae vicarius 
 gubernator et copiarum dux renunciatus erat, iter in Scotiam meditabatur. 
 Ex improvise interim nunciatur, Hamiltonium ducem, cum fratre Lanrici^ 
 comite Oxoniam versus properare. Illi, quo sibi aditum facilius patefacerent 
 ad Regem, quem hactenus consiliis suis obnoxium semper detinuerant, et 
 pristinam apud eum gratiam recuperarent, per omnem Angliam, qua illis 
 eundum fuit, praesertim apud provinciarum urbiumque praefectos et belli 
 duces praedicabant, se patrio solo extorres, amissis bonis, et de vita etiam 
 periclitantes, pro fide erga Regem a foederatis exactos, Oxoniam fugere. 
 Montisrosanus vero et qui cum eo sentiebant, ista quidem ad eluendam 
 recentis culpae notam magnifice jactari, verum vana et falsa esse arguebant. 
 lUos scilicet fiducia gratiae qua dudum apud Regem, et validae factionis, 
 qua in aula sibi addictissima pollebant, non dubitare, quo minus eundem 
 obtinerent locum, modo vel ad salutationem admitterentur. Nee alia de 
 causa illuc properare, quam ut denuo Montisrosano everso, extinguerent 
 scintillulam istam Regiae Majestatis, quae adhuc in Scotia spirabat. Et 
 Montisrosanus libere testatus est, se tanti mali spectatorem nunquam 
 futurum. Adeoque Regis veniam humillime postulare, ut quovis gentium 
 se recipere liceat, si isti, qui toties spem de eis conceptam frustrati fuissent, 
 
 * This represents the old Scotch pronunciation of the name Lanark, spelt Lainrick in Turner's 
 Memoirs, Lanrick in Guthrie, etc. 
 
CAP. III. 
 
 361 
 
 in gratiam redirent. Non quod durius quid in illos decerni cuperet ; sed 
 tantum quod Regem rogatum velit, ut sedulo caveret, ne quid amplius illi 
 rebus ejus nocerent. Rex tamen aegre consensit, ut aula arcerentur. Et 
 omnino Lanrici comitem in civitate degere permisit. At ille nescio quibus 
 stimulis agitatus, Oxonia Londinum ad Parliamentum Anglicanum, et mox 
 ad foederatorum in Scotia exercitum (quod jam in Angliam irruperat) sese 
 transtulit : et strenuam illis operam navare postea non destitit, Frater 
 transfuga sic Regis animum perpulit, ut ducem ipsum carceri mancipandum 
 censuerit. 
 
 Erant in aula et castris Regiis Scoti nonnulli, merito forsan sus- 
 pecti quod foederatis addictiores essent, et illis arcana quaeque perfidiose 
 proderent. Istos, ut tanquam ad Lydium lapidem probaret, banc rationem 
 inire Montisrosano visum est. Libellum ex Regis mandato conscribi cur- 
 avit, cui Scoti quotquot fideles videri vellent, manu sua subscriberent ; 
 profitentes eo sese foederatorum consilia ex animo detestari ; immissum 
 praesertim in Angliam exercitum, contra Regem legesque patrias, tanquam 
 Majestatis crimen damnare ; et insuper sancte polliceri, cum bonorum omnium 
 et vitae dispendio se crimen illud pro viribus in reos vindicaturos. Huic 
 libello viri probi et honesti certatim subscripsere. Inventi tamen duo sunt, 
 quibus Rex omnium Scotorum post Hamiltonios maxime fidebat, Trequarius 
 comes, et Gulielmus Moravius, cubicularius Regis, qui multum reluctati, et 
 metu detectae proditionis vix tandem induci potuerunt, ut illud praestarent. 
 Nihilominus et illi interposito jurejurando promiserunt se in Scotia Montis- 
 rosano ad certum diem auxilio affuturos. Qua in re etiam fidem foedissime 
 violarunt. 
 
 His peractis, et Oxonia versus Scotiam digress© Montisrosano, Hamil- 
 toniorum amici aliique infidi aulici hominem vanum et ambitiosum praedi- 
 care, rem quae fieri plane non posset aggredi, foederatorum vires et 
 potentiam immodice extollere, et quo plures deterrerent, qui nobilissimi 
 facinoris participes esse desiderabant, nihil ab isto viro sperandum esse, 
 malitiose apud omnes jactabant. 
 
 Ille vilissimorum hominum obtrectationibus nihil commotus, Eboracum, 
 et mox Dunelmum pervenit : ubi Novi castri Marchioni mandata Regis 
 tradi curat, et postridie congressi ad colloquium descenderunt. Novi 
 castrensis nihil quam rerum omnium in exercitu suo penuriam ostentare. 
 Perduelles Scotos, qui media hieme improvisi irruperant, delectum ejus 
 pervertisse, jamque intra quinque passuum millia numero longe superiores 
 castris suis imminere. Equitatum denique nullum sine manifesto totius 
 exercitus periculo concedi posse. Montisrosanus contra disserebat, nihil 
 magis ad prosperum belli eventum conducere posse, quam si equitatus (quo 
 plurimum valebat) partem secum in Scotiam mitteret, hostesque averteret, 
 
362 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 aut saltern distraheret, et ad suos propugnandos retraheret, domestico 
 periculo attonitos. Novi castrensis se praesenti periculo defunctum Mon- 
 tisrosano non defuturum amice respondit. Quod praestiturum fuisse virum 
 nobilem et de Rege optime meritum, si diutius provinciis istis cum imperio 
 praefuisset, nullus dubitaverit, modo ei perspectum fuerit honestum illud, 
 et generosum pectus. Interim, quod unum pro angustia temporis potuit, 
 ad centum equites, sed equos strigosos et male habitos (non imperatoris 
 culpa, sed aliorum invidia) cum duobus tormentis aeneis, minusculis illis, 
 quae campestria vocant, ei attribuit. 
 
 Mandata insuper dedit ad Regis ministros et militiae praefectos in 
 Cumbria et Westmoria, ut Montisrosano Scotiam petenti frequentes in 
 armis adsint, et operam ad omnia strenue praestent. Montisrosanus 
 Carleolum versus profectus, in itinere obvios habuit Cumbros et West- 
 morios, pedites quidem octingentos, cum tribus equitum turmis, qui eum 
 secundum Novi castrensis mandata in Scotiam comitarentur. Ducebat 
 ipse equites ducentos, viros plerosque nobiles et generosos, quique in 
 Germania, Gallia, aut Anglia ordines duxissent. Quibus copiis perexiguis 
 quidem, nee satis fidis, instructus, Scotiam ingressus est ad Idus Aprilis. 
 Properabat enim, ne tempore ab Antromio comite praestituto abesset. 
 
 CAP. IV. 
 
 Scotiam ingressus Montisrosanus ad Ananam flumen pervenerat, cum, 
 orta inter Anglos militari seditione, cui ansam praebuere Richardi Graemi 
 satellites, plerique omnes signa deserunt, et praecipiti cursu repetunt 
 Angliam. Ipse tamen Dunfrisium cum suis pervenit ; et oppidum dedi- 
 tione civium in fidem recepit. Paulisper etiam illic commoratus est, ut 
 Antromio cum auxiliis Hibernicis occurreret. Verum tempore praestituto 
 jam pridem elapso, nullus ab eis nuncius, nulla de eis fama in Scotiam 
 perlata fuit. Concurrentibus vero undique foederatis, nisi mature se 
 recepisset, hostium insidiis procul dubio fuisset interceptus. Carleolum 
 tamen incolumis cum suis reversus est Montisrosanus. Et cum nihil 
 subsidii ab Anglis impetrare posset, nee ab exteris auxilium brevi 
 affuturum putaret, nee de Hibernis fere ulla spes superesset, et Kalen- 
 darium comitem in Scotia novum exercitum contraxisse comperisset, quo 
 Leslaeo subsidio esset, qui jam Eboracum cum foederatis obsidione cinxerat, 
 ne tempus segni et inutili otio tereret, instituit illis, qui in Northumbria 
 et agro Dunelmensi Regi militabant, operam suam navare. Nee sane ea 
 aut illis inutilis aut ipsi indecora fuit. 
 
CAP. IV. 363 
 
 Exacto enim ex urbe Morpetensi foederatorum praesidio, arcem ex- 
 pugnavit. Praedam omnem Anglis permisit. Praesidiarios, accepta fide 
 nunquam contra Regem militaturos, sine graviore paena dimisit. Muni- 
 mentum ad Tinae amnis ostium foederatis (qui non ita pridem praesidium 
 Anglorum inde deturbaverant), eripuit. Captivos eadem qua Morpetenses 
 lege in Scotiam remisit. Novum castrum, comportatis ex Anvico et locis 
 vicinis frugibus, commeatu non exiguo juvit, Et istis gestis, Ruperti 
 Principis Comitis Palatini ad Rhenum Uteris, qui ad solvendam obsidionem 
 Eboracensem properabat, accersitur. Et quamvis ille qua potuit celeritate 
 ad eum contendebat, postridie tamen, quam adversa fortuna pugnatum fuit, 
 revertenti ab Eboraco Principi obvius factus est. Et Princeps quidem 
 mille equites Montisrosano ultro obtulit, quos secum in Scotiam duceret. 
 Verum optimi Principis animum qui nimia apud eum gratia valebat per- 
 verterunt ; adeo ut postridie illius diei quo promiserat, ne unum quidem 
 impetrare potuerit. 
 
 Deficientibus sic omnibus, a quibus aliquid auxilii sperandum fuit, 
 solus animus Montisrosano nunquam defecit. Carleolum ergo reversus 
 cum paucis illis quidem, sed fidis aeque ac fortibus viris, qui illi 
 adhaerebant, Ogilvium regulum cum Gulielmo Rolloco equite, obscuro et 
 ementito habitu, ne ab hostibus deprehenderentur, in intima Scotiae 
 ablegat. Illi, ante quartum et decimum diem reversi, omnia in Scotia 
 deperdita esse renunciant. Aditus, arces, urbes foederatorum praesidiis 
 teneri ; nee quemquam inveniri, qui reverenter saltern, aut cum aliquo 
 honore et affectu de Rege verba facere audeat. Hoc tam tristi nuncio 
 perculsi, plerique eorum qui Montisrosano hactenus adhaeserant, ut sibi 
 quoquo modo consulerent, alio oculos animosque convertebant, instigante 
 praesertim ad defectionem egregio illo viro Trequario Comite. Qui votorum 
 omnium, et dirarum, quas capiti suo coram Rege imprecatus fuerat, 
 immemor, fidem publicam, praemia etiam, opes dignitatesque trans- 
 fugientibus foederatorum nomine pollicebatur. Quasi non Regis, quod 
 prae se ferebat, sed perduellium res procuraret : qui tamen post Hamil- 
 tonium gratia et fide apud optimum Regem praecipue eminebat. 
 
 Montisrosanus vocatos ad consilium amicos rogat, ut quid tandem in 
 tristi hoc rerum statu faciendum videretur, in medium proferant. Suadent 
 alii ut ad Regem Oxoniam proficiscatur, illique conclamatum esse de rebus 
 Scoticis renunciet. Non adfuisse cum copiis Hibernis Antromium, nee 
 ullam de eis spem fecisse. Ab Anglis parum aut nihil impetratum fuisse. 
 De armis et auxiliis externis ne nuncium quidem perlatum ; adeoque nulla 
 ejus culpa accidisse, quod mandato sib^* munere non functus fuerit felicius. 
 Alii, ut literas apologeticas cum diplomate Oxoniam ad Regem remitteret ; 
 ipse vero ad exteras quasvis nationes pro tempore se reciperet, quoad 
 
364 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 Deus opt. max. suggerat meliora. Omnes in hoc unanimi consensu 
 conveniunt, nihil amplius in illo negotio attentandum esse. At ille unus 
 et solus longe alia excelso illo et malis invicto animo versabat. Nun- 
 quam ille carissimum dominum et Regem vel in praesenti mortis periculo 
 deserendum, nunquam de justissima causa desperandura putavit. Et si 
 majus aliquid, quam quod in vulgares animos cadat, auderet tentaretque, 
 sibi quidem honorificum, nee Regi forsan inutile fore augurabatur. Sicut 
 enim dubium esset, an tandem adversam Regis fortunam clementior Deus 
 in laetiorem commutaret, ita illud utique certum esse, quamvis excidentem 
 ingentibus ausis, honeste tamen et cum laude moriturum. Rem tandem 
 Dei opt. max. curae et tutelae ardentibus votis committens, sine milite, 
 sine stipendiis, sine armis ea gessit, quae ut nobis, qui audivimus, qui 
 vidimus, qui rebus gerendis praesentes interfuimus, plane miranda, sic et 
 maximis in posterum ducibus cum laude imitanda et aemulanda sint. Ea 
 vero qualia fuerint deinceps sumus descripturi. 
 
 Paucos istos, qui constantes in fide perseverabant, ad Regem perducendos 
 Ogilvio tradit Montisrosanus. Ilium enim, ut omnium, sic et praesentis 
 consilii participem fecit. Simulque mandat, ut strenue apud Regem agat, 
 pro maturando ab exteris nationibus, si non militum, at armorum saltem 
 auxilio. Et ipse bidui itinere cum illis profectus, relictis apud eos equis, 
 asseclis, et aliis impedimentis, se ipsum clam subduxit, et qua potuit 
 celeritate Carleolum repetiit. Illi de ejus discessu nihil suspicantes, 
 propter Ogilvium et alios carissimos praesentes, Oxoniam contendebant. 
 Verum eo nunquam pervenerunt ; plerique enim, inter quos ipse Ogilvius, 
 loannes Innesius eques et equitum tribunus, Henricus Graemus frater, 
 optimae spei adolescens, lacobus, loannes, Alexander Ogilvii, Patricius 
 Melvinus, et alii viri fortes, et Montisrosano in paucis cari, in hostium 
 manus inciderunt. Omnesque diuturno prorsus et squalido carcere 
 macerati ; quoad vertente anno ab ipso Montisrosano armis in libertatem 
 vindicati, fidelem illi operam postea praestiterunt. Ille Carleolum reversus, 
 Aboinium quidem comitem consilii sui participem fecit, ne vel minimam 
 querelae materiam relinqueret, quod inscio et inconsulto illo rem tantam 
 aggressus fuerit, cujus utilis forsan futura fuerit in rebus gerendis opera. 
 Verum cum justam in illo adolescente constantiam desideraret, ilium ut 
 difficillimi itineris socium non ambiebat. Facile enim persuasit, ut Carleoli 
 subsisteret, quoad rerum gestarum fama excitetur. Et tum quidem magis 
 opportunum fore ejus in patriam reditum. 
 
 Jamque ad iter accinctus, duos omnino itineris socios et viae duces 
 assumpsit, Gulielmum RoUocum equitem, virum generosum, expertae fidei, et 
 manu et consilio promptum, et Sibbaldum quendam, quem ob fortitudinis 
 famam pari honore et amore prosequebatur. At hie postea tempore diffi- 
 
CAP. IV. 
 
 365 
 
 cilHmo ab eo defecit. Montisrosanus Sibbaldi servulum simulans, et habitu 
 equisonem referens, strigoso plane equo insidebat, alterum vero trahebat 
 manu. Et sic ad regni limites progressus est, ubi notos tutosque aditus 
 ab hostibus diligentissime observatos offendit. Accessit etiam quod longe 
 majorem metum incussit. Non procul a limite in clientem quendam 
 Richardi Graemi forte inciderunt, qui eos foederatos esse ratus, et ex 
 Leslaei militibus, qui frequentes per ista loca obequitabant, libere fidenter- 
 que indicat, Patrono suo cum foederatis Scotis optima con venire ; et in 
 se suscepisse, tanquam eorum speculatorem, delaturum ad eos, si qui ad 
 ista loca diverterent, quos Regi favere suspicaretur. Indignum facinus 
 propudiosi nequam, de quo non modo Montisrosanus optima quaeque 
 sperabat, sed et qui ab infimae plebis faece, ne quid gravius dicam, ad 
 equestris ordinis dignitatem et opes vicinis invidendas Regis gratia et male 
 collocata munificentia evectus erat. 
 
 Non procul ab isto digressi, obvium habent militem, Scotum quidem, 
 sed qui in Anglia sub Novo castrensi Marchione meruisset. Et iste neglectis 
 comitibus Montisrosanum salutavit. Quod cum ille dissimulare et neglig- 
 ere contenderet, non dubitavit iste, sed voce et vultu ad modestiam et 
 officium composite ingeminare, "nonne ego dominum meum Montisrosarum 
 Marchionem probe novi ? abi cum bono Deo, et vale." Ille, ubi se agnitum 
 ab isto comperit, aureis paucis donatum dimisit. Qui rem fidei suae com- 
 missam non prodidit. Montisrosanus istis sermonibus vehementer stimu- 
 latus, quam maxima potuit celeritate famam sui antevertendam censuit. 
 Nee jumentorum armis parcere, aut fraena ferme laxari permisit, quoad 
 quarto demum die in agro Perthensi, qua monies pertingit, non procul a 
 Tai amnis ripa ad aedes Patricii Graemi, Insbrakii, consanguinei sui, per- 
 venit. Patricio ab illustrissima familia Montisrosana oriundo, et splendid- 
 issimis natalibus digno, Montisrosanus jure merito plurimum tribuebat : apud 
 quem, interdiu in satis obscuro tugurio, noctu in montibus vicinis, aliquot 
 dies solus egit. Comites enim ad amicos ablegaverat, ut universum regni 
 statum accurate perdiscerent, et reversi ipsum edocerent. 
 
 Post paucos dies, rebus qua potuerunt fide et industria exploratis, nihil 
 illi quam tragoedias renunciant. Subditos, quotquot probi et fideles essent, 
 perduellium tyrannide oppresses jacere. Horum vero, qui sese armis vindi- 
 care ausi erant, alios pecuniis, alios capite multatos, alios in vinculis detentos, 
 extrema quaeque indies expectare. Huntilaeum Marchionem arma temere 
 rapta ad primum hostilis tubae sonitum deposuisse. Copias quidem illi 
 non contemnendas adfuisse ; sed defuisse copiis ducem. Amicos et clientes 
 ejus hostium implacabili odio et vindictae expositos ; ipsum vero ad ulti- 
 mum insulae angulum aufugisse, et in alieno agro delitescere. Montisros- 
 anus hoc nuncio, Huntilaei praesertim errore et Gordoniorum casu, ut par 
 
366 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 erat, valde commotus fuit. Quos ille viros, fide in Regem, fortitudinis et 
 rei militaris gloria claros, tarn insigni clade, nulla eorum culpa, afflictos 
 ingemiscebat. Et jam turn animo versabat, quo tandem pacto eosdem 
 ad se pertraheret ; ut denuo, sad sub alio duce, belli aleam pro carissimo 
 Rege experirentur. 
 
 CAP. V. 
 
 Spargebantur interea apud pastores, qui gregibus suis in montibus 
 invigilabant, incerti rumores de Hibernis quibusdam, qui navigiis advecti 
 in septentrionali Scotiae plaga loca montana peragrabant. Montisrosano 
 videbatur non vero absimile, istos esse de numero auxiliariorum, quos ante 
 quatuor menses Antromius promiserat. Nihil tamen certi ea de re statuere 
 potuit, quoad ecce literas a montanis quibusdam, intimis ejus amicis, et 
 Alexandro Makdonaldo itidem Scoto, quern Antromius paucis istis Hibernis 
 ducem imposuerat, ad Montisrosanum datas. Quas ad amicum quendam 
 suum, et eundem partium studiosissimum, deferri curaverant, ut eas ille 
 Carleolum, si qua fieri posset, transmitteret, ubi Montisrosanum adhuc 
 subsistere putabant. Ille, cui nihil de ejus in patriam reditu suboluerat, 
 quamvis in vicinia habitaret, rem forte Patricio Graemo impertiendam 
 censuit. Et Patricius eas sibi curae fore pollicetur, fidenterque suscipit illas 
 Montisrosano traditurum, etiamsi illi Carleolum usque eundum foret. Et 
 sic omni expectatione citius, favente plane et dirigente numine, ad eum 
 pervenerunt. Ille autem, quasi adhuc Carleoli esset, respondit ; jubetque 
 bono animo esse ; nee enim auxilium opportunum, nee ducem illis defuturum. 
 Simul etiam mandat, ut quam primum in Atholiam descendant. 
 
 Erant Atholii Montisrosano multis nominibus obnoxii ; et ob eximiam in 
 Regem fidem, pietatem, constantiam cum singulari fortitudinis fama Mon- 
 tanorum carissimi. Et sane illi tanta viri aestimatione dignissimi ad belli 
 exitum perstiterunt, Hiberni, et perpauci cum illis montani Scoti, qui 
 fermi omnes ex Badenothia erant, acceptis Montisrosani mandatis, confestim 
 Atholiam petunt. Ille, qui non supra viginti passuum millia aberat, pedes 
 et in montano habitu, uno illo Patricio consanguineo viae duce et comite, 
 illico illis et improvisus adest. Et sane vix sibi persuadere poterant 
 Hiberni, hunc, quem praesentem conspiciebant, ipsum esse Montisros- 
 anum. Verum ubi ab Atholiis aliisque, quibus probe notus erat, salutatum 
 et tantum non ut salutare numen adoratum viderunt, incredibili gaudio perfusi 
 sunt. Peropportunus enim illis fuit ejus adventus in summo discrimine 
 positis. Insequebatur eos Argathelius valido et instructo exercitu. Cam- 
 pestris regio in armis expectabat, si in planiciem descenderent, vel equorum 
 
CAP. V. 
 
 367 
 
 ungulis protrituri.^ Navigia, quae eos advexerant, ab Argathelio concremata, 
 ne quis effugio locus esset. Nee Atholii aut alii qui Regi favebant ullum 
 discrimen cum illis subituri erant ; quia, cum peregrini essent, non aperta 
 Regis et cognita authoritate nitebantur. Nee ullum antiquae nobilitatis 
 ducem ostentabant ; quod montani isti imprimis venerantur, nunquam 
 Alexandri Makdonaldi novi hominis auspiciis militaturi. Numerus denique 
 perexiguus, qui non centum supra mille excedebat, quamvis decern millia 
 promissa fuissent. 
 
 Postridie Atholii maxima alacritate armatos se et ad obsequium pronos 
 numero octingentos Montisrosano exhibent. Ille hac manu stipatus, 
 et Deo opt. max. justissimae causae tutelam ardentibus votis com- 
 mendans, nihil jam desiderabat, quam cum confertissimis hostibus manus 
 conserere. Ulterioris etiam morae impatiens, illo ipso die per Atholiae 
 campos lernam versus contendit. Tam ut amicis et auxiliariis (si qui rei 
 fama excitarentur) aditum patefaceret, priusquam ab hostibus praeclud- 
 erentur, quam ut perduelles rei novitate perculsos aggrederetur, antequam 
 copias adhuc dissitas conjungerent. Wemiam ergo, Menesiorum arcem, 
 praetergressus, cum illi fecialem, quem ad eos amico animo miserat, igno- 
 miniose, milites vero, qui extremum agmen claudebant, hostiliter tractassent, 
 agros populari, aedes frugesque collectas immissis facibus incendi jussit, quo 
 in ipso belli quasi limine majorem aliis terrorem incuteret. Taum deinde, 
 fluviorum Scotiae longe maximum, cum parte copiarum ilia nocte trajecit. 
 Reliqui postridie multo adhuc mane insequuntur. Itineri accinctus, 
 Patricium Graemum, de quo saepe, nee unquam sine honore dicendum est, 
 Atholiis enixe rogantibus ducem dedit. Et eundem cum expeditis qui- 
 busdam, quos ex Atholiis suis delegerat, ad speculandum praemisit. Ille 
 conspici a se armatos in edito coUe ad Bukintum renunciat. In eos Montis- 
 rosanus recta ducit. Imperabant istis Kilpontinus Regulus, Taithiae comitis 
 filius, perantiquae nobilitatis vir et de nobilissima Graemorum gente oriundus, 
 et loannes Drummondus eques, Perthensis comitis filius, et hie Montis- 
 rosani consanguineus. Appellati erant illi a foederatis, ut se cum aliis 
 Hibernis tanquam hostibus publicis opponerent ; ducebantque quingentos 
 omnino pedites; nee quidquam certi de Montisrosano adhuc inaudiverant. 
 Ille hos quam primum occupare et vel ad partes pertrahere vel opprimere 
 statuit. At illi, ubi primum Montisrosanum imperare intelligunt, amicorum 
 praecipuos ad eum mittunt, qui quid in animo haberet, interrogent. Ille 
 Regia authoritate munitum se respondit, eandemque a detestanda rebellione 
 pro viribus vindicandam suscepisse. Rogare insuper eos, viros sibi multis 
 nominibus carissimos, ne operam etiam suam meritissimo Regi praestare 
 
 ^ Protritum iri? But W. is expressing the thought of the Lowlanders. 
 
368 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 graventur. Quod ut eorum natalibus dignum, et Regi gratum foret, sic et 
 in praesentem rem ^ utile, et apud posteros exterosque eximio eorum honori 
 cederet, si illi omnium primi ad nutantem Majestatem sublevandam accur- 
 rerent. Illi absque uUa cunctatione nee inviti quidem ad partes transeunt. 
 Uterque enim, quamvis occulte, Regi vehementer favebat. 
 
 Ab istis edoctus Montisrosanus foederatos frequentes in armis Pertham 
 confluxisse (secunda ilia est post Edinburgum Scotiae ci vitas) ibique hostes 
 ex Atholia descendentes opperiri, 
 
 Et ille gnarus Argathelium cum exercitu vestigiis suis insistere, ne 
 inter hostiles copias opprimeretur, Pertham progredi instituit, ut hostes 
 vel ad dimicandum cogeret, vel ut urbem vi captam redigeret in potestatem. 
 Tribus ergo miliaribus Bukinto progressus, et perbrevi tempore militibus 
 ad curanda corpora permisso, illucescente statim die copias educit. Nee 
 supra totidem miliaria ab urbe aberat, cum hostes in ampla prorsus et 
 aperta planicie (Tippermoram vocant) pugnam expectantes conspicit. 
 Imperabat illi§ Elchous regulus, rei militaris, ut ferebatur, non admodum 
 peritus. Aderant illi Tullibardinus Comes, Drummondus regulus, — sed hie, 
 (ut fama est) invitus, qui cum universa familia paterna Regi ex animo 
 favebat, — equestris vero ordinis plurimi, inter quos lacobus, non minus 
 nomine quam natione Scotus, qui, cum Venetis olim etiam cum bona 
 fama meruisset, militari peritia eminebat, Ducebant illi peditum sex 
 millia, equites vero septingentos. Hostesque suos praecoci spe et 
 multitudinis suorum fiducia deVoraverant. Dies erat dominicus, ipsis 
 Kal. Sept. ; et ministris curae imprimis datum est, ut militum animos, 
 sanctissimi (scilicet) foederis memores, ad pugnam fortiter capessendam 
 compositis orationibus accenderent. Et illi quidem vehementissima laterum 
 contentione eo munere fortiter defuncti sunt. Ipsius enim omnipotentis 
 Dei nomine facilem illis et incruentam victoriam pollicentur. Inter eos, 
 opinione imperiti vulgi, eruditione et sanctimonia eminebat quidam Fred- 
 ericus Carmichael, qui istam vocem pro concione edere non perhorruit : 
 " Si unquam Deus ex ore meo quid certi aut veri protulit, ego vobis ejus 
 nomine certam hodie victoriam spondeo." 
 
 Sacris rite, ut videbatur, peractis, aciem instruunt. Dextrum cornu 
 Elchous ipse ducebat ; sinistro imperabat lacobus Scotus ; mediam aciem 
 Tullibardinus cogebat Comes. Cornibus equitum alae additae sunt, quibus 
 hostem in tam ampla planicie circundari posse minime dubitabant. Montis- 
 rosanus hostium multitudinem et equitatus praesertim robur conspicatus 
 (nee enim ille equitem vel unum, nee plures quam tres omnino strigosos 
 
 ^ I.q. "there and then," "on the spot." The editions have "in praesentiaram," a vox nihili, 
 for " praesentia rerum ? " or " praesentarium ?" 
 
CAP. V. 369 
 
 et emaciates equos habuit) ut par erat, solicitus, ne tarn imparl numero 
 circumventus, a fronte, a latere, a tergo simul premeretur, aciem, quantum 
 quidem fieri potuit, extendi curavit. Tresque tantum milites in singulis 
 ordinibus ^ collocari jussit. Hi ut siraul omnes jaculis ^ hostes impeterent, 
 eos, qui ordines ducebant, genibus flexis incurves, medios quasi illis 
 incumbentes et pronos, novissimos, qui et proceriores erant, erectos stare 
 jussit. Insuper mandat, ne frustra pulverem sulphureum prodigerent, 
 cujus inopia quam maxime laborabant ; et ne vel unum emitterent globulum, 
 priusquam ad ipsa hostium ora ventum foret ; sclopetis vero prima vice 
 displosis, ut statim strictis mucronibus et obversis manubriis in eos fortiter 
 incurrerent. Impetum eorum hostes nunquam perlaturos magna cum 
 fiducia spondet. Dexterum cornu, quod lacobo Scoto oppugnandum fuit, 
 ipse Montisrosanus ducendum suscepit, sinistrum Kilpontino regulo, 
 mediam aciem Makdonaldo attribuit cum Hibernis. Et hoc quidem optimo 
 consilio factum fuit, ne Hiberni illi, qui nee hastis longioribus nee gladiis 
 armati erant, in cornibus positi, hostili equitatui exponerentur. 
 
 Miserat ad hostium duces Montisrosanus Drummondum Madertaei 
 reguli primogenitum, virum nobilem et omni virtutum genere cumula- 
 tissimum, qui ejus nomine denunciaret, Se quidem, sicut et optimum Regem, 
 a quo mandata accepisset, a fundendo civili sanguine quam maxime ab- 
 horrere : nee aliud magis habere in votis, quam victoriam incruentam. 
 Illam utrumque exercitum sic tandem assequi posse, si ante belli aleam, 
 illi ad debitum domino Regi obsequiura revertantur. Se non opibus 
 inhiare, non honores ambire, non dignitatibus invidere, non vitis caris- 
 simorum civium insidiari ; unum hoc iterum atque iterum per Deum 
 immortalem obsecrare, ut tandem sanioribus consiliis aurem praebeant, 
 et in optimi Regis gratia, tutela, fide se suaque collocarent, qui, ut 
 hactenus in religione, aliisque omnibus, quae Scotis suis expetere visum 
 fuit, cum longe maximo Regii juris detrimento abunde satisfecerit, sic 
 adhuc, ut indulgentissimum patrem, quamvis infandis lacessitum injuriis, 
 ad liberos suos poenitentes amplexandos utramque manum extenderet. 
 Quod si vero illi contumaces in rebellione persisterent, Deum testem 
 habere, se eorum pervicacia victum, ad imminens certamen descendere. 
 Hostium duces ad ista quidem nihil. Verum legatum, qui sola in patriam 
 caritate id muneris susceperat, contra jus gentium, sub custodia militari 
 ignominiose habitum, Pertham incarcerandum remittunt. Votisque impiis 
 sese obstringunt, parta demum victoria, caput illi amputaturos. Clementior 
 
 ' Here denotes "files." 
 
 * Probably denotes bows and arrows, as well as stones. For Highlanders armed with bows, v. 
 Ch. vi., Battle of Aberdeen ; and Spalding, sub anno 1630, Ed. 1819, p. 9, etc. 
 
370 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 tamen Deus aliter, quam illi putabant, lectissimi ornatissimique viri incolu- 
 mitati consuluit, 
 
 Ventum erat ad globi tormentarii jactum, cum hostes sub Drummondi 
 reguli imperio, selectos quosdam praemittunt ante aciem, qui leviore pugna 
 Montisrosanum tentarent ac lacesserent. Pauci ad istos coercendos missi 
 eos primo insultu turbant, fundunt, et ad suorum aciem cum trepidatione 
 non exigua pellunt. Montisrosanus momento huic instandum esse judicavit. 
 Nee quidquam magis ad suos animandos et terrorem hostibus incutiendura 
 conducere posse, quam si palantes et recenti vulnere attonitos confestim 
 insequeretur, nee colligendis animis et componendis spatium permitteret. 
 Ingenti ergo sublato clamore, universam aciem in eos immittit. Hostes 
 primo eminus majora tormenta ante aciem collocata, majore cum strepitu 
 quam irruentium damno, displodunt. Deinde ipsi in pugnam procedentes, 
 equites in Montisrosani milites invecti sunt. Eos illi, deficiente iam pulvere 
 tormentario, cum nee longioribus hastis ac ne gladiis quidem plerique 
 essent armati, armis quae casus obtulit, lapidibus nimirum, fortiter excep- 
 erunt. Quorum ingentem vim tanta animorum corporumque contentione 
 in eos conjecere, ut receptui signum dare coegerint non amplius redituros. 
 Enimvero Hiberni Montanique egregia quadam fortitudinis aemulatione 
 tam pertinaciter recedentibus institere, ut tandem praecipiti fuga sibi 
 consuluerint. Acrius paulisper in dextero cornu certatum est. lacobus 
 Scotus aliquamdiu pro editiore colle acriter contendit. Verum miles 
 Montisrosanus corporis viribus, pernicitate praesertim et agilitate superior, 
 locum strenue occupavit. Inde strictis mucronibus Atholii insuper in 
 hostes irruunt. Et numerum sclopetariorum globos instar grandinis 
 emittentium nihil morantes, comminus (quod unice expetebant) aggressi, 
 proscindunt, proculcantque. Hostes tandem eorum impetum sustinere non 
 valentes, apertam fugam corripuerunt. Equitum plerique equorum per- 
 nicitate salutem sibi quaesiverunt. Peditum quam maxima strages, quos 
 ad sex aut septem miliaria victores insecuti sunt. Caesa traduntur 
 foederatorum duo millia ; plures capti. Quorum alii, praestito sacramento 
 militari, victoris arma secuti sunt, sed mala fide ; plerique enim omnes 
 defecere. Reliquos, data solemn! modo fide, nunquam in posterum contra 
 Regem ejusve duces militaturos, libertati restituit. Pertham eodem die, 
 ne vel minimo illato urbi damno, in fidem recepit, quamvis plerique omnes 
 fere incolae contra eum in acie stetissent ; tam insigni dementia fore 
 ratus, ut civium animi facilius Regi conciliarentur ; ad quod unum consilia 
 sua omnia dirigebat. 
 
CAP. VI. 371 
 
 CAP. VI. 
 
 MoNTiSROSANUS triduum Perthae substitit. Enimvero plurimos in locis istis, 
 qui se Regis studiosissimos jactabant, fama recentis victoriae excitos cum 
 amicis et clientibus armatis frustra expectabat. Solus Kinnulius Comes 
 cum paucis ex Gaurea generosis ad partes venerunt: nee illi quidem satis 
 constantes permanserunt. lamque Argathelius cum valido peditum exercitu, 
 juncto ex australibus locis equitatu, adventabat. Quapropter Montisrosanus, 
 trajecto Tao, ad Cuprum in Angusia oppidulum, et olim egregium, nunc 
 dirutum Monasterium, castra sub dio (ut ferme semper) locavit. Hie illi 
 obvius fuit insignis ille adolescens, Thomas Ogilvius eques, Arlaei Comitis 
 filius, cum aliis Angusianae nobilitatis generosis viris, qui operam suam ultro 
 detulerunt. Quos ille benigne habitos et multum laudatos dimisit, ut ad 
 militiam tolerandam se praepararent. Perpauci tamen eorum, praeter Ogil- 
 vios, ejus castra secuti sunt. 
 
 Postridie, incerta adhuc luce, necdum dato militibus signo ad iter capes- 
 sendum, totis castris tumultuarii milites ad arma decurrere, fremere, indignari, 
 et furiosorum more insanire persentit. Et ille, tumultum forte ex rixa inter 
 Montanos et Hibernos exortum ratus, medium sese in confertissimum agmen 
 conjicit. Ibi horrendum plane flagitium recens perpetratum comperit. lace- 
 bat nobilissimus Kilpontinus regulus indigna morte trucidatus. Sceleris 
 patrator ipsius cliens, nomine Stuartus, quem vir nobilis intima familiaritate 
 et amicitia dignatus fuerat, adeo ut ilia ipsa nocte sub eodem tegument© 
 dormiverint. Fama est, vilissimum illud mancipium constituisse Montis- 
 rosanum ipsum de medio tollere. Et pro nimia gratia, qua Kilpontinum 
 sibi quasi obnoxium habebat, spem concepisse pertrahendi eum ad societatem 
 sceleris ; adeoque in locum solitarium perducto, consilium suum impertivisse. 
 Kilpontinum vero, non aliter quam par erat, facinus detestatum; et par- 
 ricidam, tum metuentem, ne forte ab eo proderetur, incautum ilium et 
 improvisum, et nihil ab amico et beneficiario sibi metuentem, non uno 
 vulnere confecisse. Perditissimus tamen sicarius, occiso eminus milite, 
 qui ad portam castrorum excubias agebat, evasit, tam densa caligine in- 
 sequentium oculis offusa, ut vix hastarum cuspides apparerent. Parricidam 
 a foederatis, pretio alii, alii spe tantum praemii illectum vulgavere. Ut ut 
 sit, hoc sane constat, gratissimum illis esse in hunc usque diem, et quam 
 primum ab Argathelio ad amplissimas dignitates in exercitu evectum, hominem 
 militiae plane rudem. Montisrosanus viri nobilis et amici casu, optime de 
 Rege, optime de se meriti, nee minus bonarum artium, Philosophiae, divini 
 humanique juris peritia quam fidei et fortitudinis nomine clari vehementer 
 
372 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 commotus fuit. Et corpus exanimum non semel amplexus, inter suspiria 
 et lacrimas tristissimis amicis et clientibus tradidit ad parentes deferendum, 
 ut pro amplissima familiae dignitate sepulturae mandaretur. 
 
 Ipse cum reliquis copiis Taodunum proficiscitur. Oppidum illud, numero 
 civium ferox, et addito ex Fifanis praesidio confirmatum, deditionem recusabat. 
 Nee ille victoriae recens partae famam in ejus expugnatione periclitandum 
 ratus, versus Eskam tendit. Plerosque enim amicos suos et affines, viros 
 in illis locis opibus et clientelis florentes, qui de se suaque in Regem caritate 
 magnifice satis verba facere soliti erant, praesto sibi affuturos arbitrabatur. 
 Verum illi fama adventantis excitati se subduxerunt. Unus Ogilvius, Arlaeus 
 Comes, idemque sexagenarius, cum filiis Thoma et Davide equitibus, aliisque 
 amicis et clientibus, expertae fortitudinis viris, sese Montisrosano adjunxit; 
 et eximia fide et constantia usque ad belli exitum contra omnes fortunae 
 insultus lateri ejus adhaesit; in generali ferme ilia defectione, procenmi 
 Scotiae, cum Montisrosano, alterum decus et ornamentum. 
 
 Ista agenti Montisrosano nunciatur, delegates foederatorum (quorum 
 Burglaeus Regulus dux et praeses erat) Aberdoniam cum exercitu tenere ; 
 et septentrionales partes, in quibus ipse maximam collocabat fiduciam, prece, 
 pretio, et armorum vi ad partes suas pertrahere. Istos Montisrosanus quam- 
 primis expugnandos statuit, priusquam Argathelius copias cum eis jungeret. 
 Longis ergo itineribus illuc contendit. Et occupato Deae amnis ponte, civitati 
 appropinquans, hostes in acie stantes ante urbem invenit. Ducebat Burglaeus 
 peditum duo millia ; equites vero quingentos, quos in alis collocaverat. Et 
 occupatis locis opportunis, majoribusque tormentis ante aciem commode 
 dispositis, praelium expectabat. Montisrosanus peditum mille et quingentos 
 ducebat (Kilpontini enim milites, demortui ducis corpus parentibus sepeli- 
 endum conduxerant; et ex Atholiis plerique post victoriam Perthensem, 
 spoliis onusti domum, unde non procul aberant, se receperant) equites 
 omnino quadraginta quatuor; quos bipartitos, et expeditissimis quibusdam 
 sclopetariis et sagittariis (qui corporum agilitate et pernicitate equitibus 
 propemodum aequales erant) refertos et munitos in alis constituit, ut 
 praecaverent, ne ab hostium equitatu sui circumirentur. Quod quidem illi 
 supra opinionem et forsan multorum fidem fortiter praestiterunt. Alae 
 quidem dextrae lacobum Haium, et Nathan^dlem Gordonium, sinistrae vero 
 Wilielmum Rollocum, \aros fortissimos, praefecit. Sinistram hostium alam 
 regebat Ludovicus Gordonius, Huntilaei filius, adolescens audax et prae- 
 fervidus, sed desultorii ingenii, qui amicos clientesque paternos, etiam invitos, 
 contra Montisrosanum armaverat. Hie planiciem camposque nactus equestri 
 praelio aptos, copias in dextrum Montisrosani cornu eduxit. Quod ille 
 conspicatus, Rollocum, cum viginti equitibus, periclitantibus in dextro cornu 
 suis subsidio misit. Et illi, eximia virtute ducum et expeditorum peditum 
 
CAP. VI. 
 
 373 
 
 robore sufFulti, hostium impetum tanta cum fiducia excepere, ut trecentos 
 ipsi duntaxat quadraginta quatuor, perturbatis ordinibus et plerisque caesis, 
 ad suos repulerint. Verum ob suorum paucitatem fugientes ultra insequi 
 non ausi sint. Quod quidem, optimo ducum consilio factum, magni fuit ad 
 consequendam victoriam momenti. Hostes enim in sinistrum cornu equitatu 
 destitutum dextram suorum alam immiserunt. Montisrosanus ergo eosdem 
 (fugato jam cum suis Ludovico Gordonio) in sinistrum cornu mira celeritate 
 transfert. Qui cum tantae multitudini parem aciem extendere non possent, 
 obliquato itinera primum hostium impetum evitant. Actis deinde quam 
 dexterrime in gyrum equis in latera hostium invecti, strictis mucronibus 
 invadunt, caedunt, fundunt, fugant. Forbesium de Kragevar equitem, in- 
 signem in hostibus virum, alterumque itidem Forbesium de Boinla, captos 
 abducunt ReHqui se tuto receperunt, quia tam pauci eos tuto insequi non 
 poterant. Qui hostilem equitatum ducebant, non tam damno perterriti, 
 quam iterato dedecore efferati, et expeditis istis sclopetariis equitatui im- 
 mistis jacturam suam imputantes, et ipsi pedites ex medio suorum agmine 
 accersunt; majoribus animis ad pugnam redituri. Hoc cum praesagiret 
 Montisrosanus, paucos istos, quamvis fortissimos viros, equis praesertim 
 duplici pugna fatigatis, hostibus pedestri auxilio auctis et confirmatis denuo 
 objicere noluit. lamque equitatum hostilem ex recenti perturbatione incom- 
 positum et procul satis a copiis pedestribus dissitum observaverat. Qua 
 propter pedites suos (quibus damnum non exiguum a majoribus tormentis 
 inferebatur) obequitans in hunc modum compellat : " Nihil proficimus com- 
 militones. Quamdiu eminus res agitur, quis timidum imbellemque a strenuo 
 fortique dignoscat ? Si meticulosos istos et enerves homunculos comminus 
 aggressi fueritis, nunquam erunt isti vestrae virtuti pares. Agite ergo, 
 mucronibus et sclopetorum manubriis insultate, proterite, in fugam conjicite, 
 et meritas irrogate perfidiae et rebellionis paenas." Et illi impigre^ ducis 
 mandata exsequentes, irruunt, et facto impetu, in ruinae modum fundunt 
 fugantque. Equites, qui subsidiarios pedites expectabant, ubi fugientes eos 
 viderunt, et illi citatiore cursu se subducunt. Quibus victores, nee insequi 
 quidem nedum assequi valentes, securam fugam permisere. Peditum vero 
 longe alia ratio fuit, quorum perpauci victorum manus evaserunt. Cum 
 enim, quo fugerent, praeterquam in urbem non haberent, victoresque victis 
 immisti per portas posticasque irrumperent, tota urbe acervatim cadebant. 
 Quatuor horas pugnatum fuit tam dubio Marte, ut nemo dignosceret, in quam 
 partem inclinaret victoria. Habuit quidem in hoc praelio Montisrosanus 
 tormenta quaedam majora, sed nuUi usui, occupatis (ut dictum est) ab 
 hostibus locis opportunioribus. Verum hostilia non parum incommodi nostris 
 
 ^ Or Nee illi pigre. The editions have Nee illi imfngre. 
 
 2 B 
 
374 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 intulerunt. Inter alios Hibemus quidam tibiam ad extremam ferme cutem 
 ictu majoris tormenti amputatam trahebat. Hie, socios ejus casu paululum 
 attonitos cernens, clara voce et gratulanti similior proclamat : Hem socii, 
 belli haec alea est, nee mihi, nee vobis poenitenda. Vos rem, ut deeet, 
 fortiter gerite. Quod ad me attinet, eertus sum Dominum meum Marehionem 
 me, pedestri inutilem, ad equestrem militiam evecturum. Simul his eultellum 
 theea edueit, immotusque et imperterritus, eute propria manu diseissa, tibiam 
 eommilitoni humandam tradit, Et sane curato demum vulnere, equesque 
 faetus, fidelem saepe strenuamque operam postea navavit. Pugnatum fuit 
 ad Aberdoniam pridie Idus Sept. anno CIDIDXLIV. Et Montisrosanus 
 militibus ad signa revoeatis, urbem ingressus, biduum curandis eorporibus 
 permisit. 
 
 CAP. VII. 
 
 NuNCiATUR interea Argathelium eum longe validioribus copiis quam ante- 
 hae adesse, Lothiano Comite, eum mille et quingentis equitibus eum 
 comitante. Aberdonia ergo ad Kintorium vieum deeem millibus passuum 
 distantem seeedit ; ut Gordoniis Huntilaei amieis et elientibus, et aliis qui 
 Regem impensius favere putabantur, aditum patefaceret. Inde Wilielmum 
 Rolloeum equitem Oxoniam ablegat, qui Regem de rebus hactenus prospere 
 gestis eertiorem faeeret, et suppetias ex Anglia aut aliunde impetraret. Eum 
 quidem bis prospere pugnasse : verum tot ae tantis copiis undique quasi 
 obsessum imparem plane fore, nisi mature subveniatur. Interim nihil 
 Montisrosanum magis angebat, quam quod Gordoniorum nemo se illi adjun- 
 geret ; de quibus longe alia et meliora speraverat. Non defuere tamen 
 qui pronam eorum voluntatem testarentur : sed clam adversantem Montis- 
 rosano Huntilaeum, Familiae gentisque prineipem, suos omnes exemplo et 
 authoritate cohibere. Ilium quidem in extrema insulae ora latitantem alienae 
 gloriae, quam ipse frustra expetivisset, invidere. Amieis elientibusque, 
 additis etiam minis, interdieere, ne cum Montisrosano commune haberent 
 quidquam, aut illi consilio vel auxilio opitularentur. Quae cum ille perspeeta 
 habuisset, transferre ad loea aspera et montana copias suas statuit ; ubi 
 hostium equitatum (quo maxime pollebant) inutilem fore satis noverat. A 
 pedestribus vero, quantavis multitudine essent, justissimae causae et militum 
 suorum virtuti fisus, non multum sibi metuebat. Majoribus igitur tormentis, 
 terra effossa, in palustri quodam loco reconditis, impedimentis etiam aliis 
 molestis et praegravibus sese exoneravit. Et ad Spaeae amnis tractum 
 profectus, non procul a veteri eastello, cui Rothemurco nomen, castra 
 
CAP. VII. 
 
 375 
 
 metatus est : cum exercitu, si numerum spectes, perexiguo, sed expedite 
 tamen et alacri, et jam victoriis etiam assueto. 
 
 In adversa Spaeae ripa Catenesios, Suderlandios, Rossenses, Moravios, 
 et alios ad quinque millia, in armis ofifendit ; qui eum transitu amnis, om- 
 nium in Scotia rapidissimi, arcerent, quoad Argathelius, qui vestigiis ejus 
 insistebat, a tergo eum adoriretur. Prementibus undique tot hostibus, et 
 obsesso similis Montisrosanus, ut se saltem ab eorum cquitatu liberaret, 
 Badenothiam, regionem asperam, montosam, nee equis ferme perviam petiit. 
 Ubi aliquot dies gravi sane morbo laboravit. Quae res tam immodico 
 gaudio foederatos affecit, ut penitus extinctum eum non dubitaverint affirmare, 
 et Deo, quasi lovi liberatori, gratias publice habendas decernere. Nee 
 egregii eorum vates suo muneri apud populum defuere. Illi enim quasi 
 numinis fatique interpretes, ipsius Domini Dei exercituum manu confectum 
 cecidisse, pro oraculo disserunt. Diuturnum tamen eis non fuit illud 
 gaudium : brevi enim convaluit, et quasi suscitatus ex mortuis, hostes magis 
 quam antehac perterruit. Ubi enim primum per morbum licuit, in Atholiam 
 reversus, Makdonaldum cum parte copiarum ad Montanos ablegat, qui eos 
 ad societatem belli invitaret : detrectantes vero militiam, vel invitos cogeret. 
 Ipse Angusiam repetit, sperans fore, ut Argathelium longis itineribus cum 
 equitatu fatigatum, vel ad hiberna cogeret, vel quam longissime post se 
 relinqueret. Argathelius enim tam lente et tanto intervallo insequebatur, 
 ut plane appareret nihil minus illi cordi esse, quam belli aleam experiri. 
 Peragrata ergo Angusia, superatoque Grampio (qui perpetuo ab oriente in 
 occidentem jugo Scotiam quasi in aequales partes dividit) in septentrionalia 
 regni reversus est. Cumque jam Argathelium tanto intervallo post se 
 relictum existimaret, ut aliquod temporis spatium sibi instaurandis copiis 
 concederetur, Strathbogiam profectus est : ut Gordonios coram ad socia 
 arma invitaret. Sed irrito labore ; Huntilaei enim mandatis praeoccupati, et 
 ejus etiam, utpote patroni sui, exemplum secuti, sese in ignotis diverticulis 
 occultabant. Viri enim generosi et fortes, qui principis suae gentis indig- 
 nationem provocare non audebant, ad ignaviam tamen suam erubescebant. 
 Gordonium porro Regulum Huntilaei primogenitum (heu qualem quantumque 
 virum) Argathelius avunculus maternus sibi obnoxium cohibebat. Aboin- 
 ium Comitem, natu secundum, Carleolensis detinebat obsidio. Et Ludovicus 
 hostium castra sequebatur. Adeo ut Huntilaeae familiae nullus esset, cujus 
 authoritatem secuti arma capesserent. 
 
 Non paucos tamen dies stativa illic habuit Montisrosanus. Quo quidem 
 tempore, alternis ferme noctibus, cum expedita peditum manu (equites enim 
 nullos aut perpaucos habuit) septem, aut octo, et quandoque etiam decem 
 miliaribus confectis, hostes, quasi tertia vigilia adoriri, opprimere, fugare, 
 viros equosque captivos abducere non destitit. Cumque suos semper salvos 
 
376 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 et incolumes reduceret, mirum est quanta fiducia militum animos accenderit. 
 Adeo ut quamvis numerus perexiguus fuerit, nihil non, illo duce, auderent 
 facerentque. Tandem vero, ubi omnem de Gordoniis spem deposuisset, 
 exeunte Octobri Strathbogia digressus, Faiviam arcem pervenit occupatque. 
 Atque inibi a speculatoribus, in quibus maximam collocaverat fiduciam, de 
 hostili exercitu falsa omnia renuntiantibus, ad ultimum ferme discrimen 
 adductus est. Enimvero quos Grampium nondum superasse putaverat, ad 
 duo millia passuum improvisi castra metabantur. Ducebat Argathelius cum 
 Lothianio peditum duo millia et quingentos ; equites vero mille et ducentos : 
 Montisrosanus autem, Makdonaldo cum parte copiarum ablegato, pedites 
 mille et quingentos, equites non supra quinquaginta. Cum istis copiis in 
 planiciem camposque descendere extremae amentiae res fuisset : atqui vero in 
 arce, nee satis munita, se continere, indecorum putavit, et famae, quam recen- 
 tibus victoriis acquisiverat, derogare. Aliam ergo ingreditur viam. Copias 
 in collem paulo editiorem et arci imminentem educit. Solum collis asperum, 
 fossae etiam et aggeres, ab agricolis loci ad praemunienda pascua extructi, 
 speciem castrorum exhibebant. Nondum tamen omnes in stationibus collo- 
 caverat, cum simul pauci illi ex Huntilaei clientibus, qui Strathbogia castra 
 ejus secuti fuerant, inspectantibus omnibus, aufugiunt. Et ex adversa parte 
 hostes collem ferociter adorti, non minimam ejus partem vi occupant. Quam 
 si eadem virtute et constantia defendere et propugnare valuissent, conclama- 
 tum fuisset de Montisrosano. Cujus milites, tam fugientium auxiliariorum 
 exemplo quam irruentium hostium multitudine attoniti, parum abfuit quin 
 animos desponderent. Quos tamen ille statim praesentia sua, rerum hactenus 
 gestarum memoria et insitae fortitudinis conscientia erexit et confirmavit. 
 Insuper etiam adolescentem quendam Hibernum, nomine O Caenum tribunum 
 sic compellat : " Abi tu, O Caene, cum tuis qui tibi praesto sunt, et istos 
 aggeribus nostris penitus exue, ne nobis amplius sint molesti. Eximiam 
 OCaeni virtutem non semel viderat laudaveratque Montisrosanus : nee 
 ducis de se opinionem fefellit vir fortissimus. Hostes enim, quamvis 
 numero longe superiores et equitatu suorum sufFultos, aggeribus dejectos 
 deturbavit. Et sacculis etiam quibusdam pulvere sulphureo repletis, quos 
 hostes in praecipiti fuga dereliquerant, potitus est. Peropportuna fuit 
 haec praeda pulveris inopia laborantibus. Nee sane reticendum hie existi- 
 mavi promptissimi militum animi egregium indicium. Quidam enim, con- 
 spectis sacculis, " quid tandem ? " inquit : " Nonne et globos plumbeos 
 ministrarunt ? Atqui vero et istos a parcis illis et avaris dispensatoribus 
 repetere oportet." Quasi omnino hostium illud fuisset, necessaria ad belli 
 usus omnia sufficere. 
 
 Equitibus interea suis, numero plane quinquaginta, in loco ad hostium 
 impetum nimis opportuno collocatis, submissis expeditis sclopetariis mature 
 
CAP. VII. 
 
 377 
 
 subvenerat. In eos eni'm Lothianius quinque equitura turmas immisit: qui 
 nondum medium interjacentis campi spatium emensi, a sclopetariis nostris 
 eminus impetiti, actis in gyrum equis, trepide se ad suos recepere. Duplici 
 successu elati, Montisrosani milites aegre coerceri poterant, quo minus in 
 universas hostium copias cum impetu et clamore incurrerent. Quos ille 
 laudatos magis, ut par erat, quam castigates, jubet officii sui memores im- 
 perium expectare. Vesperascente tandem die, Argathelius, cum nihil operae 
 pretium gessisset, copias ad duo miliaria abduxit : noctemque insomnem egit. 
 Postridie vero cum nunciatum esset, Montisrosani milites pulveris globorum- 
 que penuria laborare, eductis in eundem locum copiis, collem ipsum aggeres- 
 que invasuri speciem prae se ferebat. Verum cum ad hoc praestandum 
 animus illi deficeret, praeter privatas inter utramque aciem discurrentium 
 militum velitationes, dum reliqui in stationibus se continerent, nihil memora- 
 bile gestum fuit. Montisrosanus interea pateras, amphorasque, et matulas, 
 aliaque id genus vasa plumbea undique conquisita et liquefacta, in globos 
 converti curabat. Et ne sic quidem militibus sufficere potuit. Quo tamen 
 incommodo adeo illi non fuerunt perterriti, ut quidam, quoties globulum ex 
 machina, accenso pulvere, in hostem torsisset (quod nunquam frustra fecisse 
 praesumebat), toties ad socios conversus, lepide exclamaret : " Ego, inquit, 
 certissimo ictu, proditoris os matula contrivi." Nee sane mirabitur quisquam 
 Montisrosani milites pulveris aliarumque rerum ad bellum et usus militares 
 spectantium penuriam saepiuscule perpessos, si animo secum reputaverit, 
 nihil rerum istarum illis aliunde quam ab hostibus devictis suppeditatum 
 fuisse. Et jam secundo etiam die ad vesperam inclinante, Argathelius suos 
 trans amnem, eadem qua venerant via, ad tria miliaria Britannica (quae 
 unum Germanicum conficiunt), subduxit. Et plures ad Faiviam dies tempus 
 sic trahebatur: Argathelio cum tanto exercitu nihil aliud reportante, quam 
 infamiam apud suos, et apud hostem contemptum. Ejus enim ignaviae 
 imputatum fuit, quod illic non fuerat debellatum. 
 
 Montisrosanus tandem (ne diurno tempore extremum abeuntium agmen 
 hostili equitatui violentius carpendum permitteret) nocturno itinere Strath- 
 bogiam repetiit. Ubi et paulisper subsistere instituit, quia et solum asperum 
 tutiores suos praestabat ab equitum insultu, et montanis etiam locis vicinum, 
 unde copias auxiliares cum Makdonaldo indies expectabat. Insecuti sunt 
 eum postridie hostes, eo animo, ut ad pugnam in aperto campo ineundam 
 cogerent. Et sane ubi primum in conspectum venerunt, explicata acie, ad 
 proelium sese accinxere, quasi totis viribus incursuri. Verum praemissi ab 
 Argathelio montani, qui levi proelio lacesserent, fortiter excepti, repulsique 
 ad suos. Turn loca opportuniora a Montisrosano occupata, ad tutiora sed 
 minus honesta consilia revocarunt. Argathelius inducias petere, colloquia, 
 fide utrinque data, inire ; nee tantum oblatis cum impunitate praemiis militum 
 
378 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 fidem sollicitare, sed et, pudendum dictu, Montisrosani caput, parricidae 
 cuivis aut sicario, immenso pretio redimendum ofFerre satagebat. Quae cum 
 Montisrosanus persentisceret (hominis enim ingenium vafrum, ad fraudes 
 dolosque texendos, quam ad justum et apertum Martem magis natum, probe 
 noverat), nihil antiquius habuit, quam exiguas copias quam longissime ab 
 hostili equitatu simul et Argathelii artibus subducere. 
 
 Convocato ergo suorum consilio, sententiam suum exponit. Illi omnes 
 prudentiam laudant, fidem operamque solitam pollicentes. Longinquo ergo 
 itinere Badenothiam insequenti nocte petere instituit. Quo vero milites ad 
 iter difficillimum expeditiores haberet, impedimenta cum praesidio praemisit : 
 militesque quasi ad pugnam in diem crastinum paratos esse jussit. Jamque 
 impedimenta in itinere erant, cum subito nunciatur Forbesium de Cragewar 
 captivum (quem, data fide, libere m castris degere permiserat), unaque 
 Sibbaldum ilium, quem unum cum Rolloco itineris consiliique participem ex 
 Anglia fecerat, aliosque transfugas ad hostes defecisse. Ille hominum per- 
 fidia commotus, ut majorem apud hostes gratiam inirent, consilii sui rationem 
 indicaturos, merito suspicatus est. Confestim igitur impedimenta cum prae- 
 sidio revocat, totamque sententiam mutasse videbatur. Revera tamen non 
 mutaverat ; differendum tamen ad aliquod tempus censuit, ut vana et incerta 
 hostibus apparerent, quae a transfugis accepissent, Quatriduo tandem elapso, 
 impedimenta denuo praemisit, Et collucentibus, totis castris, ignibus, equites 
 quos habuit, in conspectu hostium, quasi excubias agentes collocavit ; quoad 
 pedites omni periculo procul erant : deinde et eos incolumes subduxit, omnes- 
 que cum diluculo Balveniam venere. Cumque jam ab equitatu in tuto esset, 
 nee hostes ultra insequerentur, provecta hieme, ipso scilicet brumae tempore, 
 dies paucos reficiendis viribus militi permisit. Et hac potissimum tempestate 
 Argathelii artes innotuere. Plerique enim, viri nobiles et generosi, et rei 
 bellicae periti (plures enim ille duces, si Hibernos montanosque Scotos ex- 
 cipias, quam milites ducebat), ad Argathelii fidem se receperunt. Causabantur 
 alii valetudinem, alti, tantis itineribus, per loca montana, inculta, invia, saxis 
 et vepribus obsita, alta plerumque nive cooperta, et nullis unquam mortalibus 
 trita, hiberna ilia tempestate impares sese praedicabant ; adeoque invitos, et 
 ultima necessitate adactos missionem petere. Quam quidem ille poscentibus 
 non negavit : indignanti tamen, et degeneres animos despicienti, quam con- 
 sentienti et indulgenti similior. Nee dictu facile est, quantum istorum ex- 
 emplum vires ejus infirmaverit, et quam multos deterruerit, qui ut signa ejus 
 sequerentur, se praeparabant. Unicus Ogilvius, Arlaeus Comes, quamvis 
 sexagenarius simul et valetudinarius, cum tanto patre dignissimis filiis, 
 Thoma et Davide equitibus, nullo unquam vel vitae discrimine adduci potuit, 
 Ut ab eo divelleretur. 
 
CAP. VIII. 
 
 Balvenia Montisrosanus Badenothiam reversus, obvium habuit fidum sane 
 nuncium, qui indicavit Argathelium cum copiis pedestribus (equites enim ad 
 hiberna concesserant) Duncaledoniae considere ; et inde omni arte Atholios 
 ad defectionem solicitare. Ille, quamvis de eorum fide et constantia securus, 
 incredibili tamen celeritate in Atholiam descendit. Unica enim nocte viginti 
 et quatuor milliaria, per loca inculta, horrida, nivosa, et nullis unquam mor- 
 talibus habitata, cum copiis confecit ; Argathelium nimirum equitibus de- 
 stitutum aggressurus. Verum ille, sola ejus fama perterritus, cum adhuc ad 
 sex supra milliaria abesset, milites suos sibi ipsis prospicere jussit : ipse sese 
 fuga in Pertham (quam foederati valido praesidio tenebant), praecipitem 
 conjecit. Redierat jam Makdonaldus, simulque Makranaldorum ducem cum 
 suis numero quingentis pertraxerat. Addiditque Montisrosanus Patricium 
 Graemum cum selectis quibusdam Atholiis, quibus stipatus ad lacum pro- 
 ficiscitur unde Taus erumpit, inde per Brodalbium Argatheliam petiturus; 
 nusquam hostem felicius expugnatum iri ratus, quam in agro suo. Nee 
 sane huic consilio defuerunt rationes gravissimae. Inprimis Argathelii in 
 montanis authoritas et potentia aequalibus et vicinis formidabilis erat : adeo- 
 que totius rebellionis origo et fomes. Quotiescunque enim quis foederatis se 
 opponere aut eorum mandata detrectare audebat, illico Argathelius coacto 
 ex montanis (qui inviti etiam illi inserviebant) tumultuario quinque aut sex 
 millium exercitu, miserum opprimebat. Et istam hominis seditiosi, avari, et 
 crudelis potentiam infringendam ille jure censuit. Insuper montani illi non 
 tantum causae Regiae favebant, sed et Argathelium, cujus tyrannidem saepius 
 erant experti, oderant cane pejus et angue : operam tamen suam praestare 
 metuebant, nisi illo prius debellato. Accessit denique, quod foederati inferiora 
 Regni validis praesidiis et frequenti equitatu obtinebant. Adeo, ut nisi 
 amicorum opes penitus atterere vellet, alio copias suas ad hiberna per- 
 ducere non posset. Et hisce plane rationibus permotus, quam maximis et 
 difficillimis itineribus et incredibili celeritate in Argatheliam defertur. 
 
 Argathelius vero tunc temporis milites in Provincia sua describebat; 
 diemque et locum conventui indixerat. Ipse autem securus in munita 
 Innerarae arce degebat, hostem supra centum milliaria abesse ratus. Nun- 
 quam enim antea induci potuit, ut crederet exercitum in Argatheliam vel 
 media aestate pedestri itinere penetrare potuisse. Nee sine jactatione olim 
 praedicare solitus erat, malle se centum florenorum jacturam facere, quam 
 cuivis mortalium notas esse semitas, per quas aditus in ejus ditionem armatis 
 patefieret. Nihil ergo tale cogitanti trepidi de montibus bubulci hostes vix 
 
38o RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 duo millia passuum abesse denunciant. Et ille consilii incertus, et mentis 
 ferme prae metu inops, cymbam piscatoriam nactus, fuga sibi consuluit, 
 amicos, clientes, et universam Provinciam fortunae et hostium arbitrio per- 
 mittens. Regio est montana et aspera, frugum sterilis ; nullas enim, aut 
 perpaucas colligunt. Alendis tamen gregibus, in quibus incolarum ferme 
 opes sitae sunt, satis idonea. Montisrosanus exercitum tripartitum in agros 
 hostiles immisit. Partem unam Makranaldorum Dux, alteram Makdonaldus, 
 tertiam ipse ducebat. Provinciam omnem populabundi pererrant, Quot- 
 quot armatos ofifendunt, ad conventum a patrono indictum properantes 
 occidunt : nee uUi, qui militiae saltern aptus sit, parcunt : aut prius absistunt, 
 quam, viros militares omnes provincia exigant, aut ad diverticula ipsis solis 
 nota compellant. Deinde in pagos et tugurios faces injiciunt, et ultricibus 
 flammis humo adaequant. In hoc talionem Argathelio referentes, qui 
 omnium primus in populares incendio desaeviit. Pecora denique secum 
 abigunt. Nee mitius cum aliis actum est, qui in Lorna et vicinis tractibus 
 Argathelii dominium agnoscebant. Duraverunt haec ab Idibus Decembris 
 anni CIDIDXLIV ad quartum aut quintum Kal. Feb. anni sequentis. 
 
 Et sane Montisrosanus, non alias magis, singularem divini numinis pro- 
 videntiam agnoscere, clementiam et paternam misericordiam praedicare solitus 
 est, quod se cum suis, ex locis istis incolumem eduxerat. Si enim vel ducenti 
 armati angustias istas fortiter propugnassent, ejus copias aut eminus destruere 
 aut aditu arcere facillime potuissent. Deinde, si vel bubuici armenta abegis- 
 sent (quod factu erat facillimum) in locis sterilibus fame fuisset pereundum. 
 Vel si denique hiems rigida et procellosa (qualem quotannis ferme illic ex- 
 periuntur) incubuisset, vel altis nivibus immersi, vel ipso plane frigore 
 correpti, diriguissent. Verum Deus immortalis, hostibus animum, caelo 
 solitum rigorem ademit: soli vero sterilitatem armentorum quam maxima 
 copia pensavit. Tandem vero Argathelia digressus, peragrataque Lorna, 
 Glencoa, et Abria ad lacum Nessi pervenit. Et jam sane montanos omnes, 
 vel Argathelii exemplo territos, vel ab ejus metu liberos, ad justissimam 
 Regis causam suscipiendam et armis propugnandam contra perduelles ex- 
 pectabat. 
 
 Ne vero invicto Montisrosani animo nova materies aliquando deesset, 
 nunciatur ecce Seafordianum Comitem, in illis locis longe potentissimum 
 (de quo optima quaeque sperabat), cum Innernessi praesidiariis, qui veterani 
 erant, adeoque Moraviae, Rossiae, Suderlandiae, Catenesiae et Fraseriorum 
 gentis viribus, cum infesto exercitu quinque millium peditum equitumque illi 
 occurrere. Ducebat Montisrosanus mille duntaxat et quingentos. Klan- 
 ranaldini enim, et plerique etiam Atholii, nihil horum suspicati, et Argatheliae 
 spoliis onusti, impetrata missione, domum se receperant; ad signa tamen 
 redituri quandocunque accerserentur. Nee tamen dubitavit Montisrosanus 
 
CAP. VIII. ^"**«*=«s,==ii**^ 381 
 
 cum tumultuario isto exercitu rem proeiio decernere. Quamvis enim sub- 
 sidiaries veteranos esse probe noverat, reliquam tamen multitudinem ex 
 agricolis, bubulcis, tabernariis, calonibus, et lixis recens conflatam, imbellem 
 omnino et militiae inutilem reputabat. 
 
 Jamque nihil aliud quam in istos pugnam meditantem, fidissimus eum 
 nuncius assequitur, qui indicat, Argathelium, coactis ex inferiori Regno 
 copiis, et insuper additis qui adhuc illi adhaerebant montanis, cum tribus 
 peditum millibus in Abriam descendisse, et ad vetus castelium, cui Innerlocho 
 nomen, in ipsis lacus Abriae ripis subsistere, Montisrosanus, qui Argathelii, 
 hominis vafri et meticulosi, ingenium perspectum habuit, consilium etiam 
 conjectura assecutus est, Nimirum longo intervallo insecutum, ut eum primo 
 cum septentrionalibus istis committeret, eventum pugnae ad suum commodum 
 pertracturus ; proeiio tamen sponte non decertaturus. Censuit igitur rem 
 esse majoris ad famam belli momenti, et minoris etiam periculi, si ilium in 
 montibus, ubi tanquam numen aliquod tremendum a rudi populo colebatur, 
 vinci posse demonstraret. Exercitum vero ilium septentrionalem, victoriae 
 de Argathelio partae fama perterritum, in ordinem cogi posse augurabatur. 
 Aberat Innerlocho Montisrosanus triginta milliaribus, nee tamen trita semita 
 (quam praesidiis obsedit, ne quis de eo nuncius ad hostes perveniret) insistere 
 voluit : verum recto itinere per montes Abriae invios, et incultos, solis 
 bubulcis et venatoribus cognitos (frequentissimi enim sunt in istis montibus 
 cervorum damarumque greges), qua nulli hactenus mortales copias duxerant, 
 caesis eorum speculatoribus, hostibus improvisus imminet. Illi re insperata 
 minima attoniti, illico, correptis armis, ad pugnam se accingunt. Quos ut 
 jam paratos Montisrosanus vidit, subsistit tantisper, quoad extremum suorum 
 agmen, difficillimo itinere fatigatum, praecedentes assequeretur. Nox erat ; 
 lunaribus tamen radiis aether illustratus diurnae lucis jacturam pensabat. 
 Noctem in armis agunt, et levibus obscura luce velitationibus jugiter invicem 
 lacessentes, nullum alter alteri receptui locum reliquit. Crastinum caeteri 
 avide expectabant ; unus tamen Argathelius, sibi ipsi quam ^ aliis consultior, 
 nocte intempesta seipsum subduxit; et secundo cymbam nactus, instantis 
 pugnae discrimen praecavit. Virtutis nimirum alienae arbiter et spectator 
 futurus. lUucescente porro die, Montisrosanus aciem instruit : et ^ hostes 
 impigre idem fecere. Nondum enim ipsum Montisrosanum (quod postea a 
 captivis rescitum fuit), sed praetorem ejus aliquem, aut ducem cum parte 
 copiarum adesse arbitrabantur. 
 
 Exorto denum sole, postr. Kal. Feb. ipso purificationis B. Mariae 
 Deiparae, et semper Virginis die, signum tuba datum non exiguum terrorem 
 
 * The sense clearly requires the words sibi . . . quam, which are, however, not found in the 
 editions. 
 
 ' The editions have nee here. The same error occurs ch. vi. p. 373. 
 
382 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 hostibus incussit. Praeterquam enim quod tubae sonus, equestris militiae 
 index, in locis illis insolens sit, ipsum Montisrosanum adesse demonstrabat. 
 Primores nihilominus Campbellorum (nomen illud est familiae Argatheliae 
 gentilicium) viri fortes et strenui, et omnino digni qui sub meliore patrono 
 justiori causae militassent, pugnam ipsi quidem alacriter capessunt. Milites 
 tamen qui in prima acie stabant, machinis semel duntaxat displosis, Montis- 
 rosani militibus ad statariam pugnam ferociter irruentibus, terga dedere. 
 Quos iidem, ingenti sublato clamore, tam acriter persecuti sunt, ut omnes 
 quasi uno impetu in ruinae modum deturbaverint. Insecuta est horrenda 
 fugientium strages, ad novem milliaria continuata. Caesi sunt hostium 
 mille et quingenti ; in quibus Campbelli plerique generosi, et qui familiara 
 ducebant, viri apud suos clari : qui quidem pro patrono suo, nimis fortiter 
 dimicantes, in ipso pugnae campo occubuere. Quorum sorti Montisrosanus 
 hostis ingemuit, et quotquot potuit authoritate sua salvos fecit, et in fidem 
 recepit : cum ipse Argathelius cymbae impositus, et paululum a ripa pro- 
 fectus, suos trucidatos ex alto secure aspiceret. Praefecti quidam militum 
 et duces, quos ex inferiori Scotia illuc duxerat Argathelius, in arcem se 
 receperunt. Eos Montisrosanus, deditione facta, fidei suae traditos benigne 
 habuit : et non paucis humanitatis et liberalitatis officiis cum libertate 
 cumulatos dimisit. In ilia pugna, pluribus vulneratis, tres duntaxat 
 gregarios milites desideravit Montisrosanus. Verum insignem victoriam, 
 insignis plane viri Thomae Ogilvii equitis, Comitis Arlaei filii vulnera, quae 
 mors paucos post dies subsecuta est, luctuosam reddidere. Erat ille Montis- 
 rosano in paucis carus. Qui sub imperio soceri sui Ruthvenii, Forthae 
 Branfordiaeque Comitis (viri toto terrarum orbe ob res praeclare gestas 
 notissimi) Regi in Anglia egregiam operam navaverat. Inde vero ab hujus 
 in Scotia belli initio, Montisrosano constanter adhaeserat. Nee minus sane 
 ille Minervae quam Martis alumnus, optimisque Uteris penitus imbutus, 
 antiquissimae Ogilviorum familiae novum decus et ornamentum, et ad 
 victoriam illam non leve momentum, pro patria et Rege honestissimo fato 
 functus est. Hujus amissi desiderio vehementer afflictus Montisrosanus 
 corpus in Atholiam deferri curavit : et magnifico funere (pro loci temporum- 
 que ratione) extulit. Campbellorum vero in montanis potentia, a multis 
 retro seculis, vicinis formidabilis, hac clade penitus attrita fuit : eademque 
 Montisrosano ad res facilius gerendas aperta est via. Montani siquidem 
 viri bellicosissimi ab Argathelii invisa tyrannide liberati, ad operam Regi 
 praestandam promptiores sese sponte exhibuerunt. 
 
CAP. IX. 
 
 MiLITI immensis laboribus confecto diebus aliquot ad curanda corpora con- 
 cessis, Montisrosanus Abriae montes remensus, ad lacum Nessi reversus est. 
 Inde vero Harrigae, Arniae, Narniaeque tractus perlustrans, ad Spaeam 
 amnem pervenit. Hie nunciatur, non contemnendam hostium manum, Elgini 
 (Moraviae, provinciae ultra Spaeam sitae, caput est) subsistere. Ad istos 
 vel ad partes pertrahendos, vel vi et armis perdomandos Montisrosanus 
 properabat. Verum sola adventantis fama nubeculam istam dispulit ; trepidi 
 enim ad nota diverticula sese omnes recepere. Ille nihilominus iter pro- 
 secutus, Elginum deditione civium in fidem recepit, postr. Id. Feb. Quo 
 quidem tempore nunquam satis ob eximias virtutes laudandus, Gordonius 
 Regulus, Huntilaei primogenitus, ab avunculo (a quo invitus fuerat detentus) 
 ad partes Regias palam pertransiit: et cum non adeo multis sed delectis 
 quibusdam amicis et clientibus, Montisrosano, tanquam Regis praefecto et 
 vicario, operam et obsequium ultro detulit. Ilium Montisrosanus primo 
 benigne et comiter habitum impensius laudavit. Postea vero penitius cog- 
 nitum et probatum, sanctissimo amicitiae vinculo sibi copulavit. Quoniam 
 vero Moravienses plerique foederatis addictissimi se in suis abdiderant 
 latibulis, nee quidquam auxilii ab infensis animis sperandum foret, cis^ 
 Spaeam copias duxit, Bamphiae, Aberdoniaeque provincias, Gordonii prae- 
 sentia, exemplo, et authoritate commotas, ad partes pertracturus. Et 
 contraetis quas potuit in illis locis copiis, cum peditum duobus millibus et 
 equitibus ducentis, superato Dea amne et Grampio, in Mernium descendit. 
 Nee procul Fettercarnia stativa habuit. 
 
 Ad Brechiniam vero septem inde milliaribus distantem, loannes Urraeus 
 eques, vir strenuus et impiger, et militari gloria etiam apud exteras gentes 
 clarus, equitum foederatorum praefeetus, caeteris etiam copiis cum imperio 
 praeerat. Ille cum sexcentis equitibus ad explorandas Montisrosani vires 
 egressus est. Enimvero eum pedites perpaucos, equitatum vero nullum 
 ducere ratus, si in planiciem descenderet, rei bene gerendae occasionem 
 sperabat : utcunque vero caderet, secura sibi omnia satis fidenter promittebat. 
 Montisrosanus, ut eum alliceret, abditis in convalli reliquis, ducentos equites 
 duntaxat, sed, ex more, expeditissimis sclopetariis refertos objecit. Quos 
 Urraeus conspicatus, expensa hominum paucitate, suos in aciem eduxit. 
 Verum sero observato pedite, qui Montisrosani equites alacriter subseque- 
 
 ^ Ed. Paris reads ab cis, i.e., ab eis cis? The word eis, being so like cis, might easily drop out 
 in the original MS. or first proof, and the unintelligible ab be omitted in later editions. 
 
384 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 batur, receptui signum dedit : et ipse quidem Urraeus caeteros praemittens 
 in extremo agmine strenuus se gessit. Abeuntibus Montisrosani milites 
 instant, urgent, pellunt, quoad superato Esca amne, hostes vix nocturnis 
 tenebris tuti, in tutum se recepere. Nee sane secures se judicarunt, quoad 
 viginti quatuor milliaria emensi, praecipiti cursu Taodunum pervenerunt. 
 Turn qui hactenus fuerant insecuti, Fethercarniam reversi, ac postridie 
 Brechiniam venere. Hie edoctus fuit Montisrosanus Bailaeum ex Anglia 
 accersitum, magni nominis ducem, cum summo imperio hostium copiis 
 praeesse ; Urraeum etiam cum equitatu illi adjunctum esse : et veteranos 
 plerosque ex Anglia et Hibernii revocatos sub signis habere ; jamque 
 foederatos quasi majoribus auspiciis rem aggredi, adeoque sibi non mode 
 cum longe alio milite, sed et peritissimis ducibus dimicandum fore. 
 
 Quapropter, ne ab eorum equitatu (quo semper praevaluerunt) circum- 
 veniretur, locorum opportuna secutus, juxta Grampii radices Taum versus 
 tendit; Fortham etiam, si qua fieri posset, transgressurus, unde auxilia 
 Regi non defutura sperabat. Nee fefellit hostes ejus consilium. Quapropter 
 cum validissimis copiis duces istos objiciunt. Qui non prius in conspectum 
 venere, quam Montisrosanus pugnae copiam ofiferret : verum nihil minus 
 illis in animo fuit, quam acie decernere; adeo ut ne abeuntis quidem ex- 
 tremum agmen turbare tentaverint. Et ille quidem ad arcem Innercaretaeam, 
 ac postridie Eliotam vicum profectus est. Hie denuo, relictis procul a tergo 
 montibus, in planiciem descendit; et per tubicinem Bailaeo facultatem pug- 
 nandi ofFert petitque. Interfluebat infestos exercitus Ila amnis; quem 
 neuter tuto transmittere potuit, si alter alterum arceret. Rogat ergo 
 Montisrosanus securum transitum : quod si Bailaeo minime arrideret, se 
 illi liberum tutumque permissurum, si modo, nulla amplius interposita mora, 
 dimicaturos data fide responderet. Bailaeus, se suis rebus consulturum ; 
 pugnam vero suo, non alieno arbitrio, capessere, respondit. Plures dies 
 in hostium conspectu elapsi sunt : nee hostibus in Montisrosanum copias 
 transmittentibus, nee illo sperante transitum vi obtineri posse, prae equitum 
 inopia. Duncaledoniam ergo progressus, Taum superare conabatur ; cum 
 inopinato malo tantum non oppressus fuit. Ludovicus Gordonius Huntilaei 
 filius, qui in acie ad Aberdoniam contra eum steterat, nobilissimo fratre, 
 Gordonio Regulo, sequestro, in fidem receptus fuerat. Is seu veris, seu 
 simulatis patris literis ex latibulo suo datis, Gordonios ferme omnes, clam 
 ipso patre, ad defectionem solicitatos abduxit : fratremque cum Montisrosano, 
 imminente hoste deseruit. Et sane utri infensior fuerit, incertissima jactatur 
 fama. 
 
 Montisrosanus insperata defectione multum commotus, quamvis in septen- 
 trionem necessario redeundum foret, ut novas vires acquireret, iter suum 
 versus Fortham nihilominus simulabat. Et speculatores ejus uno ore re- 
 
CAP. IX. 385 
 
 nunciant hostes ad unum omnes Taum trajecisse, ut vadis Forthae occupatis, 
 eum transitu arcerent. Ille, ne nihil plane superiori conatu efFecisse vide- 
 retur, rem praeclaram facturum censuit ; si, quasi obiter, Taodunum, urbem 
 seditiosissimam, expugnaret. Siquidem ilia, fidissimum perduellium in illis 
 locis receptaculum, nee minima rebellionis pars, non alio quam civium 
 praesidio tenebatur. Infirmiores ergo et leviter armatos cum impedimentis 
 secus montium radices praemissos, apud Brechiniam occurrere jussit. Ipse, 
 assumptis quos habuit equitibus (centum et quinquaginta omnino erant) et 
 sexcentis expeditis sclopetariis, Duncaledonia tertia vigilia profectus, Tao- 
 dunum pridie Non. Ap., hora decima antemeridiana, mira celeritate pervenit. 
 Gives vero per fecialem monet, ut urbem Regi tradant : sic saluti suae et 
 urbis incolumitati consulturos. Secus si fecerint, ferrum flammamque mini- 
 tatur. Illi tempus terere, nee respondere primo : deinde et fecialem in 
 carcerem compingunt. Qua contumelia irritatus Montisrosanus, per tres 
 urbis regiones milites immittit. Gives armati ex propugnaculis sese aliquan- 
 diu, sed frustra opposuerant. Hiberni enim montanique Scoti ferociter 
 insiliunt; alii propugnaculis illos expellunt, et majoribus tormentis potiti, 
 ea in ipsam urbem convertunt; alii portas efFringunt, forum templumque 
 occupant ; alii non uno in loco admotis facibus aedes succendunt. Et sane, 
 nisi gregarii milites ex intempestiva avaritia gulaque ad praedam potumque 
 declinassent, opulentissimum oppidum conflagrasset Quod tamen non minus 
 victoribus quam victis saluti fuit. Enimvero speculatores de hostibus, quod 
 Taum transmisissent, falsa omnia attulerant. Turmas aliquot, nee sane 
 multas trajecisse viderant ; quas illi universas hostium copias rati, seque 
 suosque tantum non prodiderunt. 
 
 Stabat in edito coUe, qui Taoduno imminet, urbanam pugnam despectans 
 Montisrosanus, cum trepidi speculatores Bailaeum Urraeumque cum peditum 
 tribus millibus et equitibus octingentis, vix mille passus abesse testantur. 
 Ille suos confestim ex urbe evocavit; quod ab illis aegerrime impetravit. 
 Milites enim hactenus de victoria securi, et vino paululum incalescentes, et 
 opulentissimae inhiantes praedae, vix cogi poterant, ut urbe capta excederent. 
 Et sane priusquam a praeda avelli valuere, hostes intra teli jactum abeuntibus 
 imminebant. Gaeterum, ut in ultimo discrimine fieri solet, qui apud Montis- 
 rosanum erant, sententiis variabant. Suadebant alii, ut ipse Montisrosanus 
 suae saluti equestri fuga consuleret. Nee enim fieri posse, ut pedites istos, 
 matutino itinere viginti et amplius milliarium lassatos, diurna inde pugna 
 confectos, jam vero vino praedaque graves abduceret. Praesertim cum 
 Taoduno viginti aut forsan triginta milliaria conficienda restarent, priusquam 
 in tuto collocari possent. Belli aleam hanc esse, et forti animo tolerandam ; 
 cum longe majores clades hostibus saepiuscule illatae fuerint. Non dubi- 
 tandum quin, illo incolumi, copiae brevi reficerentur: contra vero, si quid 
 
386 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 tristius accideret, conclamatum fore, et perdita omnia exclamabant. Alii rem 
 hactenus deperditam vociferabantur, ideoque honeste saltern moriendum : et 
 si impetu facto, in confertissimos hostes irruerent, non inglorios perire. Ipse 
 nee his nee illis accedebat. Nunquam enim animum inducere potuit, ut 
 fortissimos milites in ultimo discrimine positos desereret : decoram cum suis 
 mortem indecorae securitati praeferendam ratus. Atqui vero usque adeo 
 impares in hostem ruere, et cerebrum quasi saxo allidere, ultimum esse 
 remedium, nee temere usurpandum. Deum immortalem, ut non ignavia 
 nostra tentandum, sic neque de ejus ope desperandum viris fortibus et 
 Christianis. Hortatur denique ut munera sua fortiter capesserent, eventum 
 Deo, caeteraque suae curae permitterent. 
 
 Illico ergo quadringentos pedites praemittit, mandatque, ut quantum ira- 
 perturbatis ordinibus fieri possit, gressus accelerarent. Ducentos omnium 
 expeditissimos sequi jubet. Ipse equitibus agmen claudit. Progrediebantur 
 equites, tanto intervallo dissiti, ut expedites sclopetarios, si res postularet, 
 admittere possent. Hostilem peditem suos assequi posse non putabat. Et 
 si equites soli incurrerent, quod vix ausuros augurabatur, rem judicavit non 
 fore usque adeo difficilem. Et quia sol jam ad occasum declinabat, nocturnam 
 umbram non parum receptui commodam futuram praesensit. Hostes, cognito 
 per captivos et mox perspecto abeuntium numero, ubi eos ad iter, non ad 
 pugnam accinctos viderunt, bipartitis copiis, insequuntur. Neque id tantum 
 ut a tergo et a latere simul aggrederentur, sed etiam ut omnem ad montes 
 viam praecluderent. Duces vero, quo suos ad insequendum acrius exstimu- 
 larent, Montisrosani caput aureorum viginti millibus licitantur. Jamque 
 praemissi hostium equites abeuntes urgebant, cum egregii illi sclopetarii 
 equitatui conjuncti, eorum qui acrius instabant, primum, secundum, tertium- 
 que globulis plumbeis exceptos transfigunt. Quorum casu reliqui cautiores 
 facti, multum de priore impetu remiserunt, Montisrosani milites, ubi se 
 pedestri itinere superiores viderunt, recuperatis cum fiducia viribus, strenue 
 contra equites certarunt, donee pugnam nox diremit. Et ut sese ab hostibus 
 quoquo modo expedirent, plura milliaria in orientem secus oram maritimam 
 confecerunt. Atqui istac illis minime eundum fuit, sed septentrionem versus 
 ad Grampios montes, ut tandem ab infestis equitibus sese vindicarent. Verum 
 longe maximam exercitus sui partem Bailaeus inter eos et Grampium inter- 
 posuerat, ne ullus omnino receptui locus aut via pateret. 
 
 Nocte igitur intempesta, cum non procul Aberbrothia abessent, Montis- 
 rosanus suos paululum subsistere jubet. Nee diu sane substitit, cum animo 
 reputans, vias aditusque omnes, quibus recta ad montes perveniendum erat, 
 ab hostili equitatu interceptos esse (nee de hoc opinio eum fallebat) converse 
 itinere, in occidentem aestivum suos acriter tendere jussit. Et hac arte, sed 
 cum incredibili labore insequentibus illusit : quos ilia ipsa nocte praeter- 
 
CAP. X. 387 
 
 gressus, et mox in septentrionem conversus, die postero, oriente sole, Escam 
 meridionalem non procul a Carestonia arce trajecit. Inde vero Brechiniam 
 misit, qui suos cum impedimentis arcesserent. At illi fama istius expedi- 
 tionis exciti melius et maturius sibi consuluerant, occupaverantque montes. 
 Apud Carestoniam subsistenti speculatores subito renunciant, hostilem 
 equitatum in conspectu esse, copiis pedestribus, cibo somnoque refectis, 
 etiam strenue insequentibus. Montisrosanus ipse jam montibus ad tria 
 milliaria vicinus, non multum ab eis metuebat, Veruin ejus milites, qui 
 tertium diem et secundam noctem insomnem egerant, semperque in itinere 
 aut in pugna versati fuerant, tam altus sopor obruerat, ut vix stimulis et 
 vulneribus suscitari potuerint. Hostes tandem levi velitatione excepti, radices 
 montium Montisrosano occupandos permiserunt : et irrito labore, ab inutili 
 persecutione se recepere. Ipse vero Glenescam cum suis petiit. 
 
 Et haec est Celebris ilia expeditio Taodunana, speculatorum quidem errore 
 infamis, at imperatoria ducis virtute, constantia, animique in ultimo dis- 
 crimine praesentia, in paucis insignis. Militum quoque in tolerandis labori- 
 bus patientia plane mirabilis fuit : ut qui saepius in pugna, semper in itinere, 
 jejuni et insomnes, ad sexaginta milliaria confecerint, ne tantillo quidem 
 temporis spatio reficiendis viribus permisso. Quae quidem, an apud exteros 
 posterosve fidem inventura sint, ignoramus : verum certissima et comper- 
 tissima nobis bona fide describimus. Et sane apud viros rei militaris peritos, 
 et eo nomine, non modo in Britannia, sed et in Germania et Gallia claros, 
 expeditionem istam celeberrimis ejusdem Montisrosani victoriis praelatam 
 non semel audivimus. 
 
 CAP. X. 
 
 Cum jam supra spem in tuto essent, milites corpora curare jussit Montis- 
 rosanus : ipse vero de summa belli sic statuit. Gordonium Regulum, cum 
 illis qui post Ludovici defectionem constanter in fide et obsequio perman- 
 serant, ad suos remittit ; tam ut eos revocaret quos frater perverterat, quam 
 ut novo delectu copias augeret. Quod quidem ille strenue et alacriter 
 perfecit; et, aliis castigatis, durius in eos animadvertit, qui fraterni sceleris 
 authores et ministri fuere. Eoque intentius negotio incubuit, ut culpae 
 omnem suspicionem amoveret. Nee sane Montisrosanus aut alius quisquam 
 Ludovici flagitium magis detestatus est, quam nobilissimus frater Gordonius. 
 Ipse vero Montisrosanus cum exigua parte copiarum (quingentos enim pedites 
 et equites duntaxat quinquaginta retinuit) per Angusiam in agrum Perthen- 
 sem contendit, ut hostes distraheret, quoad collectis undequaque copiis, ex- 
 ercitum repararet. Nee fefellit eum conjectural foederati enim Urraeum, 
 
388 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 equitatus praefectum, in septentrionem cum imperio mittunt. Illi ex veteranis 
 sexcentos pedites cum ducentis equitibus attribuunt, ut suos confirmaret, et 
 Gordonium opprimeret. Ipse vero Bailaeus cum exercitu Perthae, quasi in 
 umbilico Regni substitit, ad omnes eventus paratus. Duobus supra decem 
 milliaribus aberat Montisrosanus ad pagum cui Kreifo nomen : ubi eum cum 
 exigua manu admodum secure agere Bailaeus audiverat. Et ille ad omnem 
 occasionem intentus, prima vigilia cum toto exercitu Pertha digressus, noctur- 
 num iter accelerabat, ut cum diluculo, improvisum adortus opprimeret. Verum 
 Montisrosanum rebus suis invigilantem invenit; pedites enim ad pugnam 
 iterve paratos in procinctu habuit : ipse vero cum equitibus hosti obviam ivit, 
 ut numerum roburque investigaret. Cumque peditum duo millia et equites 
 quingentos comperisset, mandavit suis ut iter strenue capesserent ; et obser- 
 vato lernae tractu, fauces ejusdem occuparent. Ipse cum paucis quos habuit 
 equitibus, abeuntibus praesidio fuit, ne ab insequenti hostili equitatu concul- 
 carentur. Et sane hostes ferociter invectos tam fortiter excepit, ut caesis 
 aliis, et aliis deturbatis, eos ad suos repulerit, quoad pedites sex milliaria 
 emensi, angustias lernae obtinuerunt. Et illi quidem irrito conatu semet 
 receperunt. Montisrosanus vero ilia nocte ad lacum lernae consedit xiv. 
 Kal. Mali. Postridie Balwidriam pervenit. Ubi Aboinius Comes ad eum 
 accurrit, qui cum paucis Carleolo elapsus, et fama rerum a Montisrosano 
 gestarum excitatus, sero in patriam redierat. 
 
 Balwidria profecti, ad lacum Katrinettae dictum penetraverant, cum nun- 
 ciatum fuit Urraeum validas in septentrione copias contraxisse, et Gordonio 
 imminere : adeoque periculum esse, ne vir militaris et impiger, et manu 
 promptus, egregiuni adolescentem opprimeret. Montisrosanus itaque Urraeo 
 mature occurrendum censuit, tam ut instanti periculo amicissimum virum 
 eriperet, quam ut hostiles copias distractas seorsim carperet, et vires infrin- 
 geret paulatim, quibus unitis imparem se fore, probe noverat. Longis ergo 
 et perpetuis itineribus, Balwidria, lacuque viginti et quatuor milliarium, unde 
 Taus erumpit, Atholia Angusiaque peragrata, superatoque Grampio, per trac- 
 tum Glenmuk dictum ad intima Marriae pervenit. Gordonium in illis locis 
 cum peditibus mille et ducentis equitibus sibi adjunxit : et confestim ad 
 Spaeam profectus, hostem ultra deposcebat. Nee jam supra sex milliaria 
 aberat, quem Urraeus nondum Grampium transmisisse putabat. Enimvero 
 labore improbo et mira celeritate ipsam famam praevenerat. Urraeus, ne vel 
 invitus ad dimicandum cogeretur, priusquam copias validissimas et frequentes 
 auxiliarios sibi adjungeret, Spaeam festinus transmittit. Et quia suorum 
 omnium conventum ad Innernessum indixerat, Elginum contendit. Nee lente 
 eum Elginum insecutus est Montisrosanus. Ille inde Foressiam impigre 
 petiit. Nee segnius Foressiam usque insecutus, et assecutus est Montis- 
 rosanus : et tam pertinaciter vestigiis ejus ad quatuor et decem milliaria 
 
CAP. X. 
 
 389 
 
 institit, ut ingruentis jam noctis umbra tectus, aegre tamen Innernessum 
 obtinuerit. 
 
 Postridie Montisrosanus apud vicum, cui Aldernae nomen, castra locavit. 
 Urraeus vero, non secus quam speraverat, Seafordium, Suderlandiumque 
 Comites, Fraseriorum gentem, plerosque etiam ex Moravia et Catenesia vici- 
 nisque locis armatos confluxisse repperit. Quibus cum veteranos ex oppidi 
 praesidiariis addidisset, recta in Montisrosanum duxit. Peditum quidem 
 tribus millibus et quingentis, equitibus vero quadringentis imppritabat. Mon- 
 tisrosanus (qui non supra mille et quingentos pedites, equites vero ducentos 
 et quinquaginta sub signis habuit) recipere sese quam maxime desiderabat. 
 Atqui vero non modo Urraeus tam acriter urgebat, ut vix ullus superesset 
 receptui locus, sed et Bailaeus ipse, cum australi exercitu, eoque, quoad equi- 
 tatum, longo validiore, Grampium hactenus longe a tergo reliquerat, et ad 
 Spaeam magna celeritate contendebat. Quid ergo ageret Montisrosanus ? 
 Omnino vel cum Urraeo acie decernendum fuit, vel a coeuntibus hostium 
 copiis circumvento longe gravius subeundum discrimen. Belli ergo praesen- 
 tem aleam experiri statuit ; eventum numini committere : et opportunitatem 
 loci secutus, inibi hostem opperiri. Oppidulum in eminentiori loco situm 
 convallem vicinam operiebat. Et colliculi a tergo supereminentes oculorum 
 aspectum adimebant, nisi quam proxime^ astantium. In istam convallem 
 copias suas educit, hostibus minime spectandas. Ante urbem paucos quidem, 
 sed expertos promptosque pedites cum tormentis aggeribus forte congestis 
 tectos collocat. Dextrum cornu Alexandro Makdonaldo cum quadringentis 
 peditibus committit : eosque in locis, aggeribus fossisque fortuitis, arbustis 
 insuper saxisque impeditis sistit. Mandatque ut se incolumes ad omnem 
 eventum conservarent, nee desererent stationem, natura loci munitissimam, 
 ab omni non tantum equitatu, sed et pedestribus copiis securi. Simulque 
 optimo consilio addidit maxime conspicuum illud vexillum Regium, quod 
 unicum praeferre solitus erat : sic fore ratus, ut hostes, eo conspecto, poti- 
 ores copias in illud cornu immitterent, propter locorum asperitatem plane 
 inutiles; quoad ipse rei bene gerendae occasionem in sinistro captaret. Et 
 in eum finem reliquos omnes in adversum transferens, equites Gordonio, 
 pedites sibi ducendos assumpsit. Medii agminis (cum revera nullum esset) 
 speciem exhibebant qui ante urbem aggeribus tecti et muniti erant. De sub- 
 sides vero in ea paucitate ne cogitandum quidem fuit. 
 
 Hostes (quod prudentissime Montisrosanus divinaverat) ubi primum 
 vexillum Regium conspexere, potissimam equitatus partem cum veteranis, in 
 quibus praecipuum eorum robur situm erat, illuc dirigunt. Jamque hostium 
 primi ante urbem et in dextro cornu dimicabant ; et suis fatiscentibus subinde 
 
 Fropissivie in the editions. 
 
 2 C 
 
3'90 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 alios recentiesque substituebant ; quod Montisrosano pro exiguo militum 
 numero non licuit. Statuit ergo cum suis omnibus in sinistro cornu consti- 
 tutis in hostem cum impetu semel simulque irruere. Haec vero cogitanti 
 nuncius, quem ille virum fidum et gravem noverat, submissa voce indicat, 
 Makdonaldum cum suis in dextro cornu fugatos ^ esse. Ille praesenti animo, 
 ttiilites praeveniendos censuit, ne adversa fama perculsi animum despondereat. 
 Atque illico Gordonium compellans exclamat : " Nos vero, mi Gordoni, quid 
 cessamus ? Makdonaldus noster ad dexteram hostes fusos fugatosque truci- 
 dat. Nosne segnes spectatores illi omnem victoriae gloriam permittemus ? " 
 Et simul his aciem in hostes immittit. Gordoniorum impetum Urraei equites 
 Hon diu sustinuere : sed in gyrum acti, et ad fugara conversi, nuda et aperta 
 suorum latera illis tradiderunt. Pedites quamvis ab equitibus deserti, cum et 
 numero et armorum genere longe superiores essent, fortiter Montisrosano 
 restiterunt, quamdiu eminus agebatur. Verum ille eos tandem cominus 
 aggressus eo adegit, ut abjectis armis, inutili fuga sibi frustra consuluerint. 
 At ille baud immemor eorum, quae a fidissimo nuncio acceperat, cum prompt- 
 issimis quibusdam eum consequentibus ad dextrum cornu conversus, rem 
 longe aliter quam in sinistro se habere comperit. 
 
 Makdonaldus enim, vir fortis, sed manu quam consilio promptior, in acie 
 praefervidus et usque ad temeritatem audax, insultantibus hostibus et convitiis 
 eum lacessentibus, sese inter aggeres et arbusta detineri dedignatus, extra 
 stationem munitissimam (contra quam mandatum illi fuerat) se cum suis ultro 
 objecit. Nee impune quidem; hostes enim cum et equitatu et multitudine 
 •praepoUerent, et plerique etiam veterani essent, milites ejus turbatos trepi- 
 dosque repulerunt. Et sane nisi mature eos ad vicinum claustrum reduxisset, 
 omnes omnino cum vexillo Regio periissent. Ille tamen temeritatis suae 
 ferrorem in reducendis militibus mira fortitudine pensavit. Omnium enim 
 hovissimus se recepit : et corpus, ingenti scuto, quod laeva gestabat, tegens, 
 confertis hostibus se opposuit. Erant, qui in eum proximi inciderunt, hastati, 
 '^i multiplici ictu cuspides ejus scuto infixerant : quas ille ternas simul, 
 ■qtiaternasve, ense, quem dextra regebat, amputabat. Verum et qui eum in 
 claustro oppugnabant, supervenientem cum subsidio Montisrosanum et suos 
 in sinistro fugatos conspicati, equites quidem in fugam se praecipitarunt : 
 pedites vero, quorum plerique ex Hibernia veterani erant, obstinatis animis 
 pugnantes, singuli ferme in suis stationibus occubuere. Victores ad aliquot 
 toilliaria fugientes insecUti. Caesa sunt hostium ad tria millia peditum, in 
 quibus veterani fortissime pugnaverant. Equites fere omnes matura magis 
 quam decora fuga elapsi sunt. 
 
 Non tamen Urraeus ipse, cum aliis promptissimis, qui novissimi campo 
 
 ' We should expect fugatum : -another mark of hasty composition. 
 
CAP. XL 
 
 391 
 
 excesserunt, efFugissent^ insequentium manus, nisi Aboinius Comes, nescio 
 qua incuria, signa quaedam et vexilla victis et fugientibus direpta in sublime 
 extulisset. Cumque hostes ultra non insequeretur, in suos conversus, faciem 
 hostilem prae se tulit, et novae pugnae speciem praebuit. Quo errore tan- 
 tisper impliciti fuere, quoad equitatus hostilis, turbatis quamvis ordinibus, 
 fusus in diverticula, ut cuique nota et obvia fuerunt, se recepit. Pauci cum 
 Urraeo ante diem posterum in Innernessum pervenere. In hostibus caesis 
 insigniores erant Campbellus Laverius veteranorum tribunus, Johannes, 
 Gede6nque Moravii equites, aliique viri fortes, forsan et lacrimabiles, nisi 
 laudandam alias fortitudinem infami perduellionis crimine polluissent ; nee in 
 hoc ipso judicium suum, sed multitudinis impetum, aut patronorum ambitum 
 et avaritiam secuti. Desideravit Montisrosanus, ex eis qui secum in sinistro 
 dimicarunt, unicum tantum, eumque militem gregarium : ex altero vero ubi 
 Makdonaldus imperabat, ejusdem ordinis quatuor et decern, Longe vero 
 plurimos vulneratos in tuto collocandos, et medicis tradendos unice curavjt. 
 Captivos deinde comiter et blande solatus, poenitentibus libertatem aut militiam 
 promisit praestititque : obstinatos in rebellione, in alias atque alias custodias 
 distribuit. In ilia Aldernensi pugna Naperii adolescentis virtus magnopece 
 enituit. Qui Naperii Reguli de Marchistona filius, Montisrosani vero ex 
 sorore natus, non adeo pridem clam patre et conjuge Edinburgo ad avunculum 
 advolaverat : et in isto proelio tyrocinii egregium edidit specimeUj et nobilissi- 
 mae indolis firmissima rudimenta deposuit. Quapropter foederatorum prin- 
 cipes patrem ferme septuagenarium (quo praestantiorem virum hoc saeculo 
 Scotia nullum aluit), conjugem etiam Marriae Comitis filiam^ Sterlinium de 
 Keire, levirum, praestantissimum etiam virum, familiae suae principem, et 
 qui multa et gravia pro caritate sua in Regem passus est, cum duabus sorori- 
 bus, altera quidem lectissima femina Sterlinii conjuge, altera vero virgine, 
 in profundum carcerem conjiciunt : postmodum tamen ab ipso Naperio 
 avunculi auspiciis liberandos. Pugnatum fuit ad Aldernam vii. Id. Mali. an. 
 CIDIOCXLV. 
 
 CAP. XI. 
 
 Montisrosanus, paucis diebus militi ad curanda corpora perraissis, Elginum, 
 provinciae caput, est profectus : ubi in gratiam vulneratorum diutius se 
 continuit ; quia tam medici, quam idonea pharmaca, quae in campis saepius- 
 cule desiderabantur, prompta et^ant et ad manum parata. Postea trajecto 
 Spaea, Keithum, inde Frendractum, et inde Strathbogiam pervenit. Hie 
 
 ' The construction requires effugissei : cf. the error on p. 390, 11. 
 
392 RER MONTISROS. 
 
 illi Bailaeus (cui et Urraeus cum equitatu Aldernanae cladi superstite se 
 adjunxerat) occurrit, lacessitque ad pugnam. Montisrosanus suos, im- 
 mensis laboribus fractos, numero etiam et equitatu longe inferiores, quamvis 
 pugnandi avidos, continuit, quoad copias novo delectu et auxiliis reficeret. 
 Quapropter stationes, quas commodissimas elegerat, ad vesperam pro- 
 pugnare contentus, noctu Balveniam proficiscitur ; quo et hostes ilium inse- 
 quuntur. At ille Balvenia tractum Dauniae, et Spaeae secutus, in Baden- 
 othiam adscendit. Hostes vero adversam amnis ripam tenentes, eum denuo 
 ad pugnam lacessunt : sed frustra. Ille enim a justo proelio sedulo cavebat ; 
 frequenti tamen velitatione et nocturnis praesertim incursionibus in tantum 
 vires animosque infregit, ut qui non ita pridem tam superbe insultassent, 
 duces juxta et milites trepidi, et turbatis ordinibus, noctu se Innernessum 
 receperint, nemine ^ eos insequente. Montisrosanus se ab hoc hoste libera- 
 tum non aegre tulit, hac praesertim de causa : Lindesius Comes, foederatorum 
 post Argathelium coryphaeus, ej usque aemulus, utpote Hamiltonii Ducis 
 levir, Argathelio vel curam, vel animum, utcunque, semper fortunam defuisse 
 praedicabat. Adeoque imperium exercitus qui recens erat coactus in se 
 suscipiebat ; quasi rem melioribus auspiciis gerendam aggrederetur. Jamque 
 in Angussam cum copiis transmiserat, Bailaeo quasi subsidio futurus : et si 
 quid contra vota illi accideret, paratus tamen Montisrosanum transitu Forthae 
 arcere. Multum enim semper metuebant, ne aliquando ille cis Fortham, 
 propiusque Edinburgum, helium transferret. Lindesium ergo, hactenus in 
 Angusia ad arcem, quam Neutillam vocant, considentem, tanquam ducem 
 militiae rudem, militesque nondum laboribus belli assuetos, quam primum 
 debellare statuit. 
 
 Quo quidem consilio Badenothia profectus, per edita Marriae Grampium 
 transcendit ; et non minus arduis quam longis itineribus ad Arlaei fluminis 
 tractum pervenit, hostem ex improviso aggressurus. Quod et factu facile 
 fuit, famam enim adventus sui celeritate praevenerat; nee aberat Lindesius 
 supra septem milliaria : et omnia ad expeditionem parata fuere. Cum (qua 
 de causa incertum) septentrionales fere omnes clam signa deserunt ; et repe- 
 tita qua venerant via, ad suos sunt reversi. Erat in castris Gordonius 
 Regulus, nee quisquam flagitium illud majore indignatione detestatus est : 
 adeo ut eum Montisrosanus aegre continuerit, quo minus ultima decer- 
 neret in desertores, qui sub ejus clientela erant. Non desunt tamen, qui 
 Huntilaei patris clanculariis ad Aboinium (qui valetudinis curandae gratia 
 aberat) mandatis sollicitatos fuisse tradant. Angebat enim Huntilaeum, 
 hominem superbum et aemulum, prospera Montisrosani fama : nee ferre 
 plane potuit intimam filii sui primogeniti cum eo amicitiam. Ut ut sit, ille 
 
 ^ I.q., nulla. 
 
CAP. XL 393 
 
 inopinato malo perculsus, expeditionem in Lindesium difFerre, et praeclaram 
 victoriam quasi e manibus ereptam patienter ferre coactus est. 
 
 Ad nova ergo consilia conversus, Nathaneelem Gordonium, militum tribu- 
 num, virum fortem et fidum, qui gratia plurimum apud suos valebat, praemis- 
 sum ipse insecutus est. Jamque Bailaeus Urraeusque Innernesso redierant, 
 et in inferiore Marria ad Deam amnem castra locaverant. Montisrosanus per 
 Schiae tractum et edita Marriae in intima provinciae (vulgo Cromarriam) 
 pervenit. Cum vero adhuc edita penetraret, Makdonaldum cum parte copi- 
 arum in remotissima montana ablegavit, ut copias, quae illic parabantur, quam 
 celerrime ad castra perduceret. Deinde et ipsum Gordonium Regulum dimisit, 
 ut pro gratia et authoritate, qua in locis illis pollebat, Nathaneelis delectum 
 augeret et maturaret. Quod ille quidem impigre praestitit, et inter alios 
 Aboinium fratrem secum reduxit. Dum haec in Cromarria peraguntur, 
 Lindesius copias in inferiore Marria cum Bailaeo conjungit. Quibus cum 
 Montisrosanus se longe imparem cogitaret (absentibus Gordonio et Makdo- 
 naldo cum maxima copiarum parte) ad dirutam arcem de Kargarf secessit, ne 
 hostes in campestribus locis deprehensum equitum peditumque multitudine 
 obruerent : illic vero montibus vicinus, nihil sibi ab illis metuebat. Hinc 
 Aboinius, denuo valetudinarius, Strathbogiam se conferens, sub nomine prae- 
 sidii non contemnendam manum secum abduxit : quos Gordonius frater aegre 
 admodum postea ad signa revocavit. Interea Lindesius mille veteranos 
 Bailaeo ademit ; totidemque illi tirones et rudes ex suis attribuit. Et tanquam 
 insigne aliquid suis auspiciis gesturus, per Merniam in Angusiam reversus, 
 hoc unum tanto conatu praestitit : Atholiam cum exercitu pervagatus popu- 
 latusque omnem regionem incendio vastavit. In hoc Argathelium imitatus, 
 qui primus horrendum illud exemplum saeviendi in aedes frugesque hoc 
 saeculo crudeliter induxit : flamma quam ferro ferocior, ubi in agros urbesque 
 viris vacuas incidisset. 
 
 Bailaeus ea tempestate ad Bogiam, Huntilaei, et totius septentrionis 
 pulcherrimam arcem expugnandam tendebat ; ut, si minus eam in potes- 
 tatem suam redigere posset, Gordioniorum, qui in vicinia habitabant, agros 
 depopularetur, et flammis absumeret. Montisrosanus (quamvis absente cum 
 magna copiarum parte Makdonaldo) Huntilaeo et amicis, quos omnibus officiis 
 sibi devincire laborabat, subveniendum ratus, illuc properavit. Ubi edoctus 
 Bailaeum milites, non omnes quidem, plerosque tamen novos ducere (veter- 
 anorum parte Lindesio concessa) nihil magis desiderabat, quam cum illo 
 quamprimum manus conserere: rectaque in eum tetendit. Nee supra tria 
 milliaria confecerat, cum praemissi ab hostibus speculatores sese conspi- 
 ciendos exhibuere. Et ille expeditos et locorum peritos praemisit, qui hos- 
 tium situm, gestum, viresque explorarent. Hi statim renunciant, peditatum 
 in edito colle ad duo milliaria subsistere: equites vero angustiam artam et 
 
394 
 
 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 difficilem, quae quasi media inter utrumque exercitmn jacebat, occupasse, et 
 transgresses esse. In eos Montisrosanus equites, quos in promptu habebat, 
 cum expeditis quibusdam sclopetariis immisit. Quos illi primo levi velitatione 
 eminus excepere : mox vero trans angustiam (quam tormentariis strenue 
 muniverant) se receperunt. Montisrosanus pedites accersit, ut hostem, si 
 qua fieri posset, inde pellant : sed frustra ; nox enim insecuta pugnantes 
 diremit, quam uterque in armis insomnem egit. Postridie Montisrosanus 
 per fecialem pugnae facultatem obtulit. Respondit vero Bailaeus, se condi- 
 tiones pugnae ab hoste non accepturum. Ille ergo, qui angustiis istis hostem 
 proturbare sine manifesto periculo non potuit, ut eum inde aliquando extrah- 
 eret, Pitlurgum concessit. Et inde digressus ad Forbesii Reguli arcem, 
 cui Druminorae nomen, biduum substitit. Tandemque hostem, derelictis 
 angustiis, Strathbogiam versus tendere intelligit : et ipse ad Alfordiam vicum 
 cum diluculo iter capessit. Bailaeus vero, ubi certam notitiam adeptus fuerat, 
 Makdonaldum cum non minima copiarum parte in Montanis abesse, ultro 
 eum, quasi se subducentem, insecutus est : et circa meridiem in conspectum 
 ejus venit. Montisrosanus in editiore loco advenientem, ut videbatur, hostem 
 opperiri statuit. Verum illo sinistrorsum ad tria milHaria dechnante, ipse 
 destinatum iter Alfordiam prosecutus, ibi noctem illam transegit, cum hostes 
 quasi quatuor milliaribus abessent. 
 
 Postero demum die Montisrosanus suos, multo adhuc mane, in procinctu 
 et ad proelium paratos esse jussit : et in colle, qui Alfordiae imminet, coUo- 
 cavit. Ipsi cum turma equitum hostium motum gestumque observanti, et 
 vada Donae amnis, qui Alfordiam praeterfluit, scrutanti nunciatur eos, equites 
 peditesque, ad vadum, quod mille passibus ab Alfordia aberat, properare ; eo 
 animo, ut extremum fugientis agmen opprimerent. Sic enim egregii illi 
 ailgures in suam perniciem divinabant. Montisrosanus, rehcta ilia equitum 
 turma, non procul a vado, cum delectis quibusdam et peritis viris, qui certiora 
 otnnia renunciarent, solus ad instruendam aciem revertitur, Et ante omnia 
 collem ilium Alfordensem occupat, unde hostium impetum exciperet, si violen- 
 tius inveherentur. A tergo erat locus palustris, fossis stagnisque impeditus, 
 ne ab equitatu circumveniretur ; a fronte collis acclivis aspectum hostium 
 intercipiebat, ut vix primos ordines oculis percipere potuerint. Necdum 
 otnnia rite ordinaverat, cum equites illi, quos ad vadum reliquerat, praecipiti 
 cursu redeunt, renunciantque hostes amnem transgressos esse. Adeo ut 
 neutri amplius integrum fuerit se recipere, nisi cum manifesto suorum peri- 
 culo. Fama est Bailaeum, utpote ducem peritum et providum, plane invi- 
 tum ad illud certamen descendisse : nee nisi Balcarisii Reguli, equitum 
 tribuni, temeritate coactum. Qui se cum equitibus quibus imperabat, multum 
 renitente Bailaeo, in illud discrimen praecipitaverat, unde incolumis reduci 
 nequibat, nisi cum totius exercitus periculo. 
 
CAP. XL 395 
 
 Montisrosanus dexteram alam (qua validior erat hostilis equitatus) Gor- 
 donio Regulo ducendam commisit : eidemque Nathan^dlem, veteranum 
 ducem, attribuit. Sinistram vero Aboinio Comiti; cui et Wilielmum 
 Rollocum addidit. Mediam aciem fortissimis. viris, Glengario ct Drumondio 
 de Balla, juniori : quibus et Georgium Graemum, castrorum praefectum, et 
 ipsum militiae gnarum adjunxit. Subsidiariis, quos collis penitus operiebat, 
 Naperius ex sorore natus, imperabat. Et Montisrosanus quidem in edito, 
 hostes vero in convalli, stagnis fossisque muniti, se aliquamdiu continuere. 
 Nee enim vel his in altum eniti, vel illis hostes profundis stagnis et paludibus 
 inclusos aggredi, tutum videbatur. Peditum numerus paene par erat : uterque 
 quasi duobus milhbus praeerat. Verum equitatu superior Bailaeus, qui 
 sexcentos ducebat ; Montisrosanus vero ducentos et quinquaginta. Hoc 
 tamen intererat, quod hostes plerique mercenarii erant, ex infima plebe 
 collecti : at qui Regi militabant, generosi, qui conscientiae justissimae causae, 
 et gloriae, gratis, non quaestui inserviebant : quibusque mori magis quam 
 vinci decorum. Noverat insuper Montisrosanus, veteranos plerosque cum 
 Lindesio abesse : novos vero militari clamore et clangore tubarum perterritos, 
 vix primo impetu pares fore. Quapropter justissimae causae et virtutis 
 suorum fiducia primus suos deduxit. Et mox Gordonius in hostem ferociter 
 invectus, fortiter sane ab eo, suorum multitudine freto, exceptus fuit. 
 Jamque conferti, et cohaerentes comminus agebant; nee gradum quisquam, 
 vel latum unguem promovere, nisi prostrato hosti; nee se recipere potuit, 
 instantibus a tergo suis, et vestigia prementibus. Primique Gordonii, Regulus, 
 tribunusque, hostiura non exigua strage sibi suisque viam fecere. Et 
 Nathaneel tribunus expedites istos sclopetarios, qui more solito equitibus 
 quasi inserti erant, clara voce compellat : " Agite, commilitones, machinas 
 istas, nunc inutiles, projicite ; et strictis mucronibus perduellium equos trans- 
 figite, aut succisis deturbate poplitibus." Nee illi segniter tribuni mandatis 
 obtemperabant, cum Montisrosanus repente Naperium cum subsidiariis, qui 
 in adversa collis parte latebant, producit : quorum improviso adventu hostes 
 territi fugam corripuerunt. Aboinius cum ala sinistra se continuit : nee, nisi 
 levibus paucorum velitationibus, hostes tentavit. Qui cum suos ex adversa 
 parte fusos fugatosque cemerent, integri ferme se recepere. Pedites, ab 
 equitatu deserti, cum sese paulisper, obstinatis animis et deditionem recusanti- 
 bus, opposuissent, ferme omnes ceciderunt. Equitibus fugientibus ad salutem 
 non parum profuit Gordonii Reguli casus : qui, parta jam victoria, acrius in 
 confertissimos invectus, a victis et fugatis gloho transfixus occubuit : et 
 quorum omnium ora animosque in se cqnvertens, ab insequendis hostibus 
 detinuit. Quos et Aboinius, fratris casu perculsus, admodum lente prose- 
 cutus est. 
 
 Desideravit in hoc prgeliQ Montisrosanus miUtem gregarium ne unum 
 
396 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 quidem : ex generosis vero Culcholium, Miltoniumque, quorum nomina, gen- 
 temque, et familiam libenter adscriberem, si mihi certius constarent, qui pro 
 Patre patriae et libertate et legibus fortiter pugnantes, occubuere. Nee sane 
 debitis laudibus privandi sunt pueri quidam Scoti Hibernique, vixdum quartum 
 et decimum aetatis annum emensi ; qui positis dominorum impedimentis, et 
 conscensis caballis mannulisque, non tantum equitum speciem exhibuerunt, 
 sed et quasi virtutis dominorum aemuli, supra annos viresque in densissimos 
 hostium ordines invecti sunt. Quorum quidam, sed pauci, nee impune illi, 
 caesi sunt. Sicque egregiae indolis, et in tenella aetate, excelsi animi speci- 
 men vel viris imitandum reliquerunt. Verum Gordonii Reguli casus tam 
 alte omnium animis insedit, ut victi potius quam victoris exercitus speciem 
 praeberent. Pressus primo dolor stupidum imposuit silentium : qui, ubi 
 ruptis quasi repagulis erumpere potuit, ecce omnia gemitu, singultu, ululatu, 
 planctuque plena ! Ora deinde lacrimis madentia, ut primum vocem proferre 
 valuerunt, Deos, hominesque, et fata incusabant, quae tanto viro Regem, 
 regnum, saeculum, seque posterosque privassent. Et victoriae praedaeque 
 immemores, corpus exanimum intueri, ora manusque deosculari, vulnera 
 lacrimis rigare, eximiam demortui etiam formam laudare, et nobilitatem 
 generis, et fortunae amplitudinem cum indole comparare : et infelicem 
 denique victoriam, quae tanti constiterit, praedicare non destiterunt, Et 
 sane parum abfuit, quo minus victorem exercitum immensus ex hujus viri 
 desiderio dolor oppressisset : nisi Montisrosanus sospes et incolumis, lugen- 
 tium animis oculisque obversatus, jacentes erexisset. Nee tamen ipse sibi 
 imperare potuit, ne acerbo et tristi unici et carissimi amici fato illacrimaretur, 
 Multumque questus est, gentis suae decus, nobilitatis Scoticanae ornamentum, 
 et firmissimum Regiae Majestatis in septentrione praesidium, virum denique 
 sibi conjunctissimum, in ipso juventae flore praematuro fato ereptum. Interim 
 dolorem ratione vel tempore leniendum iri confidens, nobilissimum corpus 
 medicis condiendum tradi jubet. Quod postea Aberdoniara translatum mili- 
 tari et magnifico funere extulit. Et in majorum monumento in cathedrali 
 ecclesia sepeliri curavit. Pugnatum fuit ad Alfordiam postridie Kal. Quintilis 
 anno CloioCXLV. 
 
 CAP. XII. 
 
 Montisrosanus sub vesperum istius diei, quo ad Alfordiam depugnaverat, 
 ad Cluniam arcem profectus, paucas duntaxat horas militi ad reficiendas 
 vires concessit. Et cum inde ad Deae ripam pervenisset, Aboinium Comi- 
 tem, qui defuncto fratri successerat, in Buchaniam provinciam et vicina able- 
 gavit, ut copias novo delectu resarciret. Plerique enim qui pugnae inter- 
 
CAP. XII. 397 
 
 fuerunt, cum montani essent, nee procul a suis dissiti, domum cum praeda 
 repetiverant. Et quia nondum redierat Makdonaldus, tam hunc quam ilium 
 expectans, ad Cragstoniam stativa habuit. Verum cum auxiliares tardius 
 quam speraverat expediri, et spem de eis conceptam fallere persentis- 
 ceret, ipse ulterioris et intempestivae morae impatiens, trajecto Dea, et 
 superato Grampio, in Merniam descendit ; et ad Fordonium Sacellum (sede 
 et sepulchro Divi Palladii olim celeberrimum) consedit. Simul his Aboinio 
 Comiti (qui Aberdoniam venerat) mandat, ut sibi cum auxiliariis copiis, quas 
 contraxisse dicebatur, in Mernia occurreret. Paruit quidem ille, sed copias 
 admodum exiguas secum perduxit. Eundem igitur cum suis remisit in 
 septentrionem, ut quantas posset, contraheret copias, et quam celerrime ad 
 castra perduceret. Ipse per Angusiam tendens, obvium habuit Patricium 
 consanguineum cum Atholiis suis, ad omnia sub ejus imperio paratis, et 
 Makdonaldum cum egregia montanorum manu. Cum ilia erat Maklenius, 
 gentis suae princeps, vir fortis, et Regi in primis fidus, qui ex amicis 
 clientibusque delectos plus minus septingentos pedites adduxit. Itidem et 
 Makranaldorum dux, vir in montanis clarus, et qui Regi impensius favebat ; 
 et hie supra quingentos ducebat ; Makgregorii insuper, et Maknabii, nullis 
 fortitudine et laborum patientia secundi, suos duces, et gentis principes, 
 more patrio, sequebantur : quorum eertum inire numerum mihi non est 
 facile. Glengarius, vir fortitudinis nomine, et fidei erga Regem, et obsequii 
 caritatisque in ipsum Montisrosanum, nunquam satis laudandus : cum ipse 
 ferme post expeditionem in Argatheliam, eum nunquam dereliquisset, per 
 avuneulos aliosque ministros suos accersiverat numero quasi quingentos. 
 Ex edito Marriae etiam Ferehasonii non pauci, egregii viri, et speetatae 
 virtutis. Necnon ex Badenothia pauci quidem, sed strenui, manuque 
 prompti. 
 
 Montisrosanus illis copiis auctus et stipatus, in intima Regni penetrare 
 statuit, tam ut hostium delectum in Fifana et Cis-forthana Regione pertur- 
 baret, quam ut Ordinum Conventum dirimeret, a foederatis non sine pompa 
 et jactatione Pertham indictum. Nee sane quidquam in mora fuit, praeter 
 equitatus inopiam qua semper laboraverat, adeo ut in planiciem descendere 
 vix unquam, aut sane raro illi tutum fuerit. Quandoquidem tamen Aboinium 
 Arlaeumque cum non aspernanda equitum manu propediem affuturos spera- 
 bat, ad Duncaledoniam Taum trajecit : et Amondiae propinquus, non minimo 
 terrore hostes pereulit, qui Pertham tenebant. Exinde vero propior factus, 
 in silva Methvenia castra locavit. 
 
 Hostiles copiae pedestres (praeter urbis praesidiarios) eis lernam castra 
 metabantur. Equites oppidi conventusque eustodiae destinati, cum Mon- 
 tisrosani speculatores conspexissent, trepidi et praeeipites reversi, renunciant 
 adesse ilium, et portis imminere : nee dubitandum esse, quin admotis scalis, 
 
398 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 aggredi et oppugnare constituat. Proceribus insuper omnique conventui 
 suadere, ut matura fuga sibi consulant : cum nihilominus Montisrosanus vix 
 centum equites, et illi quadringentos haberent. Postridie vero, ut injectum 
 terrorem magis magisque augeret, cum eisdem equitibus, et totidem sclope- 
 tariis, jumentis farcinariis insidentibus, ipse urbi appropinquavit ; suosque ita 
 conspieiendos ostendit, ut non exigui equitatus speciem prae se ferrent, Et 
 quoniam hostes intra portas se continebant, illico Duplinum versus, citeriorem 
 ripam lernae, totumque ilium tractum perlustravit ; ac si equitatu omnem 
 illara regionem sub imperio continere posset. Et sane hoc effecit, ut hostem 
 eum non minus equestribus quam pedestribus copiis praepotentem conjecta- 
 rent. Illi ergo, quotquot possunt, milites undique contrahunt, quos, si trans 
 Fortham tendere videretur, Montisrosano objicerent. Verum, cum nee illi 
 in planiciem descendere tutum fuerit, plures dies in stationibus se con- 
 tinuerunt illi, auxiliarios a regione Fifana, Cis-forthana, et ab occidente 
 expectantes ; Montisrosanus vero a septentrione. Et quia Aboinium cum 
 suis nimis lentum impatienter ferme praestolabatur, misit qui stimulos illi 
 adderent, priusquam rei bene gerendae opportunitatem deperderent. Qucstus 
 etiam est, sed leni et blando sermone, tanquam apud fidissimum amicum, 
 mora et cunctatione ejus factum esse, ut praeclarissima victoria, qua per- 
 duelles debellari potuisse videbantur, de manibus dilaberetur. Quam tamen 
 jacturam celeritate ejus et industria pensari posse nullus ^ dubitaret. 
 
 Hostes, ubi eum nihil quam inanem equitatus umbram praebere resci- 
 verunt, undique comportatis auxiliis, et jam pedestribus copiis longe supe- 
 riores, ultro eum ad pugnam lacessere, et invitum cogere statuerunt. Qua- 
 propter ille in vicinos monies paululum secedere decrevit, quo hostem 
 nunquam secuturum, aut si auderet, cum suo damno facturum probe noverat. 
 Appropinquante ergo cum omni exercitu ad Methveniam hoste, impedimenta 
 clam in edita festinare jubet. Ipse, quasi initurus proelium, aciem disponit, 
 aditus firmissimis praesidiis communit, equites ante aciem producit. Nee 
 sane hostis aliud expectabat, quam pugnae aleam subiturum, quod se fac- 
 turum simulabat, quoad impedimenta eo provecta fuissent, ut in tuto esse 
 viderentur. Quod ubi factum fuit, exercitum uno agmine et confertis 
 ordinibus iter strenue capessere jussit. Equitibus, quos habuit, et expedi- 
 tissimis quibusdam sclopetariis curae datum fuit, ut extremum agmen 
 clauderent, tegerentque ab hostili impetu. Hostis instanti, ut putabat, 
 pugnae intentus, ex improviso abeuntes conspicatus, acriter primo insecutus 
 est ; sed frustra. Illi enim, occupatis in itinere angustiis, eos facile reppu- 
 lerunt : et absque vel unius militis jactura, se in edita et ardua, adeoque 
 hostili equitatui inaccessa recepere ; a pedite, ne eos unquam aggrederetur, 
 
 \ I.q., nemo. 
 
CAP. XII. 
 
 399 
 
 securi. Memorabile est, quod cum ad angustias Montisrosani equites 
 appropinquarent, hostesque ulterius insequendi facultatem omnem sibi 
 ademptam satis scirent, ne tanto conatu nihil plane fecisse viderentur, 
 trecentos equites, fortissimos ex suis et promptissimos, in abeuntes cum 
 ingenti clamore et convitiis immiserunt. Istos ubi Montisrosanus conspexit, 
 viginti duntaxat expedites, ex montanis venatui assuetis et sclopetariae 
 artis admodum peritis, accersitos, jubet eorum insolentiam coercere. Et 
 illi primo, incurvo corpore, et tectis machinis, discursantes, destinatis ictibus 
 insequentium promptissimos conficiunt. Qui cum inter suos melioris notae 
 essent, reliqui eorum casu cautiores facti, recipere sese contenti fuerunt. 
 Verum egregii illi venatores, primo successu elati, ubi hostes perturbatos 
 videre, in apertam planiciem evaserunt ; et ultro invecti sunt in equites. 
 Qui non aliter quara cervi damaeve a venaticis agitati, impressis veheraentius 
 calcaribus, praecipiti cursu ad suos fugerunt. 
 
 Hostes reversi in eodem loco unde Montisrosanus erat digressus, in 
 Methvenia silva, locum castris delegerunt. Cum nihil expeditione ilia 
 memoria dignum gessissent, praeterquam quod virilem impetum sustinere 
 non valentes, in muliebrem sexum desaevierunt. Quotquot enim Hibernorum 
 m^ontanorumque conjuges deprehendere, quae caritate conjugali maritos 
 sequebantur, foedo nimis et pudendo exemplo excarnificarunt. Montisrosanus 
 ad Duncaledoniam minorem stativa habuit ; tam quia solum equitibus 
 impeditum et impervium, quam quia ad excipiendos auxiliarios, quos indies 
 a septentrione cum Aboinio expectabat, locus erat commodissimus. Quo 
 tempore infesti exercitus, non procul dissiti, alii alios observabant magis 
 quam lacessabant. 
 
 Tandem vero Aboinius cum Nathan66le tribuno suos a septentrione 
 Duncaledoniam perduxit ; numero quidem infra spem quam de se fecerant, 
 rabore tamen et vera virtute longe supra numerum. Ducenti duntaxat 
 equites erant, cum centum et viginti sclopetariis, qui et jumentis farcinariis 
 aut mannulis impositi erant : pedites vero alii nulli. Simul his Arlaeus 
 Comes, cum Davide filio, equites octoginta adduxit, plerosque ex ipsa nobili 
 Ogilviorum familia oriundos. In quibus Alexander, Johannis equitis de 
 Innercarita primogenitus, non modo eximia corporis forma et majorum 
 imaginibus, sed et rerum in ea aetate fortiter et feliciter gestarum gloria 
 eminebat. His ergo copiis auctus Montisrosanus, nee tempus amplius 
 terendum ratus, recta in hostem ducit. Ut vero ad Amondiam venit, 
 tentandos primo censuit, et penitus explorandum, an vera essent, quae 
 incerta ad eum detulerat fama : plerosque nimirum auxiliarios deseruisse 
 illorum castra, et se recepisse ad suos. Peditibus ergo ad curanda corpora 
 dimissis, ante vesperam non procul sese cum equitatu conspiciendum 
 exhibuit : quo illi spectaculo attoniti, in castris se continuere. Postridie, 
 
400 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 cum sub diluculo speculabundus obequitaret Montisrosanus, hostes trepidos, 
 nocte intempesta, Methvenia profectos nunciatur; et turbatis ordinibus 
 lernam ponte trajecisse. Nee ille cunetatus, suos ad iter accingit ; et ad 
 sex milliaria supra pontem lapideum amne trajecto, in lernae tractu noctem 
 illam transigit. 
 
 CAP. XIII. 
 
 FiFA est provincia Scotiae populosissima, opulentissima, et frequentioribus 
 urbibus, pagis, vicis habitata. Incolae minus bellicosi : mercatores, taber- 
 narii, nautae, agricolae. Interim novis superstitionibus addictissimi, qui 
 tam procerum exemplo et authoritate, quam seditiosis praedicantium ora- 
 tionibus fascinati, se jam omnes ferme foederatis mancipaverant. Pro- 
 vincia ipsa paeninsula est : ad meridiem aestuario Forthae, ad septentrionem 
 Tao jam ingentium navium capaci, ad orientem Oceano cohibetur. Nullus, 
 nisi ex occidente, aditus terrestris : in cujus faucibus uterque exercitus 
 haerebat. Tota provincia tumultuabatur ; aliis (egregiis praesertim istis 
 oratoribus anathemata minitantibus) omnes, cujusvis ordinis et aetatis, ad 
 arma concitantibus, et cogentibus ; aliis confluentibus frequenter ; aliis hue 
 illucque discursantibus, ut sese occultarent : prout quisque superstitione, 
 fiducia, metuve agebatur, Montisrosanus hostes aggredi et rem proelio 
 decernere vehementer desiderabat, priusquam novo ex Fifanio delectu vires 
 eorum augescerent : sed frustra. lUi enim in solo tam difficili et artis 
 angustiis se communiverant, ut nulla ratione ad eos penetrare, vel inde 
 elicere potuerit. Cum ergo pugnae copiam semel iterumque fecisset, in 
 intima provinciae penetrare statuit, Kinrossiamque petiit, tam ut provin- 
 cialium delectum impediret, quam ut hostes aliquando ex istis angustiis 
 extraheret ; quo suis in provincia periclitantibus opitularentur. Illi ne 
 extremum abeuntium agmen serio tentare ausi, diverso itinere, lernae primo, 
 et mox Tai ripam secuti, ad orientalia provinciae festinarunt. Montis- 
 rosanus in itinere Nathaneelem Gordonium, et Wilielmum Rollocum cum 
 exigua equitum manu praemisit. Hi (commilitonibus undique obequi- 
 tantibus, ut omnia accuratius perlustrarent) decern duntaxat secum detinuere. 
 Ex improviso autem in ducentos hostes, quorum non pauci etiam equites, 
 inciderunt, qui milites in illis locis conscribebant. Cumque receptui locus 
 nullus esset, duodeni, ducentos aggressi, in fugam eos praecipitarunt : et 
 quibusdam caesis, alios captivos abduxere. 
 
 Montisrosanus sub vesperam illius diei Kinrossiam pervenit : et Fifanos 
 a Rege quam maxime alienatos, et foederatorum studiosissimos, et super- 
 stitione insuper adstrictos, frequentes ad arma convolasse non dubitabat. 
 
CAP. XIII. 40I 
 
 Nee cum tanta equitum peditumque multitudine temere congrediendum ratus, 
 Fortham transmittere decrevit : idque hoc consilio, ut Fifanos, quos extra 
 fines suos non nisi coactos castra hostium sequi conjectabat, longis itineribus 
 fatigatos, sine pugna debellaret. Plerosque enim in officinis, tabernis, 
 navigiisque natos, aut educates, militari labori impares, statim fatiscere et 
 succumbere augurabatur. Insuper conjurati proceres (postquam bellum ad 
 Fortham usque translatum attoniti viderunt) in partibus Regni limitaneis, et 
 ad mare occiduum spectantibus, milites majore quam unquam contentione 
 conscribebant. Inter quos Lanricensis, Cassilius, Eglintoniusque Comites 
 eminebant. Quorum delectum impedire, aut ipsos ad partes pertrahere 
 satagebat Montisrosanus, priusquam Bailaeo et Fifanis se adjungerent. 
 Kinrossia ergo Sterlinum versus profectus, ad tria ab urbe milliaria ea nocte 
 substitit. Postridie, ubi pedites praemisisset, ipse cum equitatu lente 
 subsequebatur, quia hostem vestigia sua premere putabat. 
 
 Nee fefellit eum conjectura ; enimvero quos post se reliquerat, explora- 
 tores renunciant, Bailaeum cum longe potentissimo exercitu baud procul 
 abesse. Et illico praemissi hostium speculatores in conspectum veniunt : 
 quorum unum incaute progressum, Montisrosani equites captum ad eum 
 pertrahunt. Iste interrogatus, libere fidenterque respondit, existimare se 
 Bailaeo et suis in animo esse, tota ilia nocte in itinere persistere, ut eum 
 quamprimum ad pugnam adigerent, priusquam Fifanos dimitterent : quos 
 haetenus lassatos, vix cogi posse arbitraretur, ut transmitterent Fortham ; 
 satis enim illis esse quod hostis ipsorum finibus excesserit. Montisrosanus 
 igitur, ut Fortham protinus transmitteret, suos ad iter strenue capessendum 
 hortatus, Sterlinum oppidum arcemque Regiam munitissimam (quae valido 
 hostium praesidio tenebatur) ex adverso praetergressus, amnem vado, ad 
 quatuor passuum millia supra urbem, ilia ipsa nocte trajecit. Illuceseente 
 vero die postero, ad sex milliaria Sterlino paulisper substitit ; ubi nunciatum 
 est hostes superiori nocte Fortham non transmisisse ; verum ad tria milliaria 
 Sterlino trans amnem pernoctasse. At ille destinatum iter prosecutus, in 
 fatali loco, agro nimirum Kilsythino, castris locum delegit. Milites vero 
 corpora curare jubet, paratos tamen ad pugnam, expeditosque ad iter, prout 
 res postularet. Hostes interim faciliori longe via et majori compendio ad 
 Sterlinum Fortham ponte transmittunt : et sub vesperam ad tria milliaria a 
 Kilsytha castra metantur. 
 
 Interea Lanricensis Comes, Hamiltonii Ducis frater, in tractu Glottae 
 et locis vicinis ex Hamiltoniorum amicis et clientibus peditum mille eum 
 quingentis equitibus coegerat : nee Kilsytha aberat supra duodecim milliaria. 
 Cassilius vero, Eglintonius, Glencarniusque Comites, aliique conjurati pro- 
 ceres oecidentis incolas ad eandem impiam militiam concitabant : et illi, quo 
 magis haetenus a belli incommodis immunes fuerant, eo ad arma rapienda 
 
402 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 erant proniores. Quibus rite pensitatis, Montisrosanus praesentes cum 
 Bailaeo copias omnino debellandas censuit. Quamvis enim numero supe- 
 riores essent, longe tamen majus difiQciliusque certamen immineret, si X<aari- 
 censi caeterisque unitis congrediendum foret. Atqui vero vel hoc prorsus 
 faciendum fuit, vel irrito labore, et cum jactura famiae, quam tot victoriis 
 acquisiverat, ad montana redeundum. Hostes vero ;multitudine suorum 
 freti et feroces, Montisrosanum superiorum dierum itinera praecipitem 
 confecisse arbitrabantur : et Fortham, non consilio, sed metu transmisisse ; 
 adeo ut vel in solo, stationibusque (quas sibi commodissimas elegerat) 
 invadendura censuerint. Hocque unum, vana spe elati, maximopere prae- 
 cavebant, ne locum receptui permitterent, aut abeunti ad montana reditus 
 pateret. Non defuere tamen qui dicerent, Bailaeum ipsum pugna abstinen- 
 dum censuisse ; verum Lindesii Comitis praesertim aliorumque procerum, 
 qui in castris agebant, authoritate et sufTragiis victum, invitum ferme et 
 reluctantem eduxisse copias, et aciem pro tempore ordinasse. Ut ut sit, 
 illucescente statira die, recta illi in Montisrosanum duxerunt. Quod cum 
 ille cerneret, accidisse ait, quod maxime expetebat ; ut militum paucitatem 
 locorum opportunitate pensaret : priorque statioiies occupare festinat. Suis 
 insuper omnibus, equiti juxta ac pediti, imperat, ut positis molestioribus 
 vestibus, et solis indusiis superne amicti, et in albis emicantes, hostibus 
 insultarent. Quod cum illi alacres laetique fuissent, expediti paratique 
 stabant, certi aut vincere, aut mori. 
 
 In campo pugnae destinato tuguria quaedam erant, hortulique rustici ; 
 in quibus Montisrosanus paucos praesidiarios commode locaverat. Et 
 primus hostium conatus fuit, illos inde proturbare ; sed frustra : feroci- 
 ter enim aggressi, et non minus fortiter excepti ; ubi de primo impetu 
 .paululum remittere visi sunt, propugnatores eos pellunt, fugant caeduntque 
 impune. Quo velut omine elati montanorum animi qui propius aberant, 
 ne expectato quidem imperio, in coUem universis hostium copiis obnoxium 
 lemere &e praecipitarunt. Montisrosanus, licet intemptestiva suorum fiducia 
 .commotior, non tamen prorsus destituendos judicavit. Nee sane dictu 
 facile est, hostiumne ignavia, an subsidii celeritate, eorum incolumitati 
 jnagis consultum fuerit. Montisrosanus, cum quingentis equitibus, peditum 
 quatuor millia et quadringentos ducebat ; quorum mille aut etiam plures 
 sua culpa hostibus sese exposuerant : qui cum peditum milhbus sex, et 
 octii^entis equitibus occurrebant. Verum qui ex extreme hostium agmine 
 .erant, satis tarde procedebant, eorumque adventum, dum primi segniter 
 praestolantur, facultatem fecerunt Montisrosano maturum periclitantibus 
 iuis adferendi auxilium. Tandem tamen tres equitum turmas, quos 
 peditum duo millia sequebantur, in temerarios istos et ferme deperditos 
 expediunt. Quos conspicatus Montisrosanus Arlaeum Comitem (cum alii 
 
CAP. XIII. 
 
 •403 
 
 munus illud nimis indecore detrectarent) in hunc modum compellavit : 
 "Vides, inquit, nobilissime Comes, nostros istos sua temeritate in ultimum 
 discrimen adductos, et illico ab hostili equitatu opprimendos, nisi mature 
 eis subveniamus. In te vero omnium oculi animique intenti sunt, te unura 
 tanta laude dignum judicant, qui pulsis hostibus, commilitones protegas ; 
 et ut, quod juvenili eorum audacia peccatum est, matura tua adultaque 
 virtute corrigatur." Et ille rem, quamvis perdifficilem, lubentissime in se 
 j^cepit ; turmaque suorum stipatus (in qua Johannes Ogilvius Baldeviu^, 
 an Suecia olim militum tribunus, vir fortis juxta ac peritus, eminebat) recta 
 in hostes duxit, Et illi quidem in Ogilvios invecti, acriter paulisper 
 decertavere : tandem tamen virtuti eorum impares, terga dederunt. Quos 
 Ogilvii tam pertinaciter insecuti sunt, ut in pedites suos praecipites egerint : 
 eodemque quasi uno impetu turbatis ordinibus, proculcaverint. Et hoc 
 egregio Arlaei Ogilviorumque exemplo Montisrosani milites magis magisque 
 animati, detineri ampUus non potuere, quo minus, ingenti sublato clamore, 
 quasi victoriam hactenus adepti, in hostem irruerent. Nee sane perduellium 
 €quites eorum congressum diu sustinuerunt ; sed deserto pedite, in pro- 
 fusissimam fugam se conjecere ; aut pedites deserti multum restiterunt ; 
 verum abjectis armis, inutili fuga salutem sibi quaesivere. Enimvero 
 victores eos ad quatuor et decem milHaria persecuti trucidarunt. Adeo 
 ut peditum, qui isti proelio interfuerunt, vix centum evasisse credantur 
 incolumes. Et ne equites quidem impune elapsi sunt, quorum alii caesi, 
 capti alii, alii alio fusi sparsique se receperunt. Impedimenta, arma, spolia 
 victoribus cessere ; que ex suis duntaxat sex desiderarunt : quorum tres 
 Ogilvii erant, viri fortes et generosi, qui strenue pugnantes ad praeclaram 
 victoriam, sanguine suo, viam consignarunt. Conjurati proceres, qui fre- 
 quentes isti praelio interfuerant, alii Sterlinum oppidum arcemque munitis- 
 simam matura fuga et equorum pernicitate obtinuerunt, alii ad Forthae 
 aestuarium elapsi, naves anchoris alligatas hand procul a litore conscende- 
 runt. In his Argathelius, jam tertio cymbam nactus, evasit in navem : 
 nee tamen se in tuto esse judicavit, quoad sublatis anchoris, procul terra, 
 in alto se conspexit. In captivis erant Wilielmus Moravius eques, de 
 Blebo, lacobus Arnottus, Burglaei Reguli frater, Dicius quidem Wallasi- 
 usque tribuni militum, et alii quam plurimi ; quos Montisrosanus in fidem 
 receptos liberaliter habuit, et data fide, dimisit. Atque haec est insignis 
 ilia victoria ad Kilsytham parta, decimo septimo Kal. Sept. an. cidiocxlv, 
 qua sex miUia perduellium caesa traduntur. 
 
404 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 CAP. XIV. 
 
 KiLSYTHiNAM victoriam per totum regnum nova rerum fades subsecuta 
 est. Conjurati principes, alii Bervicum, Carleolum alii, alii Novum castrum 
 in Anglia, in Hiberniam alii, alii alio cum summa trepidatione se recep- 
 erunt. Qui vero Regi hactenus in occulto favebant, sese palam osten- 
 dere, fidem attestari, preces publice pro salute fundere, operamque polliceri 
 non amplius metuebant. Quique prius foederatis, militaverunt, veniam 
 deprecari, violentiam et saevum perduellium imperium incusari, se suaque 
 omnia victori dedere, implorare humiliter fidem, et solitam clementiam 
 expectare. Provinciae etiam et civitates quam longissime dissitae oratores 
 mittere, fidem Regi et vicario ejus Gubernatori obsequium operamque polli- 
 ceri, arma, commeatus, militem, aliaque ad bellum necessaria ultro offerre. 
 Proceres Regni et familiarum principes frequentes accurrere, salutare, 
 obsequium domino Gubernatori deferre, res egregie gestas laudare, gratu- 
 larique. Quos ille omnes, non modo praeteritorum venia, sed et libertate 
 et immunitate donatos in fidem recepit, bonoque animo esse jussit. Nee 
 gravius quidquam illis imposuit, quam ut avarum et crudele conjuratorum 
 imperium cum mitissimo clementissimi Regis patrocinio et tutela commu- 
 tarent ; utque inducta priorum simultatum oblivione, fidem et obedientiam, 
 optimo Regi debitam, in posterum sanctius colerent ; nee semet seditiosorum 
 hominum consiliis deinceps immiscerent, qui, cum explendis suis cupidinibus 
 tantum modo incumberent, Regem subditosque inter se commissos tantum 
 non everterunt. Sibi quidem ab initio nihil unquam aliud in animo votisque 
 fuisse, quam ut armis (quando alitor fieri nequiret) Religionem, Regem, 
 libertatem, aequales suos Regni proceres, popularesque omnes, a per- 
 duellium tyrannide vindicates, pristinae paci, gloriae et felicitati restitueret. 
 Quod si efFectum daret, Deo optimo maximo bonorum omnium largitori, 
 aeternas debiturum gratias. Sin secus accident, eidem tamen Deo immor- 
 tali, Regique, ejus in terris vicem gerenti, bonis omnibus, posteris etiam, 
 famaeque et conscientiae denique suae, honestissimo conatu satisfacturum. 
 
 Simul his, nihil aliud quam Montisrosani laudes undique personabant. 
 Ejus indolem, qua aequales omnes antecedebat, ejus in bello fortitudinem, in 
 laboribus patientiam, constantiam in dubiis, in consiliis prudentiam, fidem 
 in deditos, in rebus gerendis celeritatem, clementiam in captivos, in omnibus 
 denique heroicam plane virtutem, omnes omnium ordinum homines ubique 
 praedicabant. Idque plurimi fide bona et sincero affectu ; alii vero dole 
 factitabant : et ut quisque ingenio aut arte valebat, carmine encomiastico, et 
 panegyricis orationibus eum prosequebatur. Quaeque rerum humanarum 
 
CAP. XIV. ^05 
 
 vicissitudo, et volubilis praesertim vulgi inconstantia est, foederatorum 
 coryphaeos ducesque (quos non ita pridem numinum fere loco venerabantur 
 et colebant) Argathelium nimirum, Balmerinothum, Lindesium, Laudonium, 
 aliosque, tanquam malorum authores, diris publice persequi non verebantur. 
 
 Rebus vera sic prospere succedentibus, Regni partibus a tergo septen- 
 trionem versus securis, aditu in meridiem patefacto, fractis ubique conjura- 
 torum viribus, eorumque principibus viris (qui pro scelerum conscientia de 
 venia desperabant) Regno pulsis, et, quamvis nullo justo exercitu super- 
 stite, ad occidentem tamen tumultuabantur. Cassilius enim Eglintoniusque 
 Comites, et alii foederatorum ministri, provincias ad renovandum bellum 
 incitabant : et tumultuario delectu, ad quatuor millia coegisse dicebantur. 
 Quapropter Montisrosanus postridie illius diei, quo ad Kilsytham pugnatum 
 fuerat, copias ad Glottae amnis tractum perduxit : unde Lanricensis Comes, 
 victoriae fama perculsus, dimissis quos coegerat militibus, aufugerat. Locum 
 ilium tanquam rebus suis in meridie et occidente commodissimum Montis- 
 rosanus delegit ; Glascuamque provinciae caput est profectus. Civitatem 
 in fidem receptam, cum faustis populi acclamationibus ingressus, milites 
 imprimis ab injuriis coercuit ; et in noxios severe animadvertens, gravius 
 peccantes in aliorum terrorem capite multavit. In civium deinde gratiam, 
 secundo quam venerat die, urbe excessit, ad Bothweliam castra locaturus. 
 Ubi, quoniam ad sex duntaxat milliaria a civitate aberat, ne quid militari 
 licentia peccaretur, civibus indulsit, ut sibi ipsis prospicerent, et suorum 
 praesidio civitatem tenerent. Ea dementia fore sperans, ut non Glascuensium 
 modo, sed et aliarum civitatum animos beneficiis magis, quam vi et armis, 
 obnoxios haberet. 
 
 Bothweliae vero plures dies stativa habuit, proceres alios coram, alios 
 per legatos, amicos, internunciosque audivit. Provinciarum et civitatum 
 ultro omnium deferentium fidem obsequiumque confirmavit. Salutantium 
 operamque pollicentium in illis locis primi fuere Duglassius Marchio, 
 nobilissimae familiae et Duglassiorum gentis princeps, Limmucensis, Anan- 
 dius, Hertfeldius Comites, Setonius, Drumondus, Flaminius, Madertaeus, 
 Carnegius, lonstonius, Reguli ; Hamiltonius de Orbeston, Charterius de 
 Hempsfeild, Tourius de Innerleith (vir meritissimus, qui postea fortiter 
 pugnando, non segni fato functus est) Stuartus de Resyth, Dalyellius, 
 Carnwathii Comitis f rater, et alii quamplurimi : quorum nominibus recen- 
 sendis, vel non undequaque sufficit memoria, vel abstinendum censui, ne 
 ingrata forsan et intempestiva laude sub durissimo gementes tyrannidis 
 jugo magis onerare, quam ornare videar. 
 
 Post Kilsythinam victoriam nihil prius generosum Montisrosani animum 
 subiit, quam captivorum cura : qui nullius criminis ergo, sed duntaxat ob 
 fidem erga Regem, in durissimo et foedissimo carcere Edinburgeno pessime 
 
 2 D 
 
4o6 
 
 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 habiti, ultima etiam expectabant. Naperium ergo ex sorore natum cum 
 NathanSele Gordonio et expedita equitum manu Edinburgum mittit ; qui 
 civitatem deditam in fidem reciperent, captives assererent in libertatem, et 
 civium animos in fide et officio confirmarent : repugnantibus vero et detrec- 
 tantibus imperium, ferrum flammamque intentarent. Illi cum copiis ad 
 quartum ab urbe lapidem substitere; nee propius (nisi obstinata forsan 
 civium pertinacia coacti) accedere statuerunt ; tam ut militarem licentiam 
 facilius refrenarent, ne injuriis miseros civis opprimerent, urbemque exosam, 
 utpote totius rebellionis ministram, et fomitem, praecipiti ira et ultricibus 
 flammis in cineres redigerent, quod ut modis omnibus praecaverent, Montis- 
 rosanus imprimis in mandatis dederat, quam ut suos a pestilenti contagione 
 praestarent, quae in civitate et vicinia vehementer flagrabat, et quamplurimos 
 in dies absumebat mortales. Ubi vero adventantium ad urbem perlatus est 
 nuncius, tremere omnes, et de salute desperare ; nee aliter ejulare, quam si 
 hactenus enses jugulis, et tectis faces admotae fuissent. Et non pauci 
 conscientia scelerum agitati, ingratissimos sese proditores, sacrileges, per- 
 jures, et omni venia indignos, sponte praedicabant. Ad captives deinde 
 conversi, eminus, et per occultes internuncios eerum implorare fidem, et 
 obsecrare ; ut misellae plebis et saevissime confectae morbo miserti, victoris 
 animum jure irritatum mitigarent : omnem in eis spem esse ; et hoc unum 
 rebus perditis superesse remedium. Protestari insuper, clementiam hac 
 saltem vice expertos, superiorem defectienem sanctiore fide et intensiore 
 obsequie pensatures, Captivi vero (quibus non ita pridem vilissimi mortales 
 acerbe nimis et centumeliose illuserant, patibulisque et crucibus deveverant) 
 injuriarum prorsus immemeres, et malorum, quae ipsi fuerant perpessi, sensu 
 magis quam vindicta stimulati, Deo opt, max., qui libertatem salutemque 
 minus expectatam clementer estentaret, gratias reddidere. Inde vero ad 
 hostes infensissimos conversi, bono animo esse jusserunt : clementissimum 
 enim Regem, ejusque vicarium Montisrosanum populi poenitentis salutem 
 et commodum, non internecionem et ruinam expetere. Censulere vero, ut 
 ad Montisrosanum supplices oratores confestim mittant, qui fidem ejus 
 veniamque deprecentur : nihil enim ad leniendum victoris animum prompta 
 deditione validius esse. Sese etiam precibus apud eum pro eorum inco- 
 lumitate non defuturos : nee dubitare, quo minus, alias invictus, precibus 
 lamentisque miserrimorum hominum vinci se pateretur magnus excelsusque 
 animus. 
 
 Edinburgenses hac spe erecti, consilioque adjuti, illico senatum convo- 
 cant, de mittendis oratoribus consulturi. Erant inter captives qui natalibus 
 et gratia apud Montisrosanum eminebant, Ludovicus Craufordiae Comes, 
 antiquissimae et nobilissimae Lindesiorum gentis princeps, militari gloria 
 apud exteros, Suecos, Austriacosque et Hispanos clarus. Hie Lindesii 
 
CAP. XIV. 407 
 
 Comitis, consanguinei sui (qui quod honoribus tituloque Craufordiae inhiaret, 
 ejus etiam capiti insidiabatur) arte et authoritate a conjuratis ultimo sup- 
 plicio destinatus erat. Nee ob aliud omnino crimen, quam quod vir 
 militaris, et manu promptus, strenuam fidelemque operam domino suo ac 
 Regi navasset, et quasi adhuc navaturus metuebatur, si superstes foret. 
 Jacobus deinde Ogilvius Regulus, Arlaei Comitis filius, Montisrosano in 
 paucis carus, paterna propriaque virtute et potentia formidabilis. Hie etiam, 
 cum Argathelii propter veteres simultates et recentes injurias hostis esset, 
 ejusdem cum Craufordio criminis reus, in eodem discrimine versabatur. 
 lllos ergo ex captivis Edinburgensis elegit senatus, et confestim in libertatem 
 assertos, votis precibusque fatigavit, ut pro gratia, qua apud dominum 
 Gubernatorem valebant, oratoribus suis opitularentur, urbique omnipotentis 
 Dei flagello hactenus afflictissimae succurrerent. Seque posterosque suos 
 omnibus diris devovent, si tanti beneficii immemores, aut beneficiis ingrati 
 aliquando forent. Illi rem omnibus votis expetitam baud gravatim suscepere : 
 acceptisque in comitatu suo oratoribus, ad Naperium egressi sunt. Ille, 
 cum obiter carissimum patrem, conjugemque, et Sterlinum levirum, cum 
 sororibus ex carcere Limnuchensi, in quem ex arce Edinburgena delati 
 fuerant a foederatis, liberasset ; copias cum captivis istis, jam in libertatem 
 assertis, et civitatis oratoribus, re bene gesta, ad avunculum reduxit. Montis- 
 rosanus Craufordium Ogilviumque, viros amicissimos, et diu multumque 
 desideratos, amplexus sospitesque et incolumes gratulatus, omni honore et 
 solatio post diuturnum carcerem prosequebatur : et illi contra, liberatorem 
 suum vindicemque gratiis laudibusque, ut par erat, efFerentes, jucundissimum 
 praesentibus spectaculum exhibuere. 
 
 Admissi postmodum Edinburgenses oratores, senatus populique mandata 
 exponunt. Summa erat, eos civitatem Gubernatori ultro dedere, veniam 
 supplices deprecari, obsequium fidemque in posterum spondere, se suaque 
 patrocinio ejus et tutelae (quam humiliter postulabant) committere. Captivos 
 insuper, qui adhuc apud eos detinebantur, secundum ejus mandata quam- 
 primum liberandos : omniaque officia ex animi sui sententia praestanda sibi 
 persuaderet. Et quamvis civitas dirissimo morbo exhausta jaceret, ut nuUi 
 inde milites conscribi possent, paratos tamen esse stipendia aliunde coactis 
 pro modulo suo erogare. Hoc denique omnium maxime implorare, ut 
 clementissimi domini Regis animum ad misericordiam inclinaret, nequando 
 in civitatem suam, seditiosorum et praepotentium hominum arte, authoritate, 
 et exemplo ad rebellionem concitatam gravius animadverteret. Montis- 
 rosanus de caeteris bonam illis spem fecit, nee durius quid imposuit, quam 
 ut fidem domino Regi sanctius colerent. Perduellibus, qui contra eum tarn 
 extra, quam intra Regnum militabant, fideliter renunciarent. Arcem Edin- 
 burgensem (quam in eorum potestate sitam fuisse tunc, satis constabat) 
 
4o8 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 Regi ejusque ministris redderent. Captives deniquc, ubi primum oratores 
 redierint, liberos ad castra ejus remitterent. Et sane, quod ad captives, eos 
 reversi dimiserunt : at caetera falsi perjurique, nisi resipuerint, olim animi 
 usque adeo ingrati et repetitae perfidiae, Deo, veritatis et justitiae vindici, 
 poenas daturi. 
 
 Dum ista Edinburgi agebantur, Montisrosanus Alexandrum Makdonaldum 
 (cui et Johannem Drumondum de Balla, virum generosum et fortem, addidit) 
 cum parte copiarum ad occidui maris oram ablegavit, ut tumultuantes illic 
 coerceret, et Cassilii Eglintoniique conatus everteret. At illi, sola adven- 
 tjintis Makdonaldi fama perterriti, palantes trepidique se ad suos recepere : 
 Coraitum procerumque alii in Hiberniam contenderunt, alii in quibus nescio 
 latibulis delituere. Provinciae occidentales omnes, Aera urbs, Irvinaque, et 
 aliae, certatim manus dederunt, obsequium, fidem, operamque ultro deferentes. 
 Nee sane (quod praeter spem evenit) usquam Montisrosanus invenit animos 
 ad Regem propensiores, quam in locis illis occiduis : quamplurimi enim 
 generosi, equestris ordinis, familiarum principes, et nonnulli etiam primariae 
 nobilitatis viri, ad partes laeti pertransierunt. Quorum nomina, alias cum 
 laude praedicanda, inpraesentiarum, grato forsan illis certe, utili silentio, 
 praeterimus : nolumus enim honestissimos vires et Regi suo addictissimos, 
 indicie nostro, benevolentiae suae saevissimis hostibus poenas dare. 
 
 CAP. XV. 
 
 Animum jam Montisrosanus ad limitem australem converterat : miserat- 
 que ad Humium, Rosburgium, Trequarium Comites, qui eos ad belli 
 et pacis rerumque omnium Regis nomine et auspiciis gerendarum socie- 
 tatem invitarent. Erant isti, in illis locis, nen mode amicorum multi- 
 tudine et frequenti satellitio petentissimi, verum etiam Regiae authoritatis 
 acerrimi vindices videri volebant. Enimvero praeterquam quod fide juxta 
 et alii obstricti forent, nen vulgaribus beneficiis ab ee erant affecti. Nee 
 tantum ornati amplissimis honeribus, ab equestri nimirum ordine ad supremae 
 nobilitatis dignitatem evecti, sed et praefecti quaestuesissimis provinciis, et 
 supra aequales sortemque locupletati, sibi opes, Regi odium invidiamque 
 cenflarunt. Et hi quidem amicorum splendidissimos ad Montisrosanum 
 ablegarunt, qui illi renunciarent, paratos esse sese, qui quedvis discrimen, 
 ejus ductu et imperio, pro munificentissime domino suo ac Rege subeant. 
 Copias etiam quas possent maximas coacturos spondent : nee quidquam 
 impedire, quo minus ad castra veniant, si ille, cum vel minima copiarum 
 parte, ad provincias istas progrediatur. Sic tandem fore, ut non modo 
 
CAP. XV. 409 
 
 eorum amici clientesque, sed et provinciales omnes ejus authoritate et prae- 
 sentia excitati et animati, alacriter ad militiam se accingant ; et reluctantes 
 cogantur, aut redigantur in ordinem. Enixe denique rogare, ut ad hoc suam 
 illis operam impertiat ; in aliis certissimam eorum fidem et promptissimam 
 operam experturus. Splendida sane ilia, et prima fronte, honesta; verum 
 ea fide jactata, quam munificentissimi Regis beneficiarii colere assueverunt. 
 Minus forsan eo nomine vituperandus Lanricensis Comes, Hamiltonii Duels 
 frater, qui a Montisrosano per amicos ad partes Regias serio invitatus, 
 quamvis praeteritorum venia, et de impetranda fratris libertate non exigua 
 spes illi fieret, disertis tamen verbis, et sine ambagibus respondit; Nihil 
 sibi cum illis partibus commune fore : nee velle eum amicitiam prae se ferre, 
 quam colere non instituisset. Atque utinam illi omnes, in quibus optimus 
 Rex nimiam collocavit fiduciam, eodem candore et simplicitate omnia 
 dixissent ab istorum tumultuum initio ! 
 
 Eodem ferme tempore Duglassium Marchionem et Ogilvium Regulum 
 in Anandiam Nithiamque Montisrosanus transmisit ; ut junctis sibi Anan- 
 diae et Hartfeldiae Comitibus, copias, equestres praesertim, quas possent 
 maximas conscriberent. Et insuper mandat, ut cum conscriptis versus 
 Trequarium, Rosburgium, Humiumque tenderent : ut eos absque omni 
 tergiversatione, ad belli societatem pertraherent. Quippe Montisrosano 
 aulicorum mores suboluerant, ut suspectus haberet, quas nectebant moras : 
 eorundem enim, praesertim Trequarii artes, et incertam fidem saepiuscule 
 erat expertus. Et sane Duglassius, alacri Hartfeldii Anandiique opera, non 
 spernendam manum brevi contraxit, si numerum spectes : verum viri novi, 
 agriculturae et pascendis gregibus assueti, militiae vero rudes ; ad primum 
 impetum prompti, mox in tantum animis defecere, ut sub signis detineri 
 nulla ratione valuerint. Hoc cum Duglassio caeterisque ducibus certo 
 constaret, literis Montisrosanum fatigant, ut cum veteranis quos habebat, 
 ad se versus Tuedam properaret : ipsius enim authoritate et praesentia, 
 cum veteranorum societate et exemplo fieri posse, ut vel sponte, vel inviti, 
 ad officium praestandum cogerentur. Interim illi ad Galae tractum secun- 
 dum mandata procedunt : Rosburgio, Trequarioque opportunitatem operamque 
 ultro deferentes, si res ita postularet, quo facilius maturiusque suos edu- 
 cerent. At illi boni Viri, quibus conjuratorum intima consilia erant satis 
 perspecta, quique omnem ex Anglia equitatum, sub Davidis Leslaei 
 imperio, jam jamque affuturum non ignorabant, nihil animo versabant, 
 quam optimo Regi solitis artibus illudere ; Montisrosanum vero (cujus 
 gloriae invidebant) quia armis non poterant, dolo in hostium potestatem 
 perducere. In eum ergo finem, non modo Duglassio et eis qui cum eo 
 erant, sed et ipsi Montisrosano, per amicos frequentesque nuncios, identidem 
 ingerunt ; paratos quidem esse, qui corpora sua praesentissimis objiciant 
 
410 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 periculis : verum amicos, clientes, satellitesque contrahere, nisi ipsius Mon- 
 tisrosani praesentia erectos et confirmatos, neutiquam plane posse. Et quo 
 ampliorem illi fidem faciant, infandis sese dins devovent, nisi promissis 
 sancte et constanter steterint. Montisrosanus nihilominus, immotus ad 
 haec omnia, Bothweliae subsistebat ; si quid recti et sinceri eorum verbis 
 subesset, Duglassium cum suis, qui hactenus in vicino tractu erant, ani- 
 mandis et cogendis illorum amicis et clientibus abunde sufficere ratus. 
 
 Ubi tandem diutius Bothweliae stativa habuisset Montisrosanus, mon- 
 tani plerique, praeda onusti, clam signa deseruere, et reversi sunt ad suos. 
 Exinde etiam et ipsi eorum duces missionem palam ad breve tempus postu- 
 larunt ; praetexentes nullum exercitum hostilem intra Regni limites exstare, 
 ideoque operam suam inpraesentiarum inutilem fore. Aedes insuper suas 
 frugesque, quibus parentes, conjuges, parvulique instantem hiemem tolera- 
 rent, hostilibus flammis absumptas, nee ulla ex parte reparatas, quere- 
 bantur : adeoque aliquot hebdomadarum veniam supplices orare, quibus suis 
 contra frigus famemque prospicerent. Fidem vero solemniter et sponte 
 praestare, ante quadragesimum diem, refectis viribus, longeque frequentiores 
 reversuros. Eos Montisrosanus, cum detineri non possent, utpote qui gratis 
 militabant, quo devinctiores sibi redderet, non modo cum venia, sed et 
 mandatis dimittendos censuit. Militibus ergo publice laudatis, ducibus 
 Regis nomine gratias egit : et ut strenue rem suam agerent hortatus, 
 Alexandrum Makdonaldum popularem et cognatum (qui provinciam illam 
 nimis ambitiose expetiverat) comitem ducemque illis attribuit, qui ante 
 dictum diem ad castra eos reduceret. Et ille omnium nomine, composita 
 oration e, gratias domino Gubernatori pro eximia indulgentia egit ; et quasi 
 illorum fidejussor, pro maturo reditu sponsurum se sancte juravit ; Montis- 
 rosanum tamen postea nunquam visurus. Nee montanorum viribus ille 
 contentus, qui tria millia fortissimorum militum excedebant ; promptissimos 
 etiam ex hibernis ad numerum centum et viginti clam subduxit, quasi, scilicet, 
 ad corporis sui custodiam separatos. 
 
 Hoc potissimum tempore plures Oxonia nuncii a Rege Bothweliam 
 diversis itineribus pervenere. In quibus unus erat Andraeas Sandilandius, 
 Scotus, in Anglia tamen educatus, et initiatus sacris, vir integer, Regi fidus 
 juxta ac Montisrosano carus, qui ad belli exitum ei constanter adhaesit. 
 Robertus deinde Spotswodius eques, supremae in Scotia Curiae olim 
 supremus meritissimusque praeses, tunc vero ab epistolis Regi, seu, ut 
 hodie loqui vulgus amat, pro regno Scotiae ejus secretarius ; qui Oxonia 
 per Walliam in Monam insulam, et inde in Abriam devectus, in Atholiam 
 pervenit : et ab Atholiis ad Montisrosanum fuit perductus. Nuncii plerique 
 omnes inter alia mandata deferunt, Regis voluntatem esse, ut Rosburgium 
 et Trequarium sibi adjungat, et eorum opera et consilio utatur : de fide 
 
CAP. XV. 4JI 
 
 industriaque hominum non esse ambigendum. Insuper, ut ad Tuedam 
 amnem in regnorum limite properaret, et illis cum imperio praeesset, quos 
 ad eum Rex quam primum ex Anglia esset missurus, ut eos Davidi Lesleo 
 cum fiducia opponeret, si ille (quod suspicabatur) cum foederatorum equitatu 
 in eum tenderet. Et haec nuncii unanimiter detulerunt ; literisque suis 
 optimus Rex, sed male credulus, significavit. Montisrosanus vero, mandatis 
 Regiis tandem victus, ad Tuedae tractum proficisci statuit. Pridie vero, quam 
 iter est ingressus, vocato ad concionem milite (nondum enim Makdonaldus 
 cum montanis abscesserat) sub vexillo Regio Robertus Spotswodius in 
 terram pronus diploma Regium Majori sigillo obsignatum Montisrosano, ille 
 item Archibaldo Primirosio, supremi consilii (ut loquuntur) clerico, clara 
 voce per praeconem recitandum tradidit. Deinde et militum fortitudinem 
 fidemque erga Regem, et ejus in illos animum brevi sed magnifica oratione 
 laudavit. Makdonaldum etiam, pro authoritate sibi a Rege concessa, pro 
 condone, cum laudibus, tum equestris ordinis dignitate ornavit. Enimvero 
 non modo Montisrosanus, sed et quotquot Regi favebant, optima quaeque 
 de isto viro sperabant : quorum omnium opinionem, non tantum in causae 
 Regiae detrimentum, sed in suam suorumque certissimam perniciem, fefellit. 
 
 Montisrosanus destinatum iter aggressus, secundis castris Calderiam 
 arcem pervenerat, cum Aboinius Comes, frustra retinente Gubernatore, non 
 suos tantum, sed et septentrionales alios ad desertionem solicitatos, ad unum 
 omnes secum abduxit. Nee ullis omnino rationibus, aut amicorum precibus, 
 qui a pudendo facinore abhorrebant, persuaderi sibi passus est, ut vel hebdo- 
 madae unius moram necteret ; tum demum, non modo cum bona imperatoris 
 venia, sed et fama et bonorum gratia et laude dimittendus. At Montis- 
 rosanus Edinburgum praetergressus, per agros Lothianae copias perexiguas 
 quidem duxit, et in Galae tractu Duglassium caeterosque duces obvios 
 habuit ; quorum copiae hactenus multum imminutae, magis magisque indies 
 deficiebant. In illo tractu ipse Trequarius solito alacrior hilariorque eum 
 accurrit ; qui quidem non Regi tantum, sed et ipsi Montisrosano propen- 
 sissimum sese simulans, postridie filium, Lintoniae Regulum cum egregia 
 sane equitum manu ad eum misit, quasi sub ejus signis militaturum : ut 
 hoc quasi pignore securum de insidiis quas struebat facilius opprimeret. 
 Nihil enim ille quam conjuratorum speculatorem, non jam primum, agebat, 
 mortalium ingratissimus Montisrosanum, adeoque et Regem ipsum illis 
 proditurus. 
 
 Ubi vero non supra duodecim milliaria ab Humio Rosburgioque abfuit, 
 atque illi ne nuncium quidem praemitterent, aut levissimam officii speciem 
 exhiberent, non parum commotus Montisrosanus, in eorum agros ducere, 
 ipsosque, vel invitos, ad partes pertrahere constituit. Verum illi insigni 
 arte sibi praecaverunt. Davidem Leslaeum, quern sub illud tempus 
 
412 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 Bervicum usque penetrasse cum omni ex Anglia equitatu et plurimis ejusdera 
 gentis auxiliariis noverant (utpote consilii ejus conscii et participes) compel- 
 larunt, eique authores fuere, ut immisso milite eos quasi captives abduceret : 
 quod et factum fuit pridie quam illuc venerat Montisrosanus. Sic enim 
 fore existimavit versutus ille senex Rosburgius (qui Humium secum per- 
 duxit), ut foederatonim gratiam iniret, quod se sponte quasi eorum tutelae 
 tradidisset : nee tamen gratia Regis excideret, dum se invitum in eorum 
 manus incidisse simularet. Et hoc prime facinore perpetrate, Leslaeus, 
 trajecto Tueda, in orientalia Lothianae duxit. Montisrosanus, ubi Regem 
 seque ab istis proditum sensit, nee jam spes ulla de auxiliariis equitibus a 
 Rege mittendis affulgeret, hostesque praevalidi reditum in septentrionem 
 et montana obstruerent, cum perexigua manu, quam secum adduxerat, in 
 Nithiam Anandiamque et Aerae provinciam tendere statuit ; ut equitatum 
 quam posset maximum contraheret. Quamvis enim de hostium viribus 
 nihil illi certo constaret, in equitatu tamen praesertim positas conjectura 
 assecutus est. 
 
 CAP. XVI. 
 
 Kelsoa digressus Montisrosanus Jedburgum, et inde Selkirkam pervenit : 
 ubi equites quidem in oppidulo, pedites in vicina silva coUocavit. Certum 
 enim erat locorum opportuna sequi, ne cum hoste, cujus vires prorsus 
 erant incognitae, in iniquo solo dimicare cogeretur. Equitum deinde prae- 
 fectis mandat, ut speculatores expedites, fides frequentesque emittant ; 
 praesidia in locis opportunis quoquo versum dispenant ; vigilias sedulo 
 curent. Quae quidem omnia, more soliti, ipse coram exsequi non poterat, 
 quia ea nocte literas ad Regem daturus, nuncium, quem fidissimum nactus 
 fuit, ante diluculum erat dimissurus. Adeeque enixius rogavit, ut in hoc 
 unum animos intenderent, ne hestes, qui equitatu praevalebant, imprevisi 
 sues opprimerent. Ducibus vere curam omnem industriamque spondentibus, 
 ille scribendis epistolis occupatus, noctem insemnem egit. Cum vere sub- 
 inde praetoribus suis (viris militiae peritissimis, et eo nomine apud exteras 
 gentes claris) incertos rumores de vicinis hostibus ad se perlatos deferret, 
 illi, seu militum et speculaterum ignavia, seu fate decepti, hestem plane 
 nullum in illo tractu ac ne vicinia quidem fidenter nimis renunciarent. 
 Cum prima tandem luce expeditissimi et peritissimi equites denuo ad 
 speculandum emissi sunt ; et illi quoque reversi, decern milHaria confecisse 
 se, et diverticula quaeque diligentissime pervestigasse affirmant : dirasque 
 capiti sue temere imprecantur, si qui armati intra decem milHaria depre- 
 hendi possent. Postea tamen, sed sere constitit, hestem cum copiis 
 
CAP. XVI. 413 
 
 omnibus vix quatuor Selkirka milliaribus abfuisse, noctemque illam egisse 
 in armis. 
 
 Leslaeus eo die, quo Jedburgo profectus erat Montisrosanus, in Glads- 
 moria, Lothianae Provinciae planicie, copias recensebat ; et foederatorum 
 primoribus, cum eo de summa belli consulentibus, Edinburgum Forthamque 
 versus tendere visum est : ut Montisrosano in septentrionem revertenti se 
 opponerent ; et ad dimicandum vel invitum cogerent, priusquam montanos 
 suos sibi adjungeret. Verum ille, mutato consilio, copiis universis subito 
 mandat, ut sinistrorsum tenderent, et iter strenue capesserent : mirantibus 
 omnibus, quibus rerum arcana nondum innotuerant, mutati itineris et tarn 
 repentinae expeditionis consilium ; recta enim Galae tractum petebant. 
 Atqui (quod postmodo, narrantibus hostibus, cognitum fuit) literas ille 
 acceperat, quibus accurate edoctus fuit, Montisrosanum, quingentis dun- 
 taxat peditibus, eisque Hibernis, et equitatu plane imbelli nee militiae 
 assueto, stipatum ; in Tuedae amnis tractu de improviso facillime opprimi 
 posse, si ipse rei bene gerendae occasionem peropportunam arripiat. 
 Leslaeus ergo, istis Uteris raonitus, propere illuc contendit : et, ut dictum 
 est, ad quatuor milliaria Selkirka pernoctavit. Trequarium illas dedisse ad 
 Leslaeum literas, quod constanti evulgatum est fama, ut ego non affirma- 
 verim, dissimulari tamen non potest, eundem filio Lintonio eadem nocte 
 mandata dedisse, ut se confestim a partibus Regiis subduceret : quod et 
 ille laetabundus perfecit. Omnium ut ille fuerint hominum ingratissimi, 
 et Regis optime de se meriti desertores, posteris etiam pudendi. Et sane 
 illius diei tempus matutinum, profunda spissaque caligine plenum, hostium 
 insidiis non minimum favit. Quos tandem instructis ordinibus in Montis- 
 rosanum tendere, nee quingentis passuum ^ abesse, trepidi ejus speculatores 
 renunciant. 
 
 Montisrosanus, equo, qui primus occurrit, conscenso, in campo matutino 
 conventui destinatum prorupit : ubi omnia tumultu, nihil consilio agebatur. 
 Equites, imperio neutiquam assueti, et sparsi antea per agros, pascendis 
 jumentis magis quam tuendae cum honore vitae intenti, vel primo hostilis 
 tubae sonitu attoniti, palantes, incertique hue et illuc cursitabant : sed in 
 aciem nunquam descenderunt. Pauci tamen, illique ferme nobiles et eques- 
 tris ordinis viri, illuc advolarunt : et dexterae peditum alae tutelam fortiter 
 suscepere, qui numero plures quam centum et viginti non eranL Nee 
 pedites (qui quingenti omnino erant) frequentes aderant ; plerique enim 
 rebus privatis inter impedimenta intenti, intempestiva cura seque suaque 
 
 ^ The editions have quingentis passuum millibus (500 miles !). Did Wishart mean " a mile and 
 a half?" If millibus be omitted, as in the Montr. Redivivus, Tr., 1652, correct Latin requires 
 passibus ; or we may read quinqiie for quingentis, though this would make Lesley's approach less 
 completely the surprise it seems to have been. 
 
414 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 prodiderunt. Quodque res hactenus turbatas prorsus perdidit, praefecti ac 
 duces plerique aberant, et ad proelium nunquam pervenere. Nee jam, 
 instantibus citato gradu hostibus, consilii capiendi tempus supererat. Et 
 illi cum sex millibus (quorum plerique equites erant ex Anglice) in dextram 
 Montisrosani alam ferociter invecti, bis quidem fortiter excepti, et ad suos 
 cum non minimo damno repulsi fuerunt. Nee nobilem illam turmam loco 
 pellere aut perrumpere valuerunt, quoad ad sinistram, ubi equites nulli 
 erant, paucis qui obstabant peditibus prostratis, irrupere. Simul his duo 
 equitum millia, quos adversa amnis ripa hostes transmiserant, generosis illis 
 viris a tergo imminebant : qui, ne undique circumventi et eminus hostium 
 jaculis petiti, impune caderent, qua cuique via expeditissima visa est, se 
 subduxerunt. Pedites vero, quibus in fuga exigua spes erat, fortiter et 
 pertinaciter pugnantes, data tandem acceptaque fide, pro vitae incolumitate, 
 projectis armis, sese dedidere. Eos tamen ad unum omnes, inermes, 
 nudosque, Leslaei ipsius jussu, et proculcata quam dederant fide, immaniter 
 trucidarunt. Cujus saevissimae perfidiae notam (qua ille gloriam, si quam 
 apud exteras gentes acquisiverat, cum aeterna nominis ignominia foedissime 
 polluit) nullo aevo abluet. Caeterum eos, qui pugna excesserunt, hostes 
 ultra non sunt insecuti, diripiendis nimirum impedimentis intenti : ubi sane 
 muliercularum, calonum, ac lixarum miserandam edidere stragem ; non 
 sexus, non invalidae aetatis miserti, promiscue omnes occidere. Caesorum 
 numerum inire non est facile : equites ferme nulli, pedites etiam perpauci 
 (praeter deditos istos et in fidem receptos) in pugna ceciderunt ; hinc enim 
 conjecturam facere licet, quod cum omnino quingenti tantum fuissent, et ante 
 posterum diem ducenti et quinquaginta incolumes ad Montisrosanum per- 
 veniunt, illique omnes gladiis armati, eo numero plures non potuisse desi- 
 derari. Longe vero paucissimi capti, quoad equis fuga lassatis, viarum 
 ignari agrestibus praeda cessere. Quos illi, beneficiorum omnium et 
 incolumitatis recens a Montisrosano impetratae immemores, in foedera- 
 torum gratiam saevissimis hostibus, tanquam hostias inferis devotas, immo- 
 landos tradiderunt. 
 
 Nee tamen vexillis Regiis conjurati victores potiti sunt. Miles quidam 
 Hibernus, vir fortis, et, in summa aliorum trepidatione, praesentis animi, 
 cum hostes jam plane victores cerneret, altero, quod peditatui praetende- 
 batur, hastae detracto pectus suura involvit. Et caetera nudus stricto 
 mucrone per medios hostes elapsus, sub vesperam ad Montisrosanum 
 pertulit. Cui quidem ille inter corporis custodes adscito, fortitudinis 
 fideique ornamentum, illud in posterum gestandum dedit. Alterum vero 
 Wilelmus Hius, Kinnulii Comitis frater, egregiae indolis adolescens (qui 
 avunculo materno, Duglassio, Mortonii Comitis filio, pluribus et gravioribus 
 in pugna Alfordiana saucio, quam ut isti oneri ferendo par esset, successor 
 
CAP. XVI. 4,5 
 
 datus), manubriis detractum secum avexit. Et ille in vicinam Angliam 
 dilapsus, ibi tantisper delituit, quoad, pacatis utcumque in Tuedae tractu 
 rebus, occultis et plerumque nocturnis itineribus, comite duceque viae fidis- 
 simo socio et amico Roberto Tourio, viro forti et rerum bellicarum perito, 
 qui in Galliis centurio non sine laude dudum militaverat, in septentrionem 
 reversus, idem illud vexillum Regium ad imperatorem laetus retulit. 
 
 Ipse demum Montisrosanus (cum suos jam fusos fugatosque cerneret, 
 quod nunquam antehac viderat) diu nihil aliud quam honestam et non 
 inultam mortem meditabatur : collectisque plus minus triginta equitibus, 
 qui forte sparsi incertique oberrabant, ne vivus in perduellium potestatem 
 veniret, decoro exitu praeveniendum statuit. Quoniam veto turmas hostiles 
 (quae confertissime circumstabant) perfringere non poterat, a fronte, a tergo, 
 a latere tamen lacessebat : et extra ordines progredi ausos non paucos 
 cecidit, aliosque trepidos repulit ad suos. Verum cum nihil ad summam 
 rei proficeret, procurante sic benignissimo numine, constantem tandem et 
 generosum animum subiit cogitatio : jacturam illius diei perexiguam, facile 
 recuperari posse : minimam enim copiarum partem interfuisse. Montanos, 
 firmissimas Regni vires, septentrionales ejusdem partes adhuc integras et 
 intactas stare. Quamplurimos etiam primae nobilitatis et potentiae viros, 
 equestris ordinis, et familiarum principes, belli societatem palam iniisse; 
 quos omnes sua morte attonitos, subito pervertendos ; adeoque partes 
 Regias in Scotia penitus pessundandas iri reputavit. Nunquam ergo de 
 justissima causa desperandum censuit, ne carissimus Dominus et Rex casu 
 ejus quam adversa pugna longe majorem faceret jacturam. Et ista quidem 
 cogitantem peropportune exceperunt Duglassius Marchio et Johannes Dal- 
 yellius eques cum amicis, paucis illis quidem, sed fidis fortibusque viris, qui 
 obortis lacrimis (quas vehementior extorquebat pietas) compellant, orant, 
 obsecrant, per rerum hactenus gestarum memoriam, per carissima amicorum 
 nomina, per Majorum manes, per lectissimam conjugem liberosque, per 
 denique optimi Regis, patriae, et Ecclesiae salutem, incolumitatem, et pacem 
 attestantur, ut sibi quam maturrime prospiciat : in illo uno, secundum Deum 
 immortalem, spem sitam esse ; cum eo vivendum omnibus, vel occidendum 
 simul. Et horum tandem precibus victus Montisrosanus, impetu, patefacta 
 per hostes via (qui jam diripiendis impedimentis magis quam insequendis 
 abeuntibus incumbebant) se cum suis subduxit ; insequi vero ausos, alios 
 cecidit, alios, in quibus erat Brussius quidam, turmae equestris praefectus, cum 
 duobus vexilliferis, quos ■^ una cum vexillis captivos abduxit. Quos liberaliter 
 habitos, post aliquot dies, data fide, se totidem captivos ejusdem ordinis 
 liberaturos, dimisit : quam tamen fidem ne illi quidem satis sancte coluerunt. 
 
 ^ The construction is mixed, and would be improved by the omission of quos. 
 
4i6 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 Nondum Montisrosanus Selkirka tribus passuum millibus aberat, cum 
 suorum, qui eadem via tendebant, non paucos assecutus, manum neutiquam 
 spernendam contraxit : qua de agrestium insultibus securus, iter sensim 
 carpebat. Dumque Trequarii arcem praetergreditur (cujus scelere proditum 
 se hostibus necdum noverat) praemittit, qui eum filiumque ad colloquium 
 evocent : verum utrumque domo abesse a servis renunciatur. Atqui prae- 
 sentem utrumque fuisse viri generosi et fide digni testantur : et egregius 
 ille aulicus victoriam conjuratis gratulari, et palam, Montisrosanum cum 
 copiis Regiis in Scotia tandem profligatum cum petulantissimo cachinno 
 proclamare non erubuit ; etiam filia ejus, Queinsburiensi Comitissa, quan- 
 tum per verecundiam licuit, patrcm hoc nomine increpante. Montisrosanus, 
 ubi ad oppidulum (vulgo Peblisium dictum) paulisper substitisset ; quoad 
 milites, refectis viribus, se ad iter praepararent : plurimis undique conflu- 
 entibus, occidente jam sole strenue omnes ingrediuntur ; et duce praesertim 
 Dalyellio equite, postridie cum prima luce Glottam vado trajiciunt. Ubi 
 Craufordius Arlaeusque Comites, alia elapsi via ad eum accurrunt ; nihili 
 superioris pugnae cladem reputantes, ubi ilium sospitem videre. Nee ille 
 minus amicorum incolumitate laetus, quam quod ducentos ferme equites 
 salvos collectosque in via secum perducerent. Quamvis autem ab inse- 
 quentibus hostibus jam securus esset, ad Atholiam tamen festinare decrevit : 
 ut, facto inde initio, ex montanis amicisque aliis septentrionem versus copias 
 contraheret, Trajecto ergo Fortha et exinde lerna, agrum Perthensem 
 juxta montium radices emensus, eo pervenit. In itinere Duglassium Arlae- 
 umque cum equitatus parte in Angusiam, Areskinium Regulum in Marriam 
 praemiserat ; ut propere amicos et clientes in illis locis concirent. Ad 
 Carnegium deinde Regulum Johannem Dalyellium, recenti affinitate con- 
 junctum, cum mandatis ad eum finem ablegaverat. Makdonaldo insuper 
 literas dedit, quibus mandatum illi fuit, ut secundum datam fidem ad diem a 
 se dictum cum montanis rediret. Omnium vero maxime Aboinium per 
 literas nunciosque fatigavit, ut amicos suos clientesque sponte pronos, 
 authoritate sua et exemplo confirmatos animatosque reduceret. 
 
 CAP. XVII. 
 
 AuTUMNUs erat et provectus ; necdum collectae in rigido solo fruges, aedes 
 vero et tuguria ab hostibus diruta, nee reparata contra instantem et in illis 
 locis saepiuscule atrocem hiemem Atholios ab insita alacritate paululum 
 distinuere. Effecit tamen apud eos Montisrosanus, ut eunti in septentri- 
 onem, unde minus periculi erat, quadringentos expedites pedites concederent : 
 
CAR XVII. ^ly 
 
 redeunti vero, ubi in meridiem tendendum foret, universas provinciae vires 
 sancte poUicerentur. 
 
 Frequentes interim nuncii ab Aboinio deferunt, se cum suis copiis 
 confestim afFuturum ; nee minorem de se et montanis aliis spem fecit Mak- 
 donaldus : Areskinius vero suos in procinctu stare, nee aliud quam vel 
 Aboinii (qui in propinquo erat) societatem, vel Montisrosani mandata expec- 
 tare significat. Percrebrescebant interea sed incerti rumores, de valida 
 equitum manu a Rege ad eum missa ; quos non procul ab australi limite 
 abesse plerique augurabantur. Captivorum vero, nullo sexus aut aetatis 
 discrimine, atrocissima caedes jam, non dubia fama, divulgata est : captos 
 nimirum ab agrestibus plerosque immanem in modum trucidatos ; alios 
 (quorum et immitissimi illi homines miserti fuerant) in unum coactos, 
 decreto conjuratorum procerum, ab edito ponte praecipitatos, et subla- 
 bentibus aquis immersos, una viros, matresque, et ab uberibus pendentes 
 infantulos : emergentes vero fustibus acceptos, et denuo deturbatos in aquas. 
 Nobiles etiam et equestris ordinis viros, foedissimis inclusos carceribus, ut 
 populi ludibrio exponantur, asservari, et certo tandem capitis supplicio 
 destinatos esse. Nihil unquam Montisrosani animum aeque affecit ac 
 tristis ille de suis nuncius. 
 
 Quapropter ut periclitantibus quoquo modo subveniret, morae omnis 
 impatiens mira celeritate Grampium superat, et per edita Marriae Donaeque 
 tractum ad Aboinium contendit : ut eum praesentia sua velocius ad meridiem 
 pertraheret. Quod eo consilio factum, ut junctis cum Areskinio Arlaeoque 
 copiis, et accersito quamprimum Makdonaldo cum montanis aliis, additisque 
 in via Atholiis, omnes una trans Fortham recta tenderent, ac Regio equi- 
 tatui occurrerent, et hostes instanti periculo deterrerent a captivorum caede. 
 Neutiquam enim in viros nobiles saevire ausuros putabat, pendente adhuc 
 bello, et mcerta victoria. Et sane illi anxii et solliciti, quo tandem tanta belli 
 moles, quam parari sentiebant, inclinaret, captivorum supplicia distulere. 
 In itinere Montisrosanus Areskinium gravi morbo correptum ofFendit ; 
 clientes tamen ejus (quorum fidem fortitudinemque, etiam absente patrono, 
 non semel fuerat expertus) promptos paratosque, si Aboinius officio suo non 
 deesset : plurimum enim ab ejus exemplo et authoritate pendebant. Jamque 
 Huntilaeus Marchio, cum annum et aliquot menses delituisset, nescio utrum 
 tot victoriarum ac recuperati a Montisrosano regni fama excitatus, an sideris 
 alicujus fallaci aspectu commotus, ad suos redierat; vir infelix juxta ac 
 inconsultus, qui ut ut Regis studiosissimus videri vellet, aut sane esset, 
 prava tamen et occulta invidia Montisrosani gloriam imminuere magis quam 
 aemulari nitebatur. Quod cum apud suos (utpote tam praeclarae virtutis 
 testes et conscios) palam profited erubesceret, ne alienati a Rege animi 
 
4i8 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 aliquod proferret indicium, jactitabat tamen, se ipsum deinceps fore illia 
 militiae ducem contra perduelles. Adeoque clientibus imperabat, amicos 
 vero vicinosque nee sine minis hortabatur, ne sub aliis quam suis signis 
 militarent. Regerentibus autem, quid nobis ergo ad Montisrosani mandata 
 respondendum erit, qui vicarius Regni administrator, cum copiarum summo 
 imperio, a Rege renunciatus est ? responsum dabat, se quidem Regi minima 
 defuturum : interim tarn eorum quam suo honori conducere, ut Regi aliisque 
 omnibus manifestum fiat, quas illi copias viresque contulerint, quod aliter 
 fieri nequiret, nisi seorsim militarent. Magnifice insuper potentiam suam 
 praedicare ; Montisrosani vero imminuere. Res a majoribus suis (viris sane 
 cum omni laude memorandis) praeclare gestas immodice extollere : formida- 
 bilem a multis retro saeculis Gordoniorum potentiam vicinis fuisse, atque 
 etiamnum esse. Iniquissimum fore, ut eorum virtute et sanguine parta in 
 alterius (Montisrosani videlicet) honorem gloriamque cedant. Se in posterum 
 rationem initurum, ut nee Rex Gordoniorum opera, nee illi debita laude, 
 gratia, et mercede fraudentur. 
 
 Aequa omnino et honorifica imperitioribus dixisse videbatur : at quot- 
 quot inter eos erant cordati, et qui penitius ejus ingenium noverant, animum 
 plus aequo exaeerbatum, et a Montisrosano prorsus alienatum viderunt : 
 nee alio tendere quam ut quotquot posset ab illo abstraheret ; in maximum 
 non Regis Regnique modo, sed et suum malum et perniciem : quod, proh 
 dolor, tristis perdocuit eventus. Nee defuere in illis viri prudentes et 
 futurorum providi, qui consilium ejus, et imprudens, intempestivum, et ipsi 
 etiam exitiosum damnarent. Obversabatur enim eorum animis nihil unquam 
 ab illo attentatum fuisse, cui non ratio vel fortuna defuisset. Rem jam a 
 Montisrosano melioribus auspiciis geri ; nee seeedendum sese, vano prae- 
 reptae gloriae praetextu. Si enim junetis cum Montisrosano eonsiliis 
 viribusque ageret, nihil impedire quo se non tantum ab injuriis tutarentur, 
 sed et hostes etiam in ordinem cogerent, cum aeterna vindicatae Majestatis 
 laude : seditionem vero non probrosam modo, sed et perniciosam fore. 
 Montisrosanum quidem absque eorum ope et opera multas easque insignes 
 reportasse victorias : ipsos sine illo nihil dum memorabile gessisse. Enixe 
 ergo rogare, ut vicario Regio eonstanter adhaereat ; quod, ut Regi non 
 minus gratum quam utile, et bonis omnibus laudandum, sic et ipsi honori- 
 fieum foret. Nee dubitarunt quidam ultro profiteri, se vel cum bonorum 
 et vitae discrimine operam et obsequium Montisrosano praestituros, si ille 
 pertinaciter in sua persisteret sententia : quod fideliter sancteque fecerunt. 
 At ille, repudiatis amieorum eonsiliis, cum Montisrosano semper contrariis 
 sententiis pugnabat : nee quidquam hie tam aequum, honestum, pulchrum 
 aut utile suasit, quod Huntilaeus non perverteret, vel rejieeret. Et si 
 
CAP. XVIL 419 
 
 quando ad ejus sententiam accederet (quod saepiuscule et consulto fecit) 
 illico ille in diversum rapiebatur : Montisrosano coram aliquando facilis, 
 absenti semper contrarius, nee sibi satis constans. 
 
 Aboinius tamen turn temporis (ut datae fidei quomodocunque satisfecisse 
 videretur) frequentibus a Montisrosano nunciis et amicorum suorum precibus 
 fatigatus, cum copiis sane non spernendis apud Druminoram, Forbesii 
 Reguli arcem, se illi conjunxit. Pedites ducebat mille et quingentos, equites 
 vero trecentos : alacres omnes, et ad quodvis discrimen sub Montisrosani 
 imperio paratos. Et sane, ubi primum congressi sunt, Aboinius ultro pro- 
 fessus est se cum his iturum, quocumque Gubernator duceret : longe vero 
 plures (quos pro angustia temporis nondum coegerat) cum Ludovico fratre 
 subsecuturos. Montisrosanus, plurimum laudata ejus fide et industria, eadem 
 ferme qua venerat via, iter repetit ; ut additis Areskinii et Marrianorum 
 copiis, ac superato Grampio, in Atholiam Angusiamque descenderet. Nee 
 dubitavit ante decimum et quartum diem cum valido exercitu Fortham 
 trajicere. Primum iter Aboinius cum suis alacriter confecit : at postridie 
 Ludovicus frater (cui Montisrosanus Craufordiae Comitem praefecit) cum 
 valida equitum manu, quasi hostium turmas aliquot aggressurus, noctu 
 domum se recepit, sub specie praesidii, abductis quotquot potuit militibus. 
 Craufordius reversus Ludovicum suos petiisse, ac postridie rediturum renun- 
 ciavit ; sic enim simulabat ille, qui nihil minus quam de reditu cogitabat, 
 juvenis non hoc solo nomine famosus. Ubi vero tertiis castris ad Alfordiam 
 ventum fuit, observatum est Aboinii milites ad conventum tardos, lentos in 
 itinere, raris et incompositis ordinibus incedere ; et singulis ferme noctibus 
 castra deserere turmatim : tandemque dux ipse Aboinius veniam missio- 
 nemque petere non erubuit. Mirantibus omnibus, et poscentibus, quaenara 
 esset mutati tam subito consilii ratio ? regerebat ille paterna mandata, 
 quibus sibi omnino obsequendum foret. Nee patrem ejus sine justa causa 
 mandata ejusmodi dedisse : copias enim hostiles in inferiori Marria con- 
 sidere, adeoque suis imminere cervicibus, si suorum praesidio destitueretur : 
 insipiens plane fore, si milites suos alio traduceret, cum ipse in praesenti 
 versaretur periculo. Montisrosanus ad ista ; satis constar-e aliquot tantum 
 hostium turmas apud Aberdoniam se continere ; pedites plane nuUos : 
 pauculos istos equites nihil audere, aut posse. Nee dubitandum esse 
 quin prima adventus sui fama, et illi etiam ad inferiora Regni tutanda a 
 ducibus suis accersantur. Longe vero melius Huntilaei rebus consultum 
 iri, si bellum in hostilem agrum transferatur, quam si in ejus geratur ditione. 
 Eoque magis ad meridiem festinandum, ut molem belli a septentrione aver- 
 tant. Addidit insuper copias auxiliares indies expectari ab Anglia; quas 
 sibi adjungere nulla ratione possent, nisi cis Fortham illis iretur obviam. 
 Multa denique cum miseratione captivorum statum exposuit (quorum non 
 
420 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 pauci ipsius erant Huntilaei affines, amici, et consanguinei) omnes nimiruin 
 inhumane trucidandos, nisi mature eis subveniretur. Quibus cum Aboinius 
 quod responderet non haberet, rem totam ad patrem deferri rogat, impe- 
 tratque. Missi ad Huntilaeum qui illi gratissimi videbantur, Donaldus 
 Resius Regulus, in cujus agro delituerat, et Alexander Irvinius junior de 
 Drumma, qui non ita pridem Huntilaei filiam matrimonio sibi junxerat. 
 Uterque etiam Montisrosano recenti recuperatae libertatis beneficio devinc- 
 tissimus. Resius, verecundia repulsae commotus et ille reverti erubuit, 
 Irvinius (adolescens generosus et fortis, qui postea Montisrosanum nunquam 
 deseruit) nihil quam literas soceri incertas et ambiguas retulit. Interro- 
 gatus vero quid de ejus voluntate sentiret, libere et ingenue respondit ; 
 nihil certi ab illo renunciatum esse; nee a prava sententia dimoveri posse 
 arbitrabatur. Aboinius se plane invitum a Montisrosano divelli praefatus : 
 oportere tamen carissimo patri, eidemque valetudinario morem gerere, 
 adeoque enixius Gubernatoris veniam postulare : paucorum dierum moram 
 tolerandam esse, quoad patris animum emolliret. Sancte insuper pollicitus 
 est, ante elapsas duas hebdomadas se cum longe majoribus copiis subsecu- 
 turum. Cumque data sponte fide illud se facturum saepius comfirmasset, 
 a Montisrosano multum renitente et admodum invito missionem ad prae- 
 dictum tempus obtinuit. 
 
 Aboinio ad suos reverse, Montisrosanus per edita Marriae et Schiae 
 tractum in Atholiam descendit : et inde, copiis paulo auctioribus, in agrum 
 Perthensem, ubi per nuncium nova spe a septentrione erigitur, rogatus ab 
 Aboinio ut se cum copiis ante praestitutum diem expectaret. Eodemque 
 tempore Thomas Ogilvius, junior de Pouria et Robertus Nesbittus, cen- 
 turiones, diversis itineribus ad eum accurrunt ; uterque a Rege missus cum 
 mandatis, ut si omnino posset, Georgio Digbio Regulo, Bristoliensis Comitis 
 filio, cum equestribus auxiliis ad se misso non procul ab Anglicano limite 
 festinus occurreret. Eosdem nuncios Montisrosanus ad Huntilaeum Aboini- 
 umque ablegavit, ut eadem mandata illis impertirent : sic tandem fore ratus, 
 ut Regia authoritate et auxiliorum spe excitati, copias accelerarent ; quarum 
 inani spe lactatus ^ in tractu lernae diutius substitisset. 
 
 Naperius de Marchistona Regulus, integerrimae vitae et felicissimi 
 ingenii vir, generosus, et vere nobilis, ac familiae suae perantiquae princeps, 
 patri avoque Naperiis (toto terrarum orbe celeberrimis Philosophis et 
 Mathematicis) in aliis par, civili vero prudentia longe superior, Regibus 
 Jacobo Caroloque gratus juxta ac fidus, aerario olim praefectus, et ad 
 primae nobilitatis evectus gradum, fidei in Regem caritatisque ergo a con- 
 juratis carcerem saepius cum bonorum jactura passus, hisce diebus in 
 
 * Paris, lactatus. Amsterd., jactatus. 
 
CAP. XVIII, 421 
 
 Atholia fatis cessit. Quern Montisrosanus puer quasi indulgentissimum 
 parentem, adolescens monitorem consultissimum, adultus vero fidissimum 
 amicum semper coluit : ejusque mortem baud aliter quam paternam tulit. 
 Cujus de jure Regio, et tumultuum in Britannia Origine, eruditissimae 
 dissertationes, utinam aliquando videant lucem ! 
 
 CAP. XVIII. 
 
 Montisrosanus, cum secundam et tertiam hebdomadam in itinera et tractu 
 lernae Aboinium cum copiis ex septentrione oppertus fuisset, et per- 
 duelles in captives atrocius coepissent saevire, ulterioris morae impatiens, 
 trajecto Fortha, in Leviniam descendit. Et in agris lohannis Buchanani 
 equitis, in illis partibus foederatorum coryphaei, consedit, sic fore ratus, ut 
 propinquus Glascuae, conjuratos, qui conventum ordinum suorum illic cele- 
 brabant, a captivorum absterreret caede. Quem in finem equitatu quotidie 
 in civitatis conspectum invectus, agros hostiles impune populatus est ; 
 quamvis illi pro Ordinum et civitatis praesidio et tutela tria equitum millia 
 haberent in stationibus, nee ipse omnino trecentos, cum mille et ducentis 
 peditibus. At vero ante ejus in Leviniam descensum foederati, ubi de 
 alienate Huntilaei a Montisrosano animo audivissent, et quod Aboinius cum 
 suis in editiore Marria ab eo descivisset, tanquam sequentis tragoediae 
 prologum, tres egregios viros generosos et fortes capite mulctarunt. 
 
 Eorum primus Wilielmus RoUocus eques, saepius nobis laudatus, vir 
 fortis et peritus, Montisrosano a pueritia in paucis carus, et ad ultimum 
 spiritum fidus. Huic ante alia crimini datum est, quod foedissimo et nefando 
 scelere seipsum non polluisset. Enimvero ille, post pugnam Aberdonensem 
 a Montisrosano cum literis ad Regem missus, in hostes inciderat, nee 
 destinatam evasisset mortem, nisi Argathelio, Montisrosani vitam indigne 
 licitanti, et opes, honores, dignitatesque longe maximas pollicenti, intentatae 
 mortis metu, assensisset, et patrandum parricidium, a quo toto animo abhor- 
 rebat, suscepisset in se. Qua arte libertate donatus ac vita, rectaque ad 
 eum profectus, omnium illi indicium fecit, atque obsecravit, ut majori cura 
 sibi praecaveret : non enim se solum, qui tam horrendum flagitium detest- 
 aretur, sed et complures alios ingenti pretio illectos; quorum plerique in 
 hoc scelus artem, operam, animosque intenderent. 
 
 Secundus fuit Alexander Ogilvius, antea etiam memoratus nobis, lohannis 
 de Innercarita Equitis primogenitus, antiqua familia et in Scotorum historiis 
 celebri, adolescens adhuc (vixdum enim ad vigesimum aetatis annum per- 
 venerat) sed supra annos fortis, et erecto ad ardua animo. Nee sane quid 
 
 2 E 
 
422 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 huic objectaverint, vel conjectura assequi possum, praeter novum illud et 
 inauditum Majestatis crimen, debitam nimirum optimo Regi fidem et obse- 
 quium. Verum promptissimi adolescentis, et eo nomine formidandi sanguine, 
 Argathelio, Ogilviorum gentis hosti inveterate, litandum fuit. Tertius 
 Philippus Nesbittus Eques, et ipse familiae suae perantiquae post patrem 
 princeps, qui in Anglia Regis auspiciis cum gloria militaverat, et ad tribu- 
 natum militarem fuerat evectus. Nee aliam sane (praeter illud, ubi vera 
 deficiunt, intentari solitum Majestatis crimen) illatae huic mortis causam 
 investigare potuimus, quam quod virum fortem et industrium, atrocissimas 
 patri et paternae familiae illatas injurias olim vindicaturum male sibi conscii 
 metuebant. Atqui vero illi fortiter et constanter, ut probos et vere Chris- 
 tianos viros decet, nobilissimo functi sunt fato. Et his quidem merito 
 jungendi sunt Hiberni duo, viri admodum generosi et fortes, virtute sua 
 juxta ac natalibus clari, O Caenus Lachleniusque, tribuni militum ; hoc 
 solo nomine conjuratis invisi, quod egregiam eorum fortitudinem toties 
 experti fuissent. Edinburgi quidem Hiberni illi excarnificati fuere ; at 
 Glascuae complures alii ad similem erant destinati poenam : verum vix 
 expectatus Montisrosanus, et civitati ad pauca milliaria propinquus, hoc 
 effecit, ut eorum supplicia in aliud tempus deferrent. Nunciata istorum 
 morte vehementer commotus Gubernator, incertum est, hostiumne saevitiae, 
 an amicorum seu ignaviae, seu perfidiae magis succensuerit. Praeter enim 
 Huntilaeum, cujus copias cum Aboinio filio tamdiu frustra expectaverat, et 
 ipse etiam Makdonaldus (de quo optima quaeque speraverat) saepius accer- 
 situs, et invitatus etiam vicinitate loci, quamvis dies a se dictus jampridem 
 elapsus esset, nullam properantis speni faciebat. 1 Hebdomadae sex jam 
 praeterierant, ex quo Aboinius pro copiis septentrionalibus fidem fecerat ; 
 et hiems (qua atrociorem aetas nostra nullam vidit) hactenus ingravescebat. 
 Repulsi etiam, quos Rex miserat, duce Digbio Regulo, auxiliarii ; quibus 
 omnibus mederi facile potuissent et universum Regnum denuo in ordinem 
 cogere, si egregii illi patroni in optima causa non fuissent praevaricati. 
 Tandem ergo xii. Kal. Dec. Montisrosanus Levinia digressus, per Taichiae 
 montes altis nivibus coopertos, saltusque lacusque, quorum nomina nobis 
 baud occurrunt, emenso lernae tractu, et trajecto Tao, in Atholiam demum 
 reversus est. Obvios hie habuit Ogilvium et Nesbittum centuriones, quos 
 cum mandatis Regiis ad Huntilaeum legaverat. Et illi virum contumacem 
 et inexorabilem renunciant ; qui nullam eis fidem habuerit, Regisque man- 
 data exponentibus fastidiose responderat ; omnia Regis sibi, quam illis, aut 
 ipsi Gubernatori perspectiora : nee se, aut filios suos ullam cum eo socie- 
 tatem inituros. Amicos insuper clientesque, qui Montisrosano sponte operam 
 locaverant, acerbe et minaciter increpare, duriusque cum illis quam per- 
 duellibus agere. Quae tamen omnia dissimulanda tolerandaque existimavit 
 
CAP. XVIII. 423 
 
 Gubernator ; dumque cum Atholiis de ratione militiae istius provinciae tran- 
 sigit, ad Huntilaeum denuo Johannem Dalyellium Equitem, quasi magis 
 idoneum amicitiae internuncium transmisit ; qui de Regis Regnique dis- 
 crimine, adeoque ipsius et omnium fidelium subditorum praesenti periculo 
 doceret : et oculis ejus subjiceret, non alius quam sua filiorumque culpa 
 accidisse, quum quod auxiliaries a Rege missos in Scotiam non intulissent, 
 turn quod captivi, viri fortes et fidi, crudeliter fuissent mactati : superesse 
 adhuc plures, ipsi Huntilaeo conjunctissimos, et quosdam etiam primae 
 nobilitatis viros, quos perduelles eodem plane modo trucidaturi essent, nisi 
 iara tandem subveniretur. Rogare denique et obtestari, ut ad amicum saltem 
 colloquium cum Regio Gubernatore descendat : et spondere, eum illi abunde 
 satisfacturum. 
 
 Huntilaeus, cum ad alia Dalyellio solita pervicacia respondisset, omnium 
 maxime a colloquio abhorrebat, utpote tanti hominis (quam quod ad ejus 
 argumenta rationesque responderet, non haberet) praesentiam, fiduciam et 
 prudentiam extimescebat. At Montisrosanus, rebus in Atholia constitutis, 
 ne quid intentatum relinqueret, quod aliquando eum ad saniorem reduceret 
 mentem, dissimulatis injuriis, et coacervatis officiis, beneficiisque, occupare 
 ilium, et vel cum invito gratiam inire, et de his, quae in rem Regiae 
 Majestatis facerent, transigere decrevit. Mense ergo Decembri aegre 
 admodum amnes torrentesque, gelu quidem constrictos, sed nondum 
 tantopere concretes, ut ferendis corporibus pares essent, montium juga 
 praeruptasque rupes et altissimas nives eluctatus est : et peragrata Angusia 
 superatoque Grampio, copias in septentrionem traduxit. Et tantum non 
 improvisus cum paucis in Strathbogiam, ubi Huntilaeus degebat, contendit. 
 At ille inexpectato ejus adventu perculsus, ubi primum de eo nuncium 
 accepit, ne invitus ad colloquium pertraheretur, illico ad Bogiam arcem suam, 
 juxta Spaei ostium sitam, transfugit ; quasi aranem trajecturus esset, et suis 
 auspiciis in Moravia adversus conjuratos gesturus bellum. 
 
 Animum jam subit, paucis indagare, unde tanta adversus Montisrosanum 
 contumacia incesserit Huntilaeo, nulla ab eo injuria, sed e contra omni 
 honore et officiis plerumque indebitis lacessito. Nee sane aliud quidquam 
 fama traditum, vel conjectura assequi possum praeter impotentem tam 
 eximiae gloriae non aemulationem, sed invidiam. Neutiquam enim alienatum 
 ejus a Rege, sed inimicum Montisrosano animum dixerim ; cujus injusto 
 accensus odio, se in tot absurdos praecipitaverit errores ; adeo ut omnia 
 perditum in, quam Montisrosani opera et cum ejus laude restitui maluerit. 
 Jamque flagrantem impotenti superbia mentem plus nimis accendebat con- 
 scientia injuriarum et contumeliarum, quibus hactenus eum affecerat : eaque 
 principalis causa (nisi ego fallor) fuit, quod illius adspectum toties evitaverit. 
 Praeter enim ea quae nobis antehac commemorata sunt, nee pauca, nee levia 
 
424 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 in Regium Gubernatorem pater filiique peccaverant ; quorum pauca per 
 censere ab institute nostro non erit alienum. 
 
 Majora bellica tormenta, quae superiore anno a Montisrosano humo 
 condita meminimus, illi, inconsulto eo, effosa, triumphantibus similes, in 
 arcibus suis disposuerant, quasi detracta hostibus spolia ; nee postea 
 repetita reddidere. Atqui vero ilia in Perthensi et Aberdonensi pugna 
 acquisiverat Montisrosanus, quarum priori nullus ex ea familia interfuerat ; 
 in altera vero Ludovicus cum suis adversa in acie militaverat. Pulverem 
 deinde tormentarium, arma, aliaque belli instrumenta hostibus direpta et in 
 arcibus suae potestatis, tanquam in locis tutis et idoneis, deposita, sic sibi 
 vindicarunt, ut nee minimae partis copiam reposcenti fecerint. Ad haec 
 Aboinius in reditu post victoriam Kilsythinam Kethum Comitem, supremum 
 Scotiae Mareschallum (ut loquuntur), Arbuthnotum Vice-comitem, aliosque 
 insignes in hostibus viros, in suam potestatem redactos, inconsulto Regni 
 Gubernatore et multum refragrante, Drummio juniori, leviro suo (qui forte 
 aderat) liberos dimiserat. Quibus conditionibus id fecerit, incertum est ; 
 hoc tamen certo constat, praeter contumeliam Gubernatori factam, arcisque 
 Dunotriae, sane munitissimae, et magni ad illud bellum momenti, jacturam, 
 aliaque emolumenta militiae insuper habita, nunquam ausuros fuisse con- 
 juratos tarn crudeliter in captivos grassari, si istos saltem in custodia 
 detinuisset. Privata insuper authoritate sua, tributa, vectigalia et subsidia 
 exigebat (quod Gubernator ipse nunquam fecerat) specie quidem promo vendae 
 militiae, reipsa tamen longe alios in usus, et in maximum causae Regiae 
 detrimentum. Denique (quod omnium maxime deplorandum est) captivos 
 ex hostibus superioribus in septentrione victoriis acquisitos, et in arcibus 
 suis custodiae mandatos, alios hostili prece, alios exiguo admodum pretio 
 libertate donarunt. Nee eos Montisrosano permisere, quos ille bello captos 
 in eum omnino finem servaverat, ut hominum meritissimorum capita illorum 
 commutatione redimeret. Quorum omnium conscientia agitatus Montis- 
 rosani congressum non aliter quam pestem aversabatur semper Huntilaeus. 
 
 Ac ille nihilominus, neglectis injuriis rebusque aliis omnibus posthabitis, 
 in promovendo Regis negotio totus erat. Et in eum finem colloquium 
 extorquere vel invito, amicitiam quibuscunque inire legibus, in omnibus 
 consentire, et nihil non indulgere statuit, quo aegrum Huntilaei animum 
 posset emollire. Copiis ergo in stationibus relictis, cum paucis equitibus 
 summo mane Bogiam advolavit, omnemque fugae aut sese occultandi 
 rationem improvisa celeritate praevenit. Ubi vero congressi sunt, Montis- 
 rosanus praeteritorum immemor, leni et blanda oratione ad belli societatem 
 pro Regis Regnique incolumitate invitavit ; illique tam abunde in omnibus 
 satisfecit, ut quasi tandem victus manus tendere visus fuerit. Nee sane 
 copias modo suas, sed et seipsum illis ducem fore pollicitus est, et primo 
 
CAP. XIX. 425 
 
 quoque tempore adfuturum. Postea de belli ratione in commune con- 
 suluere; convenitque ut Huntilaeus, trajecto Spaea, per oram Moraviae 
 littoralem dextrum iter, Montisrosanus vero per Spaeae tractum, sinistrum, 
 et ilia tempestate longe difficillimum carperet : undique scilicet Innernessum 
 hostile praesidium oppugnaturi ; et interim Seafordium Comitem, vel sponte, 
 vel invitum et reluctantem, ad partes pertraherent. Praesidium illud, ut ut 
 alioquin probe munitum videri posset, commeatuum tamen aliarumque rerum 
 inopia laborabat : cui propulsandae necessaria, rigidissima hieme et procelloso 
 mari, non adeo facile subministrari poterant. Adeoque jam in omnibus 
 consensisse videbantur, ut Aboinius et Ludovicus fratres omnibus diris se 
 devoverint, nisi Montisrosano constantes in obsequio et sanctissima amicitia 
 ad ultimum vitae spiritum perstarent. Gordonii vero aliique Huntilaei 
 amici, incredibili laetitia diffusi, patrono suo et familiae principi quasi ab 
 inferis reverse gratulabantur. 
 
 CAP. XIX. 
 
 Montisrosanus Huntilaei animum tandem mitigatum et ad belli socie- 
 tatem serio capessendam confirmatum ratus, copias suas per Spaeae amnis 
 tractum Innernessum versus perduxit. Quo vero hostes undique sus- 
 penses teneret, Patricium consanguineum, antea non semel laudatum 
 nobis, et lohannem Drumondum de Balla juniorem (generosum, et pro- 
 batae fidei fortitudinis virum, qui saepiuscule strenuam operam navaverat) 
 cum imperio et mandatis ad Atholios misit ; ut si qui in illis locis tumul- 
 tuarentur, occasionem rei bene gerendae non praetermitterent. Quorum 
 authoritate et exemplo Atholii excitati promptos sese alacresque exhibuere. 
 Nee sane diu illis occasio defuit ; enimvero Argatheliorum superstites, seu 
 rerum omnium in suo agro penuria, seu praevalidi et extrema minitantis 
 Makdonaldi metu, et potentia extorres, in Makgregorios et Maknabios, qui 
 Montisrosano favebant, invecti sunt. Et junctis sibi postmodum Stuartis 
 qui Balwidriam incolunt, et Menesiis, aliisque montanis, qui adhuc Arga- 
 thelii sequebantur fortunam, ad mille et quingentos contraxisse dicebantur : 
 Atholiam etiam invasuri, nisi illis mature iretur obviam. Et sane hactenus 
 insulam in Tochertae lacu sitam, vi captam direptamque concremaverant ; 
 et in Amplae amnis tractu ejusdem nominis Castellum obsidione cinxerant. 
 Quae ubi primum nunciata fuere, Atholii numero duntaxat septingenti, 
 eisdem Graemo Drumondioque ducibus, ne hostes in agros suos irrum- 
 perent, praevertendos omnino censuere. Illi, Atholiorum fama percuisi, 
 soluta Amplae obsidione, Taichiam versus sese recepere. Eos Atholii 
 
426 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 acriter insecuti, non procul a Kalendaria Taichiae arce instructos ad pug- 
 nam offendunt, Enimvero vadum amnis occupaverant, et adversam ripam, 
 edito colle munitam, frequentibus sclopetariis muniverant. Quae cum 
 Atholii conspexissent, et numenim paulo minorera quam fama divulgaverat 
 (non enim mille et ducentos excedebant), quamvis et ipsi vix septingenti 
 forent, ducum praesertim fiducia et hortationibus animati, non excipere, sed 
 ultro inferre proelium decrevere. Centum ergo expedites milites, quasi ad 
 vadi illius praesidium, ex adverso hostibus objiciunt : caeteri ad aliud vadum 
 arci vicinum properant, ut illuc fluvium trajiciant. Argatheliani, ubi Atholi- 
 crum alacritatem persenserunt, sese illico Sterlinum versus recepere. Et 
 Atholii primi illi, qui ad vadum inferius stabant, desertam ab hostibus ripam 
 occupant ; et mox extremum abeuntium agmen carpunt, convellunt, trudunt : 
 et caeteri insecuti, omnes in fugam conjiciunt. Caesi traduntur octoginta; 
 caeteri fuga sibi consuluere. Quibus saluti fuit, quod mane illius diei 
 Atholii iter non minus impeditum et arduum, quam longinquum, utpote 
 decem milliarium confecissent, equitesque omnino haberent nullos. Illi 
 vero re bene gesta ad suos rediere. 
 
 Celebrabant per eos dies conjurati conventum suorum Ordinum An- 
 dreapoli, quam innocuo, utinam non vocali sanguine virorum aeternam 
 merentium laudem profanarunt. Erant inter captivos vel ex perdu- 
 ellium odio viri clarissimi (non enim illi nisi in optimi cujusque capita 
 saeviebant, a quibus vero non adeo sibi metuerent, bonorum confiscatione 
 mulctare satis habuerunt) Ogilvius Regulus, Robertus Spots wodius Eques, 
 Wilielmus Moravius, adolescens nobilis, et Andreas Gutheraeus, generosus, 
 fortis, et manu promptus, quos in ilia civitate mactare decreverant, ut eorum 
 sanguine provincialium manibus parentarent : quorum supra quinque millia 
 variis in proeliis cecidisse tradebantur. Quoniam vero non Lege, sed sua 
 tantum libidine in eos erant animadversuri, ad solitas artes recurrunt, immani 
 saevitiae Religionem praetexentes. In quem finem vates prophetasque suos 
 Kanteum Blairiumque et alios simili spiritu agitatos coram populo pro- 
 ducunt, qui sublimes in pulpitis cruenta depromant oracula. Poscere 
 scilicet Deum istorum sanguinem ; nee aliter gentis peccata expiari, et 
 averuncari posse numinis vindictam. Et hac arte praesertim vulgi animos, 
 alioquin ad miserationem pronos, tanquam in sacros devotosque irritabant : 
 quasi legum humanarum authoritas aut patrocinium illis omnino nullum 
 esse debeat, quos ipsum numen deposceret. Nee dubitarunt egregii illi, 
 arcanorum coelestium interpretes et arbitri, hominum animas cum corpori- 
 bus aeternis poenis addicere. Cumque hac ratione vulgum pervertissent, 
 facile fuit iisdem delatoribus pariter ac judicibus homines innocuos, sed 
 omni patrocinio destitutes damnare. 
 
 Verum Ogilvius, qui non modo nobilitate et potentia eminebat,. sed et 
 
CAP. XIX. 427 
 
 maternum genus ducebat ab Hamiltoniis, Lindesiique erat consobrinus, 
 cum valetudinem infirmam simulasset, difficulter impetravit, ut mater, 
 conjunx, sororesque aegrum in carcere visitarent et solarentur. Hoc vero 
 ubi obtinuit, cum custodes, nobilium feminarum verecundia, cubiculo se 
 subduxissent, ille confestim amiculum muliebre sorori detractum sibi im- 
 posuit, omnique mundo ornavit. Ilia etiam pileolo, quocum aeger in lecto 
 dormitare solitus erat, caput suum circumdedit, et fratrem simulans de- 
 cubuit. Multa denique salute, obortis lacrimis, invicem impertita, hora 
 noctis octava, ipsos custodes faces cereosque praetendentes sororis specie 
 formaque fefellit. Et confestim urbe digressus, equos (quos ad hoc habuit 
 paratos) cum duobus asseclis conscendit, ac ante lucem matutinam in tuto 
 se collocavit. Ubi vero postero demum die deprehensa fraus fuit ab ocula- 
 tissimis custodibus, Argathelius, vindictae iraeque impotens, nobilissimas 
 feminas, et hac ipsa pietate et industria inclitas, ad poenas deposcere non 
 erubuit : sed frustra. Illae enim aequitate causae longe validiores patronos 
 Hamiltonios Lindesiumque invenere : quibus conniventibus personates istos 
 totam egisse fabulam complurium opinio est : equidem in re incerta judicium 
 non interponam. 
 
 Ogilvius quasi e manibus eorum ereptos conjuratos vehementer perculit ; 
 ac paene in furorem rabiemque vertit : unde factum est, ut propere de reliquis 
 supplicium sumerent. Primus autem catastam generoso sanguine cruentavit 
 Nathaniel Gordonius, militum tribunus, corporis forma animique dotibus 
 insignis. Qui morti propinquus, adolescentiam suam secius, quam fas 
 foret, exactam multis et acerbis deflevit lacrimis. Cum vero jam morituro 
 libellum, quo poenitentiam suam testaretur chirographo signandam obtru- 
 derent, ille nihil cunctatus subscripsit : simulque Deum, Angelos, et prae- 
 sentes est attestatus, si quae essent in ilia chartula descripta Regi, ejusve 
 Majestati, aut authoritati contraria, se ilHs minime consentire. Solutus 
 deinde anathematis sententia, qua propter adulterium pridem commissum 
 perculsus erat, cum maxima spectantium miseratione cervicem securi prae- 
 buit : vir huic culpae obnoxius, sed fortitudinis et militaris peritiae gloria 
 tam apud exteras gentes quam domi clarus. 
 
 Secundus in eandem catastam, tepenti adhuc Gordonii cruore mades- 
 centem, productus est vir aeternitate dicatus, Robertus Spotswodius, Jacobi 
 Carolique Regum gratia, quam eximiis virtutibus promeruerat, ad supremos 
 honores evectus ; Eques, Senatorque a Jacobo renunciatus, supremae curiae 
 praeses, et non ita pridem in Scotia supremus ejus Secretarius (ut loquuntur) 
 a Carolo constitutus. Hunc summum virum (quamvis quod objicerent in 
 omni vita ipsi actores nihil haberent) Majestatis reum peregerunt: quod et 
 eo lugendum magis, quia armatus contra eos nunquam stetisset : quippe qui 
 pacis artibus clarissimus, ad militiam non admovisset manum. Hoc ergo 
 
428 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 solo nomine in earn animadverterunt, quod ex Regis mandato, diploma 
 ejus ad Montisrosanum detulisset, quo ille Regni vicarius Gubernator et 
 supremus militiae praefectus creatus erat. Atqui vero se hoc more majorum 
 et ex legum praescripto fecisse, multis ille demonstravit. Et sane aliis, 
 praeterquam judicibus (quos infensissimos hostes et vitae ejus inhiantes 
 conjurati dederant) elegantissima defensione satisfecisse videbatur : adeo ut 
 ambiguum non sit, tristem illam sententiam nunquam fuisse laturos, si vel 
 levissimam habuissent aequi bonique rationem. Verum, ut dicam quod res 
 est, virum optimum perdidit invidia major quam ut exsuperandae illi inno- 
 centia ejus par foret. Enimvero Lanricensis Comes, pridem in Regno 
 Scotiae supremus Secretarius, cum ad conjuratos defecisset, clementissi- 
 mum, et in universam Hamiltoniorum gentem beneficentissimum Regem 
 compulit, ut dignitatem earn ingrato homini adimeret, inque alium conferret: 
 nee quisquam Spotswodio dignior visus est quem amplissimo honore ornaret. 
 Atque hinc ilia vindictae invidiaeque moles, cui cum hie non sufficeret, 
 succubuit. 
 
 Jamque moriturus Spotswodius, quum de solita gravitate et constantia 
 nihil remitteret, ad populum more patrio verba faciebat. Verum sacrilegus 
 iste Blairius, qui supra catastam invito adstabat, facundiam fiduciamque viri 
 tanti veritus, ne arcana rebellionis ex venerando ore ad populum emanarent, 
 qui morientium voces avidius accipere et pertinacius meminisse solitus est, 
 OS illi obturandum, per urbis praefectum, eundemque olim paternum Spots- 
 v^rodii clientem, curavit. Quam ille insolentem injuriam nihili reputans, 
 sermone ad populum omisso, in orationibus et precibus ad Deum im- 
 mortalem totus erat. Interpellatus denuo et nimis importune ab eodem 
 moles tissimo Blairio, an et se quoque cum populo pro salute animae ejus 
 precibus apud Deum vellet intercedere, respondit, populi quidem suppli- 
 cationes et vota se imploraturum ; cum ejus vero impiis plane et Deo 
 abominandis orationibus nihil sibi commune esse. Addiditque insuper, 
 malorum quibus offensum Numen gentem istam afflixisset, longe maximum, 
 ferro, flamma, pestilentiaque gravius esse, quod propter peccata populi 
 spiritus mendaces in ora prophetarum immisisset. Qua Uberrima simul et 
 justissima voce correptus Blairius, usque adeo excanduit, ut a scurrilibus 
 convitiis in patrem ejus jam pridem demortuum, et ipsum jam moriturum 
 sibi non temperaret : egregius scilicet Christianae longanimitatis et patientiae 
 praeco. Ea tamen omnia Spotswodius ad altiora intentus, aequo animo et 
 cum silentio despexit. Cumque jam interritus, nee quidquam in vultu aut 
 ore mutatus, cervicem plagae fatali praeberet, novissima ejus vox fuit : 
 " Clementissime lesu, collige animam meam cum Sanctis tuis et martyribus, 
 qui mihi in decurrendo hoc stadio praegressi sunt." Et sane, cum non 
 tantum propter fidei confessionem, sed et quamcunque virtutem, qua viri 
 
CAP. XIX. 
 
 420 
 
 sancti fidem suam attestantur, subeatur Martyrium, quin eandem ille 
 coronam adeptus sit, non est dubitandum. Et hunc demum exitum, bonis 
 omnibus luctuosum, at ipsi maxime honorificum, sortitus est vir rerum 
 divinarum humanarumque scientia, linguarum, praeter Europaeas, Hebraicae, 
 Chaldaicae, Syriacae, Arabicaeque, Historiarum, Jurisprudentiae et politi- 
 carum artium peritia clarissimus, integritate morum, fide, aequitate, et 
 constantia patriae saeculique decus et ornamentum : sibi semper constans, 
 et aequabilis ; cujus nee pueritiae adolescentiam, nee adolescentiae provec- 
 tiorem aetatem puderet : antiquae pietatis intimo animo severus cultor : 
 nee tamen apud alios ostentator vanus et superstitiosus : conciliandis 
 amicitiis facilis juxta ac conservandis pertinax : quique jam mortuus maxi- 
 mum sui desiderium plerisque etiam foederatis reliquit. Exanimum corpus 
 Hugo Scrimigerius, patris ejus olim cliens, pro temporum ratione curatum, 
 privato funere extulit : nee ipse tanto maerori diu superstes. Paucos enim 
 post dies catastam illam cruentam nondum loco motam conspicatus, illico 
 correptus est animi deliquio ; et a servis vicinisque in aedes suas portatus, 
 in ipso limine exspiravit. 
 
 Spotswodio denique similis fati comitem dant Andream Guthereum, 
 meritissimi Episcopi Moraviensis filium, et eo etiam nomine conjuratis 
 invisum : juvenem non minus in bello fortem, quam constantem in per- 
 ferenda spernendaque morte. Hie minis convitiisque ab eodem Blairio im- 
 petitus, respondit : Ampliorem sibi honorem haberi nulla ratione potuisse, 
 quam quod honestissimam pro optimo Rege et justissima causa oppeteret 
 mortem : quam intrepide amplexurum praesentes cernerent ; et poster! 
 forsan sint praedicaturi : de peccatis supplicem clementissimi Domini Dei 
 misericordiam implorare, veniamque deprecari : de hoc vero, cujus reus erat 
 peractus, se esse securum. Atque hunc quidem in modum constanter ille 
 fortiterque fato functus est : vir, si sic Deo opt. max. visum fuisset, longiori 
 dignus vita. 
 
 Utque jam magnae ex parte peractae tragoediae finem imponerent, post 
 interjectam bidui moram Wilielmum Moravium, Tullibardini Comitis fratrem 
 adolescentulum plane eodem protrahunt. Et quidem omnibus instar miraculi 
 erat, fratrem ejus, qui gratia et mentis inter foederatos eminebat, pro unici 
 fratris germani incolumitate et vita non intercessisse. Alii ignaviae, avaritiae 
 alii, fraternis bonis inhianti, alii stupidissimae superstition! imputabant : et 
 sane omnes, etiam foederati ipsi, inhonestum et viro nobili indecorum silen- 
 tium damnabant. At adolescens ipse vixdum decimum et nonum aetatis 
 annum egressus, honesta plane et decora morte aeternam sibi apud posteros 
 memoriam famamque acquisivit. Inter pauca ilia quae ad populum 
 profatus est, ista altiori voce prolata, qui audiverunt nobis retulere : 
 " Reputate, populares mei, familiae Tullibardinae et universae Moraviorum 
 
430 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 genti novum idemque eximium decus hodie additum esse, quod adolescens, 
 antiqua ilia prosapia oriundus, laetus hilarisque pro patre patriae, et in 
 familiam nostram munificentissimo Rege, in ipso juventae flore, innocentem, 
 quod ad homines, spiritum reddo. Nee venerandam parentem, carissimas 
 sorores, consanguineos, amicosve alios vitae meae brevioris poeniteat, quam 
 mors honorificentissima decorabit. Orate pro anima mea, et valete." 
 
 CAP. XX. 
 
 MoNTiSROSANUM amicorum casus, ut par erat, vehementius commovit ; 
 firmam tamem certamque pectoris constantiam convellere et subvertere 
 non valuit. Nee sane alias generosus ejus animus, et supra communem 
 sortem evectus, clarius resplenduit : non enim defuere plurimi, indigna 
 suorum morte irritati, qui aegrum recenti injuria ad praesentem vin- 
 dictam stimularent. Cumque justo quamvis dolori plus nimis indulge- 
 rent, et omnino aequum, utpote Talionis legem, postulare sibi viderentur, 
 querelis multis, molestis, et importunis imperatorem fatigarunt. Indigna- 
 bantur quippe, socios, amicos, consanguineos, dignissimos fortissimosque 
 viros, de patria, de Rege, de ipso Gubernatore optime meritos, contra 
 datam fidem, consuetudinem belli, leges patrias, ipsaque gentium et naturae 
 jura, impune trucidari : contra perduelles a se bello captos, non tam carcere 
 quam amico hospitio detineri, exultare, laetari, et dolori eorum illudere ; 
 adeoque ut sontes ad poenas deposcere : nee aliter hostes ab infanda 
 saevitia deterreri, nee suorum animos confirmari et erigi posse. Quos 
 ille blanda oratione exceptos, ob caritatem in suos laudavit ; vindican- 
 dosque omnino, dixit, egregios illos et innocentes cives : sed eo, quo viros 
 probos fortesque deceat, modo : non scelere et flagitiis, prout illi ; sed vera 
 virtute apertoque bello. Perdomandos eos, non in impietate imitandos sceles- 
 tissimos hostes. Nee, rem recte reputantibus, aequum esse, ut qui apud se 
 captivi essent, adeoque suorum parricidii ne conscii quidem, aliorum peccata 
 innocentes luant. Fidem illis datam rem esse sanctissimam, et in hoste 
 etiam servandam. Nunquam eos in se admissuros, quod in hostibus abomin- 
 arentur. Tempus affore, quo, justissimo Deo, ejusque in illis locis vicario, 
 Domino Regi, meritas daturi essent poenas. " Interea vero capita nostra 
 licitentur, Assassinos conducant, immittant sicarios, fidem faciant, fallantque ; 
 nunquam tamen efficient, ut aemulatione scelerum, ac non sola virtutis gloria, 
 cum illis contendamus." 
 
 Huntilaeus vero, cui nihil minus in animo fuit, quam quod praesenti 
 Montisrosano promiserat, trajecto Spaea, Moraviam ingressus, procul Inner- 
 
CAP. XX. 43, 
 
 nesso tempus tantummodo viresque inutiliter et indecore terebat. Enimvero 
 praedae spoliisque nimium intentus, cum agros esset populatus, incerta fama 
 accepit, provinciales aurum, argentum, et pretiosiora in quibusdum turriculis 
 et obscuris arcibus condidisse. Quas dum ille frustra oppugnat, nee uUis 
 mandatis precibusve ab institute dimovetur, hostes immisso commeatu (qua 
 parte arcere illos in se susceperat), Innernessum rerum omnium copia con- 
 firmarunt. Quod si ille impediisset, ut cum Montisrosano pactus fuerat, 
 praesidiarii brevi spatio fuissent ad deditionem compulsi. Cumque jam 
 nuncium accepisset Montisrosanus Mideltonium hostilis exercitus praefec- 
 tum cum equitibus sexcentis et peditibus octingentis Aberdoniam usque 
 venisse, et Huntilaei Gordoniorumque agris populandis imminere, Wiliel- 
 mum Stuartum, militum tribunum, ad Huntilaeum misit, qui eum denuo 
 ad Innernessi obsidionem secundum pactam fidem invitaret. Sin hoc illi 
 minus arrideret, propter vicinum agris suis hostem, persuaderet saltem, ut 
 junctis cum eo copiis una in ilium confestim tenderent : quem levi discrimine 
 debellandum fore non dubitaret. Ad quae contemptim ille respondit ; se 
 rebus suis consulturum ; nee ad arcendos finibus suis hostes opera aut auxilio 
 Montisrosani indigere. Post decem denique hebdomadas in obscurae cujus- 
 dam turriculae obsidione consumptas, promptissimo quoque suorum militum 
 desiderato, re infecta, obsidionem solvere cum summo dedecore coactus fuit. 
 Nee tam in Montisrosani quam in Regiae Majestatis contumeliam, ad Spaeam 
 amnem, nee consulto nee conscio Gubernatore, retrocessit : pessimo omnibus 
 exempio, qui frequentes nee sine animi ardore ad partes Regias sese 
 accingebant. 
 
 Inter quos opibus, potentia, et satellitum clientumque multitudine 
 eminebant Seafordius Comes, Resius Regulus, et ab ultimis insulis lacobus 
 Makdonaldus Eques, potentissimae in montanis antiquissimaeque familiae 
 princeps, Maklenius, Glengarius, Makranaldorum (ut illi loqui amant) dux, 
 aliique plurimi ; qui hactenus in Montisrosani castris, alii cum copiis suis 
 erant, alii suas accersiverant. Atque adeo ante elapsum mensem Martium 
 in inferiora Regni descendere potuisset Montisrosanus, cum longe majoribus 
 copiis, quam hominum memoria eduxissent Scoti. Verum insperata tanti 
 viri defectio non minus animos perduellibus ad perseverandum in rebellione 
 addidit, quam viris probis et in Regem pronis offendiculo fuit, ac terrori : 
 unde factum est, ut illi quorum copiae in castris jam erant, clam se sub- 
 ducere, caeteri vero moras causasque nectere inceperint. Quae quidem 
 omnia Montisrosanum ad nova redegerunt consilia. Statuerat enim (quando 
 lenitate et officiis apud homines plerosque vanos, leves, incertos, nee sibi 
 satis constantes parum proficeret) authoritate, vi armorum munita, et 
 poenarum severitate ad obsequium pertrahere : et in eum finem, cum 
 fidissima et promptissimorum militum expedita manu, montanos omnes et 
 
432 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 septentrionales, vel invitos, ad militiam cogere. Plurimos enim provinciarum 
 praefectos, principes familiarum, ducesque sibi obnoxios habebat ; quibus 
 pergratum fore hoc consilium probe noverat. Nee dubitavit Gordoniorum 
 praecipuos potentissimosque viros, utpote patroni sui pertaesos, operam sibi 
 locaturos, vel contra Huntilaei sententiam, si res ita postularet. Mitiora 
 tamen quaeque experiri prius statuit, quam severum illud et ultimum adhi- 
 beret remedium. 
 
 Quoniam vero Innernessum erat totius septentrionis praesidium, maximi 
 ad bellum momenti, portusque excipiendis auxiliis externis commodissimus, 
 nihil aeque in votis habebat, quam ut illud in suam redigeret potestatem. 
 Cum copiis igitur, quas apud se habebat, obsidione illud cinxit. Hostilis 
 enim exercitus sub Mideltonii imperio supra octoginta milliaria aberat ; et 
 Huntilaeus Gordoniique in medio itinere sub signis interjecti erant. Mon- 
 tisrosanus propterea denuo cum Huntilaeo egit, ne tempus inutiliter tereret, 
 sed prout convenerat, ad obsidendum Innernessum copias cum suis jungeret; 
 vel saltem non procul a Spaea contineret, qua hostibus trajiciendum foret, 
 eosque transitu arceret, si ad solvendam obsidionem progrederentur, aut 
 ubi trajecissent, junctis secum viribus, eosdem debellaret. Ad omnia ille 
 usque adeo contumeliose respondit, ut Gubernator omnem de eo spem 
 ponere coactus fuerit : cautiusque sibi prospiciendum censuerit, ne tandem 
 ab eo proderetur. Enimvero Huntilaeo diffisus, turmas equitum tres ad 
 vada Spaeae remisit, qui hostes sedulo observarent, et si adventarent, 
 frequentes certosque mitterent nuncios. Et illi sane occupatis ad specu- 
 landum commodissimis stationibus, diligenter invigilarunt : quoad Ludovicus, 
 Huntilaei filius, qui Rothusiam arcem cum praesidio tenebat, facinus omni- 
 bus, quae hactenus patrasset, magis pudendum commentus est. Praefectis 
 equitum illorum, quos ad observanda Spaeae vada Montisrosanus collo- 
 caverat, fidem fecit hostes quam longissime dissitos, nihil minus in animo 
 habere, quam ad solvendam obsidionem amnem transmittere : atque adeo 
 eis (qui amicissimum ilium fidissimumque putarent) persuasit, ut posthabita, 
 ad quam destinati erant, inutili speculatione, ad arcem suam reficiendis 
 corporibus se reciperent : et ad convivium, quod in eorum gratiam in- 
 struxerat, blandissimis verborum lenociniis invitavit. Et illi quidem male 
 creduli ad eum profecti sunt. Quos prolixa benignitate prosecutus, praeter 
 nimis opiparas dapes, vinum, et quam vocitant, vitae aquam large promi 
 jussit. Multisque facetiis et operosa humanitate tantisper detinuit, quoad 
 Mideltonius cum validissimo equitum peditumque exercitu Spaeam trans- 
 misit, longeque penetravit in Moraviam. Quod cum rescivisset, eos tandem 
 dimisit, et cum cachinno his verbis valedixit ; " Ite," inquit, " ad imperatorem 
 vestrum Montisrosanum, ferocius nunc quam in clade Selkirkana invaden- 
 dum." Hostes interim recta in Montisrosanum et celeriter tendebant ; 
 
CAP. XX. 433 
 
 quos equites illi aegre praetervecti, simul ferme cum illis Innernessum 
 pervenere, adeo ut primi agminis hostilis speciem prae se ferrent : eos 
 vero universae Mideltonii copiae intra tormenti jactum insequebantur. 
 Verum, sic providente benignissimo numine, Montisrosanus aliunde moni- 
 tus, hostilem adventum praesenserat ; paululumque ab urbe digressus, 
 copias coegerat in unum. Atque ubi hostes equitatu multis partibus 
 superiores est conspicatus, evitata planicie se cum suis trans Nessum 
 recepit. Hostes in postremum invecti agmen, et fortiter exccpti, sese etiam 
 continuere. Perexigua ac utrimque ferme par fuit jactura. Montisrosanus 
 praeter Beuliam in Rossiam profectus est : quo insecuti ilium sunt hostes, 
 ut in planicie, iniquo solo deprehensum, ad conferendas manus cogerent vel 
 invitum. Verum praeter hostium vires suis longe majores, locorum incolae 
 infidi et inconstantes, et novi illi cum Seafordio auxiliarii catervatim signa 
 deserentes, eum commoverunt, ut quam primum seque suosque ab hostili 
 expediret equitatu. Qua propter lacum Nessi praetergressus per tractum 
 Glassae, Harragaeque ad Spaeae ripam provectus est. 
 
 Statuerat Gubernator in Hutilaeum tanquam in publicum hostem anim- 
 advertere, nisi resipisceret ; verum mitiora omnia prius experiri, si qua 
 ratione ad saniorem mentem reduci posset. Quem in finem, assumpta ad 
 custodiam corporis unica duntaxat equitum turma, celerrime confectis 
 viginti milliaribus, ad Bogiam ejus arcem contendit. Et in itinere prae- 
 misit, qui eum de suo admoneret adventu, certioremque faceret, non alia de 
 causa illuc sine copiis advolare, quam ut plurimum illi impertiret salutem, 
 et de summa eorum quae ad rem Regiam facerent, cum eo consilia com- 
 municaret ; quod eo desideraret vehementius, quia recentes Oxonia literas 
 a Rege accepisset, quas illi erat explicaturus. At vero Huntilaeus primo 
 adventantis Montisrosani nuncio perculsus, usque adeo tanti hominis prae- 
 sentiam perhorruit, ut dicto citius cum unico comite equum conscenderit, et 
 aufugerit, qua sese offerret via ; nee hospitio quidem aut colloquio vicarium 
 Regis Gubernatorem dignatus. Quod ubi rescivisset Montisrosanus, eadem 
 viginti milliaria remensus, eodem die vi. Kal. Junii ad suos est reversus : 
 inque hoc magis magisque incubuit, ne tam pertinax Huntilaei contumacia 
 innotesceret, aliisque noceret exemplo. Sed frustra haec fuere ; Gordonii 
 enim ipsi aliique ejus amici, viri plerique probi et omnino generosi, cum 
 indignatione et diris in ejus caput omnia propalarunt ; quo sic indigni 
 flagitii infamiam a se ipsis amolirentur. 
 
 Nee dictu sane facile est, quantum ejus viri exemplum septentrionales 
 alios concusserit. Seafordius Comes, aegerrime et sero ad partes per- 
 tractus, vacillare putabatur: nee desunt qui dicant, ilium nondum satis 
 confirmatum, consiha etiam tum clam agitasse, de ineunda cum foederatis 
 amicitia; quod tamen equidem non crediderim. Ipse etiam Alexander 
 
434 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 Makdonaldus, nescio quid causatus, quamvis multura serioque invitatus, de 
 die in diem nihil quam ingratas nectebat moras. Quae quidem res et dubiam 
 de eo ancipitemque evulgavit famam : utpote ilium, quamvis infensissimum 
 Argathelii hostem, Hamiltoniorum tamen amicitia et patrocinio fretum, 
 Makdonaldorum res privatas impendio curasse, de publico parum solicitum. 
 Quae quidem cum Montisrosanus animo volveret, sine ulteriore cunctatione 
 statuit, cum promptissima ut expeditissima manu, regiones omnes montanas 
 et septentrionales praesens obire, milites conscribere, obsequentes animare; 
 renitentes vero severitate legum et praesentibus poenis ad officium pertra- 
 here : et quod valetudinariis infantulis fieri solet, vel invitis et reluctantibus 
 salutem impertire. Nee deerant idonei ministri, qui ad hoc suam deferrent 
 operam, eumque impensius hortarentur. 
 
 Dum ista ad Innernessum gerebantur, Huntilaeus, ne nihil unquam 
 suis auspiciis et sine Montisrosano gessisse videretur, Aberdoniam, quam 
 praesidio quingentorum militum Mideltonius tenebat, expugnavit quidem, 
 sed cum suorum majore quam hostium damno. Praeter enim non exiguam 
 militum fortissimorum jacturam, civium bona montanis suis diripiendis 
 permisit, Atqui vero ex qua parte de Rege et de ipso Huntilaeo innocui 
 illi Aberdonenses male meruerint, judicent illi, qui plerosque omnes noverint, 
 fidei et obsequii in Regem nomine inter aequales eminuisse. Hostes vero 
 armis belloque captos, qui et multi et in suis erant melioris notae viri, 
 supplici blandientique quam victori similior, intactos, et integros, sine ullius 
 pacti lege aut conditione dimisit. ? Nee cum plures militum tribunos et 
 equestris ordinis viros, qui forte fortuna Aberdoniae fuere, in potestate sua 
 haberet, vel hoc unum curavit, ut suorum quemvis redimeret, quorum non 
 pauci arctissimis vinculis erant onerati in Scotia, vel in Anglia durissimam 
 serviebant servitutem ; semper scilicet ille hostibus quam amicis gratificari 
 paratior. 
 
 CAP. XXI. 
 
 Montisrosano in ilia intento pridie Kal. Junii occurrit a Domino Rege (qui, 
 nescio quo fato, se in gremium foederati Scotorum exercitus ad Novum 
 Castrum conjecerat) fecialis cum mandatis, quibus imperatum erat, ut 
 quamprimum positis armis, exercitum dimitteret ; se ipsum vero reci- 
 peret in Galliam, inibi ampliora ejus mandata praestolaturus. Ille vero, 
 inopinato nuncio attonitus, tristi Regis sorti (quae eum in infensissimorum 
 hostium manus praecipitasset) efflictim indoluit. Mandata etiam ilia de 
 solvendo exercitu Regi dolo, vi, et armis conjuratorum, in quorum manibus 
 erat, extorta fuisse non dubitavit. Verum quid consilii ? si obsequium 
 
CAP. XXL 
 
 425^ 
 
 praestaret, suorum bona direptionibus, cervices securibus aut restibus 
 permitteret : sin armatus contra Regem ageret ejusque mandata, fieret 
 perduellionis reus, quod crimen in aliis vindicandum susceperat. Ad haec 
 vel maxime illud pertimuit, ne perduelles Regi imputarent, quae ipse exse- 
 queretur ; duriusque de eo statuerent, quern in sua haberent potestate : 
 quod ipsae Regis literae non obscure innuebant. 
 
 Nobiles ergo, familiarum principes, et Equestris ordinis viros, in unum 
 cogere decrevit Montisrosanus, ut arduum illud negotium, et quod omnium 
 intererat, communi consensu transigeretur. Quem in finem, insuper habitis 
 tot injuriis, loannem Urraeum, loannem Innesium Equites, eminentissimos 
 in exercitu suo viros, eosdemque Huntilaeo, ut arbitrabatur, gratissimos, 
 ad eum ablegat, qui ilium ad tarn seriam consultationem invitarent : diei 
 vero locique praestituendi Huntilaeo deferrent potestatem : et praeterea 
 adderent, paratum esse Montisrosanum ad ejus arcem se conferre, si hoc 
 ille cuperet. Respondit Huntilaeus, Regis literas ejusdem argumenti ad se 
 quoque perlatas esse ; quibus omnino obtemperare statuerit : mandata Regis 
 ejus generis esse, ut secundas non admittant cogitationes, nee superesse 
 amplius consultationi locum. Regerentibus vero illis, eundem forsan esse 
 Montisrosani animum, promptissimam quidem Regis mandatis, sed liberis, 
 exhibere obedientiam ; interim tamen omnium plane interesse, ut mature 
 incolumitati suae et suorum prospiciant ; majori fama et authoritate apud 
 ipsos etiam hostes fieret, si in commune consulerent, ille non aliud respondit, 
 quam se sibi hactenus consuluisse ; cum aliis nihil esse negotii. 
 
 Montisrosanus igitur ad Regem responsa dedit, quibus sollicite admodum 
 inquirebat de ejus apud conjuratos conditione ; utrum tutum se in eorum 
 potestate judicaret ? atque an deinceps quoque utilis illi esset opera sua ? 
 Ac si omnino statuisset dimittendum esse exercitum, qui pro ejus salute 
 militabat, armatis adhuc in utroque Regno conjuratis, et ferocius indies 
 insultantibus, quo tandem pacto vitae bonisque fidissimorum et fortissimorum 
 civium prospiceretur, qui sanguinem et carissima quaeque pro eo prode- 
 gissent ? horrendum enim fore, si praestantissimi viri saevissimis hostibus 
 non modo spoliandi, sed et excarnificandi permitterentur. Ad ista nihil 
 aliud palam responsum fuit, quam quod ab internuncio exhibitae fuerint 
 leges quaedam a conjuratis scriptae, quibus scilicet Montisrosano acquies- 
 cendum foret. Verum ille leges ab hostibus latas easdemque iniquissimas 
 indignabundus rejecit ; nee rem cum eis omnino transigere dignatus, denuo 
 internuncium remisit ad Regem ; testatusque est se, non nisi ipsius Regis 
 jussu bellum illud suscepisse, nee ut arma poneret, a quoquam mortalium, 
 quam ab ipso Domino suo accepturum leges : adeoque supplicem rogare, si 
 ita visum sit Regi, ut quamprimum copias suas dimitteret, ne gravar- 
 etur ipse conditiones dicere, et signare ; quibus, ut ut durioribus forsan, 
 
436- RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 obsequentissimum se fore promisit : aliorum vero omnium, quicunque demum 
 illi fuerint, mandata despicere. 
 
 Reversus denique internuncius leges manu Regis signatas retulit, cum 
 mandatis jam tertio repetitis, quibus illi imperatum est, ut sine omni cuncta- 
 tione dimitteret exercitum : idemque Regis nomine interminatus est poenam 
 Majestatis, si vel tantisper detrectaret imperium. Ad Regis mandata 
 accessit, quod qui belli societatem inierant, plerique clam et seorsim per 
 amicos cum conjuratis de pace agebant : quod de Seafordio Comite et aliis 
 non obscuris indiciis cognitum fuit. Huntilaeus Aboiniusque non tantum 
 sese profitebantur apertos Montisrosani hostes, sed et minabantur insuper 
 se armis vindicaturos, nisi confestim Regiis obsequeretur mandatis. 
 Antromius vero recens ex Hibernia in montana Scotiae delatus, sine milite, 
 sine armis, hoc agebat, ut montanos omnes, cognates scilicet affinesque 
 suos, a castris Montisrosani (quem inferioris Regni praefectum superciliose 
 nuncupabat) ad sua revocaret ; intempestiva plane ac suis omnibus in locis 
 illis exitiosa secessione. Quae quidem omnia rite pensitata Montisrosanum 
 compulerunt, ut secundum Regis mandata exercitum dimitteret. 
 
 Et sane moestissimus fuit ille dies, quo militibus suis pro concione 
 laudatis et animatis valedixit. Ut ut enim ille bono eos animo esse jusserit, 
 et optatissimae pacis spem non exiguam affulgere praedicaret ; nee minus 
 se optimi Regis saluti praesenti obsequio, quam praeterita fortitudine con- 
 sulere, occurrebat tamen omnium animis, Regiae authoritati ultimum fore 
 ilium diem ; mandata enim ilia praesentioris mali metu invito Regi quasi 
 extorta, omnes certo statuebant. Et quamvis incolumitati suae quoquo 
 modo scriptis legibus prospectum foret, maluissent tamen durissimo fungi 
 fato, quam calamitosae carissimi Regis sorti segnes et viles superesse spec- 
 tatores. Nee minimum generosos angebat viros adversa gentis ad exteros 
 posterosque fama ; quasi Scoti in universum omnes foedissimae conspirationis 
 participes una ab optimo defecissent Rege. Praesentem porro luctum 
 maxime auxit cogitatio de fortissimo Imperatore, iniquo prorsus fato, Regi, 
 patriae, sibi, bonisque omnibus erepto. Adeo ut ad ejus genua provoluti 
 milites, obortis lacrimis deprecati sint, ut, quando ita Regis salus postularet, 
 illique omnino Regno excedendum foret, se quoque in quascunque orbis 
 terras una traduceret. Paratos enim esse, qui sub ejus imperio ubivis 
 gentium viverent, militarent, et (si sic Deo immortali visum foret) sponte 
 morerentur. Nee sane pauci statuerunt, vel cum manifesto bonorum 
 vitaeque discrimine, invitum quamvis ac ignarum prosequi, operamque in 
 ignotis gentibus ultro deferre, quam amplius navare non possent in afflic- 
 tissima patria. 
 
 Legibus, quas Rex ex sententia foederatorum praescripserat, cautum 
 imprimis fuit, ut Montisrosanus ante Kal. Sep. Scotia excederet : illi vero 
 
CAP. XXI. 437 
 
 instructa navigia cum commeatu et armamentis necessariis suppeditarent 
 abeunti. Agebantur vero ilia ad Kal. Sextilis ; destinatusque est portus 
 Montisrosarura in Angusia, quo et eis mittenda essent navigia, et unde illis 
 solvendum foret. Ac Montisrosanus quidem, quo omnem querelae materiam 
 praecaveret, suspicionesque amoliretur, familiaribus tantum suis et amicis 
 plane paucis comitatus, illuc se contulit, expectavitque navigia. Hoc potis- 
 simum tempore infensissimi ejus hostes callidos fictosque rumores per 
 idoneos ministros spargi curarunt : quibus fidenter admodum asserebatur, 
 non permissuros Regni Ordines (ut sese nuncupabant) tam egregium civem 
 patria expelli. Pernecessarium enim fore tanti viri praesentiam, praesertim 
 si clementissimus Rex, qui ultro in Scotorum manus se quasi tradidisset, 
 jus et aequum ab Anglis non posset obtinere ; adeoque bello illud et armis 
 repetendum foret : praestantiorem quippe ducem nullum exhibuisse saeculum. 
 Et sane sanctissima fuerunt ilia plurimorum vota, qui in profunda conjura- 
 torum consilia non penetrabant : sed longe illi alias artes, alios nectebant 
 dolos. Quid enim in Regem meditati fuerint, tristis perdocuit eventus : 
 Montisrosano vero indignas struebant insidias. Hoc enim agebant, ut 
 ejus modi blandimentis et inani spe lactatum, ac ultra dictum diem in 
 Regno commorantem, tanquam rupti foederis reum, cum minora infamia 
 opprimerent. 
 
 Elapsus ferme erat Sextilis, cum ne nuncius quis, nee levissima de navi- 
 bus et commeatu perlata esset fama. Quapropter Montisrosanus (quamvis 
 ad diem a Rege dictum eundi certus) quo foederatorum animos penitius 
 excuteret, amicis suis permisit, ut de proroganda navigatione cum eis 
 agerent. Verum cum hi incerta et dubia retulissent, ille nihil quam dolos 
 fraudesque eorum verbis subesse merito judicavit. Accessit (atque hoc 
 non leviter auxit suspicionem), quod novissimo tandem praestituti temporis 
 die, pridie scilicet Kal. Sep., navigium ad portum Montisrosanum appulerit. 
 Navarchus non modo ignotus, sed et conjuratorum propugnator rudis, ac 
 pertinax : nautae militesque ejusdem farinae homines, infensi, morosi, ac 
 minabundi ; navis ipsa nee commeatu instructa, nee apta ad navigationem. 
 Adeo ut cum Montisrosanus paratum sese ostenderet, juberetque ut quam- 
 primum explicarent veta, navarchus responderit, dari oportere dies aliquot 
 picandae ornandaeque navi ; nee prius audere sese ventis undisque com- 
 mittere. Magnifice deinde de se suaque navi locutus, exhibuit diploma 
 sibi a foederatis traditum, quo mandatum erat, ut vectores ad certos et 
 ab hostibus designates portus, nee alios quosvis deveheret. Simul Escae 
 amnis ostio (quod Montisrosanum efficit portum) indies obversabantur 
 ingentes armataeque Anglorum naves, in gratiam conjuratorum, optatis- 
 simae inhiantes praedae ; ne quo pacto vitaret dolos. 
 
 Verum nee Montisrosanum latuerunt insidiae, nee defuere in foederatis 
 
 2 F 
 
438 RER.. MONTISROS. 
 
 ipsis amici, qui eum repetitis nunciis admonuerunt : infestum Anglicana 
 classe mare, nee evadere incolumem posse in Galliam aut Bataviam : 
 obsessum ferme portum, unde illi esset solvendum, ideoque navigationem 
 rem esse periculi plenam : nee utique aliud ab hostibus quaeri, quam ut 
 vel trahentem in Patria moram foederati Scoti, vel abeuntem, inermem et 
 incautum, conjurati Angli opprimerent. Censuere qui cum Montisrosano 
 erant amici, in tam manifesto discrimine, repetenda Regni montana, revo- 
 candos confestim socios, et belli aleam insidiosae paci utique praeferendam. 
 Verum ne banc iniret rationem, ardentissima praesertim Regis caritate dis- 
 tinebatur. Certo enim constabat bellum denuo renovatum Regi, quamvis 
 immerito imputandum fore, eundemque in periculum quidem praesentissi- 
 mum et forsan extrema quaeque praecipitaturum. Undique ergo pressus, 
 insidiis hinc in suum, inde in sacrosanctum Regis caput structis, in se 
 omnia convertere pertinaci constantia decrevit. Nee temere tamen, quasi 
 de salute in rebus ultimis desperasset ; sed prudenti consilio se subduxit. 
 
 Cum enim hostium percepisset artes, pridem miserat, qui oram mariti- 
 mam portusque septentrionem versus diligenter scrutarentur : ac, si quam 
 externam navem in illis deprehenderent, cum navarcho proposita agerent 
 mercede, ut ad certum diem paratus ad navigandum, vectores, qui illi 
 praesto forent, in Norvegiam cum bono Deo deferret. Commodum in 
 portu Stanhyvio repertus est actuarius lembus Bergensis e Norvegia ; cum 
 ejus praefecto sine magno negotio transactum est : avide enim occasionem 
 ac quaestus spem arripuit. Atque istuc ablegavit Montisrosanus lohannem 
 Urreum Equitem, lohannem Drumondum de Balla, Henricum Graemum 
 fratrem, lohannem Spotswodium, magni illius Roberti ex fratre natum, 
 lohannem Lilium, expertae fortitudinis et peritiae ducem, Patricium Mel- 
 vinum, eodem nomine virum clarum, Georgium Wiseheartum, S. S. Theo- 
 logiae Doctorem, Davidem Gutherium, juvenem generosum et fortem, 
 Pardusium Lasoundium Galium, olim nobilissimi Gordonii Reguli asseclam, 
 postea in gratam defuncti heri memoriam a Montisrosano in famulitium 
 suum adsumptum, Rudolphum natione Germanum, probum fidumque adoles- 
 centem, cum paucis insuper servulis. Et hos quidem selegit, quos secum 
 duceret, in quascunque demum descenderet terras, ea praesertim de causa, 
 quod illorum plerisque infensiores nosset foederatos, quam ut vel tantillam 
 in patria moram trahere possent incolumes. Et illi quidem iii. Non. Sept. 
 adspirantibus ventis cursum in Norvegiam auspicati sunt. Eadem vero 
 vespera Montisrosanus ipse, uno lacobo Silvio, Evangelii praedicatore 
 meritissimo, comitatus, lembum extra portum Montisrosarum anchoris alli- 
 gatum, exigua vectus celoce, conscendit : vilique amictus veste patronus, 
 pro clientis Silvii famulo fefellit. Anno Domini cididcxlvi. aetatis vero 
 suae xxxiv. 
 
PARS SECUNDA} 
 
 CAP. \} 
 
 A/TONTISROSANUS Bergami ^ in Norvegia a Thoma Graio Scoto, 
 arcis Regiae pro tempore praefecto, comiter quidem susceptus fuit, 
 summoque in honore habitus : paucis vero post diebus itinere terrestri, 
 eoque difficillimo, per juga montium ardua, inculta, horrida, multaque 
 semper rigentia nive, Christianam * regni caput pervenit. Inde conscenso %^ 
 navigio in Daniam vela fecit. Ejus Serenissimum, ac beatae nunc me- 
 moriae Regem, utpote Caroli Regis ex sorore geniti avunculum, amicum 
 certissimum et fidissimum, Christianum, visendi vehementi flagrabat desi- 
 derio. Verum quia ille tunc in Germania aberat, Montisrosanus propere 
 transfretato Balthico, sese illuc contulit, et peragrata (opportunitatem loci 
 secutus) -)|f ^ Hamburgi paulisper quievit : praesagiebat enim animus con- 
 spiratos Scotorum proceres, qui in exercitu ad Novum castrum obtinebant 
 imperium, cum conspirantibus secum Anglis, de perdendo, aut in ordinem 
 redigendo rege quamprimum consensuros : dicebatque, tam probe notum 
 sibi esse istorum hominum ingenium, ut nuUis unquam rationibus ab ea 
 sententia divelli potuerit. Multum vero rebus suis conferre posse existi- 
 mabat, si facinus istud descensum suum praeveniretJ Augurabatur enim, 
 peracto hactenus scelere, gratiorem sese futurum apud illos, ad quos Rex 
 eum ablegasset ; qui immanitate rei permoti, sese tandem ab insidiosis perdi- 
 torum promissionibus (quibus plus satis fidebant) forsan expedirent. Expe- 
 rientia insuper edoctus, minime dubitabat nova bella, novos sibi imminere 
 
 ^ The text of this part is derived from the two MSS. in the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh — a 
 folio, here marked D, and a MS., in the hand of Robert Wodrow, referred to in these notes as E. 
 For some account of these MSS., and the evidence they contain of lost MSS., v. Crit. Introd. 
 The first translation of this part, published in 1720, is referred to as Tr. i in these notes; Tr. 2 
 denotes the revision made for Ruddiman in 1756, reprinted by Constable in 1819. 
 
 2 The whole of this chapter is wanting in D. ^ As though the name of this city were Berghem? 
 
 But perhaps W. wrote Bergam{7). The old name of Bergen was Bjorgvin. *^ Christianiam ? 
 
 ' The lacuna of one word in E was supplied in the Tr. I by the word Mahtrand, which 
 
 appears as Maelstrand in Tr. 2. No such place exists. The port was undoubtedly Marstrand, 
 a small town on an island near the mouth of the Gota river, about 140 miles south of Chrisliania 
 (z*. Index). The insertion of a name so unlikely to suggest itself to the translator is evidence that he 
 had before him a MS. now lost, or the missing Ch. I. of D(?) (v. Cap. II., n. 46, and Crit. Introd.). 
 
 « Lacuna of one word; read Hohtenia. The Tr. i again supplies the word " Holstein." 
 
 ' imprevenirety E (without stium). There is no such word. The sense requires suum, a word 
 
440 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 hostes ; pessimum nimirum illud hominum genus principumque pestem 
 assentatores aulicos et parasites, qui calumniis et sycophantiis assuetis, in 
 perduellium gratiam confictis,^ viam illi omnem aditumque ad optimae 
 Reginae gratiam praecludere conarentur, nee per istos licere, ut vel con- 
 siliis intersit, vel rerum gerendarum agnoscat rationes ; metuentes quippe 
 ne, detectis eorum artibus et dolis, perduellium quidem conatus redderentur 
 inanes ; illi vero nefaria proditionis mercede frustrarentur. 
 
 Ubi tandem tristis illi perlatus est nuncius nummos conjuratis Scotorum 
 ducibus (stipendii sane, quod turpiter merebant, nomine, ad elevandam 
 pudendi criminis infamiam) numerates, traditumque simul et semel [militi- 
 bus] ^ istis belluis Anglis Regem, Montisrosanus continuo in HoUandiam 
 excurrit, tempestivum jam fore ratus tam praesenti Regis sorti, quam vir- 
 tuti decorique suo, si semet palam exhiberet, ad remedium aut levamen 
 aliquod rebus usque adeo deperditis adferendum. Quo enim magis boni 
 illi viri Regem optimum Regumque omne deprimebant nomen, eo hie 
 erectior et majore animo ad asserendam et vindicandam ejus libertatem 
 dignitatemque ferebatur : nee aliud illi quam cotis instar fortitudinem 
 fidemque viri exacuebant. 
 
 Maria, Magnae Britanniae Regina, Henrici quarti Gallorum Regis filia, 
 Lutetiam Parisiorum sibi quidem praesidium invenerat : Marito vero subsi- 
 dium frustra ferme quaerebat. Enimvero, quamvis omnium Regum princi- 
 pumque res ageretur in rebellione ista Britannica, pessimumque exemplum 
 in alias nationes initiaturum videretur, et in Galliam praesertim intentaret 
 minas, perpauci tamen laboranti Carole vel minimas ferre suppetias animum 
 induxere. Galli vero (seu veterum cum Anglis inimicitiarum memeres, seu 
 quod Britanniam ad Hispaniarum Regis amicitiam proniorem putarent, aut 
 aliis quibuscunque de causis alienati) mala ejus etiam laeti spectabant, flam- 
 masque quas accenderunt,^*' fovebant oleo, ipsis fersan olim nocituro. 
 
 Lutetiam vixdum fama perlatum fuit, Montisrosanum per Belgicam illuc 
 adventare, quum selertissimi illi apud Reginam artifices, qui nihil aequo ac 
 praesentiam ejus fermidabant, omni conatu ceeperunt eandem declinare. 
 Delectus est lehannes Ashburnhamius,^^ Regis cubicularius (idemque in- 
 faustus ejus prius ad Scetos ac postmedum ad insulam Vectim comes et 
 deductor), qui cum literis ablegatus iter ejus averteret a Gallia. Obvius 
 hie factus suadere occipit, ut Scotiam confestim repeteret, et bellura ibidem 
 
 easily obscured after "descemwOT." Tr. i suggests the correction. ^ E has no lacuna here ; but 
 
 Tr. I adds the words "to whom they were obnoxious," an absurd mistranslation, but showing that 
 the MS. used by that translator contained the words quibus obnoxii erant (a favourite phrase of 
 W.'s), i.e., " to whom they were under obligations." The error is carelessly repeated in the later 
 
 editions, though it was corrected in the list of errata in Tr. i. ^ nunzitibns (?), E, a " vox nihili" 
 
 Tr. 2, *'to the brutality of the English army," which suggests militibus, in accordance with the 
 historical fact. '^^ accenderant ? ^^ Ashburnnamins, E here and elsewhere. 
 
PARS IL— CAP. I. 441 
 
 absque milite, armis, comitatu, stipendio, renovaret ; data (sic sane videtur) 
 opera, ut tot tantisque casibus objectum perderent, conatusque ejus omnes 
 pro Rege redderent inutiles. 
 
 Insidiosa consilia minimo labore detexit Montisrosanus, et, repertis 
 dolis, respondit, gratissimam quidem sibi fore provinciam illam, verum, 
 prout tunc erat rerum status, nondum suscipiendam ; nihil sibi eorum, quae 
 ad bellum renovandum essent necessaria, suppetere, nee a Regina sup- 
 peditari ; ^^ amicorum ac Regi etiam fidissimorum animos recenti et ingrata 
 armorum positione et iniquis pacis legibus fractos ; occupata in regno illo 
 a perduellibus omnia, et revocatum ex Anglia instructissimum exercitum, 
 oppressum Huntilaeum, ac funesta Gordoniorum clade caeteros territos, nihil 
 plane ausuros ; insuper imperatum sibi a Rege (cui repugnare nefas duxerit) 
 ut in Gallia mandata ejus ampliora expectaret ; satis etiam persuasum 
 esse non illam esse reginae mentem, ut Regia tam leviter negligat tem- 
 natque mandata ; ubi vero semel Parisiis semet ostentaverit, debitumque 
 Majestati Regiae praestiterit obsequium, novo sese eoque insigni honore 
 cumulatum iri, si quid muneris quantumvis ardui ac difificilis a lectissima 
 Regina illi imponeretur. 
 
 Ashburnhamius, ubi hac non successit, aha ilium aggressus est via, 
 serioque egit, ut sibi tandem consuleret, pacem et amicitiam cum conjuratis 
 iniret, seque suosque melioribus conservaret fatis ; obtulitque ultro, se a 
 Rege veniam et facultatem, vel, si hoc praeoptaret, jussa etiam procuraturum, 
 ut cum iisdem quacunque ratione ^^ transigeret. Retulit Montisrosanus 
 mortalem esse neminem qui paratior esset Regi suo justa et honesta prae- 
 cipienti morem gerere; sed ne Regi quidem indecora, iniqua, ipsique 
 Majestati exitiosa jubenti obtemperaturum. 
 
 Inferioris Germaniae provinciis, nomine et authoritate Hispaniarum 
 Regis, praeerat Leopoldus Archidux ; cujus bona cum venia Montisrosanus 
 per Flandriam in Galliam profectus Lutetiam pervenit. Expectatiorem ad 
 Serenissimae Reginae aulam venisse neminem plerique omnes judicabant ; 
 longe tamen aliter incidit. Presbyterianorum enim ac praesertim Jerminii 
 Reguli (qui gratia in aula plurimum valebat) opera factum est, ut tanti viri 
 dignitatem authoritatemque elevarent, ac quibuscunque possent modis de- 
 primerent. Montisrosano Jerminius clam infensior erat hac imprimis de 
 causa : quo tempore Carolus Rex se suaque omnia conjuratis Scotis ad 
 Novum castrum crediderat, ut illis in omnibus satisfaceret, eorumque 
 animos et amicitiam conciliaret, Montisrosanum jusserat exercitum dimittere. 
 Responderat hie, iniquissimum illud fore, nisi sibi prius caeterisque pro- 
 ceribus, qui optima fide regi militassent, caveretur,^* et ex Regis ordinumque 
 
 " suppeditari /ow£ .? " it was not in the Queen's power," Tr. i. ^' ra^ne, E. " caveretque, E. 
 
442 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 regni sententia honoribus, dignitatibus, agris, bonisque (quibus per summum 
 nefas spoliati fuerant) restituerentur. Hoc Argathelius aliique perduelles 
 (qui cum Montisrosano apertas gerebant inimicitias, ejusque simul et metue- 
 bant virtutem, et agris bonisque ditescere cupiebant) aegre tulere ; nee 
 facile consensuri videbantur. Montisrosano quidem aequa petenti gratifi- 
 cari volebat Rex clementissimus ; verum, si invitis istis aliquid extorquere 
 contenderet, capitis sui rem esse non dubitabat. Conversus igitur ad ilium 
 enixe rogabat, ne postulatis ejusmodi pertinaciter inhaereret, vitamque et 
 salutem Regis sui imminent! subjiceret periculo ; benigneque promisit, se 
 ejus rationem habiturum, si quando libertati ac regno restitueretur. Interea 
 vero honori ejus, dignitati, rebusque necessariis providisse ; suadere peteret 
 Galliam, atque ibidem legati extraordinarii munere apud Regem Christianis- 
 simum fungeretur; diploma sese literasque praemisisse, quibus munitus et 
 instructus provinciam istam capesseret. Et quo honorificentius eandem 
 administraret, curaturum, ne quid ad amplissimae dignitatis ornamentum 
 desideraret, quoadusque ipse pristinam recuperaret authoritatem, eundemque, 
 propitio numine, revocaret in patriam. Haec ^^ Jerminio, qui legatum ordi- 
 narium ibidem agebat, ingrata fuere ac molesta : pertimescebat enim ne 
 quid emolument! aut honoris sibi cuncta ad se rapienti tanti viri interventu 
 decederet. Eisdera igitur artibus aulicis, quibus Norvicensem Comitem non 
 ita pridem eodem gradu dejecerat, et Montisrosanum arcere non destitit. 
 
 Nihil sane prius expectabat Montisrosanus, quam ex mandato Regis 
 literas istas ac diploma ad se delatum iri. Verum eorum nihil in aula 
 Reginae auditum esse referebatur, nee ^^ ejus generis ulla ad eos pervenisse 
 mandata ; clam tamen Ashburnhamius indicavit, Regis quidem illam esse 
 mentem, eandemque aulae certo certius constare, seque in ilium praesertim 
 finem ante trimestre in Galliam praemissum : verum Jerminii arte, opera, 
 et gratia fieri, ut nihil gratum acceptumque sit aulae, quod potentiam €jus 
 imminuere, aut commodum ullatenus laedere posse videatur. 
 
 Sensit Montisrosanus tam Regis mandata, quam postulata sua aequissima 
 negligi et contemni : verum in vilibus istiusmodi certaminibus aulicis sor- 
 descere ac languere generosum pertaedebat animum. Reginam ergo 
 interpellavit, rogavitque supplex, ut clementer monstrare non gravaretur, 
 si qua in re utilem gratumque ilium Domino Regi judicaret ; ab ejus enim 
 imperio (marito jam in custodia detento) totum pendere, paratumque esse 
 jussa ejus comiter capessere, et vel sanguinis sui, vitaeque dispendio, 
 summa cum fide et industria exsequi. 
 
 Regina ad haec anxie respondebat, nee sese expediebat satis. Virum 
 etenim nobilem et optirae de Majestate meritum fovere et erigere volebat, 
 
 "hoc, E. "Aatff, E. 
 
PARS II.— CAP. I. 445 
 
 quoties suo ingenio permittebatur : verum auHcorum, qui Presbyterianorum 
 opes viresque nunc minaciter, nunc blande praedicabant, quasi praestigiis 
 irretita, in aversa abripiebatur, eundemque variis et quando repugnantibus ^^ 
 sententiis distinebat. 
 
 Audendum esse aliquid, quo perduelles absterrerentur, ne quid in 
 salutem Regis molirentur, semper arbitratus est Montisrosanus ; nee peni- 
 tus ab hac sententia abhorrebat Regina ; sedulo tamen cavebant aulici, ne 
 quis sumptus ad stipendia, aut arma, aut viaticum, suppeditaretur. Ob- 
 tulit indentidem Montisrosanus, semet cum decem armatorum millibus ^^ in 
 Britanniam descensurum, et cives, captivi Regis flagitium sponte detes- 
 tantes, ad vindictam pronos, ad arma concitaturum, si nummorum aureorum 
 (quos Galli pistolas vocant) sex duntaxat millia numerarentur ; utque per- 
 suaderet, fidem suam vitamque, et famam omnium carissimara opponebat 
 pignori. Sed et irrita haec omnia fuere, renitentibus nimirum helluonibus 
 istis aulae ; quorum profusissimae luxuriae quidquid reliquum fuit in Reginae 
 thesauro perexiguum videbatur. 
 
 Interea ipsi illi conjurati perduelles (qui et primi infando foedere contra 
 Regem sese obstrinxerant, armaverantque Scotos, et Anglos hactenus 
 quietos ad eadem nefaria concitaverant arma, Regemque suum in tot co- 
 egerant angustias, ac denique eundem, conspirantibus secum Anglis, in 
 certam ^^ tradiderant perniciem) insigni fraude ac impudenti clam Mon- 
 tisrosano Reginam aggrediuntur. Prae se ferebant male se habere Regis 
 sui captivitatem ; fefellisse fidem Anglos, qui polliciti essent de eo nihil 
 durius statuere, inconsultis foederatis Scotis : horum itaque mentem esse 
 eundem justis armis in libertatem et pristinum splendorem asserere, si 
 modo Ipsa eorum opera non dedignaretur, et rata haberet quae in ejus 
 gratiam meditarentur, ac authoritate sua comprobaret ; supplices itaque 
 Reginam rogare, ut, pro longe maxima et meritissima gratia, qua apud 
 Regem maritum valebat, Eidem consuleret et suaderet, totum sese for- 
 tunasque suas eorum fidei et virtuti committere ; spondere insuper nihil 
 illos inausum aut intentatum relicturos, nee labori unquam aut sanguini 
 parsuros suo, aut discessuros ab armis, quoadusque ille avito impositus 
 solio Britanniae suae restitueretur imperio. 
 
 Optima Regina, sed male credula, ejusmodi verborum lenocinio, quasi 
 fascino quodam illaqueata, facile adducta est, ut fidem adhiberet, operamque 
 suam (quam et praestitit) polliceretur. Montisrosano ista celari volebant ; 
 verum clandestinae negotiationes eorum non diu latuere. Ubi vero tandem 
 
 ^' quandoque pugnantibus, E. ^ All previous translators omit decem. Tr. 2 notes it as in 
 
 "the Latin MS. ;" but the Lat. for "with 1000 men" is not armatorum millibus, but cum mille 
 armatis ; and Montrose at this time had great hopes of foreign aid, and certainly counted on 
 raising more than the 1500 men he did actually land with in Scotland. It was his genius to be 
 sanguine. ^^ incertam, E. 
 
444 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 consilia ista evulgari oportuit, professa est apud eum Regina, tot tantisque 
 malis, quae hactenus essent perpessi, majoribus vero ac longe gravioribus 
 [quae] ^^ indies ingruerent et imminerent, victam se, victum etiam et Regem 
 ad foederatos istos, tanquam ad secundam ^^ post naufragium tabulam, con- 
 fugisse, et in hac sententia firmos immotosque stare, seque suaque omnia 
 fidei illorum permittere. 
 
 Montisrosanus (qui nullis umquam rationibus adduci potuit, ut crederet 
 perfidos istos et suis tot sceleribus irretitos bona sinceraque fide cum Rege 
 agere) ubi carissimum Principem vidit insidiosis hostium promissionibus 
 confisum in profundissimum miseriarum barathrum ruere, lacrimas aegre 
 cohibere valuit ; composito tamen utcumque ac sedato vultu in haec ferme 
 verba Reginam affatus est : " Serenissimae Majestatis est ea decernere, 
 quae in rem vestram maxime conducant; nostrum vero est debitum prompt- 
 umque obsequium exhibere ; sane me [ipso] ^^ obedientiorem invenies 
 neminem ; officii tamen nostri ducimus, et malorum, quae Regi Regnisque 
 ab isto consilio impendere videntur, tempestive admonere, et remedium 
 adferre, ejusmodi saltern, quale res in ultimo discrimine positae admittere 
 poterunt aut expectare. Satis, ut opinor, constat, ab initio istorum tumul- 
 tuum bonos illos viros plus quam hostili odio et saevitia Regem perse- 
 cutes esse, eundemque primos invitum militari custodia detinuisse, aditum 
 negasse in patriam, et prodidisse Anglis ; necdum a fideiium subditorum 
 carnificina cessare, quos, eo solo nomine, avaritiae aut crudelitati suae 
 jugiter immolare non desinunt ; nee ^^ sane per[duelles istos] ^* omnium 
 perditissimos ^^ resipuisse vero simile nobis videtur, quos avaritiae et ambi- 
 tionis stimuli, cum anteactorum scelerum conscientia, eodem semper urgeant 
 et pellant, nimirum ut in uno laesi Regis exitio spem impunitatis securita- 
 tisque suae omnem reponant. Ultimum hoc (ut nobis quidem videtur) 
 superest remedium, ac quasi fraenum aut capistrum indomitis belluis 
 injiciendum, ne ad extremum pro libidine saeviant : liceat nobis (quibus 
 ob fidelem operam Regi hactenus praestitam, nullus ad amicitiam cum 
 conjuratis ineundam^ relictus est locus) authoritate et diplomate Regio 
 munitis et instructis exercitum conscribere : delectum faciamus ex Scotis 
 illis reliquis, qui ob fluxam meritoque suspectam conjuratorum fidem, sub 
 istorum hominum imperio nunquam sponte militabunt : sint copiae hae 
 nostrae prioribus illis Angliam ingressis, si honeste et sincere rem gerant, 
 quasi subsidiariae. Si vero (quod maxime metuendum est) ad indolem 
 ingeniumque suum reversi, perturbare omnia et regem denuo prodere 
 
 2" The sense requires quce, omitted in E, owing to the qu(£ in the preceding line (?) ^ This 
 
 finely expressive word is omitted in Tr. i and Tr. 2. Montrose himself was the other "plank." 
 
 The Queen had "two strings to her bow." "^ Me into, E. "^tu, E. '^ per^ with a blank 
 
 of two words, E. Tr. I suggests the emendation. ^ Proditissimos, ?. =*«»« eumdam, E. 
 
PARS IL— CAP. 11. 445 
 
 aggrediantur, terrori illis erunt, et vel in officio conservare, vel tumultu- 
 antes aut deficientes in ordinem cogere valebunt. Quod ad nos attinet, 
 sane vel illis, — si ^^ sero, sed serio, et ex animo, ad regem redeant, — im- 
 perium, laudem, decus, gratias, omnemque ultro promittimus mercedem : nobis 
 vero labores et aerumnas discrimina tantum deposuimus et pericula, quae, si 
 Optimo Domino ac Regi profutura videantur, neutiquam erunt ingrata. 
 
 Presbyteriani sollicitando et pollicitando, blanditiis et grandeloquentia, 
 Reginae animum vana spe usque adeo repleverant, ut saniora Montisrosani 
 consilia prorsus contemneret, suamque Mariti et liberorum salutem solis 
 illis crederet, qui et malorum omnium praecedentium fuissent authores, 
 et plura adhuc et graviora essent procreaturi. At ille, ne vel tanti flagitii 
 impius videretur particeps, vel ignavus spectator, rogavit obtinuitque a 
 Regina veniam, ut Lutetia abesse, et ruri animum relaxandi curandaeque ^ 
 valetudinis gratia paulisper degere liceret. 
 
 '^ qttOy E. -^ ruri anum relaxandi curattda in, E. 
 
 CAP. 11.^ 
 
 QuoNiAM quidem in Presbyterianorum nee non et Independentium, novorum 
 hominum, ac nova sibi assumentium nomina, mentionem saepius nobis inci- 
 dendum erit, legentibus haec, exteris praesertim, forsan non ingratum nee 
 ab instituto nostro alienum fuerit, paucula de iis praefari. 
 
 Usu ferme venit, ut qui a recto tramite regiaque via desciverint, in ^ 
 plures eosdemque devios ac invicem contrarios et se mutuo intersecantes 
 calles incidant ac incedant. Hoc sane superstitiosis novatoribus (qui refor- 
 mandae religionis praetextu ecclesiam regnumque non perturbarunt modo, 
 sed et prorsus evertere) accidisse, tristi experientia compertum est. Enim- 
 vero post legitimos ecclesiae rectores exactos, calcatam disciplinam veterem, 
 deformatum supremi numinis cultum, excussosque summo cum sacrilegio 
 magistratus, in innumeras illi infandasque sectas et factiones abiere, quibus 
 sunt nomina mille, mille nocendi artes. Omnes tamen in duas quasi familias, 
 Presbyterianorum nimirum, et Independentium, qui ambitu suo cunctas com- 
 prehendunt, distribuere licet. Primi Presbyteriani sic nuncupari volunt a 
 novello quodam regimine ac disciplina (aut carnificina magis) ecclesiastica, 
 superioribus saeculis inaudita, quam specioso^ quidem sed falso et ementito 
 Presbyterii nomine apud vulgus efferunt. Hi in Synedrum * illud quod 
 
 * Here the folio MS. commences. Where not otherwise stated, the readings preferred are those 
 
 of the folio (D), much the better MS. of the two in every respect {v. Crit. Introd.). ^ ut, E. 
 
 'speciosa, E. * Synedrium, E. 
 
446 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 Presbyterium vocant, de populo quosque sibi addictissimos, mercatores^ 
 agricolas, fabros, nautas, sartores, veteramentarios et cerdones, nullis initi- 
 ates sacris, cooptant : quibus suffragii jus idem cum ipsis pastoribus esse 
 volunt, eosdemque presbyteriorum laicorum aut regentium nomine in- 
 signiunt : annuus his regentibus magistratus est. Inter Ecclesiae pastores 
 omnimodam esse debere paritatem dictis quidem astruunt, destruunt factis; 
 perpauci enim aura populari vulgique acclamationibus praelati, in alios, non 
 fratres tantum, sed et regni proceres, adeoque ipsum supremum magis- 
 tratum plus quam Manliana ^ exercent imperia. Quae ecclesiastici juris 
 sunt, omnia ad Presbyterium deferunt ; et in '^ ordine ad spiritualia, vel 
 sub notione scandali aut ofFendiculi, humana divinaque omnia. Synodos 
 Provinciales et Nationales (quas illi appellant Generales), quae superiora 
 quaedam sunt Presbyteria, ex eodem aere conflata, inconsulto ac invito 
 etiam supremo Magistratu, convocant. In istis de rebus gravissimis Rem- 
 pub."^ quam maxime spectantibus non modo deliberare ac disputare, sed 
 et decernere audent, ac resistentibus, contradicentibus, anathemata dirasque 
 excommunicationum intentare durissimis ^ istis diris animas corporaque 
 mortalium in impuri spiritus manus tradi docent : et hac ratione non modo 
 plebem misellam^ et rudem, sed et primores mirum in modum territant. 
 Cum excommunicatis commercium omne et consuetudinem aliis inter- 
 dicunt, atque ita servos a dominis, a parentibus liberos, conjuges a maritis, 
 plebem a magistratu, nullo negotio divellunt ac dirimunt.''*' De religione 
 aut levissimo ejusdem ritu aliter sentientes, exilio, carcere, ferro flammaque, 
 et ultimis suppliciis persequendos censent ; maxime tamen saeviunt in eos 
 qui Presbyterii jus divinum pernegant. Si vicinus quis invisus illis fuerit, 
 in facta omnia dictaque tam anxie et sollicite inquirunt, ut pauci admodum 
 apud eos tuti et securi degant. Optimates, principes, adeoque et reges 
 ipsos etiam coram in concionibus ^^ acerbissime proscindunt, dicteriis 
 calumniis onerant, invisos plebi vilesque reddunt, ac vexant impune, et 
 hoc nomine apud populum gratiam et authoritatem aucupantur, ac eidem 
 prophetico se spiritu afflatos esse persuadent. Nihil rite fieri praedicant 
 ne in comitiis quidem regni, quod Presbyterii calculo non fuerit appro- 
 batum ; ab uno Presbyterio judicari posse et debere Presbyteros, idque 
 privilegium jure divino illis concessum esse dictitant, adeoque in eos sedi- 
 tionem quamvis rebellionemque concitantes nisi a Presbyterio praedamnatos 
 magistratui nullum animadvertendi ^^ jus esse asserunt. Ut sane quam 
 longissime abeant a reformatae ecclesiae in Belgio et Palatinatu classibus, 
 consistorioque Genevensi ; hi enim magistratum civilem qua par est rever- 
 
 " in auHana, E. The expression is derived from L. Manlius Torquatus, proverbial for severity 
 
 {v. Cic. Fin., 2, 32, 105). ^ cum, E. Tr. i apparently read omnia ad Synodos, without stop. 
 
 '' Remp., E. ^ dirissimis, E. ^ imbellem, E; but Tr. I, "the poor populace." ^^deri- 
 
 munt, E. 11 conscionibus, E. ^^ animadvertenti, E. 
 
PARS IL— CAP. IL 447 
 
 entia et obsequio colunt, et ab ejus nutu pendent ; illi contemnunt, contra- 
 dicunt, impugnant, tumultus cient, armatamque in eum immittunt plebem, 
 quam diris superstitionibus ac juramentis obstrictam tenent. Ut denique 
 verbo dicam, omnium ordinum hominibus graves sunt, superbi, avari, 
 tumidi/^ ac supra tam antiques Druidas quam recentes pontificiorum ^* 
 inquisitores intolerabiles/^ ac saevi. 
 
 Presbyterianis foetum suum catulosque genuinos, — mali nimirum corvi, 
 malum ovum, — subjicimus Independentes, quos sic dictos autumo, quod 
 superiorem a quo dependeant,^^ agnoscunt neminem. Imperatores enim, 
 reges, pontifices, episcopos, presbyteria, synodos, concilia, quantumvis 
 libera et generalia, tanquam Antichristiana ^^ et diabolica commenta, rejici- 
 unt, execrantur et damnant. Et hi quidem sicut ab aliis omnibus mortalibus 
 tanquam pollutis et profanis semet separavere, sic et illi in innumeras fere 
 nationes ^^ et familias dispersi ac discerpti sunt, quod accidisse omnino 
 oportuit unionis et societatis conservandae vincula omnia violenter disrum- 
 pentibus. In hoc tamen mire inter eos convenit quod alii alios tolerandos, 
 nee aliter de religione sentientes graviori poena quam segregatione ^^ a sacris 
 corrigendos conseant. Perfidia, avaritia, sacrilegio, crudelitate, et odio in 
 magistratus, qui illis non fuerint obnoxii, cum presbyterianis consentiunt 
 et contendunt. Ordines ecclesiasticos, manuum praesertim impositionem 
 (cujus speciem aliquam Presbyteriani videri volunt retinere) hi tanquam 
 malorum Daemonum inventum, ritumque magicum abominantur. Sacrorum 
 ministros populus ^*^ creat, quosque heri constituere, hodie destituunt : intra 
 privatorum conventuum parietes omnia ad cultum divinum regimenque 
 ecclesiasticum spectantia concludunt : literates omnes literasque, tanquam 
 Christianae pietatis hostes, oderunt cane pejus et angue : praedicantem 
 libenter audiunt neminem, qui se spiritu afflatum non profiteatur; in preci- 
 bus temere eifutitis multiloquium, gestusque magicos, oculorum vultusque 
 distortiones, clamores horrendos,^^ et incondita omnia, tanquam certissima 
 praesentis Spiritus pignora, laudant et mirantur. Anabaptistae fere omnes 
 sunt : nuda utriusque sexus corpora fluminibus immergunt : Eucharistiam 
 foedis et infandis modis polluunt : praeter Arianam haeresin ^^ aliasque 
 ejusmodi impietatis, Carpocratianorum, Adamitarum, Gnosticorumque omnium 
 deliria^ et obscoenitates ab Oreo in orbem revocarunt egregii illi reforma- 
 tores saeculi. Pontificios solos, cum illis qui cultum divinum in Liturgia^* 
 Anglicana praescriptum sequuntur, carcere, exilio, bonorum direptionibus, 
 ferro et flamma puniendos censent, illis tamen quam his indulgentiores, cum 
 
 ^^ mundi, E. ^* pontificorum, E. ^ intollerahiles, E (z/. n. 36). "^^ dependent, E. ^'' Ante- 
 
 christiana, E. ^^factiones? " factions and parties," Tr, i. "^^ segragatione, E ^ populis, 
 
 E. ^^ horendos, E. ^"^ Arrianam haeresin, D ; arianam heresin, E. ^ diliria, E. 
 
 ^* Lethirgia, E. [This by Wodrow, a theologian, in the days when the Liturgy was still a burning 
 question !] 
 
448 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 alios omnes quos haereticos ^^ vocant, Turcas etiam ^® Judaeosque ferendos 
 putent. Populi (quo nomine, secretis regibus principibus et proceribus, 
 infimam tantum plebem intelligunt) jure divino in omnium vitas fortunasque 
 imperium esse dictitant ; et in hoc sane sicuti in plerisque aliis cum Presby- 
 terianis sapiunt, nisi quod illi populo verbis attribuunt, reapse arripiant ad 
 Presbyterium,^' cujus placitis universum populum subjiciunt. 
 
 A primo Britannicorum tumultuum ortu Presbyteriani Independentes 
 istos, quod numerosiores essent, tanquam ^^ carissimos fratres filiosque 
 impense coluerunt,^^ quorum operam utilem ad publicum hostem (regem ita 
 nefarie appellabant) ^^ perdomandum censuerunt. Homines enim, ut illi 
 opinabantur,^^ fatuos et insulsos ad eorum castra quam primis transituros, 
 aut renuentes vi ac dolis facile pertrahi potuisse putabant, ac inani ilia lac- 
 tati spe, eosdem modis omnibus fovere, amplecti et erigere non dubitarunt : 
 nihil non illis indultum est, in Senatorum in Comitiis ordinem plerique 
 cooptati sunt, alii dignitatibus aucti ad summos honores aspirare juvantur, 
 centuriones alii, alii tribuni militum creantur, munitissimarum urbium, 
 navalium, arcium praesidia illis traduntur, ac quaestuosissimis denique 
 praeficiuntur provinces ; adeo ut sensim invalescentes ^^ patronis suis Pres- 
 byterianis suspecti, et formidabiles esse inceperint,^^ qui sero nimis viperam 
 se secum in sinu ^* gestasse deprehenderunt : quae justo numinis judicio 
 debita illis persolvit nutritia, et mortales fallacissimos merita fefellit fraude, 
 legesque dare, non accipere est ausa.^ In infandi istius foederis (quod et 
 sacram nuncupant ligam) arcanis, ultimum non erat quod in mutuam tole- 
 rationem,^'^ quoadusque debellatum foret, quasi postmodum de controversiis 
 inter eos ortis amice ^^ essent disceptaturi, fraudulenter utrinque consensum 
 est. Nunquam Independentes ferre Presbyteriani, nunquam Presbyterian- 
 crum tyrannidem pati Independentes, animum induxere. In Scotia Presby- 
 teriani potiores sunt, Independentes in Anglia : ita tamen ut longe plures 
 Scoti qui Presbyteriani audiunt Independentibus, rerum jam in Anglia 
 potitis, quam Angli Presbyterianis faveant. 
 
 Presbyterianis Anglis regem a conjuratis Scotis traditum, et militari ac 
 indigna custodia in arce Holmebaea^^ detentum, Independentes vi aperta 
 eripuere, et hoc facinore quid tandem possent auderentque eosdem edocu- 
 erunt; furibundi^^ hi, fremere, indignari,^'' Dei hominumque fidem implorare, 
 
 26 hereticos, E. '*•' etiam, om, E and Tr. i, " even Turks and Jews," Tr. 2. ^ presbiiertum, so 
 
 regularly, and in all cognate words in E throughout. ^ tantquani, E. — — ^ coluere, E.- ^ appel- 
 
 lebant, D, ^^ oppinabantur, E. *^ valescentes, E, the in dropped by confusion with im in sensim. 
 
 33 incoeperint, (sic), D ; incaeperunt, E. ^ om. se and in, E. ** Awkwardly mixed meta- 
 phor. The remainder of this paragraph, from In infandi to the end of the next, probavit eventus, 
 
 is omitted by Tr. I (was the passage lacking in his MS. ?), but given in the Tr. 2. ^ tollerationem, 
 
 and so always, and in all cognate words in E. ^ antice, om. D; ** in an amicable and friendly 
 
 manner," Tr. 2. ^ Holmebea^Y.. ^ ffuribundi, "E.^ 3x1^ wherever F occurs. ^ indignare. 
 
PARS IL— CAP. II. 449 
 
 minitari^^ vindictam : ovantes illi et opima potiti praeda, victis quasi insult- 
 are, ridere, despicere, nee minas, sed armatas intentare manus. Mirum 
 sane fuit quot quibusque dolis certaverunt. Utraque pars Regis causam 
 tueri simulabat, libertatem, honorem, decus et regnum aequis legibus resti- 
 tuendum praedicabat, dolebat ab iis qui eundem detinerent, male haberi, 
 indigne cum illo agi/^ nee Regem modo, sed et partes ejus secutos *^ omnes 
 amice in gratiam recipiendos praedicabant ; aliter certam ac solidam pacem 
 quam boni omnes ardentibus votis expeterent, minime coalituram. Hujus 
 generis plurima publicis scriptis testabantur,^ et praecipue Independentes.*^ 
 Primus in iis Cromwellius in exercitu imperatori Fairfaxio legatus datus. 
 Oculatiores tamen tum pervidebant/^ nihil horum in mentem illis unquam 
 venisse, neutiquam enim quae pars liberati assertique Regis ^"^ decus adi- 
 pisceretur/^ sed quae tandem de eo tanquam justis armis subacto triumph- 
 aret, et triumphati potiretur imperio, omne inter illos fuit certamen. Et 
 sane aliquantisper Regem minus acerbe tractarunt Independentes, ac spem 
 bonam cum eo de pace *^ multis fecere. Servis non paucis, Capellanis prae- 
 sertim ac Sacrorum ministris (quod a Presbyterianis nullis precibus ^'^ impe- 
 trare potuit) aditum praebuerunt. Cultum divinum in Liturgia ^^ praescriptum 
 (quo ad extremum vitae spiritum unice ^^ delectabatur) permiserunt ; Scotos 
 ad salutationes et colloquia absque testibus admisere. Proceribus regni 
 aulicisque nonnullis ^^ qui ei in bello etiam adhaesissent, visendi facta est 
 copia ; debitaque majestati in multis exhibita est reverentia. Verum insidiose 
 concessa fuisse ista ab Independentibus, quoad vires factionis suae, oppressis 
 aemulis, tam in castris, quam in comitiis auctiores firmioresque evaderent, 
 tristis probavit eventus. 
 
 Presbyterian' Angli gradu moti, spe dejecti et quasi capite diminuti ad 
 Scotos veteres socios confugere, et eorum implorarunt opem, fore pollicentes, 
 ut ubi primum illi armati et Angliam ingressi fuerint, cives plerique omnes, 
 Independentium tyrannidem ^ pertaesi, ad eos convolarent. Scoti ad bellum 
 Anglicanum proni, oblatae occasioni non defuere, remque ad Regni Comitia 
 detulerunt. In his, omnibus ferme expeditionem decernentibus, de belli 
 tamen causa et exercitus duce sententiis variatum est : nam ^^ alii volebant 
 Independentium perfidiam, qui foederis et sacrae ligae conditiones violas- 
 sent, ac per quos staret, quod (vi et armis oppresso jampridem Episcopatu) 
 
 E. "^ tninitare, E. ^ agere, E. ^ seqitutos and compotinds, D, E, and in all editions 
 
 of Part I. throughout; so also loquuius, &c. ** testabuntur, E. ^ praec. Ind., om. E. 
 
 ^ etiam y E; praevidebant, D, The Tr. X follows D in tamen, but E in pervidebant ; a further 
 
 proof that the translator used a MS. now lost {v. Cap. I., Crit. nn. 5, 6). *^ regus, E. 
 
 *^ aedipisceretur, E. ^ in eum de pacis, E, careless copying ; the -is of facis due to multis. 
 
 ^praecibus, D. ^^Leiturgia, E {v, n. 24). ^'^amice^ E. " to which he professed his firm adherence," 
 
 Tr. 2. ^^ Om. nonnullis, E, "many of the officers," Tr. 2 ; did the translator read multis in his 
 
 MS.? ^* tyrannidem ^ D. ^ Illam^ E. perfidiatn, sc. belli causam esse. 
 
4SO RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 regimen Presbyterianorum in Anglia nondum fuerit stabilitum. Argathelius 
 cum suis, qui et seditiosissimos quosque ministros ad eandem ^^ pertraxerant 
 sententiam, hanc unicam volebant. Alii, in quibus Hamiltonii fratres prin- 
 cipes fuere, ut ut ^^ illam quidem causam belli praecipuam agnoscerent, hanc 
 tamen addi etiam voluerunt, quod Rex, contra fidem ad Novum castrum 
 Scotis datam, iniqua, indigna ac dura premeretur^^ custodia; quem justis 
 armis in libertatem asserendum, et ad personalem tractatum (ut loqui sole- 
 bant) cum regni sui ordinibus, vel invitis Independentibus, perducendura 
 existimarent. Haec conciliandis animis, aucupandisque eorum suffragiis qui 
 regi favebant, magnifice Hamiltonii prae se ferebant et praedicabant. Arga- 
 thelius vero cum mancipiis suis, egregiis istis presbyteris (qui orbis et 
 saeculi reformatores audiunt), de rege nihil audiebant, quem, tanquam per- 
 vicacem, et in impietate sua contra Presbyterium obstinatum, deserendum 
 prorsus et immanissimis hostibus permittendum judicabant. Et hi quidem 
 ad Synodum Nationalem, illi vero ad Ordines regni provocant. 
 
 Bina confestim, diviso in regno, suprema eriguntur tribunalia, eademque 
 adversis frontibus arietantia. Hinc quidem diras, anathemata excommuni- 
 cationis,^^ inde vero carceres, exilia, bonorum direptiones, flammam ferrumque 
 intonant. Misera plebs superstitione et metu agitata distrahitur ; nee ipsis 
 proceribus in ilia rerum confusione, quomodo se gerant, satis constat. 
 Hamiltoniani in Comitiis superiores, ex eorum sententia exercitum conscri- 
 bendum curant instructissimum ; mihtibus duces sibi addictissimos imponunt ; 
 stipendia, arma, commeatum a civibus exigunt, cunctaque ad expeditionem 
 maturandam sedulo comparant ; ac majorem denique Hamiltonium (reni- 
 tentibus plerisque ob suspectum ejus in Regis animum) Supremum copiarum 
 omnium Imperatorem inauspicato ^° creant. Argatheliani ^^ in Synodo 
 potiores, ejus decreto expeditionem illam ab ordinibus regni imperatam,^* 
 damnandam execrandamque pronunciavere. Nee armis tantum suis, spirit- 
 ualibus nimirum illis, populum perterrefecere, sed et plurimos in occiduis prae- 
 sertim regni partibus, palam tumultuari, et ad arma temere rapienda exstimu- 
 larunt.^^ Istos multitudine sua fretos et ab egregiis istis praeconibus tanquam 
 numine afflatis animates, imbelles quamvis ac militiae parum assuetos, 
 Mideltonius ^* non sine discrimine compescuit. In captivis non pauci depre- 
 hensi fuere ministri, caligati quidem, et in primis ordinibus ferociter depug- 
 nantes, quibus ab Hamiltonio, Presbyterorum gratiam aucupante, flagitium 
 illud, cum aliis laesae majestatis criminibus, inultum ^^ fuit et impunitum. 
 
 ^eundem, E. *' ui E, but ut ut is a favourite expression of the author. ^^ fraemeretur, D, E. 
 
 09 excommunicationes, E, with a comma after anathemata (but the punctuation of this MS. is 
 
 extremely bad and unintelligent), followed by Tr, 2, "anathemas and excommunication." 
 
 **/« auspicate, E. ^^Argatheliani, E. '^'^i)npetratam,'E. ^ extimularunt, E. ^ Midle- 
 
 tonius, D, which comes nearer the English spelling ; but in Part I. the name is spelt as above, 
 namely, as it i% pronounced {v. Cap. IV., n. 56). ^^multum, E ; cf. Cap. VI., n. 32. 
 
PARS IL— CAP. III. 451. 
 
 Eisdem temporibus in longe maximam Comitiorum regni contumeliam 
 et invidiam, Synodici illi viri solemne per omnem Scotiam indixerunt ac 
 celebrarunt jejunium, cujus causam potissimam dixere, ordinum regni a 
 vera rectaque religione Apostasian et defectionem, quod regem aequioribus 
 conditionibus restituendum arbitrarentur. Hamiltonius Dux Presbyterianum 
 se palam professus, libellis ad populum emissis, declarabat ac testabatur 
 velle se enim^^ foedera solemnia sacramque ligam sartam tectam, contra 
 omnes mortales conservari, et in hunc imprimis finem conscriptum esse cui 
 imperabat exercitum. Omnes vero regias hactenus secutos partes, ac illos 
 praesertim qui sub Montisrosano olim meruissent, longe ab omni dignitate et 
 munere ^"^ militari arcebat ; clam tamen et illis bonam faciebat spem, aditum- 
 que ad honores pollicebatur,^^ ubi primum Angliam fuisset ingressus. Et 
 ille quidem hac ratione utriusque partis viris placere se posse putabat ; quod 
 neutiquam tamen consecutus est, tam illis quam his suspectus et invisus. 
 
 ^vei/e emimfF,. The above reading of D seems corrupt ; ve/Ie i£ ex animo (?) ^ mtmeri, E. 
 
 '^ pollicibatur, E. 
 
 CAP. III. 
 
 Ad delectum quem in Scotia fecerat accuratissimum,^ Hamiltonius ex Hiber- 
 nia etiam veteranorum militum sub imperio Georgii Monroi, ducis ^ strenui,^ 
 non contemnendam manum advocavit. Calendarium Comitem, quem legatum 
 illi regni ordines dederant, virum bellis tam extra quam intra insulam 
 innutritum,* ac militaris peritiae nomine clarum, secum in Angliam ^ avexit ; 
 fratrem in patria reliquit, subsidia, si res postularet, tempestive allaturum. 
 Omnibus denique secundum animi sententiam compositis, fortissimo milite, 
 peritissimis ducibus stipatus,^ armis ac commeatu abundans, auxiliariorum 
 in Anglia certus, cunctorum opinione tamen lentius tardiusque procedebat ; 
 nee defuerunt sane qui clamitarent, tempus inutiliter teri, armari animarique 
 hostes, occasionem rei bene gerendae quasi e manibus elabi, regiarum 
 partium viros in Anglia, qui hactenus essent in armis, hostibus turpiter 
 tradi, Regemque ipsum denuo prodi indecora ilia et intempestiva cunctatione. 
 Constat quidem Hamiltonii pollicitationibus fisos, auxilio viribusque fretos, 
 Anglos quam plurimos, in non paucis regni provinciis, Wallia imprimis, 
 Cantio, ac Cornubia, sub ducura regiorum imperio, praepropere ad arma 
 convolasse, quod denique tam in Regis, quam illorum perniciem cessit. 
 
 ^ acuratissimum, D, E. ^ Ducis, D. ^ Shemij, E. ^ virum . . . innufrifum, om, IE, for 
 
 which it has only innutatum et eductum. '^Anglia, E. ^ stipatis, E. 
 
452 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 Ad Limites tandem progredienti obvii fuere borealium partium Angli 
 non pauci, fortitudinis fideique in principem nomine clan, quique in illis 
 regionibus illustres apud suos ^ plurimum valebant. Hi sese ultro adjungunt, 
 ac in certissimam fidei et constantiae tesseram ac pignus, Bervicum Carleo- 
 lumque oppida ^ munitissima Independentibus dudum erepta in manus ejus 
 tradunt, eductisque quos imposuerant praesidiariis/ praefectum militesque 
 accipiunt Scotos. In his PJiilippus Musgravius, Marmeducius Landelius, 
 equites, aliique viri nobiles, qui gratia, authoritate, opibus, clientelis et rerum 
 gestarum gloria eminebant, ad publicas consultationes, in quibus de rebus 
 exigui ferme moment! disceptabatur, advocari solebant : ab arcanis consiliis, 
 ubi graviora tractabantur negotia, procul aberant ; haec cum paucis in con- 
 clavi peragebantur. Per agrum Eboracensum, utpote cujus incolae propen- 
 sioris essent in regem animi, iter capessendum dicebant Angli, hominum, 
 locorum, viarumque in patria Scotis longe peritiores. Per Lancastriam, 
 cujus provinciales Presbyterianis addictiores noverat, ducere maluit Hamil- 
 tonius, cui quidem solemne fuit, neglectis regiis, istius factionis viros fovere 
 et extollere. Monroum cum validissima tam equitum quam peditura manu 
 infelici consilio in Westmoria subsistere jussit ; Marmeducium etiam cum 
 suis, non adeo multis quidem, sed fortibus ac fidis Anglis, seorsim a Scotis 
 viam carpere^*' et castra metari voluit. Agmen vero suum longe lateque 
 per villulas vicosque rusticos supra viginti milliaria dividi ac dissipari per- 
 misit. Quum vero contra omnes militaris disciplinae normas turpiter 
 peccaret, ne sine ratione insanire videretur, obtendebat, se hac ratione 
 colonis et inquilinis amicissimae provinciae consulere, et rem frumentariam, 
 pabulationem, aquationem lignationemque militibus faciliorem ac commo- 
 diorem praestare. Hostium interim, quos acerrimos habuit et singula belli 
 momenta diligenter observantes, securus fuit ; adeo ut ille, qui alias quidem, 
 multorum judicio, vir prudens ac providus, ac insidiarum versatissimus 
 habebatur artifex, magno suo, regis regnique malo, inconsultus (ne quid 
 dicam gravius) imperitus et infelix fuerit imperator. 
 
 Independentes interea,^^ qui regem vi ac dolo in Vectim ^^ insulam per- 
 tractum suae potestatis fecerant, Londinensem civitatem turrimque Presby- 
 terianis eripuerant, eosdemque tam Comitiis quam castris exegerant, facti 
 rerum domini larvam tandem deposuerunt : nee minus his quam illi infensi 
 ex aequo presbyterium et Monarchiam proterendam sibi et calcandam 
 proposuere. 
 
 Fairfaxius imperator tumultuantes in Cantio et Essexia cum regiis 
 Presbyterianos sibi debellandos assumpsit : quos, utpote imparatos, incom- 
 positos, absque ductoribus tyrones et bello inutiles, nullo ferme negotio 
 
 ' quos, E. ^opida, D, E. ^ Praesidiis, D. ^^ capere, E. " Interia^ E, here and often. 
 
 " vectam, E. 
 
PARS II.— CAP. III. 453 
 
 compescuit. Colcestria tamen, parum licet munita, Regiorum ducum et 
 Lucasii imprimis Liliique virtute ac constantia, in omne aevum memoranda, 
 hominum opinione diutius obsidionem toleravit. Cromwellius Legatus non 
 absimili successu Scotos, in Lancastria sub Hamiltonii imperio secure 
 degentes, improvisus adortus est. Primum ejus impetum exceperunt 
 Angli illi, quibus Marmeducius dux ; et hi quidem diu multumque strenue 
 depugnavere, — quoad hostium multitudine oppressi et ferme circumvent!, ac 
 deficiente pulvere sulphureo, et desperate ^^ quod frustra ab Hamiltonio 
 petiverant subsidio/* fuga sibi consulere coacti fuerunt. Cromwellius de 
 ordine et disciplina ab Hamiltonio observata per transfugas probe edoctus, 
 et victoriae quidem facillimae^^ certa spe erectus, equitatum, quo maxime 
 pollebat, ingenti ^® impetu in medium agmen immisit. Hamiltonius rei mili- 
 taris ignarus, subitaneo hostium incursu perculsus et attonitus ^'^ ac consilii 
 expers, in oppidum ^^ Prestonam se cum copiis quas habebat recepit ; nee 
 illic (metu vel fato agitatus) se continuit, verum ne expectato quidem suorum 
 adventu, qui nullis acciti nunciis, nulloque certo ducti imperio, ultro tamen 
 alacresque ad famam rei ex agris ad eum convolabant, eadem nocte urbem 
 hostibus permisit, et superato fluvio (cujus pontem nullo praesidio munitum 
 Cromwellius confestim occupavit) desertis pedestribus copiis, equestrem 
 indecoram et inutilem capessivit fugam. Pedites, Bailaei ducis exempio et 
 mandato, abjectis turpi ter armis, victoribus semet tradidere. Equitum alii 
 ad Monroum se receperunt, plures Imperatorem fugientem secuti sunt, et 
 assecuti. Supererant^^ illi adhuc supra tria expeditorum equitum millia, 
 qui trium aut quatuor dierum itinere confecto, refectis viribus, et procul a 
 tergo relicto hoste, audendum aliquid etiamnum arbitrabantur. Aliis ad 
 Monroum per medios hostes tentandam esse viam, aliis in Walliam ad 
 regios, qui adhuc in armis erant, progrediendum videbatur; omnes ferme 
 foedissimam captivitatem vel honesta morte praevertendam censebant. Unus 
 tamen et solus Imperator belli aleam ^° esse dicebat et humiliter amplex- 
 andam,^^ nee urgentibus fatis recalcitrandum :^^ nullam in armis spem esse; 
 de hostium dementia minime desperandum, promptamque deditionem unicam 
 esse ad salutem viam. Quoniam vero Cromwelliani cum militibus duces 
 non supervenerant, cum obscuri cujusdam praesidii praefecto transigere 
 festinat ; cum quo vitam pactus, semet ille cum suis dedere parabat. Vix 
 ex inquilinis et agricolis tumultuario delectu quadringentos coegerat iste 
 nescio quis praefectus, quibus Hamiltonius sese cum tribus instructissi- 
 morum equitum millibus traditurus erat, quum Stanfordianum ^^ Comitem 
 
 '^^ despirato, E. '^* subsidia,^,. '^'^facillime, E. '^^ pollebat ingenti, E, ^'' atonitus, E.- 
 
 ^^ opidum, E, and so often. ^' assequtiti superarunt, E. "^ earn, E. ^ amplexendatft, E.- 
 
 "^ recucitrandum, E. "^^ Statnfordianum (?). 
 
 2 G 
 
454 RER- MONTISROS. 
 
 (alii Lambertum tribunum aiunt) supervenisse nunciatur. Hujus potestati 
 et arbitrio, iisdem legibus quas praefectus iste dixerat, se suosque submisit, 
 et quam minima interposita mora in carcerem detrusus ^* fuit. Calendarius 
 Legatus (in quem amissi exercitus et malorum omnium culpam Hamiltoniani^ 
 conjiciunt, utpote cui disciplinae ^'^ militaris curam, omnemque in castris 
 potestatem imperator demandaverat) tantum dedecus aversatus, paulo 
 honestiore consilio larvatus ^^ Angliam peragravit, et navigium nactus, 
 evasit in Belgicam. Captivorum opulentiores libertatem pretio redemerunt ; 
 nonnulli, elusis aut auro corruptis custodibus, effugere. In gregarios milites 
 immani ac Christiano nomine indigna barbaric saevitum est, quos exiguo 
 plane pretio* mangonibus venundatos ad vilissimum et durissimum servitium 
 in Novi Orbis insulas deportarunt. 
 
 Monrous quique cum eo cladi Prestonianae ^^ superstites erant, ab 
 Hamiltonio juniore Lanricensi Comite continuo revocantur in patriam. His 
 non procul a regni limite amicos, clientes, et regiarum partium viros magno 
 [cum] numero adjungit. Angli etiam non pauci viri nobiles operam suara 
 sponte offerunt, sive in Scotia, sive in Anglia bellandum foret, contra per- 
 duelles fortiter depugnaturi, et eandem cum illis utriusque fortunae sortem 
 libentissime subituri, Proceres qui regi praesertim favebant, coactis undique 
 auxiliis, accurrebant ^^ ipsi, aut per idoneos ministros pronos animos prompt- 
 amque operam denunciabant ; adeo ut copias contraxerint, quae tam Crom- 
 wellio, si Scotiam forte invaderet oppugnando, quam Argathelio, si quos 
 domi concitaret tumultus, coercendo sufficerent. Verum deerat copiis dux. 
 In solemni ergo consessu quum de novo Imperatore in captivi Hamiltonii 
 locum sufficiendo ageretur, frater Lanricensis ambitiosius ^'^ quam par erat, 
 provinciam illam quaesivit, et renitentibus quam plurimis, invasit potius 
 quam obtinuit. Rosburgius ^^ Comes multae vir experientiae, domi nobilis, 
 et illis in locis longe potentissimus, modesta ^^ et gravi oratione contradixit, 
 eundemque obnixe rogavit, ut in carissimi Regis patriaeque periclitantis 
 gratiam, ab intempestiva istius dignitatis petitione abstineret. " Rebus," 
 aiebat, " integris constat nuperam infelicem ^^ istam in Angliam expeditionem 
 multorum animos ofFendisse, et visam esse quasi inauspicatam, idque ea 
 tantummodo causa, quod illustrissimus ille tuus frater imperator fuerat 
 renunciatus. Defuisse illi fidem in rebus regiis administrandis, immerito 
 (ut ego quidem existimo) non pauci asseruere : sane defuisse semper for- 
 tunam nemo negaverit, a quo in aestimandis ducum actionibus, huraana 
 
 2* detractus, E. *' Hamiltoniam, E ; cf. Cap. II., p. 6l. ^ disciplina, E. ^7 Labartus, or 
 
 lavarttis, E. ^ prestonanae, E, '^ accurrebat, E. ^^ ambitiosus, E. ^^ Roxbiirgius, D, 
 
 but spelt as above in E, and Part I. ^^ modesti, D, mislead hy gravi. One of the rare instances 
 
 in which E has the better reading. Om. fi E. '^infaelicefn, D, and so regularly in Part I. 
 
 * At 2s. a head ! Carte's Ormond Papers, i. 177, 
 
PARS IL— CAP. III. 455 
 
 (perperam quamvis) pendent plerumque judicia, et recentem validissimi 
 exercitus jacturam, cum tam insigni nominis nostri contumelia conjunctam, 
 etsi ego libenter aliorum ignaviae, aut iniquioribus fatis ascribendam censeam, 
 sat compertum tamen est plerosque de populo (quorum nobis gratia in hoc 
 rerum momento modis omnibus concilianda venit) longe aliter sentire quam 
 mihi eloqui fas sit. Quod si vero tu, Comes nobilissime, fratri tuo quasi 
 succenturiatus substituare, clamabunt illico exacerbati et exulcerati animi 
 de rege Regnoque conclamatum esse : eandem enim fratrum mentem, eadem 
 consilia, eosdem conatus, eundem plane sortituros eventum. Supersunt e 
 procerum numero plurimi viri, graves fortesque, ac rebus agendis apti, 
 quorum majores copiis regiis non sine decore et gloria imperitaverint : ^ 
 advocandum ex iis aliquem, et vel invitum copiis hisce praeficiendum 
 censeo. Equidem (si sic venerando consessui ^^ videatur) ad supremum 
 imprimis regni Mareschallum, virum aetate et opibus florentem, majorum 
 gloria et familiae splendore nemini secundum, a suspitionibus et factionibus 
 alienum, et (quod minime praetereundum est) munus istud neutiquam ambi- 
 entem, provinciam illam commendandam judicaverim." ^ 
 
 Quotquot proceres ducesque praesentes aderant, pedibus in Rosburgii 
 sententiam ivere ; quoad usque Lanricensis, magnificentius de virtutibus 
 suis locutus,^^ et minitabundus dixit ^^ minime passurum, absente jam fratre, 
 copiarum istarum imperium a quocunque e manibus suis ereptum iri. 
 Rosburgius, et cum eo alii qui prudenti et perspicaci mente, quo ista tandem 
 evaderent, praevidebant, maesti ac soliciti domum sese receperunt, nee 
 exinde rebus perturbatis et palam in perniciem ruentibus semet immiscuere. 
 
 Nihil Lanricensi Scotiam ingresso antiquius fuit quam honestissimos 
 fortissimosque istos auxiliarios Anglos dimittere : quia, ut prae se ferebat, 
 peregrine ^^ et externo milite cinctus, Scotorum suorum animos ofFendere et 
 irritare nolebat. Bonam interim mutui consilii et auxilii faciebat spem, quam 
 illi irritam fallacemque demum experti sunt. Magno deinde apparatu, cum 
 Uteris nuncios**^ in cunctas regni partes emisit, quibus omnes omnium 
 ordinum viros, proceres praesertim et familiarum opulentiorum ac potenti- 
 orum principes, ad arma fortiter prompteque rapienda hortabatur : partem 
 quidem fraterni exercitus, cum duce strenue repugnante, aliorum ignavia 
 aut perfidia amissam, potiorem tamen etiamnum salvam esse et ductu suo 
 magnis animis mihtare ; obnixe itaque rogare, ut ad certae victoriae decus 
 ac emolumentum participandum semet accingant. Quoniam vero fidem 
 suam in Regem apud multos vacillare probe noverat, execrationes et vota 
 palam addidit, dirasque capiti suo est imprecatus, si bellum illud justissimum, 
 
 ^ impetraverunt, E, with ^crossed out in paler ink. ^ consensui, E. ^ Judecaverim, E. 
 
 3^ loquutus, D, a more faithful copy of the author's spelling, as in Part I. [v. Part II., Cap. II.,[n. 43), 
 but altered by the present Edd. throughout. ^ duxit, E. ^^ perry hw, E. ^ om. nuncios, E. 
 
456 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 primo quidem pro clementissimi Regis salute et libertate susceptum, cui jam 
 et carissimi fratris ratio accesserit, ad extremum vitae spiritum non prose- 
 queretur. Pauci admodum fuere tarn duri tamque ferrei, quos ista non 
 movebant ; pauci tam increduli, qui serio bonaque fide dicta non putarent. 
 Transforthanae quidem regiones omnes (ne Fifanis quidem exceptis) para- 
 bant arma. Seafordius Comes, ab Aebredibus et extrema Rossiae Cathane- 
 siaeque ora delectorum militum instructa sub signis quatuor ducebat millia. 
 Ab ultimis Orcadibus, ductu Mortonii Comitis, praesto erant in Lothiana 
 mille circiter et ducenti : inermes quidem illi, et quos armare bonis istis 
 imperatoribus curae non fuit. Gordonios (cujus familiae princeps Huntilaeus 
 indigno premebatur carcere, ac de vita Edinburgi periclitabatur), ArroUum, 
 jure haereditario in Scotia Equitum magistrum, Marescallum Comitem, 
 Buchanensem, Atholium cum suis omnibus, Ogilvium, Spynaeum, Carnegium, 
 Scrimigerum, Drummondum, Tillibardinum/^ Areskinum, Flamineum, Liv- 
 ingstonium, Lindesium, Sinclarium, Duglassium/^ Queensburium, Hert- 
 feildum, Gallovidianum, Dumfrisium, Maxwallum, Ananiensem/^ Humium, 
 Lintonium, aliosque quam plurimos Comites, Barones, ac familiarum prin- 
 cipes, vel Hamiltoniis addictos, vel Regi impensius faventes, cum Montanis 
 (uno Argathelio excepto) ad unum omnibus constabat jam jam coituros ; 
 quorum plurimi magno suo malo enses hactenus expediverant. 
 
 Coegerant quidem Argatheliani, Fanaticorum ^* potissimum ministrorum 
 ope et opera, paucos ab occiduis regni partibus, agricolas, bubulcos,*^ 
 opiliones, nautas, cerdonesque, id genus alios imbelles prorsus et inermes, 
 eosdemque Edinburgum miserant sub Davidis Leslei imperio militaturos. 
 Istos armis, quibus ferendis erant impares, non tam induunt, quam onerant ; 
 et equos, aut caballos potius, ad pistrinum pridem damnatos, nee ephippiis, 
 sed veterinorum clitellis constratos,**' et frenorum lupatorumque loco, capis- 
 tris rusticanis cohibitos attribuunt. Sequitur hos ipse Argathelius ejusdem 
 generis militibus ferme septingentis cinctus : ex quibus Stirlino, oppido ad 
 ejus res opportuno, praesidium imponere meditabatur. 
 
 Edinburgum versus progrediebatur Lanricensis validi exercitus dux 
 factus ; equitum enim expeditissimorum millia ducebat quinque ; peditum 
 vero magna ex parte veteranorum sex. Milites alacres, probe instructi 
 armatique, et peritissimis suffulti ducibus, hostes omnibus votis deposcebant ; 
 de quibus certissimam et incruentam sibi promittebant victoriam. Jamque 
 praecursores ad quartum ab urbe lapidem Musselburgum usque pervenerant, 
 Pontem Escae fluvio impositum *^ invadunt, praesidiarios, loco tutando a 
 Leslaeo collocates, pauci plurimos deturbant, fugant, caeduntque impune : 
 
 *^ Tullibardinumf E. ^"^ Douglas sium, D. *^ Attamensem, E. ^ phancUicorum, E. 
 
 *'' Bubulios, E. ^ constratts, D. *'' Esiac, and om. impositum, E. 
 
PARS II.— CAP. III. 457 
 
 Lanricensi Imperatori renunciant hostes imbelles et ad militiam ineptos 
 nihil praeter fugam aut deditionem meditari ; victoriam sine caede et san- 
 guine, adeoque minus invidiosam in manibus habere ; civitatem, regni caput, 
 Lethae navalia armamentaria, cum ingenti apparatu machinarum, torment- 
 orum, pulveris sulphurei ac globorum, nee non et magnam commeatus vim, 
 nullo ferme negotio, ilia ipsa nocte, aut forte ante solis occasum occupari *** 
 posse, si instarent ; nee universo quidem exercitus robore opus esse ; 
 sufficere ad ilia omnia comparanda vel tertiam ejus partem. 
 
 Et sane si annuisset ille, nemini dubium fuit, recuperatam quasi Scotiam 
 ad regis obedientiam fuisse redituram. Verum ille receptui canere, pugna 
 abstinere, militesque suos hactenus victores revocare jubet ; et declinata via 
 regia, quae ad *^ Edinburgum ducebat, sinistrum iter carpere. Ad ista attoniti 
 duces militesque mirari primo, dein fremere et indignari, rei bene gerendae 
 occasionem elabi, quam si arriperent, in Scotia brevi foret debellatum ; 
 cunctationem illam intempestivam hostibus quidem lucro, sibi damno futuram ; 
 non modo spirandi sed et vires, tam intra quam extra patriam, praesertim 
 a Cromwellio (cui militabant) colligendi spatium permitti ; civitatem principem, 
 senatus locum, nomenque, arma, armarium,^^ stipendia, gratis illis indulgeri ; 
 famam denique, quae non exigui res est in bello momenti, sibi deperire et 
 ad eos hostes transire, qui ne in militum quidem numero censendi essent. 
 
 Interim tamen cordatiores, quo ista^^ demum spectarent, tum primum 
 suspicare coeperunt ; Lanricensem enim, peracris ingenii multaeque pruden- 
 tiae virum, usque adeo desipere ac delirare, nemo sanus putaret, nisi longe 
 alia suo versaret animo quam aliis faceret palam. Enimvero jampridem ille 
 pacem cum Argathelianis, quibuscunque legibus inire statuerat, armaque 
 ostentaverat, ut nocendi potestatem, non voluntatem, manifestaret, majorem- 
 que apud eos aucuparetur ^^ gratiam. Compertum enim est hodie dudum 
 eum per internuncios de rebus cum Argathelio componendis clam egisse, de 
 militibus suis ac belli sociis, quos acciverat, parum solicitum. 
 
 Ubi ergo Lanricensem copias ab Edinburgo avertisse et per montes 
 Pictlandicos tendere laeti hostes viderunt, suos confestim educunt, ridi- 
 culos istos homunculos et militum larvas ; non quod ullam in iis spem ^' 
 collocarent, sed ut specie exercitus dignitatem suam authoritatemque apud 
 populum tuerentur, et viris fortissimis ducum imperio cohibitis illuderent. 
 Veterani cum militibus ductores tristitia, pudore, ira perciti, illatam contu- 
 meliam aegerrime tulere ; nee facile ab iis impetravit imperator, ne furibundi 
 in vilissimos hostes irruerent ; victi tamen authoritate viri, Stirlinum versus 
 pergere coacti sunt. Quando ad fanum Valli ^* pervenere, primum agmen 
 
 *^ occupare, ^. ^^om. ad, E. '^ armoram, E, armorium, D, and so perhaps written by W. 
 
 ^'^ea and om. demum, E. '^'^ attcuparet, D. ^*om. spem, E. "* w. Author's Pref., Lec- 
 tori Benevolo, p. lo. 
 
458 K.ER. MONTISROS. 
 
 cum paucis veteranis ducebat Monrous, vir integer, et qui bellum in Regis 
 gratiam (ut ille quidem putabat) susceptum serio et bona fide administratum 
 voluit. Subolebant huic occulta ^^ quamvis et clancularia Lanricensis con- 
 silia ; ^^ quae cum opprimere non posset, perturbare tamen, aut in lucem 
 efFerre hac non inepta ratione cogitabat.^' Imperatorem ultimum agmen 
 lente cogentem procul a tergo reliquerat, cum nunciatum est Argathelium, 
 septingentis montanis comitatum, mane illius diei Stirlinum tenuisse. Illuc 
 cum suis Monrous quam celerrime advolat, ut si qua posset imparatum 
 improvisus adoriretur. Portas quidem clausas et custode munitas invenit ; 
 per leporarium tamen (quod juxta pomarium amoenissimum alendis cervorum 
 gregibus prisci reges animi gratia exstruxerant) immissus, portulam ofFendit, 
 angustiorem quidem illam humilioremque quam ut equo insidens ingredi 
 posset. Desiliens ergo vir strenuus ac impiger, effractis postibus irrupit. 
 Enim alii arctiori aditu impediti, lente et singuli subsecuti sunt, et vix 
 prima miscentem proelia sex sunt assecuti. Re subita perturbati Arga- 
 theliani, quidve consilii capesserent ignari, confusis ordinibus absque imperio 
 per vias et angiportas palabundi discurrebant. Dux ipse ad primam irru- 
 entis hostis famam, eundi certus, more suo, adornabat fugam, et conscenso 
 quem pernicissimum habebat equo, porta ab irrumpentibus aversa, pontem 
 Forthae impositum petebat. Instat Monrous, et fugientis vestigia premit. 
 At ille velocitate equi, tanquam cervus venatici dentibus ereptus, praeoccu- 
 pato ponte evasit. Satellitum ejus, quibus fuga praerepta fuit, caeteris 
 captis, ducenti ferme interiere. 
 
 Supervenientibus tandem cum Lanricensi proceribus, Lindesio nimirum 
 et Glencarnio, qui soli intimorum consiliorum participes fuere, egregium 
 illud Monroi facinus ingratissimum fuit ; nee dolorem suum celare valuit 
 Lindesius, in haec verba prorumpens, " Me miserum, qui inauspicatum hunc 
 et calamitosum diem viderim." Male etenim metuebant, ne acerbatis*" 
 utrinque animis pacificandi spes et studium deponeretur. 
 
 Quamvis ^^ autem Lanricensis tam apud milites quam absentes proceres, 
 quos ad arma capessenda literis ^° indies fatigabat, solertissime dissimularet, 
 sensit tamen Monrous, sensere et alii, quid tandem machinaretur. In his 
 Atholii viri, montani quamvis et rudes, non prorsus tamen insensati, quique 
 hactenus armati lerniam usque descenderant ; Imperatorem enim proceresque 
 illi adhaerentes humiliter obnixeque rogarunt, si serio agere in animo illis 
 asset, ut pro authoritate illis a Rege et novissimis Regni Comitiis ®^ deman- 
 data resistentes, ac praesertim eos qui Edinburgi copias contraxerint, per- 
 duellionis et laesae majestatis reos pronunciarent ; et hoc quasi pignore 
 
 '^ ocidta, D, E. '^concilia, D, and often. "' cogitavit, E. ^ exacerbatis, E. "That this 
 
 should provoke Argyll," Tr. I, as though his MS. had Argaihelii for utrinque. ^' Quam vera, E. 
 
 ^ Uteris y om. D. ^^ Commitiis, E. 
 
PARS II.— CAP. III. 45^ 
 
 incertas ac fluctuantes hominum mentes confirmarent, " Ut ut °^ enim 
 nobis (aiebant) de constantia, fide, virtuteque vestra dubitare fas non sit, 
 non desunt ^^ tamen plurimi, rebus vestris non exiguum allaturi auxilium, 
 qui hoc metu distineantur,^* ne vos, desertis illis, cum hostibus vobis quidem 
 turpem et indecoram, sociis vero exitiosam, pacem contrahatis. Si enim 
 tale quid (quod dicere abominamur) accident, quid nobis ^^ praeter diras 
 et anathemata, carceres et exilia, rapinas et ultima quaeque supplicia ab 
 immanissimis hostibus expectandum restat ? " Haec et plura alii quoque 
 frustra ingeminabant. Verum illi viros aequa et honesta flagitantes prime 
 differre ac procrastinare, et mox etiam deludere nihil pensi habuerunt. 
 Tandem vero Glencarnius Lindesiusque, hie Hamiltoniorum levir, ille frater 
 matruelis, uterque nexu quasi et mancipio^^ illis obligatus, de pace (quam 
 hactenus clam sociis confecerant) non tam concilianda acquis quam quibus- 
 cumque conditionibus deposcenda et amplexanda verba facere non erubue- 
 runt. Ad ilia milites indignari, murmurare, fremere. Imperator mira 
 quadam arte, in his una virtutem et constantiam et in illis pacis studium 
 laudare et amplecti, fronte nimirum ad horum, mente ad illorum accedens 
 sententiam. Perplexis enim sermonibus Glencarnium ac Lindesium accusa- 
 bat, et querebatur eos, inconsulto ac etiam invito Imperatore, cum hoste 
 agere, et pacem incertam, infidam durissimisque et vix ferendis legibus 
 deposcere ; cum simul ^"^ oblique notaret ac increparet eos, qui tantopere a 
 Concordia abhorrerent et civilibus gauderent armis. Et quamvis iniquas 
 istas conditiones ab hostibus obtrusas semetipsum nuUatenus amplexurum 
 profiteretur, alios tamen per parentum, conjugum, liberorum et amicorum 
 discrimina obtestabatur, ut iisdem acquiescerent. Pauci tamen fuere tam 
 fatui et insulsi qui crederent geminos istos pacificatores, tot nominibus illi 
 obnoxios, quique in aliis omnibus ab ejus nutu penderent, injussu ejus 
 quidquam de pace cogitasse, nedum transegisse cum hostibus. 
 
 Et hoc tandem modo, reluctante milite, reclamantibus aliis ducibus, 
 regnique proceribus (quotquot regi favebant) multum renitentibus, in Glen- 
 carnii et Lindesii sententiam itum est. Milites illi tam regis quam ordinum 
 suffrages coacti, et duces eadem suffulti authoritate, rebus omnibus afflu- 
 entib'is, multis magnisque auxihis undique accurrentibus, nullis laboribus 
 attriti, nullis confecti morbis, ne vel minimo ab hoste afFecti damno, nulla 
 pressi angustia, incolumes, validi, optime armati et animati, leges easdemque 
 durissimas et iniquissimas, a perduellibus paucis, invalidis, ad militiam 
 ineptis, nullo regis mandato, nullis Comitiorum suifragiis, nulla legum 
 authoritate innixis, latas accipere coacti sunt. Legibus ^^ istis imprimis 
 
 •'«/, D. ^^desinunt, E. ^ destineantur, D. ^ vobis, E. ^mancipiis, E. ^ simull, 
 
 E. ^A legibus, D, 
 
46o RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 cautum*^ fuit, "duces omnes militesque quotquot sub Hamiltoniorum 
 imperio meruere, ab armis discedant, qui Stirlini et locis vicinis sunt, ante 
 elapsum biduum, qui in remotioribus regni partibus adhuc haerent, ante 
 decimum et quartum diem ; qui secus faxit perduellionis reus esto. Pro- 
 ceres quotquot recentis expeditionis Hamiltonianae participes fuere, aut 
 eadem quoquo modo promoverunt, subsequentibus Comitiis sese, tanquam 
 reos, judicandos sistant ; nullum illis in iisdem suffragii ''^ jus esto. Tri- 
 bunis/^ Centurionibus aliisque ducibus, insignia militaria detrahantur, nullus- 
 que ad dignitatem ullam patescat reditus, quoadusque peracta paenitentia 
 Presbyterio '^^ satisfecerint. Idem de gregariis statutum esto. Hiberni 
 quotquot sunt quamprimum ^^ Scotia excedant : qui post dictum diem 
 inventus fuerit morte mulctator.'^* Omnes denique Presbyterio sese judi- 
 candos permittant ; paenis ab eodem irrogatis comiter se subjiciant ; secus 
 qui fecerit anathemate feriatur. 
 
 Quo die militibus ista sunt palam facta, [commodum] ^^ plerique ferme 
 omnes per vicos pagosque erant dispersi ; alias enim non exiguum futurum 
 fuisse tumultum satis constabat. Pauci qui aderant rem indignam aegerrime 
 tulere, parumque abfuit quin in bonos istos pacificatores irruerent, et dis- 
 cerperent membratim. Et utut ^^ Lanricensis Imperator culpam omnem a 
 semetipso amoliretur,^^ furibundi tamen, nee minore cum ejus luctu quam 
 ignominia, more patrio, ejulantes exclamabant,'^ "oh, oh, oh, oh, quis nobis 
 reddet Montisrosanum ? Montisrosane, Montisrosane, quam tristi fato tu 
 tam intempestive abes a patria tua ! Nos qui hodie tanquam inutiles et 
 ignavi muliones, qui "^^ (si diis placet) in patriam impii ac infidi, militia 
 dejicimur, te duce, te auspice, regnum hoc pacatum, enectis aut exactis 
 perduellibus, Regi, Regemque regno, cum bono Deo, restituissemus." 
 Querelae, denique lamenta, imprecationes in eos qui una eademque opera 
 Regem prodidissent, patriam perdidissent ^° militemque fortissimum ac 
 fidissimum deseruissent, bonosque omnes hostili permisissent libidini ^^ tota 
 urbe personabant : atque ita, quasi ultimum dicentes vale, sese, quo sors 
 aut providentia ferebat, recepere : miseri quidem omnes, omnium vero 
 miserrime Hiberni, quibus absque commeatu, viatico, portorio, intentata 
 
 ** E obscurely tantus or cantus (?). ''^ suffragiis, D. ''^ Tribunus, E. "^ presbyteria, D. 
 
 ''^ quamprimis, E. ''^ mulctator, D. E has here a lacuna of one word. The reading of D 
 
 is so distinct that it is almost impossible that this was one of the MSS. " collated " by R. Wodrow, 
 when he wrote E. The blank points to a copy in a difficult hand. Wishart wrote very badly, but as 
 Wodrow noted lacunae in his folio MS., which he does not supply, it is highly improbable that he 
 
 had the original before him. Tr. i follows D {v. Crit. Introd.). ''^ Ova., palam facta, E, which 
 
 has a lacuna followed by the word commodum. Here again D is quite clear. Tr. i omits commo- 
 dum, yihic^i is rendered in Tr. 2 "luckily." '*«/, D. "" amdioretur, E. ''^ exilabani, E. 
 
 '* The sense requires quasi to qualify impii, &c., perhaps dropped out between qui si (?). 
 
 ^ ova. perdidissent, E. The ]\ng\eviii\v prodidissent is quite in Wishart's style. He usually couples 
 three or more nouns or clauses with only one el or que, following the English idiom. ®^ libini, E. 
 
PARS IL— CAP. IV. 461 
 
 mortis paena, si vel tantillam traherent moram, remigrandum fuit ; quorum 
 alii dum reditum parant, vestibus exuti, alii vulneribus, morte alii, omnes 
 male mulctati sunt, instigantibus praesertim occidentalium partium ministris, 
 ad injustam et minime Christianam in innoxios immeritosque viros Hiber- 
 nicae lanienae ^^ vindictam. 
 
 Argatheliani ^^ sine sudore et sanguine luculenta potiti victoria, et rerum 
 in Scotia, non minus quam Independentes in Anglia, domini facti, rebus 
 suis strenue invigilabant. Cromwellium imprimis (pendente adhuc pacis 
 negotio) in Scotiam invitaverant. Venientem Argathelius quam potuit ami- 
 cissime et honorificentissime suscepit Edinburgi. Post gratias, tanquam de 
 Scotia optime merito, quod Hamilton ianum exercitum delevisset,^* solemniter 
 habitas, publico epulo exceptus fuit ; in arcem majoribus tormentis multoties 
 displosis, triumphanti similis, fuit deductus ; nee prius abscessit quam cum 
 Argathelio ejusque factionis viris, tam de perdendo optimo (qui tum captivus 
 erat) Rege, cum omni ejus stirpe, quam de Monarchia ex omni Britannia ^^ 
 prorsus eradicanda ; mutuaque opera, et auxilio ad id praestandum, occultum 
 quidem, sed dirum et infandum foedus pactus fuisset. Qua de re Crom- 
 wellius in Angliam reversus multo magis ^^ quam de Prestoniana ^"^ victoria 
 apud suos sese jactabat et gloriabatur. 
 
 ^^ Laminae, E. A rare word meaning "hot plates," hence "torture." ^^Argatheliani, E {v. n. 
 
 25, &c.). 8* Tr. I omits the rest of this chapter, ending " and complimented him . . . by defeat- 
 ing Duke Hamilton's army." ^ Brittannia, E, and often. ^ majus, D. ^'^ Prestonana, 
 
 E, here and elsewhere. 
 
 CAP. IV. 
 
 Fusius paulo quam instituti nostri ratio forsan postularet ista in exterorum 
 praesertim ^ gratiam prosecutus sum ; ut illis appareat quibus artibus non 
 Montisrosanus ^ modo, sed et ipse Rex fuerit oppugnatus, ac boni illi viri 
 sibi perniciem et patriae servitutem comparaverint. 
 
 Sub finem Anni cididxlviii ^ sic ilia in Scotia transigebantur. Ineunte 
 vero ciDiDXLix^ maledictum in omnia saecula eventum sortita sunt.^ Ante 
 enim prid.^ Cal. Feb.'^ Independentes successibus elati,^ furore perciti, 
 
 ^ ova. praesertim, D, and Tr. l. Tr. 2 follows E. ^ Montisrosanum, D. ^ CIDIXXLVIII, E, 
 
 1648 (j?V) D. * CIOIXXLIX, E, 1649 (jzV) D. ^ sortiti (?) but perh. ilia is the subject. ® Pridie 
 
 enim ante,T>. ^ Tr. 2 adds, "That black and dismal day, scarce ever to be expiated by these nations." 
 
 Tr. I, " That black and dismal day." The reading of D can only mean January 31st. But Charles 
 was executed on the 30th., and Wishart could hardly have erred in the date. The correct Latin for 
 January 30 is a. d. Hi Kal. Feb. But Wishart, as the reader may see in Part I., errs frequently in 
 his use of the Roman Calendar {v. Cap. IV., n. 17), and may have written as in E, ante enim prid. 
 The difficulty of construing sortita, and the above additions in previous translations, point to a cor- 
 ruption of the text in our two MSS. ^ successibus elati, om. Tr. i, rendered in Tr. 2. 
 
462 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 ambitione et avaritia excaecati, contra jus omne divinum et humanum, regem 
 suum, sanctissimum et justissimum, castissimum, clementissimum, et ab 
 uno Deo judicandum, infandum parricidio trucidarunt. Londini hoc potissi- 
 mum tempore degebant ab Argathelianis partibus, sed ordinum Scotiae 
 nomine, ad parliamentum Anglicanum Oratores, in quibus Lothianus Comes, 
 Regi (qui eum cum patre ad summos honores opesque eximia magnificentia 
 evexerat) ingratissimus ac infensissimus hostis, authoritate et potentia 
 primas tenuit. Hi sententiam in regis caput ut ^ juste ac legitime latam, 
 inficias non ierunt. In ^^ mandatis enim habebant a suis de jure plebis in 
 destituendo ac morte etiam, si videatur, mulctando principe, Anglis neuti- 
 quam contradicere. Executioni tamen videri volebant intercedere, ut reversi 
 in patriam promptum paratumque haberent quo rerum imperitis facerent 
 fucum, quasi flagitium illud invitis iis et reluctantibus patratum fuisset. 
 Die ergo execrandae carnificinae destinato, civitate exeunt, post paucos in 
 eandem baud gravatim pertrahendi.^^ Oculos enim a spectaculo, Christiano 
 nomini pudendo, avertendos astute judicabant, ad quod toto quidem pectore 
 viri impii et infidi anhelebant.^^ Et hoc sane vel maximis optimi regis 
 calamitatibus et infortuniis merito annumerandum videtur, quod plerosque ^^ 
 omnes quos beatae memoriae pater Jacobus, aut ipse liberalitate, gratia, donis, 
 quaestuosissimis provinciis, et summis honoribus locupletaverat, auxerat, 
 ornaveratque, omnium hominum expertus sit ingratissimos, ac in rebellione 
 vel primos vel praecipuos, quum quos fidissimos invenerat, illi ferme fuerint 
 qui ab aula, senatu, omnique administratione procul aberant et arcebantur. 
 
 Montisrosanus (cui probe nota erant conjuratorum ingenia) mala ilia 
 non tantum praeviderat sed et praedixerat palam, ac quamvis frustra, prae- 
 venire laboraverat. Verum apud animos Regum speciosis et fraudulentis 
 Presbyterianorum pollicitationibus praeoccupatos, ac Hamiltoniorum fascin- 
 atos blandimentis ^* sanioribus ejus consiliis nullus erat locus. Quod cum 
 ille animadverteret maerore ac luctu confectus,^^ Galliam, in qua operam 
 suam omnem tam Regi quam sibi inutilem sentiebat, inscia quidem Regina, 
 reliquit. Literis tamen consilii sui rationes omnes, et eundi necessitatem 
 exposuit, ac benignum judicium, veniamque humillime deprecatus est.^^ 
 
 Ineunte ergo Aprili, duobus equestris ordinis viris comitatus, Genevam 
 primo pervenit, et mox Helvetiis praetervectus Tirolin, Bavariam Austriam- 
 que peragravit. Vienna aberat Imperator, ad quem sese conferebat, tam 
 ut carissimi Regis, quam suis rebus ^^ apud Caesarem prospiceret. Pragae 
 
 • utut, D, the very opposite of the sense required. ^^ Cut, and om. in, E. ^^post . . . per- 
 
 trahendi om. in Tr. i and 2; from die understand dies with paucos. ^^ anhilabant, E. 
 
 ^^plerique, E. ^* blandiamenHs,T>. ^^ maerore . . . confectus om. Tr. I. ^^ New paragraph 
 
 in D and Tr. i. In general, the present Edd. have not thought fit to adhere strictly to the para- 
 graphing of the MSS, " quam suis rebus, om. Tr. i (with preceding tam). 
 
PARS II.— CAP. IV. 463 
 
 eundem assecutus, gratus illi admodum acceptusque fuit, tam ob res hac- 
 tenus in patria gestas, quam eximiam in Regem suum fidem ac pietatem, 
 quae in remotioribus orbis Christian! partibus nomen famamque celeberri- 
 mam comparaverant. Paucos post dies Augustus ad iter accinctus Mon- 
 tisrosanum secum abduxit, et non obscuris benevolentiae et amici animi 
 testimoniis cohonestavit. In praetorum suorum numerum cooptavit. In 
 exercitu imperiali Mareschalli (ut hodie loqui solent) dignitate ornavit ; 
 literisque confirmavit, ac diplomate ad comparandas copias, quibus Caesaris 
 auspiciis ^^ ipse solus ac seorsum imperitaret, delectum faciendi, conscri- 
 bendi milites, Tribunos, Centuriones nominandi, et emittendi Inquisitores ^^ 
 in locis ac provinciis quibuslibet S.I.R. subditis ac parentibus potestatem 
 fecit. Germaniae partes ad Belgicam vergentes delectui facilitando ac 
 maturando commodiores videbantur. Annuente ^^ ergo imprimis Hispano 
 legato literas admodum honorificas ad Serenissimum fratrem Leopoldum, 
 Austriae Archiducem et pro Hispaniarum Rege inferioris Germaniae 
 Gubernatorem, dedit, ut authoritate sua ac gratia Montisrosani negotiis 
 consuleret eademque ^^ promoveret. Hocque illi ex animi sententia suc- 
 cedebat ; qui quum Regis sui rebus unice esset intentus, si qua occasio se 
 offeret, nolebat procul esse remotus : prodendum ^^ enim, ac perdendum 
 prorsus a Presbyterian is istis, quibus se suaque commiserat, semper et 
 assidue praesagiebat. 
 
 Ab Imperatore honorifice dimissus, quia expeditior via per Germaniam 
 propter interjectos hostes impedita fuit, Vienna Presburgum in Hungaria 
 petere fuit coactus. Inde per Terram novam ^^ in Poloniam descendit, ac 
 perlustrata Cracovia, penetravit in Prussiam, et celeberrimum Balthici 
 emporium ^* Dantiscum venit. Inde navigio exceptus, perrexit in Daniam, 
 a cujus Rege humaniter susceptus, post molestissimum iter dies aliquot 
 curando corpori et reficiendis viribus indulsit. In Jutiam denique transit, 
 ac conscensa nave Gronnigam ^^ in Frisia appulit, rectaque ^^ Bruxellas 
 contendit, Tornacum ^'^ Archidux post rccentem cladem Lansensem ^^ se 
 receperat ; quo et Montisrosanus festinavit, ac Serenissimi Domini Impera- 
 toris nomine salutem impertivit, literisque redditis, consilium auxiliumque 
 in rebus fratrem Caesarem spectantibus imploravit. Verum quoniam, 
 post insignem illam instructissimi exercitus jacturam, in provinciis istis, 
 
 ^^om. auspiciis, E. ^"^ et . . . Inquisitores, om. Tr. i. "^ amitente, E, Amritente (?), D. 
 
 "With the consent of the Spanish Ambassador," Tr. i, which indicates the true reading. An 
 
 indication that neither D nor E was used for that Tr. ^^ et, E. "^ propendendum, E. The 
 
 rest of this paragr. is omitted by Tr. i. ^* Terranovam, E, om. Tr. i and 2. Probably the 
 
 mod. Tyrnau {v. p. 227, n. 5). ^emporium, Tr. i, followed by Tr. 2, renders '* Hanse-town." 
 
 ■•" Groningam (?). ^ rectaque, om. E. A favourite word with W. ^^ Torcanum, E. 
 
 ^ Lanfensem, D, E; post . . . Lanfensem om. Tr. i. Probably the author wrote Lanfensem 
 (». Cap. v., n. 35). The defeat was at Lens {v. p. 227, n. 6). 
 
464 KER. MONTISROS. 
 
 suspicionibus ac tumultibus usque adeo laborabant, ut nihil tunc expediri 
 potuerat, quoad Bruxellas redirent, dilata res est. Illuc ubi reversum fuit, 
 ad Senatum ab Archiduce relatum est, ut quid e re Caesaris maxima 
 videretur, consulerent et imperarent. 
 
 Dum ista Bruxellis ^^ transiguntur, a Serenissimo Carolo, Scotorum et 
 Walliae principe, qui Hagae Comitis ^'^ peregrinabatur, literas benevolentiae 
 et fiduciae plenas ^^ accepit, quibus eum accersebat ad se et invitabat. 
 Enimvero qui apud principem erant, eidemque ex animo benevolebant, ac 
 imprimis Serenissimus Princeps Rupertus Palatinus (qui de Presbyterianis 
 cum Montisrosano semper sentiebat) ut ilium compellaret, Carolum sponte 
 ad hoc inclinantem impellebant.^^ Delete enim sub Hamiltonio majore 
 egregio in Anglia exercitu, a juniore^^ vero longe majore ac meliore in 
 Scotia turpiter deserto ac dissipato, tam Presbyterianarum quam Regiarum 
 partium viris utroque in regno in ordinum redactis, unum superesse Mon- 
 tisrosanum, qui in Scotia pro rege quidquam volet et audeat.^* Male 
 quidem cum illo actum esse, quod nee consilia probata, nee opera unquam, 
 nisi rebus desperatis, advocata fuerit, ea tamen esse animi magnitudine, 
 fide, pietate ^ in carissimum Dominum Regem, ut persuasissimum ^ habeant 
 paratum fore, qui in ejus gratiam cuivis discrimini sese etiamnum objiciat. 
 
 De opinione principis ac fiducia quam in eo collocabat Montisrosanus 
 certior factus (impetrata ab Archiduce venia) Hagam contendebat, cum 
 tristissimus ille nuncius de optimo Rege, quem oculis suis cariorem semper 
 habuerat,^'' ab Independentibus Anglis trucidato aures animumque perculit. 
 Bone Deus, ut ad primum rei adhuc incertae rumorem totus perhorruit I 
 Ubi vero de immani parricidio constabat, nee spei quidquam restabat 
 amplius, non jam dolor sed maeror, non ira sed furor corripuit, subitoque 
 generosum sic oppressit animum, ut sensus vitaeque expers rigentibus 
 membris in medio corruerit. Quum vero ad se tandem rediisset, post 
 altissima suspiria in has primas erupit voces ; " Moriendum est, moriendum 
 est cum meritissimo rege, testorque vitae ac mortis Dominum, vitam banc 
 mortalem deinceps acerbam ingratamque fore." In circumstantibus forte 
 eram et ego qui haec describo, ut licet immenso dolori, qui et animum 
 meum stupefecerat, ferendo impar fuerim, ad voces istas hunc in modum 
 pro tempore occurri : " Immo vero vivendum viris fortibus, vivendum est, 
 magnanime^* heros, virtutemque animosque omnes advocare decet, tam ut 
 immanes isti ac infandi parricidae meritis^^ subjiciantur poenis, quam ut 
 
 ^ Bruxellas, E. *> A lit. tr. of the Dutch for the Hague, 's Gravenhagen, "the Count's Hedge." 
 
 ^^ plenas om. E. ^"^ impellabant, E. ^ ajuniorem, E, and om. vero to Presbyterianarum, 
 
 probably "skipping" a line in copying (v. Cap. VI., n. 86.) ^volet, obs. 'Indie. ; his will was 
 
 certain ; audeat, subj., as expressing doubt in the circumstances. " He is sure to be willing, and 
 
 may venture." ^ pietaiem, E. ^ persiiasum, E. ^ quem . . . habuerat, om. Tr. i and 2. 
 
 ^ magnanime est, E. ^' tncertt's, E. 
 
PARS IL— CAP. IV. 465 
 
 Serenissimus filius, idemque successor legitimus, justis et piis armis avito 
 restituatur imperio. Haec piis defuncti manibus justa debentur, haec 
 pietate, fide, fortitudine, constantia, tua digniora sunt consilia, quam malis 
 quantumvis maximis (qualia sane haec nostra sunt) molliter nimis suc- 
 cumbere et despondere animum, ac sic impiis hostibus gratificari, novamque 
 victoriam novosque gratis indulgere triumphos." Qui alias benigne ac 
 clementer, etiam nunc**' patienter saltern nos audiebat, pauloque erectior 
 (desideratissimae nimirum vindictae suavior cogitatio spiritus vehementiores 
 a corde propemodum suffocato revocaverat) vultu pacatiore, et ad vere- 
 cundiam composito, respondit ; " Et ego idcirco duntaxat vivere forsan 
 sustineam. Interim quicquid mihi superest vitae, vindicando patri martyri, 
 ac filio *^ in paternum evehendo solium coram Deo, Angelis et hominibus 
 sacrum votumque esto." Haec effatus, in intimum diversorii penetrale 
 semet proripuit ; nee ante elapsum biduum quenquam ad colloquium ac ne 
 conspectum quidem admisit. Tertio demum die annuente Montisrosano, 
 cubiculum ingressus in chartulam incidi, in qua solemne illud votum, brevi 
 quidem sed elegantissimo carmine, ac profundissimas mentis cogitationes 
 penitus respirante, complexus fuerat. Amoenissimi enim ingenii vir, quoties 
 a gravioribus curis vacatio dabatur, animum poetica felicissime relaxabat. 
 Latine a nobis utcunque redditum prima post Appendicem banc pagina 
 exhibebit.*^ Acumen authoris minime me assecuntum sat scio ; sententiam 
 tamen Anglicanae linguae ignaris indicasse forsan non erat usquequaque 
 ingratum. 
 
 Carolus, ejus nominis Secundus, defuncto patri jure regio successor 
 legitimus, quam primum per dolorem et verecundiam licuit, Montisrosanum 
 compellavit, ac quam plurimis benevoli plane et amici animi argumentis et 
 testimoniis copulavit sibi ac confirmavit. Imprimis enim Regni Scotiae 
 gubernatorem vicarium et copiarum omnium terra marique Imperatorem 
 (eodem ferme modo ac iisdem verbis, quo provinciam eandem administrandam 
 a patre nactus fuerat) Uteris et regio diplomate constituit : legatum insuper, 
 comparandis auxiliariis armis aliisque subsidiis ad bellum renovandum 
 necessariis, ad Caesarem, Daniae Regem, principes Germaniae, aliosque 
 foederatos affines et amicos destinavit, cum plena transigendi, foedera con- 
 trahendi, sponsiones dandi, aliaque omnia Regis sui nomine peragendi 
 potestate, quae commoda viderentur, eisdemque enixe admodum et honorifice 
 commendavit. 
 
 Res prospere satis succedebant, ac homines spei pleni optima quae- 
 que sibi pollicebantur ; quum Hamiltonius junior optimis initiis more suo 
 
 *'> sunt, E. "^JUii, E. ^^For the poem and W.'s version, v. App. According to Tr. i, which 
 
 gives both, the lines were written "with the point of his sword," probably a confusion of circum- 
 stance with the lines M. engraved on his prison window, on the eve of his death (App.). 
 
466 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 intercessit. Cum cliente suo Lauderdalio advolaverat ille in Hollandiam 
 profugium *^ simulans, re ipsa vero ut sanioribus Montisrosani consiliis (quod 
 saepiuscule apud Regem defunctum cum fratre fecerat) sese opponeret, 
 eademque oppugnaret et frustraretur. Montisrosani sententia fuit, ut Rex 
 ipse in Scotiam iter quam primum capesseret ; fidosque subditos, quorum 
 numerus longe maximus erat, ad arma rapienda praesentia et exemplo 
 animaret ; detectas tandem populo superiorum temporum experientia per- 
 duellium tam Presbyterianorum quam Independentium funestas artes ac 
 dolos ; despectas plerisque et invisas Fanaticorum vatum in regem declama- 
 tiones, quibus animos plebis fascinates et superstitione astrictos a debito 
 obsequi ohactenus avertere ; incalescere hominum pectora recenti horridi *^ 
 parricidii vulnere saucia et ad vindictam prona ; inutiles moras, quoad con- 
 citati spiritus defervescant, non esse trahendas ; conjuratis opportunitatem 
 omnem vires vi ac dolo augendi praeripiendam ; plurimos qui regibus hac- 
 tenus iniquiores fuerint, mitescere, resipiscere, et ad saniorem mentem 
 redire ; principis denique praesentiam millium *^ instar esse ; festinandum 
 itaque nee ad diem aut horam producendum iter; pretiosa namque in tali 
 rerum nexu ipsa quoque momenta. 
 
 Idem plane suadebant Seafordius*^ Comes, Kinnulius, Sinclarius, 
 aliique proceres, qui ad hoc ipsum regi insinuandum Scotia in Belgicam 
 navigaverant, Hamiltonius vero contra nil temere aggrediendum dicebat. 
 Regi novo suspecta debere esse omnia ; conciliandos esse hominum affectus, 
 prius quam caput suum tanto discrimini *'' objiceret. Immodicam Eccle- 
 siastici ordinis, Regi infensissimi, apud plebem gratiam ; immensam Arga- 
 thelianorum potentiam ; nomen authoritatemque ordinum penes eos esse, 
 Regique omnia adversa praedicabat ; amice denique ac lente cum Comitiis 
 agendum, nee nisi praeeuntibus eorum suffrages quicquam ** attentandum ; 
 quumque tragicis admodum verbis in istorum hominum saevitiam, perfidiam, 
 seditiosos spiritus, ac sibi, principis causa, supra modum infensos *^ iden- 
 tidem declamaret, una tamen Regi persuadere conabatur, ut totus ab iis 
 penderet, salutemque sibi promitteret ab illis qui perniciem patri accersi- 
 verant. 
 
 Ipse Carolus ad Montisrosani sententiam propius accedebat. Quod 
 cum Hamiltonius animadvertisset, principis adolescentis adhuc animum ab 
 eo, tanquam homine temerario, audace, ambitioso, bellis civilibus plus nimis 
 intento, ac majora quam possit praestare pollicito, per aulicos alienare, sed 
 
 ^ profngum, E. ** horrendi, E. ** millium is quite clear in D. E has here a blank. In Tr. I, 
 
 also, there was either a blank, or the phrase was misunderstood, the clause being rendered " that 
 to attack the enemy now would be more serviceable to the King's interest than the assistance of 
 
 many more afterwards." Tr, 2 evidently read millium, *^ Seafordianus, E. *'' discrimine, E. 
 
 *^ quicquid, E. *^ offensos, E. 
 
PARS II.— CAP. IV. 467 
 
 frustra, tentavit. Eo usque tamen praevaluit, ut plures quam optabat 
 Montisrosanus dies consultando elaberentur, quibus novas ille morae causas, 
 novaque impedimenta accumulabat. 
 
 Rex, qui Montisrosanum quidem amabat, ab Hamiltonio vero, ne 
 noceret sibi, metuebat, utrumque sibi devinctissimum habere laborabat ; 
 quoniam vero dissidentes sententias impossibile erat, discordes et alienatos 
 dissentientium animos reconciliare satagebat. Montisrosanus privatas sibi 
 cum Hamiltoniis inimicitias nullas unquam fuisse asseveravit ; de rebus 
 majestatem regiam ^'^ spectantibus, in quibus parum sincere ^^ versati fuerint, 
 ortum esse dissidium, et in ilium ^^ usque diem productum ; visos semper, 
 praetexto ofificii velo, plus nocuisse regi, quam apertos hostes : consiliis 
 enim perniciosis conatus ejus viresque labefactasse, opes animosque addi- 
 disse perduellibus, cum quibus arctissimam coluerunt amicitiam, nullis 
 unquam rationibus induci potuisse, aut etiamnum posse, ut palam ac 
 penitus desertis in Scotia conjuratis (quocunque tandem nomine ordinum 
 regni aut ecclesiastic! conventus sese venditent) principis partes contra 
 omnes mortales suscipiant et amplexentur ; in aliquo semper dicta, facta, 
 fidemque haerere ac vacillare ; veruntamen si vel tandem praeteritorum 
 £erio paeniteat, ultroque et ex animo ad obsequium redeant ac fidem, 
 spondeantque in posterum nihil illis cum conjuratis commune fore, paratum 
 se qui superiorum facinorum immemor, in sanctissimam cum iis amicitiam 
 coeat ; hac tamen lege, ut libello conscript© et in publicum emisso declarent 
 et testentur, sese Scotorum inter se et cum Anglis perduellibus conspira- 
 tionem, foederaque omnia inter subditos invito aut inconsulto Rege contracta, 
 ut sanctissimam imprimis quam vocant Ligam detestari et damnare ; bella 
 omnia tarn in Scotia quam in Anglia contra regem gesta,^^ pro nefariis et 
 impiis habere, authores eorundem et duces laesae majestatis reos esse ; 
 Carolum ejus nominis Secundum, Dei Gratia, M. Britanniae &c. regem, si 
 aliter nequiret, jure posse ac etiam debere justis et piis armis tam parri- 
 cidium in beatae memoriae patrem perpetratum vindicare, quam viam sibi 
 ad avitum solium ^* repetendum ac recuperandum praestruere ^^ et munire ; 
 ac ad ilia denique comparanda sancte polliceri fortem illi ejusque ducibus et 
 vicem gerentibus fidelemque operam, vel cum bonorum vitaeque discrimine 
 navaturos. 
 
 Hamiltonius cum Lauderdelio,^^ quibus ordines regni, prout tunc erant 
 constituti, apud Reges perfidiae, saevitiae, perduellionis ac turpissimorum 
 scelerum clam incusare sollemne erat, sedulo tamen cavebant, ne scripto 
 aut testimonio publico ulla ex parte laederent aut offenderent, perplexe, 
 
 ^"om. regiam, E. ^^ syncere, E, and so often. ^^ullum, E. ''^gestra, E. ^ solum, E. 
 
 ^^ perstruere, D, prestruere, E. ^ so both MSS. : usu. Lauderdalius. But W. may have 
 
 written as above, following the English sound, rather than the spelling (z'. Cap. II., n. 64). 
 
468 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 anxie, ambigue respondebant, nee sese expediebant satis de jure regis, quae 
 obiter elevabant, verba facere palam detrectabant solerter ; Ordinum nomen, 
 authoritatem, potentiam, vires, pleno ore depraedicabant, et efferebant. 
 Expedire magis regi, ac potius esse eorum expectare sententiam, ac suffragiis 
 et authoritate in paternum evehi solium, quam ferro et flammis patriam 
 vastare, et coronam, quantumvis debitam, civili redemptam sanguine acqui- 
 rere et occupare, aiebant. Nee sententiam denique probare nee amieitiam 
 cum illis inire posse, qui bella civilia etiam justissima suaderent ; eum Mon- 
 tisrosano praesertim, qui ob res defuneti Regis imperio et auspieiis gestas 
 exul, aqua domi interdietus sit et igne, bonaque relata in fiseum. 
 
 Major interea Hamiltonius post eladem Prestonianam in Anglia captivus, 
 ab Independentibus Londini capite muletatus est, ac justissimo quidem 
 numinis, sed iniquissimo parrieidarum judicio, trueidato regi datus successor. 
 Sunt qui dicunt hujus modi responsum ab hariolo quodam pridem illi reddi- 
 tum fuisse, " Violenta morte Rex oecumbet, teque illi suecessorem dabunt 
 fata." Sic forsan malus quis daemon homini ambitioso illuserit, qui principi 
 non in solio sed in carnificina suceederet. 
 
 CAP. V. 
 
 Rebus Hagae Comitis ^ hunc in modum pendentibus ab lis qui Regni 
 Ordines ^ sese in Scotia jactabant, supervenit nuncius, qui de prono eorum 
 in novum Regem aflfeetu eomiter praefatus, chartulam exhibuit, in qua 
 descripta erant verba, quibus Carolum filium, patre interempto, legitimum 
 in Regno Seotiae suecessorem declaraverant. Oecasionem banc non modo 
 gratulandi, sed et quasi de Palladio caelitus demisso, exultandi, gloriandique 
 arripuere Hamiltoniani, ac Presbyterianarum ^ partium viri ; jamque palam 
 declamabant in eos, qui non putarent pendendum plane esse regi ab istorum 
 hominum nutu, qui tarn eximiam fidem ac pietatem demonstrassent. Et sane 
 si bona sinceraque fide, ac more majorum debito et consueto hoe praestitis- 
 sent, officio hae ex parte satisfeeisse, et bonam fecisse spem, nemo ivisset 
 inficias : verum oceulatioribus prima facie facinus apparuit indignum, quo 
 Regis regiique nominis jugulum callide petebatur. Enimvero ut populo 
 ob trucidatum patrem ad vindictam praeeipiti, et filium ad suscipiendas et 
 moderandas Regni habenas, validis clamoribus ac minacibus reposcenti 
 fucum facerent, edietum illud emiserant ; quo tamen non stabilire regem, 
 
 ^ V. Cap. IV., n. 30. ^ordinibus, E. ^ presbiterianorum^ E. 
 
PARS II.— CAP. V. 469 
 
 sed regiam omnem potestatem radicitus convellere, et evellere * ac sibi 
 vindicare satagebant. Praeterquam enim quod solemnem verborum for- 
 mulam, a majoribus usurpari solitam, prorsus immutaverant/ invexerant 
 quoque novam. 
 
 Quod Caroli patris mortem, appellasse violentam contend, nee parri- 
 cidii ac ne homicidii quidem nomine, aut vel levissimo impietatis et injustitiae 
 indice notaverint, quo flagitium illud se minime probare testificarentur ; 
 aliaque plurima quae sigillatim enumerari et hue congerere, supervacaneum 
 videretur. Intolerabile ^ praesertim ac piis mentibus horrendum fuit, quod 
 quem principem legitimum eundemque supremum agnoverint, eodem ferme 
 spiritu ab omni legitimae potestatis exercitio arcuerint et interdixerint, 
 quoad usque ordinibus (quos parliamenta vocant) utriusque regni satis- 
 fecerit,^ quod quidem regem ilium declarare non fuit, sed reum sibi judi- 
 candum sistere.'' Totum enim hoc, quid aliud fuit quam imperium precarium 
 ofFerre, liberum eripere,^ potestatem in terris supremam et uno ^° minorem 
 Deo, subditis quasi pedibus caput subjicere ? Nee sibi ipsis tantum qui 
 in tam diuturna rebellione contra defunctum regem perseverassent, sed et 
 Anglis perduellibus ac parricidis, quorum manus paterno adhuc sanguine 
 madentes diffluebant, filium adolescentem, innocentem, immeritum submit- 
 tere, et quasi novam hostiam substituere irae et odio furiosorum hominum 
 immolandam ? ^^ Hujusmodi justissimis in edictum illud observationibus ac 
 notis Presbyterianorum inanes ^'^ de ordinibus suis gloriationes paululum 
 in aula coercitae fuissent et castigatae, si novis et ejusdem ^^ plane farinae 
 subsidiis a Scotia submissis vires animosque non resumpsissent. 
 
 Perlata in Scotiam fama de eximia authoritate et gratia, qua apud 
 novum Regem pollebat Montisrosanus, varie hominum animos affecit. 
 Regiarum partium viris jucunda et bonae spei plena, aliis formidolosa ^* 
 admodum et tristis. Magnopere imprimis ab eo metuebant ordines, tam ob 
 innatam totiesque *^ expertam hominis virtutem, quam quod praeter veteres 
 majestatis cultores, non paucos errorum paenitudine ^^ ductos, ad obsequium 
 ejus procliviores cernerent. Cavendum ergo sedulo putarunt, ne ille cum 
 imperio vicario solus, aut etiam in Regis comitatu ^^ in patriam descenderet, 
 cives ferme omnes prout tunc erant animati, secum pertracturus in certam 
 eorum perniciem qui in Regis caedem consensissent, Huic malo obviam 
 ut eant, Cassilium Comitem, primae nobilitatis virum, cum aliis inferiorum 
 subselliorum homunculis, oratores ad Carolum in Bataviam transmittunt; 
 
 * et evellere om. D, but the jingle is in the Author's favourite style. ^ immutaverint iuvexerintque, E. 
 
 * intollerabile, D, E. "^ satisfecit, E. " "to sist him as a pannel before them," Tr. i, using 
 
 the|Sc. legal term. ^ liberum aripere without a comma, E. ^^ una, E. ^^ immolandum, E. 
 
 ^^ inanes, E. ^^ ejusmodi, E. Tr. I, "those of their own kidney." ^*formidulosa, E. "om. 
 
 que, E. ^^ plenittidine, E. '^ comiatu, E. 
 
 2 H 
 
470 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 qui quidem ad unum omnes cum nova superstitione qua penitus irretiti 
 fuere, pertinaci regiminis Monarchic! odio flagrabant. Legationi huic finem 
 (quem in omnem orbem Christianum evulgandum curarunt) hunc praeten- 
 debant, ut Carolum filium ad avitum Scotiae regnum ultro invitarent ; re 
 ipsa tamen hoc agebant ut Montisrosani consiha destruerent, principemque 
 inani pacis et obsequii spe lactatum, ab armorum bellique institute averte- 
 rent, quoad rei bene gerendae occasio elaberetur. Interim ne conjuratis 
 secum Anglis istis parricidis res ea suspitiosa videretur, animos eorum 
 tristi pignore confirmarunt ; et quoniam Regiae dignitatis quem excarnifi- 
 carent non habebant, Regibus proximum, Gordoniorum gentis principem, 
 Huntilaeum Marchionem post diuturnum carcerem iniquissima sententia 
 securi percusserunt. Fuit sane Huntilaeus, praeter natalium splendorem, 
 quo nemini post regem erat secundus, familiae potentiam vicinis olim for- 
 midandam, amicorum, satellitum et clientium numerum aliaque (quae for- 
 tunae ^^vocantur) bona, vir corporis animique dotibus ornatissimus ; principi 
 autem ab ipso tumultuum initio semper fidus, hoc solo nomine conjuratis ^* 
 tam fuit invisus, ut e medio tollendum censuerint ; adeo ut, si infelix illud 
 cum Montisrosano et Rege et Regno et sibi funestissimum ^° certamen ex- 
 cipias, quam paucissimos habiturus sit pares. Diem eundem quo oratores ab 
 aestuario Forthae solverunt, principis hujus viri carnificinae dixerunt ; ut vel 
 inde rex conjecturam facere et quasi ominari potuisset, quid demum ab eis, 
 qui optimos et amantissimos subditos indies jugulabant, expectandum foret. 
 
 Ad Regem cum venissent egregii illi oratores, incessu tardo, amictu 
 lugubri, oculis pronis, vultu tristi, nihil quam summam humih'tatem prae se 
 ferebant. Et sane praeteritorum oblivionem et veniam, imploraturos ^^ fidem, 
 obsequium in posterum pollicitaturos, Regi justa quaeque et aequa more 
 majorum concessuros, sinceram denique pacem inituros ac ^^ concordiam, 
 multi (quibus penitus perspecta non erant hominum ingenia et mores) 
 speravere. Dupiici legatione fungebantur, a Regni nimirum Comitiis et 
 Conventu ecclesiastico. Utriusque princeps erat Cassilius, hujus tanquam 
 presbyter laicus, illius tanquam primi ordinis Senator. Apud Regem altis- 
 simis suspiriis multoque praefati gemitu, veluti, ut ait ille, " Magnum si 
 pectore possent excussisse deum," ^^ chartulas demum Ordinum suorum 
 et Synodi oracula continentes exhibuerunt. Descripta in illis honesta, 
 humilia, pia, et ad res componendas Regemque restituendum plane neces- 
 saria postulata vocitabant : quibus si satisfieret, posse omnium sufFragiis 
 in Scotiae regnum induci. 
 
 Quum Rex de chartulis istis in concilio suo cognovisset, prime queque 
 
 ^^/or/urMM, E. ^^ coiijuratae, E. •'^etsibifunestum, E. Tr. i and Tr. 2 omit et sibi, ^' om. 
 
 imploraturos^ E. ^ad, E. ^Verg. A., vi. 78, '^Magnum si pectore pssit" Sac^oi iht Sibt'U 
 
PARS IL— CAP. V. 471 
 
 intuitu, non tarn ad regnum capessendum invitamenta, quam ad animum 
 absterrendum terriculamenta visa sunt, nee aequa quidem postulata, sed in 
 defunctum patrem crimina, in filium superstitem insidias laqueosque con- 
 tinere deprehensae sunt.^^ Summatim ut dicam, tria postulabant. Primum 
 erat, ut rex non modo Nationale Scotiae, sed et sacram (quam vocant) 
 Ligam Foedusque trium regnorum rata haberet, subscriptione, jurejurando 
 ac diplomate confirmaret, finem scopumque eorundem in terris omnibus 
 imperio ejus subditis [propagare] promovere ^^ summa ope niteretur. 
 Secundum fuit, ut ordinum Scotiae statuta et edicta omnia, foedus idem 
 ligamque, regimen Presbyterianum, cultus divini normam (quam Direc- 
 torium vocitant) fidei confessionem, Catechismum Comitiis ejus Regni 
 Synodoque probatum stabilientia ibidem confirmaret et haberet rata ; ac 
 insuper edictis et statutis ab aliorum regnorum ejus Majestati parentium 
 Comitiis eadem posthac forte decernentibus ultro prompteque assentiret ; 
 seque ipsum secundum ilia in omnibus et cultu praesertim divino privato 
 et publico gereret, veterem ^^ Ecclesiae Anglicanae Liturgiam ^^ abdicaret ; 
 novum illud susciperet Directorium, cui sese nunquam adversaturum, aut 
 vel minimam illaturum mutatiunculam, sancte polliceretur et juraret. Ter- 
 tium vero (quod et unicum suffecisset et ambitu suo complectebatur omnia) 
 ut solemnitur declaret consensumque praebeat suum in civilibus quibus- 
 cunque praesentis et subsequentium parliamentorum. In ecclesiasticis vero 
 negotiis Synodorum placitis standum esse ; quibus nimirum tam princeps 
 quam subditi comiter se subjiciant, ac ad obedientiam teneantur. 
 
 Pluribus cum eis egit Rex, ut si quae alia sibi communicanda in 
 mandatis haberent, una exhiberent, quo simul ad omnia respondere posset ; 
 ut postulata ilia mitigarentur paululum, nee severitati verborum praefracte 
 nimis et pertinaciter adhaererent ; ut quid auxilii ad Angliam Hiberniamque 
 recuperandam ab illis sibi posset promittere, liquidius et elarius impertirent ; 
 ut denique de horrendo parricidio in beatae memoriae regem patrem per- 
 petrato, et immanibus ejusdem authoribus ac ministris, de quibus ne 
 levissimam fecissent mentionem, mentem judiciumque aperirent, et orbi 
 facerent palam. Referebant ^^ illi summam quidem eorum quae petenda 
 essent tribus illis articulis comprehendi, nee alia habere quam quae eodem 
 tendant, nisi nava ab ^^ ordinibus submittantur mandata. Postulata sua 
 non tantum aequa et honesta, sed et prorsus necessaria, utpote juri divino 
 et Sacrosanctis Scripturis innitentia, adeo ut ne latum unguem^* ab eis 
 recedere et vel tantillulum remittere fas sit. Suppetias illi ad Angliam 
 
 ^* deprehensa (?), but sc. chartulae. "^propagare et (?), but perhaps propagare is a gloss. Tr. i, 
 
 " promote the ends of them ; " Tr. 2, "promote the ends and purposes of them." ^veteram, E. 
 
 ^ Leiturgiatn, E. ^8 referebat, E [v. below, n. 39). ^9 ^c, E. *> unquem, E. 
 
472 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 Hiberniamque reducendas, quales quantasque Ordines regni legitimas ac 
 necessarias, secundum Ligam foedusque judicabunt, expectandas esse. 
 Ambiguis ejusmodi verborum involucris cum ad alia quoquo modo respon- 
 dissent, in Regis parricidio misere haerebant. Quod cum probare et 
 laudare erubescerent, damnare tamen nolebant, ne irritati Angli societatem 
 criminis intempestive exprobrassent.^^ Et quamvis Rex unum hoc supra alia 
 jugiter urgeret, praeter querimonias et expostulationes, quod quaestionibus 
 istis ordines Scotiae quasi suspectos habere videretur, nihil obtinuit. 
 
 Inter hasce disceptationes plurimum temporis elabitur ; quo illi apud 
 principem Auriacum,^^ et eminentiores Unitarum ^^ Provinciarum viros, 
 Daniae, aliorumque principum legatos, rem suam strenue agebant, ut eis quasi 
 sequestris et mediatoribus, Rex ad eorum sententiam perduceretur. Quibus 
 identidem occinebant, pronum Ordinum Scotiae in Regem suum affectum ; 
 paratos esse qui in paternum solium eum^* suscipiant et amplexentur, 
 debitamque fidem exhibeant et obsequium ; aliud nihil in mora aut impedi- 
 mento esse, quam ut, abdicato regimine Episcopali, Presbyterianum ad- 
 mittat ; idem illud (cum diversissima tamen et plane pugnantia sint ^^ quod 
 in Belgio, Palatinatu, Geneva, aliisque reformatis ecclesiis obtinet : ^^ quod 
 nisi annueret, deperditam omnem imperii recuperandi spem esse. Parum 
 forsan apud multos profecissent illi, nisi Hamiltonius cum Lauderdelio, 
 quasi in insidiis collocati et succenturiati, dicta eorum comprobassent, 
 collaudassent. Quorum imprimis opera factum est, ut plerisque videretur 
 posse Regem ac debere, habita rerum suarum ratione, postulatis eorum 
 utcunque duris et difficilibus assentire. Exteri enim et rerum Britannicarum 
 ignari, qui in arcana conjuratorum consilia non penetrabant, insidias tam 
 Regi, quam omni Regio regimini instructas non pervidebant. 
 
 Carolus, ut orbi Christiano, amicis praesertim et confoederatis constaret, 
 studio pacis et concordiae se nihil non facturum, ut Scotis suis satisfieret^^ 
 in omnibus quae aequa ac honesta essent, et famam conscientiamque non 
 laederent, ad ejusdem Regni proceres, quorum non pauci in Belgica erant, 
 se convertit, mandavitque ut pro fide et obsequio debito consilium et sen- 
 tentiam quisque suam de postulatis istis singulatim scripto exhiberet. 
 Operam banc, ad quam quidem more majorum et patriis legibus tenebantur, 
 Hamiltonius cum Lauderdelio et suis praestare inverecunde, morose, et 
 perfracte denegarunt. Montisrosanus, Seafordius, Kinnulius, Sinclarius 
 aliique provinciam illam non ^^ detrectavere. Et hi quidem postulata ista 
 cum jure divino et humano ac legibus Scotiae pugnantia, in beatae memoriae 
 Regem Martyrem impia, in superstitem insidiosa, stirpi futurae perniciosa, 
 
 '1 exprobassent, E. Correct Lat. requires exprobrarent. ^ auraicum, E. ^ multantm, E. 
 
 *» solutn cum, E. "'/m?/, E, evidently a bad copy of sint {v. Cap. IV., n. 28). '^ obtineret, 
 
 E. ^ satisferat, E. ^om. illam, E; om. non, D. 
 
PARS II.— CAP. V. 473 
 
 bonis et cordatis omnibus pudenda et paenitenda, multis validisque rationi- 
 bus evicerunt. Nihil aliud eis peti quam ut malorum omnium quae in 
 Britannia contigerint ^^ culpa in innocentissimum Martyrem conjiciatur. Ut 
 infanda ilia foedera ac ligae, quae tantum innocui, ingenui, nobilis, generosi, 
 et denique regii sanguinis hauserint, veluti durateus ^^ equus in arce locatus, 
 nova subinde tumultuum, seditionura, armorum, rebellionum, rapinarum et 
 parricidiorum examina, horrendo partu, in populum posterosque effundant, 
 ut apud haeredem legitimum, principem supremum, nomen Regis nudum et 
 inane relinquatur, quo una cum anima tantisper frui liceat, ac viris supra 
 alios mortales melancholicis, hypochondriacis/^ suspitiosis, furibundis, et 
 summis semper potestatibus implacabili odio infensis libeat ; imperii vis 
 omnis ac potestas penes eos sit, qui conscientia tot scelerum in patrem 
 agitati, stirpe ejus superstite, sortem suam nunquam reputabunt securam. 
 Ut abdicato Episcopatu, sub quo ab omnibus retro saeculis, in orbe Chris- 
 tiano, et post reformationem in Britannia, Ecclesia tantopere floruit, intole- 
 randa Presbyterii (prout in Scotia obtinet) tyrannis invehatur ; quae papatum 
 omnem Hildebrandicum ac Borgianum crudelitate, superbia, avaritia, luxuria 
 et dominandi libidine excedat quam longissime et exsuperat. Ut pessimi 
 perduelles ac parricidae, non modo execranda facta ferant impune, sed et 
 trucidati Regis, et depraedatae Ecclesiae spoliis ornati et locupletati, ac ad 
 summos evecti honores, glorientur, exultent, triumphent, vivant et regnent. 
 Ipse vero Rex et genus omne futurum, cum civibus quibuscumque fortibus 
 ac fidis, qui partes ejus constanter sunt secuti, irae, odio, opprobrio, vindictae 
 impotentissimorum hostium permittantur. Ut Rex Christianus in parentes, 
 fratres, amicos, Deum hominesque impius probet, laudet, justificet edicta 
 ilia nefaria, quibus propagandae ligae, foederisque nomine, improba in 
 Regem arma induere, ferro flammaque persequi civibus ac subditis impera- 
 tum est, quibus eundem ad deplorandum exitium *^ pertraxerint, et carissi- 
 mam conjugem, Serenissimam Reginam, maritalibus regnis exegerunt, et 
 liberos superstites, alios patriis ejectos terris tristi exilio, alios domi durissimo 
 presserunt, ac etiamnum premant carcere. Denique ut vanis ejusmodi 
 legationibus tempus trahatur, quoad saevissimus Carnifex Cromwellius (cum 
 quo optime illis conveniebat) subacta jampridem Anglia, de Hibernia, cui 
 nunc imminebat, triumpharet, ac copias viresque omnes, si res postularet, 
 in Scotiam effunderet. 
 
 His itaque multisque aliis de causis uno ore afiGrmabant omnes Regem 
 neutiquam posse, tam iniquis legibus, cum istis, qui sese pro Scotiae 
 
 ^ contigerit, E. This frequent error in E of singular for plural [v. n. 26 above, &c.) points to the 
 abbreviation -at for -ant, &c., in the folio Wodrow copied. ^" hausentnt, E ; duratus, E ; dura- 
 teus is a rare Greek word, applied, as here, to the wooden horse of Troy. It occurs in Latin only 
 in Lucr. i, 476, ^^ hypocondriacis, D. *^ exitiim, E. 
 
474 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 ordinibus falso venditarent, pacisci. Si conscientiae coram immortali Deo, 
 pietatis in parentes posterosque, dignitatis apud suos, famae apud exteros, 
 propriae salutis, juris humani ac divini haberet rationem, longe alias lega- 
 tiones, alia ab eis expectanda esse postulata ; ut ostendant sese seria 
 quamvis sera poenitentia ductos, vel levissima restituendi Regis cura et 
 desiderio tangi : fidem itaque et debitum obsequium a praefractis et obstinatis 
 in rebellione perduellibus, justis tandem ac piis armis extorquendum esse. 
 
 Ejusmodi argumentis supra modum pungentibus, quorum Veritas meri- 
 dian© sole clarius elucescebat, quia nee ab ordinum delegatis nee ab Hamil- 
 tonio et Lauderdelio^ qui strenue illis serviebant, occursari potuit/^ Rex ab 
 eis alienatior, ad Montisrosani sententiam proclivior videbatur. Verum 
 urgentibus fatis (quorum secutus consilium ** dictu mihi facile non est) 
 expeditionem in Scotiam meditatam, per Galliam in Hiberniam convertit. 
 Abeuntem procerum plerique, in quibus Montisrosanus, Bruxellas usque 
 comitati sunt. Ordinum oratores, more suo, Regem acerbis ac virulentis 
 verbis proscindentes incusabant et criminabantur, quod eorum postulatis 
 non annuisset, et detrectasset pacem. Laeti tamen ac quasi opimis potiti 
 spoliis, quod iter ejus, a cujus praesentia tantopere metuebant, aversum 
 conspicerent a Scotia, quae legitimum principem ardentibus votis desiderabat 
 et deposcebat, jampridem avarae, superbae *^ et crudelis perduellium domi- 
 nationis pertaesa. 
 
 ^ potuit. D, misled by the capital in Rex (?). *^ concilium, D, which regularly writes consilium, 
 
 v;htxQ concilium would be correct. '^ avari superbi, E. 
 
 CAP. VI. 
 
 Rem quidem difficilem et arduam Montisrosanus admoliebatur.^ Plurima 
 tamen invitabant et addebant animos, ut inconsulto, temere, et quasi despe- 
 ranter (quod temere nimis et malitiose quidam ^ effutire ausi sunt) aggressus, 
 non debeat videri ; a patria frequentes nuncii, cum ^ procerum opem operam- 
 que ultro ofFerentium literis adhortabantur, ut provinciam alacriter capesseret : 
 fidemque faciebant, Scotos ferme omnes ad obsequium sponte inclinantes, 
 alium sub rege quam eum imperatorem optare neminem. Et sane septen- 
 trionem versus hactenus tumultuabantur Makaneus, Seafordii Comitis frater, 
 idem et legatus, cum Regio Regulo * et aliis Regiarum partium viris Inner- 
 nessum occupaverant, diruerant muros, et emensa Moravia, Spaeam amnem 
 
 ^ admonebatur, E. "^ quidem, E. ' eum, E. * D has here a marginal note, in the first 
 
 hand, " The Lord Roe sed haec obscura sunt," There can, however, be no doubt that Lord Rae is 
 intended. In Part I., Chap, xvii., his name is rendered Resius, and should probably be so written here. 
 
PARS II.— CAP. VI. 475 
 
 armati superaverant. Ab Hibernia bonae spei plurimum affulgebat; pro- 
 spere agebat Ormundus pro Carolo vicarius Gubernator et copiarum Dux ; 
 ad quern omnium primus Monrous, et post eum alii non pauci cum regis 
 mandatis, et Montisrosani Uteris, ablegati sunt, qui mutua subsidia, prout 
 res postularet, peterent et promitterent. Angli quotquot regi favissent 
 semper, et Presbyterianorum contagione^ infecti non erant, palam profite- 
 bantur et praedicabant, se tam turpiter ab Hamiltoniis deceptos ac desertos, 
 uni Scotorum Montisrosano fidere posse et debere : cum eo vero ad quodvis 
 discrimen pro carissimo principe retentandum ^ et renovandum esse para- 
 tissimos. Electores quidam aliique Germaniae principes auxilia sua pollice- 
 bantur : ac ipse Caesar ordinum imperii Conventum semet indicturum, et 
 ad eos de horrenda omnibus orbis principibus Britanniae Regis sorte 
 relaturum spondebat. De Daniae Regis animo et affectu dubitare fas non 
 erat ; et legatus ejus Hagae ^ Comitis non modo Regem ipsum sed et 
 Montisrosanum tam suo, quam principis sui nomine, optima sperare indies 
 jubebat. Nee minus sane auxilii a Serenissima Suecorum Regina quam 
 alio quovis amico et cognato expectabatur, tam ob antiqua foedera, quam ob 
 innatam incomparabilis heroinae pietatem, justitiam, clementiam, animique 
 magnitudinem, avo patrique simillimam. Denique (ut de Gallo Hispanoque 
 mutuis sese vulneribus, proh dolor, conficientibus, prorsus sileam) ^ Poloniae 
 regem, Curlandiaeque Ducem, vel cum primis ad auxilium Carolo adferendum 
 accursuros constabat. Ad subsidia ab istis principibus impetranda et 
 transmittenda ad Montisrosanum singuli ferme a Carolo ^ missi sunt 
 oratores ; ^'^ quarum tamen legationum fructum nullum ^^ unquam percepit ; 
 quod non tam amicissimorum principum culpa, quam pessimis Presby- 
 terianorum artibus et dolo inexplicabili factum est, quo non tantum Montis- 
 rosano exitium et perniciem Regi, sed et patriae, sibi, posterisque (nisi 
 Deus opt. Max. avertat) gravissimam vilissimamque peperere servitutem.^^ 
 
 Enimvero praeterquam quod aulicos (infidum plerumque hominum genus) 
 promissis ac muneribus corruptos sibi devinxerunt, ut pro viribus Mon- 
 tisrosano apud Regem adversarentur, ac destruerent, quod si minus valerent, 
 res tamen molimine suo gravissimas retardarent ; amicis foederatisque 
 principibus exteris per idoneos ministros nimirum emissarios suos (quibus 
 
 ^ contagine, D. ^ receptandum, D. "^ Haga, E. ^ut de Gallo . . . sileam. This paren- 
 thesis is omitted in Tr. I, but rendered in Tr. 2. ^ a Carolo, om. Tr. i. ^^ om. oratores, 
 
 E. " nullam, D. -"^ Tr. i has here the note, " Here there is a great Chasm in the Latin 
 
 manuscript ; The Remainder of this chapter is taken from a short Continuation of Montrose's 
 History, first published about 70 Years ago" {i.e., from the Montr. Rediv., 1652). This affords 
 additional strong evidence that the 1720 translator was unacquainted with our MSS. D and E, and 
 used a different MS., not the original ; else the next paragraph, Enimvero . . . ferdant, and others, 
 would hardly have been omitted. See also Cap. I., nn. 5, 6, &c., Crit. Introd., and n. 15 below. 
 Tr. 2 renders the paragraph omitted in Tr. i. 
 
476 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 tanquam aliud agentibus, commeatum literasque commendatitias ab ipso 
 Rege scelerura tantorum ignaro, impetraverant) persuasere, Carolum honori- 
 fice admodum ad regnum Scotiae capessendum invitatum esse ; aequa, 
 honesta, et modis omnibus amplexanda fuisse oratorum postulata ; optandum 
 adhuc ut Rex eis quam primum annuat ; unam banc illi esse ad salutem 
 sortemque feliciorem viam ; qui aliter dicerent, rebus forsan suis bene, sed 
 Regis male consulere ; qui arma, milites, stipendia, navigia, commeatus 
 Regis nomine deposcerent ab exteris, quaestum sibi praedamque, non prin- 
 cipis commodum et emolumentum quaerere ; cui non tantum inutiles et 
 importunae/^ sed et noxiae quas peterent suppetias ; tempestivas tum 
 denique futuras, cum in Regno Scotiae constitutus, amplis et honorificis ex 
 Ordinum sententia legationibus easdem imploraret ; aerario interim sue 
 parcant, nee ^* beneficia regi amico et cognato nihil profutura prodigant et 
 perdant.^^ 
 
 Conjurati proceres caeterique qui pro Regni ordinibus se gerebant, ubi 
 primum Montisrosanum Marchionem proditione traditum audivere, judi- 
 candum quoque damnandumque censuerunt, priusquam Edinburgum per- 
 duceretur. Moras enim omnes tollendas putarunt, ne tanti viri reverentia, 
 generis splendor, majestas vultus, rerumque gestarum gloria, nimiam homi- 
 num gratiam conciliarent illi, quern absentem et inauditum extremo supplicio 
 hactenus devovissent. Selectis igitur quibusdam e numero suo (quos 
 infensissimos ejusdem hostes noverant) delegatis curiae dant in mandatis, 
 ut quid ^^ facto opus sit mature expediant, et sententiam quae utilissima 
 videretur scriptam ad ordines illico deferant. Ante meridiem illius diei, 
 qui xiiii. fuit Cal. Junii,^'^ referunt illi videri quidem sibi hunc in modum 
 
 ^'^et importunae, om. E, "a^, E. ^"^ E notes here, in Wodrow's hand, "Ther is here in my 
 
 Copy a Page in folio Blanck." The Advocates' folio also has here a lacuna. In the Crit. Introd., 
 and n. 12 above, the reader will find reasons to show that E was not copied from the folio D, and there- 
 fore the folio alluded to is a lost MS. Page 48 of D has space for a few more lines. Both MSS. 
 resume with Conjurati, &c. The remainder of this chapter appears as Chap. VII. in Tr. 2, and as 
 Chap. v. (corrected to VII. in the list of errata) in Tr. i,p. 188; Chap X. in this Tr. As Tr. 2, p. 288, 
 notes at this lacuna, " Here the bishop's narration stops," it is evident that the editor either used 
 a more imperfect MS. than D or E, or carelessly followed Tr. I. The latter gives the remainder 
 of this chapter as "an old Translation of the Latin Manuscript . . . published in some Editions of 
 Montrose's History, under the Title of a true and perfect Relation, of all the Passages concerning 
 the Examination, Trial and Death of the most Honourableyizw/ej Marquis of Montrose, Earl of Kin- 
 cardin. Lord Graham, &c." (which appears in the Montr. Rediv., p. 189, ff). Tr. 2 was certainly 
 much indebted to Tr. I, but with {v. n. 8, above, and Cap. III., nn. 75, 84, &c.) independent reference 
 to " MSS." {v. Pref. to that edition, p. 9). The omissions of Tr. i seem not, as the editor of Tr. 2 
 hastily supposed, entirely due to " inexcusble inadvertency" but to the use of another more imperfect 
 
 MS. ^^ dant ut quae facto, E. ^^ Strictly this should mean May 19th. But the next day was 
 
 Saturday, which in May 1650 fell on the i8th, the rendering given in the Montr. Rediv., and followed 
 by later editors. In using the Lat. Cal., Wishart's practice follows the English method, omitting to 
 
PARS II.— CAP. VI. ^'^^B.^^si^^ 477 
 
 statuendum esse. Praetores urbanos cum Carnifice ad civitatis portas 
 obvios habeat ; nudo capite, ac loris vinctus carrucae imponatur ; carnifex 
 capite tecto et equo insidens carrucam regat et agat per civitatem. Patibulo 
 suspensus ad crucem in foro erectam, vitam finiat. Rerura ab eo gestarum 
 commentarius ^^ cum Declaratione ad Scotos morientis coUo appendantur. 
 Ita ornatus, tres horas populo conspiciendus pendcat. Mortuo caput 
 extremaqiie corporis membra amputentur. Caput quidem carceri Edin- 
 burgensi, membra alia civitatum Aberdoniae, Perthae, Glascuae '^ et Stirlini 
 super ^° imponantur. Denique si paenitentiam egerit et e^communicationis 
 vinculis fuerit solutus, truncum corpus in Cemiterio, secus si fuerit,^^ in 
 publica carnificina sepeliatur. 
 
 xiii. Cal. Junii,^^ hora quarta pomeridiana, ad portam quam aquariam 
 aut palustrem vocant, secundum latam pridie sententiam obvium habuit cum 
 praetoribus eorumque armato satellitio ^^ lictorem. Ingresso portam (prae- 
 missis aliis captivis, qui bini in vinculis longo ordine incedebant) praetores 
 eandem sententiam in eum dictam perlegendam obtulere : arreptam ille com- 
 posito animo et vultu sedato protinus perlustravit, ac graviter respondit, se 
 quidem ultro obtemperaturum, dolere ^* tantum Regiam Majestatem, cujus 
 vicem ipse gestaret tam foede ac indigne ^ tractari ; alacri deinde animo, 
 et gestienti similis, carrucam conscendit, ac civitatis partes quam maxime 
 conspicuas lente praetervectus ad carcerem tandem est perductus. 
 
 Progredientem carrucam praeter armatos milites ingens obsidebat^' 
 hominum turba, in quibus cum calonibus et lixis plurimae erant ^'' vulgares 
 mulierculae ad hoc destinatae ac submissae, ut praetereuntem contumeliis 
 lacesserent, pulvere, luto, stercore et congestis lapidibus infestarent, ac 
 obruerent. Verum ea in illo enituit majestas, gravitas, fiducia, magnitude 
 animi, vultusque constantia, quae et ipsos hostes perculit, et spectatores 
 reddidit attonitos, adeo ut contumelias omnes ac maledicta in preces lacri- 
 masque converterint. Et hoc sane male habuit egregios istos oratores, 
 quos ministros vocant ; postridie enim (qui Dominicus fuit) palam in spec- 
 tatores debacchari ^^ minime erubuerunt, quod convitiis et foedis istis mis- 
 silibus ilium non fuissent persecuti. Carruca deductus Carnificem nummis 
 ah'quot donavit, inquiens, " accipe auriga recte gubernati currus mihi quidem 
 triumphahs ^^ mercedem." 
 
 Septima vespertina propemodum elapsa fuerat ^^ priusquam ad Carcerem 
 
 count in the two "terms," namely, the 17th May and June ist, by which the Latins made May 17th 
 
 " xvi. days before the Calends of June " {v. Cap. IV., n. 7, and notes to dates, Part I., Engl. Tr.). 
 
 '^^ coitwientaris, E. ^^ Glasguae, E. ^ So D, E, sttper portis (?) "above the Gates at" {Montr. 
 
 Rediv., p. 190); or read superimponantur. ^^fecerit, E. ^v. n. 17 above. "^ scatellitio, E. 
 
 ^ dolore, E. ^5 ^^ indigne om. E, which has here a lacuna. The words are quite clear in 
 
 D {v. Cap. III., n, 75; IV., n. 45). '^ obsidiebat, E. ^ erat, D. ^ debacehari, E. 
 
 ^ triumphaiis, E. ^fuerit, D. 
 
478 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 pervenit. Continue ex numero ordinum nonnulli cum ministris quibusdam, 
 ad eum examinandum, vel magis jurgiis et importunis cavillationibus excru- 
 ciandum, ablegantur. Negat ille se vel tantillum esse responsurum, quoad 
 usque edoceant quo in loco sint ^^ res Regiae, et quomodo principi ac Domino 
 suo cum eis conveniat. Hac ejus constantia ad ordines perlata, caetera 
 quae in ilium peragenda restabant, in diem Lunae distulere. Delegatis 
 interim suis permiserunt ut indicarent pacem Regi concordiamque plenam 
 ac perfectam esse cum praesentibus regni sui Ordinibus. Serum diei erat et 
 corpus laboribus, inedia^^ ac itinere non minus difBcili quam longe confectum, 
 requiem aliquara et laxationem desiderabat ; dicebat enim pompam illam et 
 apparatum quem advenienti eo die exhibuissent, fuisse paulo fastidiosiorem. 
 
 Die Dominico/^ Ministri, Parliamentariique viri, importunis ac molestis 
 quaestiunculis ^* jurgiis, convitiis nimis quietam^^ ac ad celsiora erectam 
 mentem, indesinenter et morose fatigare non destitere. Constantiam tamen 
 convellere, vel voculam unam impatientis ^^ animi indicem extorquere nulla- 
 tenus valuerunt. Aiebat enim, falli eos plurimum qui putarent ignominiosam 
 illi aut ^^ tristem fuisse hesternam ^ in infami carruca vecturam ; semet enim 
 longe aliter judicare; omnium nimirum quotquot in omni vita confecisset 
 honoratissimum illud ac felicissimum fuisse iter; clementissimum namque 
 Deum et Redemptorem manifesta numinis praesentia magnum et ineffabile 
 solamen attulisse, mentemque gratia plane divina illustrasse et elevasse, ut 
 despectis^^ opprobriis humanis eum unice ac firmiter suspiceret, cujus ergo 
 ista pateretur. 
 
 Die Lunae coram ordinibus producto, Cancellarius longa et composita 
 oratione operose exprobavit delicta in primum foedus (quod Nationale vocant) 
 nee non in secundum (quod ligam foedusque nuncupare gaudent) : deinde 
 quod patriam infestis armis invasisset ; ^^ quod perduelles Hibernos advo- 
 casset, civilemque efFudisset sanguinem : quibus de causis aiebat Deum 
 justis ilium meritisque subjecisse poenis. Ubi ille dicendi finem fecisset, 
 interrogavit Ordines Marchio liceretne" sibi agere causam suam, et pro se 
 pauca loqui ? Quod cum (aegre) annuissent,^^ verbis istis breviter eos est 
 affatus. " Quandoquidem Regi vos utcunque conciliates audio, et ego con- 
 sessum^^ hunc non aliter intueor, quam si serenissima Majestas simul^ 
 assideret, quo solo nomine banc aperti capitis reverentiam sponte exhibeo, 
 et causam ago, in ^^ omnibus ac praesertim publicis negotiis curae mihi *^ 
 
 " sunt, E. ^"^ media, E ; cf. Cap. II., n. 65 ; Cap. V. n. 12, and n. 46. below. ^ Dominica, E. 
 
 " qtiaestiunculae, E. ^ quietem, E. ^ impatientiae, E. *^ illam, and om. aut, E. 
 
 ^histernam, D, E. ^despedae, E. *^ inviolasset, E, "his invasion and joyning with the Irish 
 
 Rebells" {Montr. ^if^jV.) which supports the reading of Din the text. *^ liceretur, E. *^egrean- 
 
 nuisset, E. ^concessum, E. ■" simull, E. ^vir, E. ^initii, E, without dots and / crossed, 
 
 this would easily be confused with mihi; but D is quite clear {v, n, 32 above). 
 
PARS II.— CAP. VI. 4.79 
 
 fuit, ut me gererem sicut fidelem Christianum ac subditum optime deceret. 
 Primum quidem illud foedus iniisse palam profiteer, ac in eodem servando 
 constanter perstitisse, quoad liquido ac manifeste constitit, nonnullos, obtento 
 religionis et libertatis velo, authoritatem omnem optimi Regis manibus 
 extortam *^ ad se rapere et quasi propriam vindicare ; ^^ cumque ad malum 
 illud averruncandum, et viros probos qui a tanto scelere abhorrebant, ab 
 ejusdem suspicione liberandos contractum quendam inire necessarium vide- 
 retur, quo et religioni imprimis prospectum fuit, et insuper cautum ne quid 
 regia Majestas detrimenti caperet, et ego ad contrahentium et subscribentium 
 numerum lubens accessi. Deo Opt. Max. immortales ago gratias, quod 
 secundum illud foedus ligamque nunquam probaverim, aut pro legitimo ac 
 honesta agnoverim, adeo ut rupti istius foederis incusari *^ minus debeam. 
 Quam vero religioni in tot exinde foedissimas discerptae sectas utilis fuerit ^^ 
 ista liga, et quot horrendas produxerit ^^ tragoedias, afflictissima haec tria 
 regna tristissimum perhibere possint ^^ testimonium. Quum autem per- 
 duellibus Anglis contra beatissimae memoriae Regem Martyrem rebellantibus 
 (quos ille benedictione divina ferme perdomuerat) ^^ factio quaedam hujus 
 regni, suppetias nimis validas et in omne aevum paenitendas ac erubescendas 
 attulisset, visum est Serenissimae Majestati me ^* in patriam amandare, 
 authoritate ejus instructum et diplomate munitum, ut, si qua fieri posset, 
 copias istas perduellibus auxiliares et in eum armatas diverterem. Mandata 
 quidem ejus tanquam justissima et sanctissima agnovi ; obsequium vero 
 promptum ac fidele ipsa mihi conscientia debitumque officium imperarunt. 
 Uti ego provinciam illam administraverim, vestrum plurimi estis mihi lucu- 
 lenti testes. Maximis sane imperatoribus rara haec contingit felicitas, ut 
 nihil uspiam militari licentia peccetur : ^^ dedi ego operam, ne diu impunita 
 forent cognita et manifesta flagitia. Extra proelii ardorem nullius, ne hostis 
 quidem infensissimi sanguinem fudi ; immo furente adhuc marte, multis 
 millibus parcendum praecepi et curavi. Denique sicut S. Majestatis imperio 
 pia arma capessivi, sic ad ejusdem mandata eadem seposui, et in ejus gratiam, 
 nulla rerum mearum habita ratione, ultra oceanum me recepi. 
 
 " Quod porro ad nuperum meum in Scotia adventum attinet, imperio ac 
 jussis S. Regis qui hodie vivit (et longum vivat regnetque beatus) et cui 
 obsequium fidemque omnes debemus, hoc praestiti, idque ad accelerandam 
 et maturandam actionem de pace et concordia, quam vobiscum instituerat. 
 Certissimum enim illi fuit paratum me semper fuisse futurum qui ab armis 
 ad nutum ejus abscederem, ubi primum de firma solidaque pace vobiscum 
 
 *^ exortam, E. *^ vendicare, D, E. *' mensari, E. From this and such errors as initii (nn. 32, 
 
 46 above), it is clear that in the MS. copied in E the i^s were not dotted, and c and e written indis- 
 tinctly. ^'^fuerat, E. ^^ produxerat, E. ^'^ possunt, E. ^ perdomerat, E. ^ne, E. 
 
 w percetur (corrected ?), E. 
 
48o RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 conveniret. Adeo ut merito affirmare audeam/^ honestiorem militiam potiori 
 jure munitam^'^ et a potestate magis legitima collatam hominem subditum 
 adeptum ^^ esse neminem, quam fuit ilia, quam optimorum Regum auspiciis 
 a me gerenda et administranda suscepta fuit. 
 
 " Quapropter hoc vos postulo, ut, seposita nunc praeconcepta opinione, 
 odio, et vindicta privata, consideretis me quod ad ^^ aequitatem causae quam 
 sustineo, tanquam hominem eundemque Christianum ; quod ad mandata 
 principis mei, tanquam subditum, qui eadem fideliter sum exsecutus ; quod 
 ad merita de vobis, tamquam civem et popularem jure carissimum et 
 gratissimum, qui quam plurimis vitam fortunasque conservavi in quos 
 animadvertendi nee jus nee facultas, sed unica mihi deerat voluntas. Temere 
 iniquum ^^ in me quidquam decernere nolite ; verum secundum Dei, naturae, 
 gentium, ac praesertim Regni hujus jus, et "^ leges patriae, mecum agite. 
 Secus si feceritis, ad justum mundi judicem provoco, qui cunctis olim futurus 
 judex est semperque juste judicat." 
 
 Haec ea gravitate, modestia et constantia oris (quae animi inturbati^^ 
 certissimus est index) pronunciavit, ut immanissimos etiam hostes in maxi- 
 mam admirationem ^^ pertraxerit. Cum vero breviter ita perorasset, Can- 
 cellarius sententiam in eum pridem latam, perlegi jussit ; quam ^ ille 
 diligenter quidem, sed immotus tamen ac inconcussus auscultavit. Secunda 
 vice conantem loqui, Cancellarius et minitabundus quidem, praepedivit, 
 illicoque^^ edixit, ut confestim in carcerem retraheretur. Vixdum regres- 
 sum (morosiores plane et molestiores hostes ^^) Ministri invadunt, arcem 
 constantiae ejus convellere aggrediuntur, anathemata intonant, censurae 
 suae gravitatem verbis admodum tragicis extollunt, aeternas ^^ interminantur 
 poenas et diris nequicquam territant. Ille innocentiae suae innitens errantis 
 clavis^^ terriculamenta et fanaticorum hominum deliria^^ susque deque habuit, 
 et immeritam censuram, justo ac nihil sibi conscio minime nocituram, verum 
 clavigeris ipsis iniquis et temerariis longe periculosiorem, aequo animo tulit. 
 
 Apud praetores urbanos, qui jugiter eum observabant, debitorem se 
 
 ^ audiam, E. '^ nul/am, E. ^ ademptum,'E. "^om. ad, E. ^ ttnius in me {sic), E. 
 
 ^^jus et om. E. ®^ imperturbati, E. ^'^ pertttrbationem, E. "As was much admired 
 
 even of his enemies" {Montr. Rediv.). ^ qtium, E, ^ ilico, D. ^morosiores . . . hostes 
 
 om. Montr. Rediv. "A more sullen and importunate set of enemies" (Tr. 2). ^ externas, 
 
 with X deleted, E. For Wishart's additions to the original narrative embodied in the Wigton MS., 
 Perfect Relation, Montrose Redivivus, and Wardale MS, see notes to Pt. II. Ch. X. in our 
 translation. In the whole of this Chap. VI. there is no evidence that any portion of it was 
 
 written later than about 1650. ^ clavis quite clear in both MSS. The sense requires //^^iV, 
 
 or laici. Wishart repeatedly emphasises the terrorism exercised over the laity by the censures, 
 anathemas, fines, and excommunications of the presbyteries and ministers. Clavis is probably 
 due to clavigeris, immediately below. The agreement of D and E seems to indicate that the 
 
 MS. from which D was copied was one of those used by R, Wodrow in his " collation " (?). 
 
 '^diliria, E. 
 
^ PARS II.— CAP. VI. 481 
 
 parliamento praedicabat, pro longe maximo honore quo ilium affecisset 
 inquiens, "Magis eximium decus mihi''^" fore existimo, quod caput meum 
 praesentibus posterisque conspiciendum eminentissimo carceris hujus fas- 
 tigio hac de causa imponatur, quam si statuam mihi auream in foro erigendam, 
 aut effigiem pulcherrime depictam in intimis Regiae penetralibus conser- 
 vandam decrevisset.'^^ Et ne fides mea pietasque in carissimos Reges obli- 
 vione aliquando oblinantur,'^ pro augustissimo honore duco, quod in quatuor 
 celeberrimis regni civitatibus, duratura ^^ tantisper monumenta erexerint/* 
 quae memoriam mei ad seros possint transmittere nepotes. Si enim votis 
 meis daretur, ex animo optarem carnem artusque meos ad hoc sufficere, 
 ut particulatim in omnes Christiani orbis civitates dividi possent, tanquam 
 certissimi fidei meae in Reges et in patriam caritatis testes ac tesserae." 
 
 Paucis "^ qui vel minima familiaritate illi olim fuissent grati, in con- 
 spectum ejus venire permissum fuit ; quibus et tempus brevissimum fuit 
 definitum, et adhibiti praetores qui hoc agerent, ne quos arcanos per- 
 miscerent sermones. Hostium interim satellites custodesque militares 
 (importunum genus hominum et molestum) conclave diu noctuque opple- 
 bant ; adeo ut privatis precibus ac menti ad caelos erigendae vix ac ne vix 
 quidem tempus aut locus ab eorum cavillationibus et tumultuosis vocibus 
 immunis concederetur. 
 
 Mane illius diei (x. Cal. Junii '^ fuit) quo morte mulctandum" decreve- 
 rant, cum civitas omnis crepitaculorum et tubarum clangoribus immodice 
 personaret, custodiae militaris praefectum interrogavit, quid sibi vellet im- 
 mensus ille et insolitus classicorum strepitus ? Respondit iste, cives 
 militesque ad arma vocari ; metuere enim ordines ne quis ad mortis illi 
 inferendae famam exoriatur tumultus. Nee dissimulare quidem non exi- 
 guum esse malignantium numerum, quo nomine amicos omnes et fautores 
 Regis odiose nuncupare solent, qui plus aequo illi faveant. Ad quae Mar- 
 chio paucis rettulit, " Qui vivus bonis istis viris formidatus fui, mori- 
 bundus etiam sum formidabilis.'^ Verum caveant sibi ; mortuus enim 
 conscientiis eorum jugiter obversans "^^ quam maxime formidandus ero." 
 Parliamentario dein viro, cui Archibaldo Johnstonio nomen est, homini 
 tristi, lymphato et moroso, importune invisenti et moleste suscitanti, quid 
 rerum ageret ? (caesariem autem forte explicabat ac depectebat) subridens 
 respondit ; " Caput hoc, quod hue usque meum est, euro et ordino : ^^ 
 postridie ubi erit vestrum, pro libidine vestra vos illud pertractate." 
 
 '"'meum, E. "^ penitralibus conservajidum decnvissent, E. "^'^ obsumaiur, E. ''^ diuturna, 
 
 E. '^* erexerunt, E. ■^^ This paragraph is briefer in Montr. Rediv., p. 193, where nothing is 
 
 said of the presence of the magistrates and soldiers. '^z*. n. 17 above. This paragraph is not 
 
 found in Montr. Rediv. and Tr. i, but rendered in Tr. 2. '^'^ militandum, E (v. n. 49 above). 
 
 ^8 Qui vivus . . . formidabilis written large in both D and E. '® conscientias . . . odser^ 
 
 vans, E. ^ ordo, E. 
 
482 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 Hora quasi secunda pomeridiana, paludamento coccinei colons auro 
 textili ^^ egregie ornato indutus, in locum carnificinae destinatum perductus 
 fuit a carcere ad forum. Is ^^ radiantium oculorum visus est splendor, incessus 
 magnificentia, vultusque decora majestas quae et civitatem omnem horrore 
 immanis supplicii perculit, et ab ipsis hostibus invitum hoc extorsit testi- 
 monium, majoris, altioris, fortioris, firmioris®^ animi^ virum nostro saeculo 
 natum esse neminem. Quoniam vero amici quique ac benevoli quam longissime 
 arcebantur, inventus fuit puer quidam ignotus Tachygraphicae artis admodum 
 peritus, qui suprema ejus notis velocissime exciperet. Capite plectendis ^ 
 libere ad populum perorare more patruo concessum semper fuit ; verum et 
 hoc illi exonerandi animi levamen a praetoribus pernegatum fuit. Ex illis 
 tamen quae non tam continua et composita oratione prolocutus est, quam ad 
 quaestiones ab astantibus injectas respondit, haec ferme sunt quae a notario 
 fideliter ^^ excepta et sparsim dicta congesta in ^^ unum ad nos emanarunt : — 
 
 " Male quidem ^ me haberet, si cordato quivis Christian© exitus hie meus 
 foret ofFendiculo. Saepiusne justis accidit secundum improborum vices, ^* 
 et secundum justorum improbis ? Caditne quando ^° Justus in justitia sua, 
 et impius in sua impietate agit prospere ? Sane quibus ego probe notus 
 sum, abjectus ac miser minime videbor, hoc nomine quod ista patiar ; multis 
 enim et me longe majoribus haud absimilia evenere fata. Justa quidem 
 Dei judicia poenasque omnes in me irrogatas, ob privata plurima ac gravia 
 in Sacrosanctum ejus numen delicta, aequissimas esse agnosco et praedico; 
 voluntati ejus memet totum sponte et libenter subjicio ac permitto ; mor- 
 talibus vero cunctis tanquam ministris ejus injurias in me omnes ultro et 
 ex animo condono. Deus immortalis illis itidem ignoscat ; oppresserunt 
 pauperem, judicium et justitiam pervertere ; verum qui celsior illis est, 
 mercedem olim rependet. 
 
 " Juxta leges patrias in patria me plane gessi ; et aequissima supremi 
 principis mei mandata^^ ad tuendam ejus in maximis constituti angustiis 
 salutem, contra illos, qui nefariis armis in eundem depugnabant, pro officio 
 suscepi.^^ Unum hoc assidue cogitabam, ut ex lege Dei, naturae, et gentis 
 nostrae, timerem Deum, Regemque honorarem. In homines neutiquam, in 
 solum Deum peccavi, apud quem longe maxima est misericordia ; cujus 
 unica fretus fiducia, ad solium ^^ ejus interritus appropinquabo. Futura^* 
 
 *^ texili, D. ^"^ forum, is, D, E. ®^ majoris . . . firmioris, written large in D, E. " unum, 
 
 E {v. n. 46 above). ^^ plectendus, E. ^ perloqutitus, and om. est . . .fideliter, E. Probably 
 
 a line of the MS. Wodrow copied, "skipped" by oversight (z/. Cap. IV., n. 33). ^ sparsum dicta 
 
 congestum unum, E, in which Wodrow has terribly mauled the passage. One knows not which to 
 admire most — his ignorance or diligence ; to have copied a MS. with such exquisite pains (in writing), 
 
 of which he evidently understood next to nothing. ^ equidem, E. ^ vicis, E. ** quandoque, 
 
 E. *^ . . . ndata in D, where the page has been injured comparatively recently. ^^ depugna' 
 
 bant, and om. pro officio suscepi, E. ^^ solum,' E, as usual. " appropinquabo futura &c., E, 
 
PARS IL— CAP. VL 483 
 
 praedicere et in arcana ^^ D. Dei penetrare nolo. Largiatur tamen clemen- 
 tissimus Pater, ut quae hodie in me perpetrantur, afQictae huic genti caris- 
 simae patriae meae in perniciem suam sponte ruenti, nunquam in graviora 
 cedant mala. 
 
 " Sunt in vobis (homines etiam minime mali) qui de me querentur, 
 quod gravi ilia censura ecclesiastica notatus moriar. Culpa haec mea nulla 
 est, siquidem illam alio crimine non promeruerim, quam quod debitum 
 legitimo principi ^^ praestiterim obsequium, idque ad religione sacro- 
 sanctum ^^ ejusdem caput authoritatemque sartam tectam juxta leges con- 
 servandam. Dolet sane temere nimis (ne quid gravius dicam) mihi a viris 
 istis interdictum sacris, quantumque in me est, salva semper conscientia, ut 
 sententiam illam secundum Dei leges revocatam velint et cassam, peto ac 
 voveo. Quod si minus impetravero, justum mundi Judicem (quem propediem 
 mihi futurum judicem spero) ac Redemptorem appello. 
 
 " Obstrepunt alii (ut morientis etiam famam et existimationem modis 
 omnibus laedere et elevare valeant) me hac ratione culpam omnem in reges 
 conjicere. Procul absit [ab omnia mea] ^^ tanta impietas. Beatissimus ille 
 Rex defunctus vixit omnino sanctus, mortuusque est Martyr. Utinam et 
 ego, prout non prorsus absimili fato, sic et simili sanctitate et patientia 
 vitam finiam ®^ meam. Equidem si animam meam in cujusvis vicem transire 
 liceret, aut cum alia conjungi aut componi, unicam ejus seligerem et prae- 
 optarem. Quod vero Regem vivum spectat, omnium sub sole felicissimum 
 fore populum existimo, qui sub justissimo et mitissimo ejus imperio vitam 
 sit traducturus. Quaecunque mihi in mandatis dedit aequissima fuere. 
 Promissis stat firmiter, nee iidem fallit. Et quamvis ad misericordiam et 
 clementiam genius ejus sit propensior, justitiam tamen in omnibus religiose 
 colit, et cum omnibus sancte observat. Deum Opt: Max: veneror supplex, 
 et oro, ut non minus fideles et justos servos subditosque inveniat ; ne forte 
 (ut pater) ab illis aliquando prodatur, de quibus optime fuerit meritus, et in 
 quibus nimiam collocaverit fiduciam. 
 
 " Nemo, quaeso, bruto stupori aut superbae contumaciae tribuat, quod 
 hunc in modum me hodie geram, quod in nonnullis aliter quam plerique 
 vestrum sentiam, et in omnibus ad vota sententiasque vestras non accedam. 
 Conscientiae meae ad verae religionis et rectae rationis normas compositae 
 lumen sequor, quod benedictus D. Dei mei Spiritus (qui cordi insidet meo) 
 praemonstrat. Strenue mihi utendum est fidei virtute et patientiae vigore, 
 
 ^ arcanis, E. '* legitimi principis, E. ^ D ends here with the catchword sacrosanctum, show- 
 ing that some written pages of this MS. have been lost. As it contains sixty pages, and the folio 
 sheets are arranged in quires of eight pages, probably four pages, or one sheet, have been lost — 
 enough to have contained the remainder of Part II., but not the poem copied by Wodrow in E 
 (zj. pp. 486 ff,). ^^ omnino ab me? or abominata mihi? ^fineam meam, Equidem^ E. 
 
484 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 quern ille benigne et clementer largitur.^°° Ita armatus morti fortiter occurro, 
 ac spei fiduciaeque plenus solio caelesti me sisto. Glorificetur Dominus ^°^ 
 in caelis vel hac mea condemnatione in terris. Quae quidem timoris ac 
 diffidentiae verba non sunt, verum gratitudinis in deum et dilectionis in 
 populum ejus plena. Quoties enim vos cerno, aut cogitatione complector, 
 non possum non illacrimari malis vestris, quibus ego tempestive mederi, 
 renitentibus peccatis nostris, frustra conatus sum. 
 
 " Plura dicere non habeo quam quod caritatis vestrae judicio recte 
 ordinato memet permittam, et piorum preces pro salute animae meae ex 
 hoc corporis carcere hactenus evolantis postulem. Ego sane pro vobis 
 omnibus oro, et Omnipotentis Dei iram pridem excitatam ac misello ^°^ huic 
 regno imminentem serio sed submisse et humiliter deprecor. De putre- 
 scentibus corporis hujus reliquiis triumphum agant homines quantumlibet ; 
 nunquam tamen efficient ^°^ ut Deum meum non timeam, non colam, non 
 amem, Regemque meum tam in morte quam in vita honorem. D. Deo ac 
 Redemptori spiritum, obsequium Regi, patriae posterisque famam, benevo- 
 lentiam amicis, et vobis omnibus propensissimum affectum commendo. 
 Plura forsan, si liceret, adderem ; verum ista breviter liberandae con- 
 scientiae meae dicta sufficiant." ^"'^ 
 
 Rogatus postmodum solusne ac seorsum precari vellet, respondit, " Si 
 quidem preces mecum communicare populo non permittitis, tam vobis quam 
 raihi forsan erit scandalo in tam frequenti concione separata et solitaria 
 oratio. Coram Domino, cui penitus perspectum est cor meum, hactenus 
 effudi animam meam ; in manus Ejus spiritum meum tradidi, et Ille mihi 
 plenam remissionis peccatorum, pacis ac salutis fiduciam in Jesu Christo, 
 Redemptore meo, clementer et gratiose obsignare dignatus est." Haec 
 graviter effatus, obseratis oculis, erectis in caelos manibus, aliquantisper 
 in spiritu supremum Numen veneratus est. Quo quidem tempore ingenti 
 divini spiritus solamine desuper perfusum fuisse non obscura prodiderunt 
 indicia. Isto defunctus officio lictorem advocatum nummis^°^ aliquot 
 donavit. 
 
 Allatum mox rerum ab eo gestarum commentarium cum declaratione 
 ad Scotos funiculo ^"^ appensum, mira quadam alacritate et vultu ad hilari- 
 tatem composito, collo suo imposuit, inquiens, " etsi munificentissimo Regi 
 visum fuerit in numerum equitum nobilissimi ordinis Garterii me cooptare, 
 
 100 largetur, E. {Largietur) ? ' ' had supplied him," Tr. 2, in which this whole speech is rendered, with 
 extraordinary want of taste, in the third person. ^"^ sisto, Glorificaetur dominus, E, the punctua- 
 tion of which throughout, where there is any, is very wrong, even, as here, with a capital to guide the 
 copier. Tr. 2 renders sisto, "to sist himself before the throne of God," using the Sc. legal term. The 
 Montr. Rediv. gives here, " Let God be glorified in my end, though it were in my Damnation," a sen- 
 timent explained by the Latin words in terris. ^'^'^ missello, E. ^"* efficiant, E. ^** " Here 
 
 yr is a leafe in folio Blank," note in E. ^"' numinis, E (v. n. 49 above). '^^fnuiculo, E. 
 
CAP. VI. 485 
 
 longe tamen majori decori et ampliori honori funiculum hunc cum appensis 
 libris cedere existimo. Eos itaque intensiore gaudio amplector quam tor- 
 quem aureum, aut ipsum D. Georgii gloriosissimum insigne olim susceperim. 
 Confestim/"'^ quaeso, annectite, prout vobis maxime arridebit." 
 
 Praetores denique et satellitum praefectos, cum brachia vinculis con- 
 stringi et paludamentum detrahi curassent, hisce verbis compellavit ; " Agite, 
 obsecro, adjicite quicquid dedecoris (ut vos quidem putatis) aut ignominiae 
 superest, quod in me comminisci ^°^ valeatis ; paratus enim sum qui sponte, 
 comiter et hilariter plura ac tristiora omnia hac de causa perpetiar. Deus 
 immortalis pereuntis hujus gentis misereatur ! " Atque ita tandem secundum 
 sententiam pridem in absentem et inauditum latam, invicta constantia et 
 miranda animi magnitudine, vir, vel hostium confessione et suffragio, incom- 
 parabilis, immortalitatis candidatus vitam banc miseram ac mortalem cum 
 beata ilia ac aeterna commutavit, 
 
 ^*^ Confestiitty E. — —^^ nte-comminisci (^sic) E. 
 
 21 
 
486 RER, MONTISROS, 
 
 MANIBUS BEATISSIMIS 
 
 Illustrissimi,^ Invictissimi, Constantissimi, Jacobi Montisrosarum Mar- 
 CHioNis, Comitis^ de Kincairne &c. : Gubernatoris vicarii, et copiarum 
 omnium terra marique in Regno Scotiae pro Regia Majestate supremi 
 Imperatoris, a Conjuratis perduellibus immaniter trucidati, Versus 
 sive Elegia,^ anniversaria prima, authore eodem, qui comraentarium 
 rerum ab eo praeclarissime gestarum fidelissime descripsit. 
 
 CI3IDCL. 
 
 QuEM genus, et genius, quem mens in corpore firmo 
 
 Firmior, et pulchro pulchrior ore lepos, 
 Quem pietas, quem alma Themis,* constantia nullis 
 
 Expugnata (licet mille petita) malis, — 
 
 Quem Regi servata fides, victriciaque arma, 
 
 Sextaque palmatae gloria rara togae,^ 
 Hostibus et toties ultro data dextera victis, 
 
 Quem nimius patriae (proh pereuntis) amor 
 
 Extulit ad superos, et fama aeterna sacravit, 
 
 Et totum virtus vendicat ^ una sibi, 
 Deprimit invidia et, rapidis truculentior ursis, 
 
 Gestit adhuc manes (heu) violare pios I 
 
 Quis furor, o cives, urit jecur, oraque siccat, 
 Atque verecundam non sinit ^ esse sitim ? 
 
 An Pharii^ nullo rabies extinguitur haustu 
 Sanguinis, an nullis morsibus atra jacet 
 
 2. Exsaturata fames ? epulis sed crescit adauctis,' 
 Crescit et infandae dira libido dapis. 
 Saevitum nimis est, nimium crudelibus iris 
 Hactenus indultum. Jam cohibete manus, 
 
 ^ Jaustrissimi, E. This MS. is our only authority for the poem. ^ Comes, E. ^ Lessus 
 
 sirehgia, E. * Themes, E. ''cf. Martial, vii. 2, 8. ^vendicat, E ; cf. Part II., Cap. VI., n. 
 
 48. ^ non sinit et esse, E. * Pharii, an allusion to the Ministers, compared to the mad dervish 
 
 priests of Isis (?) ; cf. Tib. i. 3, 32. * adunctis, E, a word without authority. For adauctis, cf. 
 
 Plaut. Stich. ii. 2, 62. 
 
MANIBUS BEATISSIMIS. 487 
 
 " Carnifices, cohibete manus," vox horrida clamat 
 
 Et penetrat caelos sanguinis innocui ; 
 Lethiferosque arcus tendens ensemque coruscans 
 
 Intentat poenas vindicis ira Dei. 
 
 Crura, manusque ambas, exsanguiaque ora sepulchro 
 
 Et laceres artus quid prohibere juvat ? 
 Extincto pavidus mus ^^ insultare leoni 
 
 Assolet, et torvas rodere dente jubas : 
 Extinctae rigidos aquilae depascitur armos 
 
 Degener et milvus, foedaque vultur edit : 
 Extinctumque fugax contemnit dama Melampum, 
 
 Et formidatum vana capella lupum. 
 Dicite vos pavidi mures, vos dicite milvi 
 
 Degeneres, et vos dicite carnivori 
 
 3. Vultures, solaque fuga^^ vos dicite damae 
 
 Insignes, vanae dicite, quaeso, caprae, 
 Proditione, dolo, scelere atqiie libidine vestra 
 
 Oppressum indigna perdere morte virum, 
 Atque (immane nefas) tristi pallentia tabe ^^ 
 
 Membra arcere suo semisepulta rogo 
 Non pudet, ad vivum cujus modo nomen et umbram 
 
 Non puduit turpem praecipitasse fugam, 
 Et trepidasse metu toties et montibus altis 
 
 Aut timidum silvis occuluisse caput, 
 Et vertisse^^ solum, et totis diffidere terris 
 
 Et petiisse rates et latuisse mari ? 
 Si vos non tenuit tantae virtutis imago, 
 
 Invidiae stimulos sed magis ursit acres, ^* 
 Regia jussa tamen, nomenque vicesque supremi 
 
 Principis, imperii legitimique modus, 
 Jura patrum, legesque sacrae, et veneranda potestas. 
 
 Qua nihil in terris sanctius esse solet, 
 
 4. Avertisse scelus potuit. Sed nullus honesti 
 
 Est amor in vobis, curaque nulla boni ; 
 
 ^** unus, E, but V. mures, six lines below, ^^ atque fuga sola, E. ^^ labo, E, in which and e 
 
 are often confused, e.g.,ferme appears frequently s^s forme. ^* vertisse solum, meaning, to dig hiding- 
 places in the earth (?), or, like mutari caelum, "to seek other lands "(?). "^^ acres always; but 
 
 probably Wishart wrote the line as it stands. 
 
488 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 Et procul a caecis animis jus, fasque fidesque 
 
 Exulat, et pietas et pudor omnis abest. 
 Regalis postquam cessit reverentia sceptri, 
 
 Et majestatis laus fuit esse reos, 
 Jusque datum servis, et rupta repagula legum, 
 
 Et populi auspiciis foedera juncta malis, 
 Sinceri rectique nihil ; fraudesque dolique 
 
 Cumque latrociniis furta, rapina, neces ; 
 Visque armata toros pertentat, et omnia vastat,^^ 
 
 Et nihil illicitum jam putat esse sibi. 
 Nullum crimen abest. Instant bella, improba bella, 
 
 Et belli comites, pestis et atra fames 
 Invadunt miseros. Nova vectigalia vexant, 
 
 Legibus atque novis criminibusque novis 
 Illaqueare pios juvat, et nil tale merentes 
 
 Exercere odiis. Quam nocet esse pium ! 
 
 5. Quodque magis stupeas/^ et quae mihi maxima semper 
 
 Viscera corrodit cura dolore gravi, 
 Dira superstitio mentique illapsa protervae 
 
 Impia crudelitas ■^^ provocat omne nefas ; 
 Inque deos hominesque ruit miserabile vulgus 
 
 Seditione potens, ambitione patres 
 [Flantur]/^ avaritia nihil (heu) moderabile suadent, 
 
 Nee finem tantis imposuisse malis. 
 Vecordes gaudent, accensis pinguia flammis 
 
 Pabula conjiciunt, sufificiuntque novas ^^ 
 Egregii imprimis vates ; qui sponte furentes 
 
 Exagitant stimulos, et fera corda cient, 
 Accenduntque iris animos, pacemque perosi 
 
 Carmine ferali nil nisi bella crepant. 
 Eumenides^" credas Stygio emersisse profundo, 
 
 Et nostro Furias incubuisse solo 
 Regibus infensas, quels ira odioque superbo 
 
 Livida corda tument,^^ lingua cruenta tonat ; 
 
 6. Nee nisi purpureo placantur sanguine ditum, 
 
 Gratior ante aras victima nulla cadit. 
 
 ^^vustaf, E. ^'^ Quod migis stupeas, E. ^^ crudelitas. ^^ Si Flatnen, E, with si deleted. 
 
 The capital F shows that Flatnen, or some word like it, began the line. Flantur is conjectural.- — - 
 
 " novat, E. *" Eume, or Sume, or Eumet (in different hand, and partly obliterated) Irtdiis, E. 
 
 ^^ sument, E. 
 
MANIBUS BEATISSIMIS. 489 
 
 Quid memorem ingentes animos regnique capaces, 
 
 Straffordi magni, cum Lilioque Lucam, 
 Et Laudem pietate insignem, et marte Capelum,^^ 
 
 Atque infelicis funera Hamiltonii, 
 Gordoniosque alios ipso cum principe gentis, 
 
 Moravium juvenem, Spotswodiumque senem, 
 Maxwallum, Rolocum ^^ et nimium praecocis Ogilvi 
 
 Fata [Lethum] ? ^^ ast omnes longa referre mora. 
 Carolus unus adest, et Carolus omnibus unus, 
 
 Carolus ille bonus, Carolus ille pius, 
 Carolus ille Deum soboles, et maxima magni 
 
 Cura Dei, et magno proximus ille deo, 
 Major adest testis, quem vos immanibus aris 
 
 Devotum pridem non jugulasse pudet, — 
 Heu scelus, heu facinus, monstrum execrabile cunctis, 
 
 Nuncia venturi prodigiosa mali ! 
 
 7. Di bene, quod Carolo comitem dent fata beato 
 
 Graemum, quod Graemo fata dedere ducem 
 Ingentem Carolum, votis date, et optio fiat, 
 
 Ille alium comitem nollet, et ille ducem. 
 Sed vos humani generis portenta, Gigantes 
 
 Terrigenae, saecli testis, et ira Deum, 
 Cyclopes, ululae, Harpyiae, Stygiaeque paludis 
 
 Excrementa, soli probra, flagella poli. 
 Quanta manet vindicta reos ultricibus armis, 
 
 Atque intestinis Mars furibundus aget ! 
 Fraternas acies fraternaque vulnera cerno, et 
 
 Eruta fraterna viscera saeva manu, 
 Et servile jugum duris cervicibus atque 
 
 Imponi pedibus ferrea vincla pigris, 
 Arentesque siti fauces, et torrida peste 
 
 Lumina, et indomita languida membra fame. — 
 Parva loquor ; vestrum quota pars est ista malorum 
 
 Quos majora vocant termina, flagra, cruces. 
 
 8. Conscia corda novis furiis agitabit Erinnys,^^ 
 
 Nulla dies requiem, nox quoque nulla dabit ; 
 
 22 et laudem . . . Capelium, E. ^ Rocolum, E. ** Lethum, so E. Equitum F ^ Erim- 
 
 nis, E. 
 
490 RER. MONTISROS. 
 
 Conterrent noctu pavidas insomnia mentes, 
 
 Conterrent taciturn murmur ^^ et umbra diu ; 
 Anxia mille graves distorquent pectora curae/'^ 
 
 Solicitosque animos luctus et horror habet ; 
 Hinc metus, hinc atris volitans infamia pennis, 
 
 Hinc gravis ira hominum, atque ^ hinc gravis ira deum, 
 Livida^® perpetuis urunt praecordia flammis, 
 
 Nee mora, nee requies, nee modus ullus erit, 
 Donee ab immota Supremi Judicis urna 
 
 Sors cadet, ilia meis non referenda mod is, 
 Desperata salus et inexorabilis Orcus, 
 
 Seraque vos Nemesis, vos metanaea^*' premet. 
 Interea Rosei Montis ^^ fulgentius Heros, 
 
 Ingratae patriae dedecus atque decus, 
 Ornamentum ingens, ingens infamia terrae, 
 
 Idem amor atque dolor, Scotia moesta, tuus, '* 
 
 9. Sidereasque domos nitidique palatia caeli, 
 
 Astra super, Superum tecta superba petit ; 
 Sub pedibusque videns pereuntis inania ^^ mundi, 
 
 Gaudet honore dei, gaudet amore frui. 
 Atque illae (infandi monumenta pudenda furoris) 
 
 Reliquiae, tanti pendula membra viri, 
 Clara trophea velut, famaeque sonantibus alis 
 
 Imposita, aut celsis suspicienda Tholis, 
 Virtutemque fidemque et fortia facta loquentur 
 
 Magnanimi Herois, laudibus atque novis 
 Ornabunt manes. Titulos fastosque perennes 
 
 Adjiciet gratae posteritatis amor. 
 Quodque potest unum, tibi, maxime Graeme, quotannis 
 
 Solemnes elegos ^* nostra Camena dabit ; 
 Quem coluit vivum (rumpantur ut invida Codro ^ 
 
 Ilia) defunctum non minus ilia colet. 
 
 ^ tnurimur, E. ^ cura, E. ^ et, E. ^ Levida, E. ** i.e., fierivoia, repentance, remorse. 
 
 *^ Rosei niontis, i.e., Montis rosei, Montrose. ^messa tua, E. ^ mania, E. ** Elogos^ 
 
 E. "* Codro, E. From Verg. Ed, vii. 26. Codrus was a worthless poet, envious of Vei^l. 
 
 Hence often, as in JUvenal, typical of a bad tedious poet. Perhaps Wishart means to suggest that his 
 writings had aroused the envy of some poor scribbler. Certainly the success of his " Commentary " 
 was most distasteful to the Covenanters. 
 
MANIBUS BEATISSIMIS. 491 
 
 10. Verus amor nullis fortunae extinguitur undis ; 
 Nulla timet fati fulmina verus amor; 
 Immortalis amor verus manet, et sibi semper 
 Constat, et aeternum, quisquis amavit, Amat.^'^ 
 
 Anno 1650 scripsi in copia mea.^'^ 
 
 ^ The pathos and beauty of the last four lines form an exquisite monument of Wishart's love for 
 
 his slain hero, which deserves the immortality it claims. ^ Note in the same hand as the poem 
 
 and the rest of E, namely, Robert Wodrow's. The date shows that it was a note of the author 
 himself. But as the preface to the poem says that it was written on the " first anniversary," it must 
 have been written on May 21st, 1651, and probably "Anno 1651 " should be read here. If the 
 lost original MS. contained it, and in this order, immediately after Part II,, we should have strong 
 evidence that Part II. was written before May 1651. The numbers at the side of the above lines 
 occur in the MS. They have nothing to do with the sections of the poem. Possibly they refer 
 to the pages of the MS. from which Wodrow copied. The numerous corruptions and erasures 
 indicate that this was written in an obscure hand. As the numbers do not occur to the same 
 number of lines regularly, possibly in this lost MS. lines had been scored out. The normal number 
 of lines to a page seems to have been eighteen. Hence the page of the lost MS. was a small one, 
 not the folio " Book" "collated" by Wodrow, which had over forty lines to the page. See Crit. 
 Introd. j 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 BATTLE OF CARBISDALE. See Part IL, Chap. viii. 
 
 List of those Killed and ta^en Prisoner, 
 
 from Balfour, Ann. iv. ii, 12, &c., supplemented from the History of the Earls of 
 Sutherland (Sallagh's Continuation), Montr. Rediv,, Monteith, and Acts Pari. Scot. 
 Balfour's list is given in the 1756 edition of Wishart's Montrose, with variations, 
 which show that the editor derived it from some MS. list, the source of which we 
 have been unable to trace. 
 
 Killed. 
 
 Thomas Ogilvy, Laird of Powrie. 
 
 Gilbert Menzies, Laird of Pitfoddels, yr., standard-bearer. 
 
 John Douglas, youngest son of William, Earl of Morton. 
 
 Col. J. (?) Gordon (Sallagh). See pp. 282-284. 
 
 Major Lisle (Monteith, 511). Captain Erskine. 
 
 Major Biggar. Captain Garrie. 
 
 Major Guthrie (Monteith, 511). Lieutenant Home (Holme). 
 
 Captain Stirling (Monteith, 517, About 450 common souldiers killed, 
 
 says he was executed — a mistake). and 200 drowned. 
 
 Captain Powell. 
 
 Captain Swan (?). In Acts Pari. Scot. Swan is banished. Was the report of 
 his death incorrect, or were there two of the name ? 
 
 Prisoners. 
 
 Viscount Frendraught. See p. 308, n. 63. 
 
 General Major Hurrie, " pleaded the benefit of quarter, and a great charge of 
 children." Montr. Rediv., 186. Executed May 29th. 
 
 Colonel Thomas Gray, petitioned the House, May 3 1 st, " quherby he shew that 
 he had beine out of the countrey 34 zeires, [p. 26, " 33 zeires"] and wes cousined 
 and circumveined by James Grhame." Balf., ibid., p. 26, says, " It wes expected 
 some moneyes should haue bein gottin out of him, bot that failkd.*' Was this the 
 Colonel Thomas Gray of Part. II., Chap, i, n. 2? Herr Koren, keeper of the 
 
494 APPENDIX. 
 
 Throndhjem archives, informs us that on October 13, 1649, the army in Norway 
 was reduced; and July 20, 1650, a successor was appointed to his lieutenant- 
 colonelcy of the Throndhjem infantry. Previously he had served in the war 
 between Sweden and Denmark-Norway, under Hannibal Sehestadt, the Stat- 
 holder in Norway. In a fit of intoxication he had insulted Sehestadt, for which he 
 was court-martialed, September 1645, but dealt with leniently. Saml, Norske Folks 
 Sprog og Hist., iii., iv. (Chr. 1 835-1 838), 400, and ibid. v. 302. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel James Hay, brother to the laird of Naughton. Detained 
 in the north either by wounds, or friends anxious to screen him. May 23rd, the 
 House ordered him to be sent to Edinburgh. He was afterwards employed by 
 Charles II. and the Perth Parliament to deal with Monk on currency questions. 
 Balf. iv. 329. 
 
 Major Affleck, " Cap : Androw Afflecke, a Scottsman borne, quho had beine 
 out of this countrey 29 zeires, . . . the housse by woyces sentences him to be 
 banished the kingdome for euer, vnder the paine of death, and not to retume 
 without licience of the parliament." Balf. iv. 27; Act Pari. Scot., VI. ii. 569. 
 
 Captain John Spottiswood, son of the laird of Darsie, grandson of the Arch- 
 bishop of St. Andrews (p. 187, n. 8). Executed May 29. See his craven petition, 
 as given in Balf. iv. 28-31; but comp. Montr. Rediv., 1S7 : "a compleat young 
 Gentleman, and very worthy of pitty (if any had been shown), being very young, 
 but an excellent spirit, and a good Scholar." Cf. F' Hay's genealogy of Fam. 
 of Spottiswoode, Spot. Mis. i. 13. 
 
 Captain William Ross, banished for life; sent to France. Balf. iv. 26, 37. 
 He appears as "Lieutenant" in the first account of the battle {ibid. 11). A 
 Lieutenant William Ross, in Glencairn's expedition, was taken by the English at 
 Dunkeld, February 10, 1654. Gwynne's Mem., App. p. 247. 
 
 Captain Mortimer. 
 
 Rittmaster Wallensius (Rootemaster Vallensius, Wallensen, a Dane ?). 
 
 Peter Saues, Captain of Dragoons (probably a foreigner). 
 
 Captain Warden (Englishman ?). 
 
 Captain Auchinleck (probably identical with Major or Captain Aifleck — same 
 name). 
 
 Captain Lawson. 
 
 Captain-Lieutenant Gustavus {al. Gustar, a Swede ?). 
 
 Lieutenant Verkin (foreigner). 
 
 Lieutenant Andrew Glen (Osen in 1756 edition). 
 
 Lieutenant Rob. Touch. Acts Pari. Scot,, VI. ii. 580. 
 
 Ernestus Buerham (Dane or Holsteiner ?). 
 
 Laurence Van Luitenberge {al. Luttenberg, Hollander ?). 
 
 Lieutenant David Drummond, " The parliament pardons his lyffe, and ordaines 
 him to be sent to France, and banished this kingdome, and to act himselue neuer 
 to retume thither bot licience of the parliament." Act Pari. Scot,, VI. ii. 571 ; Balf. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 495 
 
 iv. 37. Was he the Colonel Drummond who, in December 1653, shipped from 
 Holland with 150 volunteers for Glencairn ? Gwynne, Mem., App. 221. 
 
 Lieutenant John Drummond. 
 
 Lieutenant James Dun {al. Din). 
 
 Lieutenant Alexander Stewart. 
 
 Cornet Ralph Marlie {al. Murray). ' - - 
 
 Cornet Henrick Erlach (Holsteiner ?). 
 
 Cornet Daniel Bennicke (Holsteiner?). 
 
 Ensign Robert Graham. Cf. Acts Pari. Scot., VI. i. 669. " Reserved for punish- 
 ment, with one Grime, servant to Jas. Henderson." Balf. iv. 19. Robert Graham, 
 the Elder, of Cairnie, attended Montrose's "True Funerals" in 1661; also Robert 
 G. of Morphie. 
 
 Ensign Adrian Ringwerthe (Holsteiner ?). 
 
 Ensign Hans Boaz (Holsteiner ?). 
 2 Quartermasters. 2 Trumpeters. 
 
 6 Sergeants. 3 Drummers. 
 
 15 Corporals. 386 Common soldiers. 
 
 2 Ministers, Mr. Kiddie and Mr. Meldrum. No trace of them has been found 
 in Orkney records ; but they appear to be " the deposed ministers of Orkney, quho 
 had landed with James Grhame." Balf. iv. 31. 
 
 Besides these. Captain Alexander Charters, brother to the laird of Empsfield, 
 was taken and executed^ June 22nd. " Of an honourable and antient family in that 
 " kingdome. The ministers having dealt with him to acknowledge his fault 
 " publikely, and dehort all others from it (which from no others of his companions 
 *' they could extort) he, though resolute enough and a good Scholar, yet partly 
 " by the perswasion of his friends, and partly by weaknesse which was occasion'd 
 " by his wounds, agreed to their desire, and was content to make a publique 
 " Manifesto in hopes his life might be saved. With this conquest of conscience 
 ** the Ministers (to produce their great work to the Common people) came vaunt- 
 ** ing upon the scaffold ..." And so he made a " long and tedious Harangue," 
 which they had " very energetically pend for him ; " and then they " fairly cutt off 
 " his head and seal'd his confession with his blood." See Balf. iv. 50, 52, 53, 56, who 
 omits all these details, but shows that he begged hard for life. 
 
 The EngUsh officers were sentenced to be sent to France, probably to recruit 
 Sir Robert Murray's or other regiments there. "The Dutche {i.e., foreign, mostly 
 " German) officers with a Dutche minister to be dismissed home to ther auen 
 " countrey." Balf. iv. 35, 36. June 4th, the German and Dutche officers offered 
 their service to the state, desiring some maintenance and subsistence in the mean- 
 time to supply their necessity {ibid. 40). 
 
 Of the common soldiers, most of the foreigners probably fell in the battle. 
 We read of "five Englishmen " dismissed, {ibid. 50). Two hundred and eighty-one 
 were confined in the Canongate by May 21st. Forty of these "being forced from 
 " Orknay were dismissed " — that is, as it appears, given as slaves — six to David 
 
49$ APPENDIX. 
 
 Leslie, " being fishers ; " 6, also fishers, to Argyll ; 6 " zoung lustie fellowes " to Sir 
 James Hope, "to his lead minnes." The rest were given to Lord Angus and 
 Sir Robert Murray "to recreuit ther French regiments" {ibid. i8). If this was 
 "dismissal," one wonders what became of the rest! 
 
 A mystery also hangs over the fate of the 105 prisoners who had not reached 
 the Canongate prison by May 21st. Some, severely wounded, may have been 
 left in the north, or succumbed to the hardships of the march south. Others 
 may have been among the prisoners peremptorily ordered south by the House, 
 May 23rd, but more probably the last were officers. 
 
 Fate of the Detachments left in Dunbeath, Strath Naver, 
 
 AND Orkney. 
 
 This narrative would be incomplete without some account of Montrose's 
 followers who were not present at Carbisdale. 
 
 Having despatched the prisoners south, Leslie, with five troops, some of 
 Holburn's regiment, and some of Sutherland's men, proceeded to Caithness, and 
 having examined into the offence of the local gentry, directed them south to be 
 censured by Parliament. He then laid siege to Dunbeath Castle, which was 
 valiantly defended for some days, till the water supply of the garrison was cut 
 oif, and they were forced to surrender. (For Montrose's papers found there, see 
 Appendix IX.) These were all sent south to Edinburgh, and Sir William Hay 
 of Dalgetty was there executed, June 8th. Balf iv. 23, 36. See his Eulogy in 
 App. to Wishart (Ed. 1819), 521. Major Whiteford, a Scotsman, narrowly escaped 
 the same fate, but was ordered to depart the country before July 31st It is said 
 that he owed this clemency to the part he had taken in the murder of Dr. 
 Dorislaus at the Hague,^ a year previously, an act of revenge on one of the 
 regicides, which was counted to him for righteousness. 
 
 Meantime, the Earl of Sutherland had sent Captain William Gordon with 
 300 men towards the heights of Caithness to try what Harry Graham was doing, 
 but before he could overtake him, he had heard of the overthrow, and shipped 
 with all his men for Orkney. Captain Gordon arrived at Thurso just in time 
 to see him sailing. But Orkney was no refuge, and hurriedly they prepared to 
 abandon the islands, soon to be visited by Lesley's fury, in the person of the ruflSan 
 CuUace. Thus far from Sallagh. The narrative is continued in a letter we have 
 found in the Wodrow MSS. (fol. 67, n, 95, now first printed). Unhappily, the 
 end is torn, and gives no clue to the writer of this interesting document. 
 
 " Hgnb^ and Loving, 
 
 " Heaving the ocatione of ane bearer, I thought good to aquant you hou 
 " buissines gois heir, our Governour Sir WiUiam Johnstoune hes takine ane 
 " shipp and gone to the sea with the whoU monitione and arteyllarie. at his 
 
 ^ Heath, 236 ; Clarendon (1714) v, 356 ; Acts Pari. vi. 594. 
 
APPENDIX. 497 
 
 " entrie in the shipp thair was one Junes [James ?], Bofroustouhs ^ good sone, 
 " a kynd of a leiftenant to George Drumond. the governour dreu a pistoll and 
 " shott and killed Junes. My Lord Mortoune . . . {illeg.) gen to sea and his 
 " doughter, Mr. James Aickine ^ thair at all gon alongis with the Goverfiouf. 
 " they heave my Lord of Mortouns wholl Jeualls and pleatt with them ; yit it hes 
 " pleassed god that the shipp that the Governour and his traine was in they ar 
 " rune on upone the Skerries of Skea \v. Map] in Wastray firth, and will never 
 " winne off. I pray you doe that ye can to obtaine a warrand ffom the Leivtentant 
 " generall to tak them, since they ar so sUir upone the Skerrie. Yde will not want 
 " aid in this cuntrie more then any other man will geatt. ane it be Weill considerit 
 " it is a mater of conserinment. spair me ane answer to this, and what ells yee 
 " knou about . . . essent \torn^ ? the laird of Assyrii ?']... [torn] , . . egfince 
 " [locality ?] . , . 6 . . . 1650 [torn] your . . . 
 
 "J [;/<?/-«.]" 
 
 [Endorsed] '* Ffdi- Sif Jarttes Sinclair * off Murkill, These." 
 
 The date of this was probably May 6th, 1650. 
 
 That the fugitives fled in haste we gather from the narrative of Gwyiine, left 
 behind, to his no small discontent. He had perhaps remaihed in Orkney with 
 Johnston, and did not know their feause for haste. 
 
 "Soon after, Montros friafcht further into the Highlarids, and Collonel 
 " Grymes (his natural brother) [Harry Graham], was coftiing up with a recruit of 
 " five hundred more men to him, and were come something near the place where 
 " he was defeated, which fiiade Collonel Grymes to retreat, and rriarch back into 
 " Orkneyj where one Sir William Jonson was left governor : and upon a debate 
 " amongst them what best to do, they only talk'd (and that was all), as if they 
 " would go by sea, and rescue Montros, which they easily might have don, as 
 " there was no fear of an enemy thereabout, since the party of horse which beat 
 " hini had don their work, and were gort far enough from those parts, and himself 
 " in the custody of a pretended old friend, who had few or no more for a guard 
 " upon him then were the family and servants of the house wherein he was in 
 " restraint, and in a manner conceal'd too, untill there came fourth a declaration, 
 *' that whosoever should apprehend and secure him should have such a summe of 
 " money for his reward : But, in the meantime, had we don ony thing, we could 
 " not have done less then endeavour to fetch him off; having had time enough, 
 •' and to spare, fot it, and the house he was in so very neat the sea, as an oppor- 
 
 ^ Borrowstoun, a hamlet in Reay, seven miles west of Thurso. " Good-son," Scotch for 
 son-in-law. 
 
 3 Mr. James Atkine was son of Harie Atkine, Commissary of Orkney. He was minister of 
 Birsay and Harray. He drew up declaration of loyalty for the presbytery of Cairiton, 1650. They 
 were all deposfed, and he betook himself to Holland. Fasti 393. Note from Mr. Wm. G. T. Watt, 
 F.S.A. Scot., of Skaill House, Stromness, who also informs us that George Grahani, son of 
 Bishop Graham, was deposed with most of the ministers for signing Montrose's bond. 
 
 * See Calder's Caithness, 105, 140, 143 {?). 
 
498 APPENDIX. 
 
 " tunity offred for it : but the governor of Orkney choos'd rather to take some of 
 " the merchants' shipps out of their harbour to carry himself, and others whom he 
 " pleas'd, away with him, leaving some of us behind a sacrifice to Lesley, and 
 " others our foes in the countrey. Howsoever, I mett with the best of the worst 
 " luck, for, by a kindnes which I had don not long before to a gratefuU person, 
 " came so home to me as to preserve me strangely ; and my last faire escape was 
 " an opportunity to get in an open boat for Shetland, and from thence in a herring- 
 " bus for Holland, when your Majesty was under sayle for Scotland." Mem. 91-3. 
 Gwynn reached Holland so destitute that " upon Amsterdam iron-bridge, after I had 
 " come from Montrose his ingagement, I sunk down dead with meer hunger ; and 
 " had it not been for the great charity of strangers that reviv'd me, I had gon (for 
 " ought I know,) the way of all flesh, insinsible of any further paine." Ibid. 133. 
 
 It appears from Balfour's notices of proceedings in Parliament that Johnston 
 and Harry Graham sailed off in Captain Hall's frigate, and in spite of the Skerries 
 of Skea did " win off" and reached Norway. Hardly had they set foot on shore 
 when they were arrested by the natives ; and the crew in the absence of the captain 
 mutinied, under the leadership of one Vanderson or Waterston, a native of 
 Anstruther in Fife, and carried the ship with all Montrose's valuable papers, com- 
 promising to many in Scotland, and not least of all perhaps to Charles himself, 
 back to Leith, where Waterston and his crew received the thanks of Parliament, 
 and a present of the ship, to be employed in their service. We read of "15 
 strangers " whom they brought in, probably foreign soldiers who had escaped with 
 the Governor from Orkney. These were dismissed. 
 
 Happily for the credit of Scotsmen, an offer made by the natives to hand over 
 their prisoners to Scottish vessels, then on their coast, was refused — an act of 
 generosity which brought down on the captains a Parliamentary inquisition.^ 
 
 Sir Harry Graham survived to occupy a prominent place at the " True Funeralls " 
 of his brother. May 11, 1661. 
 
 Gwynne was not the only officer deserted in Orkney. George Drummond of 
 Balloch and Colonel Melvin were shortly afterwards seized by a party of enthusiasts 
 for the Covenant and confined in Noltland Castle, on the extreme north-west point 
 of Westray Island. The neighbourhood of this castle to the accident which had 
 befallen Johnston's ship on the Skerries [see Map, and letter, p. 497], leads us to 
 hazard the conjecture that these two officers had gone ashore, despairing perhaps 
 of the vessel floating clear, and were surprised by the party. The same chance 
 which threw in our way the Dunbeath and other letters enables us to trace their 
 further course, and assign a date to these events. Wodrow's untiring zeal has 
 rescued the following letters (MS. Fol. 67, No. loi) giving the names of their 
 captors : — 
 
 " Loving Sone, These ar showing that William bridges boot is cum home out 
 " of Shetland and reports that thair came serttain Intelligence with the buchen 
 
 ' The above is given as the most probable account to be drawn from Balfour's obscure notices. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 499 
 
 " [Buc/ian ?] merchandes to Shetland upon Thsday last [T/iursday, May gthf 
 " May i^th below was a Friday'] of the defeat of the armie and that the generall 
 " was takin and the levie was to be upon waddinsday thaire efter [15th?] and the 
 " heill gentrie of Shetland with the Comons ar all in armes and will not gane [?] 
 " a man that way thrupon Lovetennent Cornell Wood ^ hes ane mynd to dispache 
 " him selff in all heist out of Shetland this is all I can learin (learn) that way Yee 
 " sail wit that the Lovetennent generall send word with Magnus essen that yee sail 
 " return him ane answer with all diligence. Lykewayes wrytt to me with this bearer 
 " q* [what\ is done in Wastrey or Kersten [?] or q* uther neuis yee have not farther 
 " for the present I still continowe 
 
 yor Loving Father 
 " Brabast^ //4^ 17 of May 1650. • Wm. SINCLAIR." 
 
 [^Addressed] For his Sone be \py'\ ane loving sone 
 [Geo. Sinclair, v. next letter] 
 
 Major Edward Sinclair ^ These." 
 
 Enclosed in the above letter is the following, addressed on the back : — 
 
 " For The much honored David Leslie Leivetennent generall of the Scottish 
 " Armie these " 
 
 " Much honored and noble sir, 
 
 " Haveing formerly wrytten our mynd to your Lp w* Colonell Jon Stewart, 
 " wherin wee did relate our condition [condit nou? i.e., conduct f\ w* in the Castle 
 *' of Noutland, which nou is keiped for the ends of the Solemne League and 
 " covenant, and you . . . [r Lordship's ?] service under the comand of Captain Jon 
 *' Pollock, and by the assistance of the gentlemen of the Isle under subscribed, 
 " but hearing that our letter hath not come to your hands, wee have nou resolued 
 *' to send this gentleman George Sinclar (who hes been still [continually] with us 
 " since the taking of the castle, and is privie to all our intentions, to whom wee 
 " have given comission by tounge, seeing ther is no saue convoying of letters) 
 " to declare our condition, wee doe expect a partie of ane hundreth men at most 
 " to be sent for the receiveing up of the Castle, and till then wee intend to keep it 
 " out. we give your Hie [Highness] to know y* [that] wee have Leiutennant 
 " Colonell Drumond, sone to Baloch, and Captaine Leiutennant Melvill our 
 " prisoners, noght [what?] farther wee have to say we refair to this bearer, whom 
 
 " See Kinnoul's order of March 8th, p. 292, n. 5. 
 
 '' Brabusta occurs as a name in Westray, Sanday, Durness, and Hoy. There was a William 
 Sinclair of Greenwall in Holm about this date, and associated with him & James Alen {v. Peterkins' 
 Rental, 49). 
 
 8 Edward Sinclair of Essinquay (?), a person of some importance ; or Edward Sinclair of Clumby, 
 Sandwick (?), or Edward Sinclair of Ness (?) ; but none of these are known to have been in the army. 
 Notes by Mr. William G. T. Watt. 
 
500 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 " wee intreat to be returned sauely and speedily, and that he be gra [graciously f] 
 " repaed for his paines. Thus till your He [Highness], a sure . . . tainting [?] 
 " of us, by which wee sail continew 
 
 Your humble and faithfull servants 
 
 W [M. ?] Smith ^ minister 
 " From NoOTLAND Castle,^** ihi i8 of May 1650 PoUok 
 
 Will Sinclar " 
 Ja. Soullar 12 (?) Thomas Men 
 
 T. M. Abercrombie Fogon (?) Balfor." 
 
 As the writers of the above had had time to send a letter and hear that it had 
 miscarried, the seizure of Noltland Castle must have been effected some time pre- 
 viously, probably at once, on news of the defeat at Carbisdale. The demand for 
 so strong a force as 100 men is indication that they were hard pressed by those of 
 the natives who heartily sympathised with Montrose. Captain Cullace with his 
 troop was sent over to Orkney, too late to prevent the escape of Hall's frigate ; but 
 he secured the prisoners in Noltland. " The countrey people gave Captain Cullace 
 " all obedience, and assisted him to apprehend such of James Graham's followers 
 " as had remained in that countrie. George Drummond of Ballach was taken, 
 " with divers others, whom Cullace carryed south with him out of Orknay, except 
 " Drummond of Ballach, who hade dyvers times escaped before. So being returned 
 " to Cateynes, he caused him to be shot at the post, least he should escape from 
 " him." 
 
 The fate of Captain Melvin, Melweill, or Melvill we have been unable to trace. 
 As Lesley's letter, informing the House that " George Drumond, Ballows brother, 
 and Capitane Melweill were apprehendit in Jutland castle, in Orknay," was read on 
 June 4th, Cullace must have arrived at Noltland very soon after the above letter to 
 Lesley was sent off. 
 
 ' In the same hand as the letter. Possibly the same as Henry Smith, minister of Shapinshay. 
 
 ^^ Noltland Castle, here spelt as locally pronounced. "At the head of the bay which forms the 
 harbour stands a stately Gothic ruin, called the castle of Noltland, part of which has never been 
 finished. This house is built at a small distance from the shore, and stands on an eminence gently 
 declining towards the sea. The face of the ground between this ruin and the sea is a beautiful green, 
 covered with the richest pasture in the summer season. There is a traditionary account here, that 
 this house was intended as a place of retreat for Mary Queen of Scots and Bothwell . . . but upon 
 Mary and Bothwell's defeat, the castle of Noltland, and some adjoining lands, were granted to a 
 gentleman of the name of Balfour, who put the Balfour's arms on this house." He was a brother or 
 a near relation of Sir James Balfour, then Governor of Edinburgh Castle. Old Statistical Account 
 of Scotl. xvi. (Edinb. 1795). 
 
 " See letter, p. 499. 
 
 1* Probably James Scollay of Strynie Tofts and Papa Stromay, a man of some estate, and repre- 
 sentative of one of the oldest Orcadian families. For these notes on Orkney names we have been 
 indebted to the kind researches of Mr. William G. T. Watt, Nothing is known of the rest. But 
 we may conjecture that Fogon or Hogen {i.e., Hucheon?] Balfor was of the family that owned the 
 castle. See above, note 10. 
 
APPENDIX. 5or 
 
 Major Sinclair of Orkney, the companion of Montrose in his flight and impri- 
 sonment at Ardvreck, is mentioned among those whom the House, on May 23rd, 
 ordered to be sent south. In the absence of any information to the contrary, it is 
 to be hoped that this demand was disregarded ; but he may have taken his place 
 among the numerous sufferers on *' the altar of bloody sacrifice " in Edinburgh. 
 See Skinner's Eccles. Hist. 
 
 Sinclair of Brims also escaped capture. Perhaps he is to be identified with 
 "Captain Breams," who accompanied Gwynne to join Middleton in Skye, after the 
 collapse of Glencairn's expedition, 1654. Gwynne's Memoirs, 102. 
 
 Rewards to the Victors. 
 
 Strachan and Hackett each "received one thousand pound sterline and ane 
 gold chain." Sallagh, 557. 
 
 Neil Macleod, besides his ^^20,000 Scots and 400 bolls of meal (see App. XIII.), 
 obtained the command of the garrison at Tongue, in Strathnaver, with the consent 
 of the Earl of Sutherland {ibid.). 
 
 Baillie, iii. 113, January 2, 1651, says, Strachan's "eminent service, first against 
 " Pluscardie, and then against James Grahame, got him the Church's extraordinarie 
 " favour, to be helped by 100,000 merkes out of their purses for the mounting 
 " him a regiment." 
 
 After performing good service against Cromwell, assisted by Lawer's regiment 
 (Balf. iv. 89), he joined the Remonstrants, and in 1651 went "into the publicke 
 enimey of the kingdome" {ibid. 269), " a pryme actor against the stait" {ibid. 271). 
 See Baillie, iii. Index. 
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 
 (See pp. 96, 97, 104, 105). 
 
 I. — Two Letters from Montrose extracted from Mercurius Aulicus, 
 May 10 AND June 2, 1645. 
 
 The first of them appears to have been slightly altered in spelling in order to fit it better for 
 English readers. The second is prefaced thus : — " The expresse is written with my Lord Montrose's 
 owne hand which (we seriously protest) is here made publicke to the world without the least 
 mutilation or alteration of word or syllable from the original." ^^ 
 
 II. — Also Extract from Carte's Ormonde Papers, I. 73 (Ed. 1739). 
 
 I, 
 
 No. I. — \Montrose to ]. 
 
 Since my returne to yours with James Small I received one of the 20* of 
 February desiring to know the condition here of His Majesties service ; I shewed 
 
 '^ Kindly communicated by C. H. Firth, M.A. Oxford, lecturer in Modern History, Pembroke 
 College. 
 
 2 K 
 
502 APPENDIX. 
 
 in my former that what had past before the Winter-time Sir William Rollocke had 
 made you ane very faithfuU account and true in all circumstances, and as for what 
 hath intervened since, mine (which I hope will reach your hands before this) I am 
 confident shall do it ; * only thus much I must tell you (to decline in short all your 
 doubts) that had I had but for one moneth the use of those 500 horse, I could 
 have scene you (before the time that this can come to your hands) with twenty 
 thousand of the best this Kingdome can afford ; though I may justly say I have 
 continued things this halfe yeare bygone without the assistance of either Men, 
 Armes, Ammunition, or that which is the Nerffes of warre ; so that had we not 
 beene supported by divine providence Our Army could not have subsisted, and 
 I cannot chuse but think it strange that this unhappy Country which had beene 
 the bane and cause of all your woes, being now in so faire a way of reducing, that 
 not onely the ordinary but easy meanes should have been neglected. Howsoever 
 though you have not assisted me, I will yet still do my best to barre all assistance 
 coming against you, and to the better ; for besides all their new Levies and 
 Recruits are barr'd, they have beene forced presently to draw 4 Regiments of Foote 
 from Newcastle downe here to oppose me, notwithstanding the weaknesse of their 
 numbers there already. So (though above all things I should wish an happy 
 Accommodation 'twixt his Majesty and His Subjects) let nothing that may be 
 apprehended from this, move the King to any thing that is dishonourable ; for so 
 long as it pleases God I am alive and free, there shall nothing trouble His affaires 
 from this : Wherefore let Him be pleased to make His Conclusions from the face 
 of things there, which I pray God give an happy Aspect to, and so I will cast me 
 into your hands, and seigne myselfe. 
 
 Your most faithfuU and humble Servant 
 DouNE 4^1/20, 1645. Montrose. 
 
 No. 2. — [Monfrose to Lord Digby (?)]. 
 My Lord, 
 
 Since Sir William Rollack's retume I received one from you and ane other two 
 nights agoe of the 20 of April, the Carier whereof shewes me that ther ar ane other 
 upon the way which is not yet come to my hands. I made returne to them all 
 bot I heir some ar intercepted. All heir praised be God goes weale, Inderlothy 
 and the burning Dundee I am confident you heave particularly heard. The Rebels 
 being somewhat strong, they heaving brought five or sixe Regiments more from 
 England and Ireland, I thought it not safe to hazard to deale with all their forces 
 together, but resolved to make a fraction to devide my forces to make them doe the 
 liken, which when I got them to doe and at a good distance one with another, I 
 marched from Forth to Spey (night and day) with long marches, to force Urrey to 
 feight, who was then lying at Spey to raise the North, against Bailly and all other 
 forces should come from the South and joine ; At my first aproch he tooke the 
 Retrait, but I persued him so hard as I beat up his Rear for 14 miles, and put him 
 to Innernesse, and marched againe backe to Oldharne some 14 miles from him ; 
 
 * A reference perhaps to the letter of February 3rd. See Napier, Mem., 484. 
 
APPENDIX. 5^.3 
 
 wherefore he finding himselfe a little concerned, did not stay till Bailly and ail 
 those forces should come to him, but heaving Larers and Buchanans Regiments in 
 Indernesse, and Lothiens with himselfe, together with Lowdons, and some 300 
 horse, he conveined Seafort, Lovet, Sudderland, and all the whole Country there- 
 abouts, and caime marching backe upon me from Indernesse to Oldharne, 'twixt 
 foure and five thousand, whereof there were four of the best trained Regiments 
 they had in the three Kingdomes : I wes horse and foot about fourteene hundred 
 men, allwayes finding myselfe ingaged, and that the longer I delayed they should 
 increase and I diminish, I resolved to feight, but chosed my posts and all advan- 
 tages of ground, and to bide them at the defence. So they being confident both of 
 their men and their number fell hotly on, but being beat backe, seimed to coole of 
 their fury, and only intended to blocke us up (as it wer) till more number should 
 come, which perceiving, I divided my selfe in two wings, (which was all the ground 
 would suffer) and marched upon them most unexpectedly, and after some hot 
 salvyes of musket and a litell dealing with sword and pike, they tooke the chase, 
 where they left three thousand of ther foot slaine in the place, and had all ther 
 horse killed and scattered ; and I am now making for Bailly. For your Armes 
 and Ammunition I heave as yet receaved nothing, neither heave I heard ; for the 
 Enemy is my best Magazine, for I never laicke but it pleases God I beate them 
 and supplies my selfe : I am instantly dispatching . . . who I must remit you to in 
 all I can say, as if I waited on you my selfe, which is one of the most longing 
 desires of Your most affectionate Servant 
 
 CuLLEN Abovne, 1 7 May 1645. MONTROSE. 
 
 11. 
 
 News from his Majesty's Army in Scotland, to be presented to the most Honourable 
 the Lord Lieutenant General of Ireland ; written at Inverlochy in Lochaber the 
 7''' of February 1644; by an Irish officer in Alexander Macdonald's Forces. 
 
 [Ormonde Papers,'] 
 
 When the Irish forces arrived in Argyle's bounds in Scotland, our General- 
 Major Alexander Macdonnel sent such of his Majesty's commissions and letters 
 to those to whom they were directed ; although for the present none was accepted 
 on : which caused our General-Major and those forces to march into Badenogh, 
 where they raised the country with them; and from thence to Castle-Blaire in 
 Athol, where the Lord Marquess of Montrose came unto and joined them with 
 some other small forces. From thence they marched to St Johnston, where the 
 enemy had gathered 800 horse with nine pieces of cannon; his Majesty's army 
 not having so much as one horse : for that day the Marquess of Montrose went 
 on foot himself with his target and pike ; the Lord Kilpunt commanding the 
 bowmen, and our General-Major of the Irish forces commanding his 3 regi- 
 ments. The armies being drawn up on both sides, they both advanced together, 
 and although the battle continued for some space, we lost not one man on our 
 
504 APPENDIX. 
 
 side, yet still advanced, the enemy being 3 or 4 to one : howsoever, God 
 gave us the day; the enemy retreating with their backs towards us, that men 
 might have walked upon the dead corps to the town, being two long miles from 
 the place where the battle was pitched. The chase continued from 8 a clock in 
 the morning till 9 at night : all their cannon, arms, munition, colours, drums, tents, 
 baggage, in a word, none of themselves nor baggage escaped our hands, but their 
 horse, and such of the foot as were taken prisoners within the city. This battle to 
 God's glory and our Prince's good was fought the first day of September. 
 
 From thence we marched straight to Aberdeen, only surprizing such as with- 
 stood us, with little or no skirmishing till the 13"" of the same month. At 
 Aberdeen the Covenanters of the North had gathered themselves together to the 
 number of 3000 foot and 500 horse, with 3 pieces of cannon. We had then 
 about 80 horse. The battle being fairly pitched, it continued for a long space, 
 and the enemy behaved themselves {far better than they did at St Johnston. Yet 
 we lost not that day above four, but the enemy were altogether cut off, unless 
 some few that hid themselves in the city. The riches of that town, and the riches 
 they got there, hath made all our soldiers cavaliers. This battle being ended, only 
 our manner of going down to battle, and how each commanded I omit, till it be 
 drawn and set down in a more ample manner ; now tendering only a brevity of our 
 proceedings ; for if I should write the whole truth, all that hath been done by our 
 army would be accounted most miraculous ; which I protest I will but show in 
 the least manner I can, leaving the rest to the report of the enemy themselves. 
 
 After this battle we marched towards the Highlands so far as to Castle-Blaire, 
 where I was sent to Ardamuragh, with a party to relieve the castle of Midgary 
 and the castle of Langhaline ; Midgary Castle having a leaguer about it, which 
 was raised 2 or 3 days before I could come to them : at which time the 
 Captain of Clanranald with all his men joined with the Clan Coo men and 
 others who had an inclination to his Majesty's service. 
 
 In the mean time, while I was interessed upon those services, the M. of 
 Montrose marched back to the Lowlands, almost the same way he marched before, 
 till they came to a place called Fivy in the shire of Aberdeen ; where Argyle with 
 16 troops of horse and 3000 men marched up : and upon a very plain field 
 Argyle was most shamefully beaten out of the field, and had it not been for his 
 horse, they had suffered as deeply as the rest ; so that there was not on our side 
 any hurt done, but on their side they lost many of their best horse, and most of 
 all their commanders hurt, and the Earl Mareschal's brother killed. After the 
 armies separated, the Lord Marquess marched again to Castle-Blaire in Athol : 
 where I met again with him and such of the Highlands as had joined with me. 
 The day of Fivy was Oct. 28. 
 
 From Castle-Blaire we marched to Glanurghyes, called M'Callin M'Conaghig, 
 which lands we all burned, and preyed from thence to Lares, alias Laufers ; and 
 burned and preyed all his country from thence to Aghenbracke's, whose lands and 
 country were burned and preyed; and so throughout all Argyle, we left neither 
 
APPENDIX. 505 
 
 house nor hold unburned, nor corn nor cattle, that belonged to the whole name 
 of Campbell. Such of his Majesty's friends as lived near them joined with us. 
 We then marched to Loughaber, where M'. Alane came and joined with us, but 
 had but few of his men with him. From thence we marched to Glengarry, where 
 the Lord of Glengarry joined with us. At this place we got intelligence that 
 Argyle, Aghenbracke, and the whole name of Campbell, with all their forces, and 
 a great number of Lowlandmen, with them, were come to Inverloughy in Lough- 
 aber following of us. This caused us to make a countermarch the nearest way 
 over the mountains, till we came within musket-shot of the castle of Inverloughy ; 
 it then being night, so that the enemy stood to their arms all night, the sentries 
 skirmishing together. By this place of Inverloughy, the sea comes close to it, 
 and that night Argyle embarked himself in his barge, and there lay till the next 
 morning, sending his orders of discipline to Aghenbracke and the rest of the 
 ofificers there, commanding the battle. Which on both sides being pitched and 
 their cannon planted, the fight began ; the enemy giving fire on us on both sides, 
 both with cannon and muskets, to their little avail. For only two regiments of 
 our army playing with musket-shot, advanced till they recovered Argyle's standard, 
 and took the standard-bearer : at which the whole army broke ; which were so 
 hotly pursued both with foot and horse, that little or none of the whole army 
 escaped us, the officers being the first that were cut off. There Aghenbracke 
 was killed, with 16 or 17 of the chief Lords of Campbell; their other 
 Lowland commanders (only two Lieutenant-Colonels) all cut off; four others of 
 the name of Campbell taken prisoners, as Bearbrick, the young Laird Carrindel, 
 Inverleeven Capt. son of Enistesinth, and divers others that got quarter, being 
 men of quality. We lost but two or three that day. This was fought the second 
 of February. 
 
 APPENDIX III. 
 
 Verses written by the Marquis of Montrose upon the Murder of King 
 Charles I., with Dr. Wishart's Latin Version. [See p. 229.] 
 
 Great, good, and just ! Could I but rate 
 
 My griefs to thy too rigid fate, 
 
 I'd weep the world to such a strain, 
 
 As it should deluge once again : 
 
 But since thy loud tongu'd blood demands supplies 
 
 More from Briareus' hands than Argus' eyes, 
 
 I'll sing thy obsequies with trumpet sounds 
 
 And write thy epitaph with blood and wounds.^* 
 
 ^* " Set to music among Songs for one, two, and three voices, with some short Symphonies, 
 collected out of the Select Poems of the incomparable M' Cowley, and others, and composed by 
 Henry Bowman, Philomusicus." Ed. 2, Oxf. 1679. W.'s Montr. (1819) 495. 
 
5o6 APPENDIX. 
 
 Carole, si possem lachryrais oequare dolorera 
 Ipse meum fatumque tuum, tua funera flerem, 
 Ut tellus nitidis rursum stagnaret ab undis : 
 Sanguis at ille tuus, quum vocem ad sidera toUat, 
 Atque manus Briarei mage quam Argi lumina poscat, 
 Exsequias celebrabo tuas, clangore tubarum, 
 Et tumulo inscribam profuso sanguine carmen. 
 
 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 The following two letters are now printed for the first time from the Koniglich 
 Preussisches Geheimes Siaats-arcMVy Berlin, kindly communicated by the keeper, 
 Herr Friedlander. 
 
 PRAESENTAT. ClIVIS DIE 26 juHi \^lY)^9- 
 
 Serenissime Princeps, 
 
 Cum nee paucis nee leuibus argumentis propensum Celsitudinis vestrae animum 
 erga Dominum meum magnae Britanniae, Franciae ac Hiberniae regem penitus 
 perspectum habeam, hinc est, quod Celsitudinis vestrae (etiam in fidos regis minis- 
 tros ac subditos) fretus beneuolentia, non dubitauerim aliquid hoc titulo Celsitudini 
 vestrae litterarum dare ut et quo loco res Britanniae in praesentiarum sint breviter 
 exponam et Celsitudinis Vestrae auxiliatricem manum humiliter implorem. Cum 
 enim iam apud nostrates susque deque eversa sint omnia et eo rebellionis evaserit 
 furor, ut sine externo auxilio negotia regis domi confici nequeant, Rex in Galliam 
 discedens, mihi una cum suprema rerum Scotiarum cura in mandatis dedit ut ad 
 Celsitudinem vestram Dominum Hennericum Gremum domesticum suum quam- 
 primum remitterem, hie et regis animum, et in presenti rerum statu ad tantum per- 
 ficiendum negotium meam Celsitudinis vestrae auxilii necessitatem accurate exponet, 
 et ut verbo multa complectar omnia a Celsitudine tanquam a filo pendent, quod si 
 et regiis votis et mihi humiliter supplicanti faveret Celsitudo vestra ausim poUiceri 
 Regem cum ad propria fauente deo et auxiliantibus amicis pervenerit, Celsitudini 
 Vestrae pro tot tantisque beneficiis gratissimum extiturum, nee autem tanto (seruitio 
 suo) vinculo astringet ut prius desinam quam obliuiscar me infinitis titulis 
 
 Serenissime princeps 
 
 HaGAE COMITIS ,-. , •, J- • TT ^ 
 
 22 Julij Celsitudmis Vestrae 
 
 1649 humillimum et obsequentissimum servum 
 
 Montrose, 
 [Address] 
 
 Serenissimo, ac Celsissimo Principi, Domino Frederico Gulielmo 
 Marchioni Brandenburgico Sacri Romani Imperii archimarescalco ac principi 
 Electori, Duci Borustiae [sic] Puliaci Cliviae et montium nee non Stetini, 
 
APPENDIX. 507 
 
 Pomeraniae Cassubiaeque Wandaliae, Silesiae, Crossiae ac Paegerdorfii, Burgrauio 
 Normbersensis [st'c], Comiti Marchiae et Rauensburgi Domino Rauenstenii 
 Cliuiae. 
 
 \Reply to the Above.] 
 
 Kanzleinotizen [Endorsement] ist von Sr. Hochwurd[en] dem Herrn ober- 
 kammerherrn also angeordnet worden. (ad Marchionem de Montrosse per Dn. 
 Henricum Gremum.) 
 
 Illustrissime domine, Amice dilecte. 
 
 In quo statu res Britannicae pro tempore versentur, quaeque ea propter illus- 
 trissimae Vestrae dominationi ad nos deferre, visum fuerit, ex literis eius ad nos 
 perscriptis satis intelleximus. Non immemores, qualiter Regiae dignitati Magnae 
 Britanniae, non ita pridem per militiae suae equestris locum tenentem Generalem 
 Johannem Adamum de Karpf, opem auxiliumque a Nobis poscenti responderimus : 
 speramus, quemadmodum Regia eius dignitas propensissimam animi nostri volun- 
 tatem desuper luculenter perspexit, ita illustrissimam Vestram dominationem etiam 
 nunc Nos, habituram exinde excusatos, caussa, quae auxilii nostri dilationem flagi- 
 tabat, nondum sublata. Recordamur equidem, superiori tempore Nos Henrico 
 Gremo indicasse, aliquantam pecuniae vim Nos aliunde mutuo sumpturos Regiaeque 
 eius dignitati exinde decem millibus imperialibus gratificaturos ; Verum cum ii, 
 quos eiusmodi mutuum nobis daturos putabamus, nonnuUas difficultates circa 
 numerationem fecerint, aegre ferimus, quo minus voluntatem nostram modo dictam, 
 illustrissimam Vestram dominationem aequo laturam animo, quod postulatis eius 
 pro tempore annuere nequeamus. Certo vero sibi persuasum habeat, quamprimum 
 res nostrae permiserint, Nos in ferendis suppetiis pro virili Regiae eius dignitati 
 non defuturos. Interim illustrissimam Vestram dominationem bene valere cupimus, 
 datae ex Arce nostrae Clivensi die xxvii. julii anno Salutis mdcxlix. 
 
 Ad illustrissimum Dominum Marchionem Montrosse. 
 
 [From the original-copy in the K. G. S. archives, Berlin.] 
 
 APPENDIX V. 
 
 Commission from King Charles II. to the Marquis of Montrose, for 
 
 SETTLING THE DIFFERENCES WITH THE ToWN OF HAMBURG, AND BORROW- 
 ING A Sum of Money from the Senate. [From W.'s Montr. (18 19) 446]. 
 
 Charles R. 
 
 Right trusty, and right entirely beloved cousin, we greet you well. We send 
 you herewith a relation which we have lately received from our trusty and well 
 beloved Sir John Cockeran, knight, of his proceedings with the town of Ham- 
 burgh ; and being justly sensible how unnecessary it is for us, at this time, to make 
 
5o8 APPENDIX. 
 
 new enemies, or to be severe in our resentments of such things, as in time of more 
 prosperity we ought to insist on ; we therefore desire, and we hereby require and 
 authorise you, to employ yourself by such ways and expedients as you shall think 
 fit, to compose the diiferences, and to settle a better understanding between us and 
 the said town of Hamburgh, only in that particular of their resolution, to receive a 
 public minister from the bloody rebels in England, we cannot but believe it to be 
 inconsistent with all amity and alliance with us, which, our pleasure is, shall be so 
 represented to them, but without any menaces or threats on our part, to the end, 
 that if they shall avowedly receive any such public minister, we may be at liberty to 
 take such resolution as shall be fit for our own honour and interest. In the mean 
 time we desire you to press the senate to give us some present testimony of their 
 good affection, by supplying us with the loan of a considerable sum of money, 
 upon such assurance of repayment as we can for the present give them. And if 
 any money can be gotten from them, our pleasure is, that one half thereof shall be 
 for your employment, and that the other half be remitted for our use to our trusty 
 and well beloved John Webster of Amsterdam, merchant ; some proportion being 
 first deducted out of the whole, for the supply of our trusty and well-beloved 
 servant Sir John Cockeran, Knight : And so recommending this business to your 
 care and good endeavour, we bid you heartily farewell. 
 
 Given at St Germans the 5'* September 1649. 
 
 [See text, pp. 258, 259. Inquiry in Hamburg has failed to elicit any account of 
 these proceedings.] 
 
 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 Letter from Montrose to Frederick III. King of Denmark. [From the 
 Royal Archives in Copenhagen. See p. 264 and n. 60.] 
 
 Sire, Copnahagen 19 Odobr. 1629. 
 
 J'ay receu celle dont vostre maiestd a pleu m'honorer, ce que me fait avec 
 impatence attendre I'honneur de ses commensements, lesquelles m'ont estd pro- 
 mises par celle la ; de quoy voyans nul apparence, je suis necessity de supplier le 
 tres humble pardon de vostre maiestd de prier de gavoir ses resolutions, car les 
 delayes sont pires que tons maux, ce qu'il plaira a vostre maieste de faire, quand 
 il et tost et fait au double, et en des telles occasions un negatiue, que nous resoud, 
 et bien meillieure q'un assurance que nous ruine. Je say qu'il y en a qu'ils feront 
 croire a vostre maiest^ que la pittite assistance, que vous donneray au roy vostre 
 cousing, vous incommesera pour estre sur vos gardes contre vos ennemyes, et que 
 vos voisings en peuvent prendre leur auantages; mais je prie tres humblement 
 vostre maieste' de me faire I'honneur de croire (et je ne prendray la hardiesse de le 
 dire, sans que je pusse peutestre asser assurd), que vostre maiest^ n'a jammais rien 
 fait, que obligira plus vos voisings, et en ne le faisant pas, que les donnera plus des 
 
APPENDIX. 509 
 
 exceptions, et que peut occasionner des pires effects ; a laquelle je n'ajouteray plus, 
 mais que cette pittitte assistance au roy vostre cousing ne fera que monstrer I'honneur, 
 la justice et I'amitie de vostre maieste et vous assurer de toutes partes. Je suis, 
 
 Sire, 
 
 de vostre maieste 
 
 le tres humble, tres fidele 
 
 et tres obeissant serviteur 
 Montrose. 
 
 Pour sa majesty le roy de Dennemark. 
 
 APPENDIX VII. 
 
 This paper and the following twelve letters or extracts from letters relative to 
 Montrose's proceedings at Gothenburg, along with some valuable notes on the 
 persons, &c., alluded to, have been kindly communicated by Herr C. F. Oehner, 
 Keeper of the Royal Archives, in Stockholm. To his courtesy our history is greatly 
 indebted for so much new and original information. Want of space obliges the 
 Editors to omit translations. The substance of the documents will be found in the 
 text, Part II. chap. vii. pp. 273 ff. 
 
 Proposals on Behalf of Charles II. submitted by Robert Meade 
 TO Queen Christina of Sweden. 
 
 Serenissimae ac potentissimae Principi Majestat^ suae Reginae Sueciae, de parte 
 Majestatis suae Magnae Britt'"!* humillime proponenda per Robertum Meade a D"" 
 suo Rege M : B : isti muneri ablegatum. 
 
 1 : mo. Quod Dominus meus Rex M : B : singularia Ma''^ suae Reginae Sueciae 
 erga Causam Eius Benevolentiae Testimonia gratissimo animo recolat, obnixeque 
 roget Ma'*™ suam Sueciae pro certissimo habere, non unquam defuturam Ma'"° 
 suam M : B : quin omnibus omnino modis conata semper fuerit dignas favoribus 
 coUatis, et dehinc conferendis per Ma*^™ suam Sueciae Grates retribuere. 
 
 2 : do. Quod, quo certior fiat M*^ sua Sueciae de Regio in hunc finem pro- 
 posito (scilicet gratissime restituendi quicquid per Ma*"° suam Sueciae ad pro- 
 movendam Causam eius Afflictissimam aeque ac Justissimam, impensum sit vel 
 dehinc fuerit) M" suae Sueciae proponat D°"^ meus Rex M : B : ut (si pro re fuerit 
 M*** suae) dignaretur admittere Legatum aliquem extraordinarium instructum jin 
 OfEcium istud plena cum potentia instructum de parte M'"^ suae M : B : 
 
 3 : tio. Ut vellet dignari Ma'^ sua Sueciae secundum poUicita sua gratiosissima, 
 Regique Domino meo acceptissima, vires et Consiha sua interponere, ut subditi 
 isti Scotiae vellent omissis rigidis istis immo iniquis de Rege suo Legitimo, Indubi- 
 tato, Agnito, Postulatis ; debitam Ei fidem et Obedientiam praestare, et (si visum 
 fuerit) ut dignaretur M^' sua Sueciae Legatum aliquem, eum in finem, versus 
 Scotiam delegare. 
 
5IO APPENDIX. 
 
 4 : to. Ut vellet Ma*" sua Suecise (quod hactenus semper fecerit) Subditos illos 
 Coronae Britannicae sub dominio Coronae Sueciae in praesentiarum commorantes, 
 qui se bene affectos erga Causam Regiam monstrarunt, benigno vultu usque intueri, 
 et non solum faventiores sui Radios Aspectus in Ipsos continuare sed e contrario 
 Supercilium suum contrahere adversus istos (si qui sint) Anglos vel Scotos tanquam 
 Omni Monarchico Regimini Hostes infensissimos. 
 
 5 : to. Ut particulatim dignaretur M : sua Sueciae nobilem Virum Joannem 
 Mackleire Gotteburgi commorantem gratioso oculo intueri, tanquam optime de 
 Rege suo D"° meo Rege M : B : meritum, et ut insuper permitteret M : sua Sueciae 
 si per Naves aliquas M"^ suae M : B : Mercimonia aliqua dicto Viro Nobili I : M : 
 per Regem aut Ministros eius transmittantur in satisfactionem Impensorum pro 
 Rege suorum, Huius modi Mercimonia in manus eius tradantur et exinde dis- 
 tribuantur non imposito gravi aliquo Vectigali. 
 
 6 : to. Si sine praeiudicio M"' suae Sueciae fieri possit, ut vellet concedere 
 liberum Navigijs Belli M"^ suae M : B : Ingressum et Egressum cum Ileitis suis 
 praedis, portubus istis Regni suecici occidentalibus versus Gotteburgum. 
 
 7 : mo. Quod dignaretur M"'^ sua Sueciae praemissa gratiose pervolvere & de 
 ijs Statuta suo humillimo Ma"^ suae servo exhibere ; Ipsique exoptatissimum istum 
 Honorem indulgere ut vivat & moriatur 
 
 Maiestatis Suae 
 
 Humillimus ac devotissimus Servus 
 Rob : Meade. 
 
 Stockholmi, Febr: 25, 1650. 
 
 A tergo [endorsed] : Nuncii Regis propositio et postulata nonnulla oblat. 
 Stocholmiae d. a, 1650. 
 
 APPENDIX VIII. 
 
 From Per Lindormsson Ribbing, Provincial Governor in Goteborg, to 
 Privy Councillor Fieldmarshall Count Linnart Torstensson, Gover- 
 nor-General of Vestergotland, Dalsland, Wermland and Halland. 
 
 I. {Extract) 
 
 Presenterat Ulfsunda den 20 Novemb: A" 1649 
 Suarat d. 24 ejusdem 
 
 Datum Gotheborgh den 14 Novemb: 1649. 
 
 Hoghwellborne Grefue^ Her Feltmarskallk 
 och General Gouverneur . . . 
 
 P.S. — ... for 2 eller 3 dagar sedan ehn Skotsk greffwe hiitkommen ifrin 
 Dannemark Graff de Montrose, haffwer n8,gre officerer medh sigh, doch inthet alia 
 
APPENDIX. 511 
 
 i hopp medh tienare och altt offwer 10 eller 12 personer, holler sigh nastan 
 hembligh, och skall alenast whara till tids fbrdriff hiit rest, [effter som konungen i 
 Dannmark inthet ahr hemma i landet, uthan i Holsten], tils thes konungen komme 
 tilbakar igen, mehr weth jagh inthet aff honom . . . 
 
 H. Greff, Exit. 
 
 tienstwilligste Wen 
 
 Per linnormson 
 
 RiBBINGH. 
 
 2. {Extract.) . The same to the same. 
 
 Presenterat Ulfsunda den 18 Decemb : Anno 1649. 
 Datum Gjotheborg den 12 December 1649. 
 
 . . . Den Skottskie General och Greffuen ligger her ahnnu, och reesa daglig 
 Skotter emellan Dannemark och her. For 8 eller 10 dager sedhan kom ett Skepp 
 med 200 man werffuade ifr&n Dannemarch och ligga her wed Billinge. Jagh 
 mener dee lopa sin kooss sampt med ett annat Skepp, som her hijrdt ar i dessa 
 dager. 4 : Regementz Stycken sampt en Cuantitet af den Munition och Geveer 
 Mackeleer ahr lefuererat, ar nu der up§, fbrdt. Greffuen begiarer elliest inga Con- 
 versera medh, Skall wara forfahrlig radder for Banditer, S& att han inthet troor sig 
 sielff. Och will her med hafFua Hans Grefl. Excellf jempte dess hoga wtrdnat 
 Gudh den alldrahogsce befallat, till all stadig wellg&ng. Och forblifuer etc. 
 
 3. {Extract.) From Admiral Ankerhielm to the same. 
 
 Present. Ulfsunda den i Januari 1650. 
 
 Nadigeste Greffve och Hogvdlborne Herre, Herr Fdltmarschalck och General- 
 gouverneur Linnardt Thorstensson gunstige Herre^ mechtige befordrare 
 och hogtdhrede patron. 
 
 . . . Nytt ifr§,n denna ortten ar innthet synnerliget skrifnotabelt, uthan stadjens 
 skiep som haffva ahrnat §,t Portugal liggia nu uthom Billingen til lijka medh de 2 
 skotske skiep, som Grefve von Montrose tilhorer; och kan latteligen handa, at 
 Fregaten Herderinnen bliffver och segelferdigh medh, som fors§.ldh ar aff Cronen, 
 huilken och i morgon bliffver Her Hans Machelier offuerleffuererat. . . . 
 
 GoTTENBURG DEN E. Grefl. Excellcntz 
 
 26 December 1649. odmiuke och underdSnige 
 
 tianare 
 
 M. Thyssen-Anckerhielm m.p. 
 
512 APPENDIX. 
 
 4. Ribbing to the same. 
 
 Preesent Ulfsunda den 8 Januarij Shr 1650. 
 Suaredt den 9 ejusdem 
 
 Hogwellborne Grefue, IP. Feltmarsk : 
 och General Gouverneiir. 
 
 Nest tienstlig helssan, och all welmEgas onskan Aff Gud alzmechtig tilfbrende. 
 E. EX; kan iagh p§- dett tienstligaste ey underlSta, Uthan mig forfr§.ga om denne 
 Skotskee Grefue Montroses actioner, efter som mig tijker dett wehrer s§, lenge, och 
 iag inga order liuarken uthafFH : K : M^' SielfFeller aff Hans Ex* om Hans Pehrson 
 hafuer. Och sSssom iagh tilforende hafuer n^gra g&nger Hans Ex' her om tilkenna 
 gifuet, Nl. att forbemelte Greffue kom Hijtt ungefehr den 15 Novemb. och holt sig 
 Her s§, heemblig in till dess Han begijntte, att sambla her een hoop officereer, som 
 logiera sig her och der i Staden, Huarfbre iag war fororsakader att l&ta Mga Honom, 
 om Han n§,gon order Hafuer ifr§, H : K : M" att H&lla Her een sMan Sambleplatz 
 och inthet gifua H : K : Maij*f betienndte her inne der om tilkenna, Huarfore Han 
 dS fdrst sende mig H : K : Mf breff medh Hans Mackeleer, deruthj Hennes K : 
 Maij", befaller, iagh skuUa l§,ta foUia den Ammunition och Stijcken, som aff Hans 
 Mackeleer wohre uphandlade, antingen honom siellff eller Hans uthskickadhe, och 
 sedan skaffua honom Skeep der till, for billig prijs, Her uthur Staden. Mehr 
 formeltas der inthet uthj. DerupS, iagh d§, Skreff Hennes K : Maijf till, att Han 
 for sin pehrsohn war Her, doek hollt sig Heembligh och ingen wille Han tala medh 
 ( : som Han gior ahnnu :) I lijka m§,tta att Han forwentter edt Skepp Hijtt frS 
 Dannemark medh 200 Mahn i Skjaren, och att daglig ithskiellig ofificerer sig till 
 honom Samblade. der up§, iagh ingen swar Haffuer bekommit, uthan samme 
 General Hafuer alltidh Mtit sig Hora, att General Kinngh skuUe Huar dag for- 
 wenttas Hijtt med widsere Order ifr§, Hennes Kongl. Maij". Samma Skepp med 
 foUck, Neml. dee 200 Mahn, och den inlastade Ammunition och Stijcken p§, 4 
 nar, [samt] Ett annat Skepp liggier utht~6r Billinger och hafuer Han och bekommit 
 ett Cronones litet Skepp som Her l§,gh, Herderrinnan benemd, Huilket Ammiral 
 Ankerhielm Hafuer Order Honom att lefuerera, med Stijcken och Prowianth till 
 50 Pehrsohner uthj Tu& MSnader, Huilket och nu ahr uthlagt p§, Stromen, och 
 formenas att dee lopa i desse dagar sin kooss. Men Hans Pehrsohn kan man 
 ingen synnerlig beskedh haffua om. Stundhom Idter han sig fornimma, att willia 
 ath Stocholm, Stundom §-th Dannemark, och Stundom annorstades. Om een 
 officerere moter honom p§, gatan eller annorstades, s§, wender Han strax om, g§,r 
 tillbaka eller afsijdes, att iagh inthet forst&r mig p§, den Mannen, eller Hans 
 Desiegner. I gShr kommo Ster tw§, Grefuer till honom, Men see ilia Nakotta 
 uth n&gra Officerere ahre och igien borthreste, och Somblige Hafua arnet sig med 
 Skeppen. Mackeleer fdrskiuter Huadh dee behoffua. I desse dage Hafuer och 
 Hanibal Seestedh warit her pS B§;§,huuss hooss Hf Jfuer Krabbe, Och formenas 
 
APPENDIX. 513 
 
 att Jfuer Krabbe Kommer Hijtt, till att tala medh forbemelte Grefue. Och 
 alldenstundh iag inthet wett Hf Kongl. Maij" willie Herom, och een stoor deell 
 i Staden befahra sig for sine Skepp, SS. frampt parlamentet blifue ofuerlegne, 
 Orsaken att dee moste dee Engelskie kooser forby, Huarfore bedher iagh bans 
 EX; p§, dhet tienstligaste, Han wille Her uthj oppa mig sitt hoga betankiande, Huru 
 iag best mig Her uthj forhSlla skall, alldenstundh Huarken pa Kinngz ankompst 
 eller honom ahr n&get adt lijta. Och forwentter bans Ex' suar med neste Post, 
 huru Her med erh§,lles skall. Och befaller Hans Gref : Ex' medh des hoge w§.rd 
 nat uthj Gudz Craftig beskijdd till all welg§,ng. Och forblifuer 
 
 Hans Greff Ex*^- 
 
 Datum Giotheborg tienstwilligste Wen 
 
 den 2januarij 1650. Per linnormson 
 
 RiBBINGH. 
 
 5. {Extract.) Torstenson's Reply to the Above. 
 
 Edell och Wdlborne Hr Lands ho ffdinge, 
 Kdre Broder och sijnnerlige gode Wan. 
 
 . . . P. S. Ahnlangande dhet min Kare Broder formahler cm Montrose twiflar 
 iag [ej] Hennes Kongl. Maij" allaredan om haus ferdh skall wara witterligit, doch 
 det ware sigh huru dett will, s§, larer iag inthet underl§,ta at nempna derom, och \ 
 min Kare broder medh forsta widare derpS, suara . . . Och befaller, etc. etc. 
 
 LiNNARDT TORSTENSSON. 
 Datum Ulfsunda 
 den (jjanuarij Anno 1650. 
 
 6. {Extract). Ribbing to the same. 
 
 Present Ulfsunda den 18 Januarij Anno 1650. 
 Suaradt den 19 ejusdem. 
 
 . . . EUiest monde iagh for otta dagar sedan, aff den 2 Huius Mensis, Hans 
 Exf tillskrifua om den Skottskie Greffuen General Montrose. Men nu ahr Han 
 sedermehra i g&hr afreester och till Skeps steegen up§, Skeppet Herderrinnan, som 
 dem Updragit och fors&ldt ahr. Men nu ahr Contrarie windh, sa at dee inthet 
 kunna uthlopa. Om Han kommer Hijtt in i Staden igien, eller p§, Skeppet 
 forblifuer och upwachter winden och s§, afsegler, kan iagh nu inthet wetta. Han 
 reeste elliest uthj stillheet aff, lijka som Han Kom Hijtt. Huilket iagh Hans 
 Exf uthj tienstlighet ey Hafuer kunnedt underli,ta. Och befaller etc. 
 
 Dat : Giotheborg 
 den II Januarij 1650. 
 
514 APPENDIX. 
 
 7. {Extract.) The same to the same. 
 
 Presenterat den 22 Januarij A? 1650. 
 Suaradt den 26 dito. 
 
 Datum Giotheborg den 16 Januarij 1650. 
 
 , . . Montrose kommer iMn skiepet hiit igen. Han haffwer nhu legatt i 8 
 dagar snardt p§, skepet och hafft den besta winn. Hwarfore han haffwer legat 
 stilla m§, Gudh wetta. Jagh wentar bans Echcells : gode betenkiande, om iagh 
 s§, altt skall l§,ta passera. Her till dags haffwer iagh [gjort] liika som iagh inthet 
 haffwer hafft till att bestella medh honom, uthan l§,titt s§, altt passera. Hwadh 
 han nhu tager sigh fdre her effter, gifwer tiden. Gudh giffwe iagh kunde hiitta p& 
 att gora hwadh H. Kong. Mtz. behager. 
 
 8. {Extract.) The same to the same. 
 
 Praesent : Ulfsunda den 26 Januarij A? 1650. 
 Suaradt samma dagh. 
 
 Dat : Giotheborg den 18 Januarij 1650. 
 
 . . . Den Skottske Generalen Graf von Montrose ahr nu hijtt in igien ixkn 
 Skeppet kommen, och logerar hooss Wellborne Hans Mackeleer. Hans foUch ahr 
 mestepartten ahnnu uthe quar p§, Skeppet ; Om de och inkomma, gifuar tijden, Men 
 dee ahre elliest Heelt infrossne, huilket iagh Hans Greff : Ex^ i all tienstligheet ey 
 hafuer kunnat afi&ta. Och befaller etc. etc. 
 
 9. {Extract.) Torstenson's Reply to the Above. 
 
 Datum Ulfsunda den 26 Januarij A? 1650. 
 
 . . . Ahnlangandes Skotske Grefue Montrose s§- wille min kare broder l§,tha 
 honom icke desto mindre frijtt bestalla sina saker, efifter han intet ar forwagrat af 
 Hennes Maijestett, och om han ndgot skulla fordroja, will min Kare broder mig 
 om bans foretagande altijd gifua part . . . 
 
 10. {Extract^ Ribbing to the same. 
 
 Present : Ulffsunda den 12 Februarij Anno 1650. 
 Datum Giotheborgh. den 6 Februarij 1650. 
 
 . . . Den Konglige Skottskia Generalen Graf von Montrose ahr nu tridie g&ngen 
 till wegz att afsegla. Men som iag ratt nu fornam, sS segs kommer Han Hijtt in 
 igien. Jsen ahr fuller Honom till hinders. Huilket iagh Hans Greff: Excell'. ey 
 hafuer underl&ta kunnat. Befaller her med etc. etc. 
 
APPENDIX. 515 
 
 II. {Extract.) The same to the same. 
 
 Present : Ulffsunda den 28 Feb : A° 1650. 
 Datum Giotheborgh dhen 22 Februarij 1650. 
 
 . . . Den Skottske Generalen Graf von Montrose ahr nu niehr afreest. Hans 
 frigaatt ahr lupen till Mastrandh, Men Generalen siellff i Pehrsson forrest landwegen 
 till Norwegen, och genast der i Mn Hth Skottlandh. . 
 
 Och forblifuar etc. etc. 
 
 APPENDIX IX. 
 
 List of the Dunbeath Papers. 
 [Now first printed from the Advocates' Library, Wodrow MSS. fol. Ixvii. 88.] 
 
 A not of the Letteris that lievtennent generall gate out of the trunke that came 
 to Dumbeath. 
 
 [i] A letter that came from the King of Denmarke to the king 15 Septr 1649 
 referring to James Grahame. [^Losf?. See p. 264.] 
 
 [2] A letter of the Marques of Brandeburgh to James Grahame 28 July 1649 
 mentioning Carp to be his Lieutennent giiall and acknowledgeing his promise of 
 decern millia imperialia bot his impossibilitie for the present to performe it. [^Lost? 
 See p. 252.] 
 
 [3] Sr. Johne Cochrans relation of the particulars of his negotiation since his 
 comeing to Hamburg wherein to his hand (?)... \iileg.'\ he shewes that some 
 wold have stopped a pryse taken by vertew of the kings Coiiiission upon the pre- 
 tence that the king was no king He shews the great difficultie he had to get a 
 publick audience and what contempt hee had from ye English company agt quhom 
 he gives in his complaint He tells of a contract made [?] betwixt the English 
 Rebells and the town of Hamburg He gives his advise that the king should 
 declair against it [^Original preserved in same vol. No. 89. See pp. 258-9.] 
 
 [4] A letter of propositions from on [one] Gordoun a Suedish Corlonel 
 [^Original, ibid. No. 92. See p. 259 and n. 41.] 
 
 [5] Ane other letter from the king of Denmark to the king referring all to 
 James Grahame. \Original lost 1 Copy, Copenhagen Archives. »S>(f p. 260, n. 44.] 
 
 [6] A letter of Johne M'leirs. \_Original, ibid. No. 91. See pp. 284, 285.] 
 
 [7] A letter from James Grahame consenting to the takeing of some ships. 
 [Original, ibid. No. 90. See pp. 265, 266.] 
 
 [8] A paper called the pedigree of my Grandmother subscryved by Alex' 
 Charteris [?] and thear is tuo letters of Wil[?] Chambers written from Paris. 
 [Lost ?] 
 
5i6 APPENDIX. 
 
 [9] A letter of ane Robert Hay. [Lost ?] 
 
 [10] James Grahams warrand subseryved under his hand that he was come 
 to Caithnes to releive the Cuntrey from burdens and that hee wold proceed ag' all 
 as Rebells who did not concurre with him. [Lost ? See p. 295.] 
 
 [11] A paper of Hurries Resolution to follow James Grahame. [Lost ?] 
 
 [12] A Recommendatioune of one Molleson from Brandeburgh and Bei the 
 Citie of Elben [?] [Lost ?] 
 
 [13] Thear is a paper written in James Graham's hand called a Not of the 
 Jewells and plate that is pauned. [Lost ?] 
 
 [14] Thear is the beginning of a Declaration set doun on a leafe of peaper. 
 [Lost ?.] 
 
 [15] Thear is a ler [/etter] of Craufurds unto Hurry complaining of Montrois 
 great undertakings w^ut effects. [Lost ?] 
 
 [16] Thear is a Comission to quarter M' Rob' Feueing [? i//eg. Fleming ?] 
 [Lost ?] 
 
 [17] Thear is a great Bunshe of Dutch peapers. [Lost ?] 
 
 [18] Another bunshe of papers of P . . . not worth reading. [Lost f^ 
 
 [Endorsed.'] Not of the peaporis come out the trunck that was at Dumbeathe. 
 
 This paper with Nos. 3, 4, 6, 7, and others not referred to in the above were 
 found by the Editors in the Wodrow folio Ixvii., in consequence of Napier's vague 
 reference to Powrie's letter in that volume, Mem. 736. It is strange that Napier 
 should have missed so much, especially as the folio is indexed (in Wodrow's hand). 
 But until a systematic catalogue of this great Wodrow collection is undertaken, much 
 valuable material will remain sealed to History. 
 
 APPENDIX X. 
 
 Terms offered to the King (see p. 300) but refused Publication, 
 
 EXTRACTED FROM ThURLOE StATE PaPERS, I. I47, 148. 
 
 His majestie having received the propositiones following from the commissioners 
 of the kingdome of Scotland : 
 
 Wee [desire ?] that your majestie shall sweare, subscribe, and seall the nationall 
 covenant of Scotland, and the solemne league and covenant of Scotland, England, 
 and Ireland, in the words following to be subjoined to boith : 
 
 I Charles, King of Great Britane, France, and Irlande, doe assure and declare 
 by my solemne oath, in the presence of the almightie God the searcher of hearts, 
 my allowance and approbatioune of the nationall covenant, and of the solemne 
 league and covenant above-written ; and faithfullie oblige myself to prosecut the 
 ends thereof in my station and callinge ; and that I for myself and successores shall 
 
APPENDIX. 517 
 
 consent and aggree to all actes of parliament enjoyning the nationall covenant, and 
 the solemne league and covenant, and fuUie establishing presbiteriall government, 
 the directorie of worshipe, confession of faith, and catechismes, in the kingdom 
 of Scotland, as they ar approven be the generall assemblie of this kirk and 
 parliament of this kingdome ; and that I shall give my royall assent to acts of 
 parliament, bills, ordinances past or to be past in the houses of parliament, 
 enjoyning the same in the rest of my dominions ; and that I shall observe these 
 in my owne practise and familie, and shall never mack opposition to any of these, 
 or endeavour any change thereof : 
 
 His majestie doth consent to this whole proposition in terminis ; and for 
 performance thereof his majestie doeth declare in verbo principis, that so soon 
 as he sal be desyred by the parliament and the general assemblie, or by ther 
 Commissioners, he shall solemnlie swear, subscribe, and scale the nationall cove- 
 nant of Scotland, and the solemne league and covenant of Scotland, England, 
 and Irlande, in the words preceiding, subjoyned to both. 
 
 His majestie lykwyse haveing receaved the propositions following : 
 
 Wee desire that your majestie wold acknowledge the authoritie of this and 
 former parliaments, that hes bein since the tym your royall father or his com- 
 missioners wer present therin ; and that your majestie give such ane allowance 
 of the acts made in this and the thrie last imediatlie preceiding sessiones of this 
 current parliament since the fourth of January 1649, as your majesties royall 
 father gave in 1641, unto the acts maid in the sessione of parliament 11* June 
 1640; and that your majestie wold consent and agrie, that all matters such as 
 ar or shall be authorized by them, and maters ecclesiasisticall by the ensewing 
 assemblies of this kirk, and such as ar or shal be authorized by them : 
 
 His majestie doeth consent to this whole propositione in terminis. 
 
 His majestie haveing also received the proposition following : 
 
 Wee desyre, that your majestie wold recall and disclame all commissions ishued 
 furth for acting any thing by sea or land to the prejudice of the covenant, or of 
 this kingdome ; or of any, who doe or shall adhere to the solemne league and 
 covenant, and to monarchical! government, in any other of your majestie's 
 dominions, and all other declarationes made by any in your majesties name, or 
 by your warrand against the samen ; and further, that your majestie wold disallow, 
 and disclame or declare null and voyd all treaties and agriements whatsoever with 
 the bloodie rebells in Irland ; and to declare that your majestie wold never allow 
 nor permitte any libertie of the popish religion in Irlande, or any uther part of 
 your majesties dominions : 
 
 His majestie doeth consent to this whole proposition in terminis. 
 
 His majestie haveing received the proposition following : 
 
 Wee desire, that your majestie wold be resolved to sweare at your coronatioune 
 by and attour the oath of the covenants aforsaid, the oaths appoynted by the 
 
 2 L 
 
5i8 APPENDIX. 
 
 8"* act of the first parliament of your royall grandfather King James VI. and 
 ratified therefter by manie acts, and insert in the nationall covenant, to be sworne 
 by all kings and princes of Scotland at ther coronation ; and that your majestie 
 wold then declare, that you will in maters civill fallow the counsell of your 
 parliaments, and such as ar or shall be authorized by them; and in matters 
 ecclesiasticall by the counsell of the generall assemblie, and such as ar or shall 
 be authorized by them : 
 
 His majestie doeth consent to this whole proposition in terminis. 
 
 APPENDIX XI. 
 
 No. I. — Extracts from Records of the Presbytery of Dingwall. 
 (Communicated by Mr. W. Mackay, F.S.A. Scot, of Inverness.) 
 
 Meeting at Dingwall^ gih April 1650 — "The breyren report yf making vse of 
 the declara°"" of Estate and Kirk ^^ against Ja : Grahames declara°" by reading and 
 explaining the same in tjier severall c'grega°°"." 
 
 Meeting at Dingwau, \^th Api-il \(i^o — "The breyren being informed of Ja : 
 Grahames landing in Cathnes with forces and comeing forward for furder supplie 
 for carieing one his former bloodie rebellions and perfidious courses and considder- 
 ing the act of the g'nall \assembly\ for receiveing of malignantes to publick satisfac°° 
 to import y' all who formerlie were vpon the rebellions and malignant insurrec°"" in 
 the land and professing y' repentance of the same and desyre to be received to 
 satisfac°" that if anie such suld furder promove anie rebellious course against God's 
 work and people they suld \be\ exc'municat. They doe y'fore for preventing anie asso- 
 ciationes consedera"""^ or correspondencie with the s'^ excommunicat bloodie traytor 
 or his forces Ordayne all the breyren to make intima°" out of y"" severall pulpits 
 that anie who shall associat or correspond with the s'^ Rebell or his forces shall be 
 sentenced with exc'munica"" siimarlie, and the severall breyren are appoynted to 
 performe accordinglie in cace anie breach fors'' shall happen to be comitted." 
 
 Meeting at Dingwall, 2?>th May 1650. — "The Brethrein report y' they keiped 
 the Thanksgiveing ^^ for ye victorie at Corbisdell obtained against James Grahamev 
 and others enemies to ye cause and people of God, his adherentes." 
 
 The Editiors have been greatly indebted to Mr. William Mackay of Craigmonie, 
 Inverness, for permitting them to see his copy from the Dingwall Presbytery 
 Records, in addition to the extracts which he kindly sent them, as bearing more 
 directly on Montrose in 1650. These records began to be kept 19th June 1649, 
 with a notice of the thanksgiving observed for the " wictorie at Balvenie." There- 
 after they abound in references to the prevalence of " Malignancy " in Ross-shire. 
 
 " For the text of these see W.'s Montr. (1819), pp. 458-491. The counterblast, the Commission of 
 the General Assembly, was issued January 2ncl, that of the Committee of Estates, January 24, 1650. 
 
 ^^ " There was a solemn day of thanksgiving appointed through the whole Kingdome, Bonfires, 
 shooting of Ordnance, and other testimonies of joy." Montr. Rediv. 180. 
 
APPENDIX. 519 
 
 The names of offenders, according to the Act of Classes, appear in many entries, 
 chiefly Mackenzies, Monroes, and Rosses. So prevalent had been the vice of 
 loyalty to chief and king, that in some parishes (Urray, Kintail, I^ochalsh, Loch- 
 carron) there were no elders not incapacitated by Malignancy. The offences were 
 various in degree — complicity in "James Grahame's rebellion," or in the "unlawfull 
 ingadgement," or in the late "insurrection in the North" (Pluscardine's). 
 
 In September 1649 the parishes of Urray and Kilchreist contributed seventy- 
 six names, Kilterne twenty-two, Urquhart and Loggie fifteen. And these were by 
 no means all, as it is evident from repeated entries to that effect, that the " Brethren " 
 charged to make up the lists had great difficulty in getting the offenders to "compeir" 
 and confess. 
 
 Of special interest we note that on September 11, 1649, i^ the meeting held 
 at Dingwall "Jo" Monro of Lemlair compeiring before the Presbyterie acknow- 
 ledging his error and professing great greife and sorrow for his accession to the 
 unlaw" ingadgment and the late rebellion in the North and c'sidering y' according 
 to the act of the grail assemblie none above the degree of a leivetenant guiltie as 
 he was, can be received on repentance untill they have their recourse to the grail 
 assemblie or their commissioners, Therefore supplicated the Presbyterie to grant 
 him a certificat of his cariage before the unlaw" ingadgment and since his coming 
 off the late rebellion, to be proported to the Commission of the grail assembly, to 
 which he intended to have his recourse with all c'venient diligence for receiving 
 such censure as they would be pleased to enjoyne . . . 
 
 " Sickly Captaine Androw Monro acknowledging his accesse to the unlaw" 
 ingadgment for England and professing his greife," &c. (applied for a similar 
 certificate on the same terms). 
 
 In the list from Kilterne, given in, Sept. 18, 1649, we read "Robert Monro, 
 Lemlair his sonne." 
 
 Dec. 1 1, Kenneth M'Kenzie of Assint and others " confessed their accession 
 to Ja : Grahame's rebellion," &c. 
 
 Jan. 22, 1650. Keneth M'Kenzie, laird of Gerloch, confessed to the same. 
 
 Feb. 5, 1650. Letter from the Commission of the General Assembly "appoynting 
 Jo" Munro of Lemlayre to c'peir before them at Edin^" 
 
 Aug. 28, 1650. " John Monro of Lumlaire presented ane Testimoniall bearing 
 y' he had made satisfac°" for his malignant courses according to the ordinance of 
 the Commissioners of the Kirk qlk certificat wes subscryved be M"" Jo" Annan, to 
 whom he wes recommended to y' effect." 
 
 Space forbids us to quote more from these interesting records. The above is 
 perhaps enough to show to what extent Montrose was justified in expecting aid 
 from the levies of Ross. 
 
 No. 11. — Advocates' Library, Wodrow MSS., fol, Ixvii. 102. 
 
 [Extract] A letter signed J. Smythe off Braco, dated Meall the 18 off Maij 
 1650, addressed to Lt. Generall Lesley, wherein the writer excuses himself for his 
 
520 APPENDIX. 
 
 •' ingadgement " [to Montrose] on the ground that he had been forced to return to 
 his house for fear his house and tenants should be plundered. " I wald nogt have 
 returnit for any thing they could have don to my self so I migt have been frie off 
 the Ingadgment. it is many tymes it repentit me since that I did return but I could 
 not mend me for I could nogt win away efter that tyme they were so jelous off me 
 and kepit still ane watchfull ei ouer me." 
 
 APPENDIX XII. 
 
 No. I. — Letter from Louis XIV., King of France, to the Estates of 
 Scotland. (From Monteith, Hist, des Troubles, 366, 367.) 
 
 On the news of Montrose's capture Cardinal de Retz hastened to Court, to 
 procure the intercession of Louis on his behalf. " But before the messenger could 
 set out, news arrived of Montrose's murder." (June nth. See p. 288.) 
 
 " Les Lettres du Roy estoient conceues eti ces iermes." 
 
 " Tres-chers et grands Amys, Aiant sgeu que le sieur Marquis de Montrose 
 estoient demeurd prisonnier au dernier combat qu'il a rendu en Escosse, et con- 
 siderant que ce malheur luy est arriud par le sort des armes, en executant la Com- 
 mission de nostre tres-cher et tres-ame frere et cousin le Roy de la Grand' Bretagne, 
 qu'il s'est tousiours conduit auec beaucoup de prudence, d'honneur et de vertu, et 
 qu'il en a merite nostre bien-veillance et nostre affection particuliere, ayant mesme 
 esgard k la tres-humble priere nous a este faite en sa faueur, par le sieur Euesque 
 de Corinthe Coadiuteur en I'Archeueschd de nostre bonne Ville de Paris. Nous 
 nous sentons conuiez de vous escrire celle-cy par I'aduis de la Reine Regente nostre 
 tres honoree Dame et Mere, pour vous prier de mettre ledit sieur Marquis en 
 libertd, et de ne pas souffrir qu'il luy soit fait aucun manuals traittement. Nous 
 nous promettons que vous aurez esgard k nostre recommendation que nous vous 
 faisons trbs affectionnde, et que vous voudrez preferer les douceurs de la clemence 
 aux rigeurs du chastiment qu'on pent dire qu'il n'a pas merite, puis qu'il a genereuse- 
 raent satisfait k son premier deuoir, en obeissant au Roy son Souuerain et le vostre, 
 qui se pourra souuenir vn iour de la faueur que vous aurez faite h. vn de ses serui- 
 teurs, pour lequel nous enuoions expres ce Gentilhomme qui vous assurera de 
 nostre affection, auquel vous donnerez creance en tout ce qu'il vous dira de nostre 
 part, et vous fera connoistre que nos instances se font, pour ledit sieur de Montrose, 
 d'aussi bon coeur que nous prions Dieu vous auoir, Tres chers et Grands Amys, 
 en sa sainte et digne garde. Escrit h, Compiegne le 10. iour de luin 1650." 
 
 Monteith adds : " Le mesme Prelat [Cardinal de Retz] ... a tousieurs dit, 
 que Montrose estoit I'homme du monde qu'il eust iamais veu, qui luy representast 
 le plus parfaitement I'idee des grands hommes de I'ancienne Grece et de I'ancienne 
 Rome tout ensemble." 
 
APPENDIX. 521 
 
 No. II. 
 
 The following details as to the personal appearance of Montrose are taken from 
 the rare Montr, Rediv. (True and perfect Relation), pp. 196-198. 
 
 " The death of the noble Marquesse was not bewailed as a private losse, but 
 rather as a publique calamitie. The greatest Princes in Europe expressed no small 
 sorrow for his unhappy end. And indeed wee have not had in this latter Age a 
 man of more eminent parts either of body or of mind. He was a man not very 
 tall, nor much exceeding a middle stature, but of exceeding strong composition of 
 body, and incredible force, with excellent proportion and feature; Dark brown 
 hayr'd, sanguine complexion, a swift and piercing gray eye, with a high nose, some- 
 what like the antient signe of the Persian Kings Magnanimitie. He was of a most 
 resolute and undaunted spirit, which began to appear in him, to the wonder and 
 expectation of all men even in his childhood. Whom would it not have startled 
 to attempt as he did at his first entrie into Scotland, a journey wherein he could 
 not almost escape discovery, all passes being so layd for him, but even when he 
 was known, and almost made publike, he proceeded in his intention ? He was a 
 man of a very Princely courage, and excellent addresses, which made him for the 
 most part be us'd by all Princes with extraordinarie familiaritie ; A compleat 
 Horseman, and had a singular grace in ryding, Nor is it lesse wonderfull how in 
 so great scarcity of all things when warre in that Country is but tedious with the 
 greatest plentie it can afford, he could patiently endure so much distresse. Nor is 
 it lesse to be wondred at, how he could win so much upon those Irish, who had 
 no tye to him either of Countrie, Language or Religion, as he did. More especi- 
 ally when they wanted not all manner of temptation, that either their own miseries 
 and intolerable duty could suggest, or the wit and sagacitie of the enemie could 
 invent to make them leave him, and abandon the service. Besides the many 
 examples shown upon them and their continuall want of Pay, either of which 
 accidents in an Armie is ground enough, and has been many times the occasion of 
 mutiny and desertion. Nor had he only an excellent and mature judgement for 
 providing and forecasting of businesse, but a prompt and readie spirit likewise in 
 matters of present danger and sudden calamitie, and these things which might have 
 confused another mans understanding, as such sudden chances often doe, were a 
 whetting to his wit. There are many stratagems in severall Histories related, which 
 in the heat of action have been put in practice for the regaining of a day already 
 lost, or in danger to be so. As that of Jugurtha, a politick and valiant Prince, who 
 in the heat of a battell betwixt him and Marius the Roman Consull rode up and 
 down in the head of the Armie, showing his bloudie sword, and affirming that he 
 had slain Marius with his own hand, which word did so encourage the Numedians, 
 and amaze the Romans that had not Marius in time appeared, that day had been 
 in hazard. It is likewise reported of one of the Roman Captains, that he flung his 
 Standard amongst the middle of the enemie, that his own souldiers by pressing 
 forward to rescue it, might break and disorder the enemie. Likewise of another 
 
522 APPENDIX. 
 
 that took the bridles off the horse-heads, that every man might be aUke valiant, and 
 charge, as we say, without either fear or wit. But beyond all these in my opinion 
 was that device of the Marquesses, who at Alderne being in a great strait, one wing 
 of his Armie being routed, and the other in a very staggering condition, he did so 
 incense that which was yet whole, with the feigned success of the other, that [it] 
 valiantly charged the enemie, and put the business again in an even ballance. And 
 very hke was it to that device of Tullus Postilius [Hostilius], who being deserted 
 by Metius King of the Albans told his souldiers that he had don 't of purpose to 
 try them, and by that means turn'd their fear into indignation. He was exceeding 
 constant and affable to those that did adhere to him, and to those he knew very 
 affable, though his carriage which indeed was not ordinarie, did make him seem 
 proud; Nor can his enemies lay any greater fault to his charge, than this insatiable 
 desire of honour which he did pursue with as handsome and heroick action as ever 
 any ever did, and such as had neither admiration of avarice or self ends, though he 
 was therewith by some most unworthily branded. For these, and the like vertues 
 of which he was the rich possessour, he was lamented all Christendome over, by 
 all sorts of men, and since his death too by those who had the greatest hand in't, 
 though their success at that time did animate their crueltie. 
 
 Nescia mens hominum fati sortisque futurae 
 Et servire modum rebus sublata secundis.'^ 
 
 APPENDIX XIII. 
 
 Did Neil Macleod betray Montrose? 
 
 This question has been much debated,^^ with some confusion on the various 
 issues. We propose to cite the evidence of original authorities. Much of it will 
 probably be new to some of those who engaged in the controversy. 
 
 (i). Balfour, Annals, iv. and (2) Acts Pari. Scot, both contemporary in the 
 strictest sense, attest the fact that Macleod of Assynt claimed and received a reward 
 for the apprehension of Montrose, and was thanked therefor by the Parliament. 
 
 (3). Gordon of Sallagh, whose account was written probably in 1650, certainly 
 not later than 165 1, bears evidence as quoted in our text. Pt. II. Ch. ix. 
 
 (4). The anonymous author of Part II. of the Montrose Redivivus alleges that 
 Montrose, " knowing him and believing to find friendship at his hands, willingly 
 discover'd himself," and was handed over to Lesley by " the Lord of Aston," 
 *' being greedy of the reward." 
 
 This work was published in London in 1652. The expression " Lord of Aston," 
 
 '^ These lines are here appositely quoted in reference to Montrose's enemies. The Rev. W. 
 Fraser, who doubtless borrowed them from the above passage (see p. 316 and n. 24), applies them 
 with feeble point to Montrose. Probably he misunderstood their application above. 
 
 " Nat. Observer, Mar. -April 1892. 
 
APPENDIX. 523 
 
 with other indications, points to an Enghsh author. The narrative depreciates 
 Montrose's last attempt, and could not possibly have been written by Wishart. 
 
 This account is copied verbatim by Heath in his Chronicles. 
 
 (5). Ian Lom, "the Bard of Keppoch," present at Inverlochy in 1645, who 
 lived till after 17 15, wrote a Lament for Montrose, in which he explicitly accuses 
 Assynt of basely selling Montrose. We are indebted for our note of him and the 
 following literal version of the passage to the late Mr. Alexander Nicolson, an emi- 
 nent authority in Celtic literature, who infers that it was probably written not long 
 after Montrose's execution. 
 
 Lament for Montrose, by Ian Lom. 
 
 V. 8. 
 
 " I'll not go to Dunedin If you and I encountered 
 
 Since the Graham's blood was shed, On the marshes on Ben Etive, 
 The manly mighty lion, The black waters and the clods 
 
 Tortured on the gallows. AVould there be mixed together. 
 
 That was the true gentleman, If thou and thy wife's father, 
 
 Who came of line not humble, The householder of Leime \Lenilair\, 
 
 Good was the flushing of his cheek Were hanged both together 
 
 When drawing up to combat. 'Twould not atone my loss. 
 
 His chalk-white teqth well closing, Stript tree of the false apples. 
 
 His slender brow not gloomy ; Without esteem, or fame, or grace, 
 
 Though oft my love awakes me, Ever murdering each other, 
 
 This night I will not bear it. Mid dregs of wounds and knives. 
 
 Neil's son of woful Assynt, Death-wrapping to thee, base one ! 
 
 If I in net could take thee, 111 didst thou sell the righteous. 
 
 My sentence would condemn thee, For the meal of Leith, 
 
 Nor would I spare the gibbet. And two-thirds of it sour ! " 
 
 The Gaelic is in Mackenzie's "Beauties of Gaelic Poetry" (1841), 50. 
 
 (6). John Gwynne, a survivor of Montrose's expedition (see Index), followed 
 Glencairn in 1653 on his Expedition. He spent the winter of 1653 in the Reay 
 country (p. 100), whence he proceeded from Strath Naver to Skye (102). Page 
 92 he speaks of Montrose after his defeat as "in the custody of a pretended old 
 friend." ^^ 
 
 ^^ See also above, App. I. Gwynne's Memoirs, a record of services ungratefully neglected by 
 Charles II., are undated. But from prefatory letters to various noblemen we infer that the work 
 must have been written after 1675, and probably before 1683. One is to the Duke of Grafton, 
 born 1663, made Duke, 1675. Another, to the Duke of Monmouth, speaks of distinctions, gained 
 probably in the Dutch War, 1672-74, or at Bothwell Brig, 1679. Monmouth was exiled in 1679, and 
 again, in 1683, for complicity in the Rye House Plot. There is apparently an allusion (p. 19) to the 
 Popish Plot, 1678. At the time of writing Gwynne had served over forty-two years, and was there- 
 fore probably over sixty years old. He had been in Charles I.'s Guards before the Civil War (1642)^ 
 and engaged in drilling the Princes (Charles II., born 1630) and Buckingham (born 1627). 
 
524 APPENDIX. 
 
 (7). In the MS. account of Glencairn's Expedition by an eye-witness, supposed 
 to have been John Graham of Duchrie, edited with Gwynne's Memoirs (1822, 
 Maitland Club), 180, 181, we read that Glencairn, on a quarrel with Sir George 
 Monro, "marched [with 100 horse] straight to the Laird of Essen's bounds. . . . 
 His Lordship having arrived in safety at the Laird of Essens, he [Macleod] offered 
 his services to secure the passes, so that the whole army, though they were pursuing, 
 should not be able to come near him that night My Lord was obliged to accept 
 of this favour^ though this gentleman was said to be the person who betrayed the great 
 Montrose ; yet others affirm it was his father-in-law, he [Macleod] being very young 
 at that timer 
 
 (8). " J : E. Miles Philo-Gramus Po," about the time of Montrose's funeral in 
 1 661, wrote, in an elogium to be inscribed on his tomb, nequissime hostibus 
 traditus. 
 
 (9). Dr. George Bates, chief physician to the King, writes in his "Elenchi 
 Motuum nuperorum in Anglia " (London, 1663), Part II., 82, *' Fugit Comes 
 Montisrosanus, vestibusque cum montano quodam commutatis, per tres dies 
 quatuorve delituit, unico servo comitatus; donee Toparchae de Aken jejunio 
 fractum se tradidit, qui etiam si olim sub signis ejus meruerat, mutata jam cum 
 fortuna fide, ad Lesleium deduxit, milk librarum [pounds sterling] corruptus.^^ 
 The spelling of the name, the fact that he makes Sibbald taken in the battle by 
 " Straughan," and other slight variations, show that Bates was unacquainted with 
 the Montr. Rediv. His evidence, therefore, is entitled to the full value of 
 independent testimony. 
 
 (10). Mercurius Caledonius, by Saintserf, a friend of Montrose, Jan. 25, 1661. 
 Montrose would have escaped " if unfortunately he had not been betrayed three 
 days after." Napier, Mem., 841. 
 
 (11). The sole (contemporary) evidence against this is Monteith's omission of 
 Macleod's name. He says (Eng. Tr. p. 511) Brim (Sinclair of Brims) "betray'd 
 him," and a Party of the Country People came upon him immediately, who, after 
 having promis'd him all manner of good Usage, basely sold him to David Lesly. 
 
 Balfour, Ann. iv. 10: Montrose "fled, bot was afterwards taken by the Laird 
 of Assins people." 
 
 Acts Parlt May 17th, 1650. "The Estaitts of pliament Remitts to the 
 Committee of dispatches To think upoun a recompence to be given to the laird of 
 assint for his good service and ane effectual menes of reall pay' w'out delay lykas 
 the 1/ Chancelar in name of the parliament and be thair warrand gave him hartie 
 thanks for his faithfuU service, and intimat the phaments intentione to him." 
 
 May 23, 1650. Argyll, Burghley, and others, appointed as a Comm"^ "to meitt 
 and think upoun a way of payment et satissfac°ne to the 1/ of assint for his good 
 service." 
 
 24th. " Report anent the 1/ of assint redd and remitted to the several bodyes." 
 
 (Balf. iv. 35). May 30th. "The parliament appoynts a Committee ... to 
 consider of the fynnes to be impossed on " . . . those who had joined Montrose 
 
APPENDIX. 525 
 
 . . . "and that the Laird of Assin, that tooke and apprehendit the said James 
 Grhame, be payed the soume of 25,000 lib. Scotts, out of the first, and be for 
 all others of these fynnes." 
 
 {Ibid. 41.) June 4th. The house assigns the Lord St. Clair's fine to sundrie 
 ..." quhat they want of that, to haue it out of the first and reddiest of the fynnes 
 of Orknay and Cathnes men, nixt after the payment of the Laird of Assin, and the 
 ofiScers " [victors at Carbisdale]. 
 
 {Ibid. 52.) June 8th. The Committee of Fines and Process to meet on 
 Monday [loth] . . . " annent the ending of the Laird of Assin Mr. Rob: Far- 
 quhars bussiness." 
 
 (Acts.) June nth. Assint "supplicates." 
 
 (Balf. iv. 52). June nth. "Bill this day exhibit to the housse by the Laird 
 of Assin, shewing that for his good seruice to the countrey, the Clan-Kenzie, Clan- 
 Kay, and the Laird of Glengarey, had spoyled his countrey." (This is the only 
 mention we find of this). 
 
 (Acts). June 14th. Report concerning 1/ assint. 
 
 » )) 2ISt. ,, ,, ,, 
 
 (Balf. iv. 56.) June 22nd. " The Com : of Proces report anent Assin to have 
 20,000 lib. from Mr Robert Farquhare, quho shall be collector of the fynnes of the 
 lait ingagers with James Grhame ; approuen and ratified by the housse." 
 
 (Acts.) June 25th. Argyll and others ordained to speak with Sir James 
 Melvill anent the 1/ assint to report to morrow. 
 
 {Ibid.) June 28th. Sir Jas. Melveill in presence of parlt. in name of M"' Ro' 
 Farquhar " undertook that the 1/ of assint should be presentlie satisfied in money 
 or securitie of what is appointed to be given him." 
 
 Act in favour of the 1/ of assint. 
 
 We have seen that Assynt was first to have 25,000 lib. Scots { = ca. ;^i36o); 
 then 20,000 lib. There can be little doubt that he accepted the 400 bolls 2° of 
 " sour meal," still so infamous in Highland tradition, as payment in kind for the 
 odd 5000 lib. Balfour tells us that in July 1649 oatmeal sold in Edinburgh at 
 15 lib. the boll ; in Fife at 13 lib. 6s. 8d., and, again, in December 1651, when prices 
 were high, " Comon ottemeall " sold in Fife at 10 lib. {ibid. 334). In 1649-50 
 the North suffered from famine, a circumstance which would render Assynt the 
 more disposed to deal in kind. Assuming a medium value of 12 J lib. per boll, 
 400 bolls would equal exactly the odd 5000 lib. due to him ; and he might even 
 hope to profit on it in the famine-stricken North. Such an attempt to trade 
 away his damaged goods would account for the strength of tradition on the 
 subject. But this is pure conjecture. Whether he ever succeeded in extorting 
 the 20,000 lib. {=^ca. ;^io88) from Mr. Robert Farquhar does not appear. His 
 receipts for the meal were extant after the Restoration. 
 
 (12). Burnet (1643-1715), Hist, of his own Time (1883), 34. Montrose "was 
 
 "° A boll was two bushels. 
 
526 APPENDIX. 
 
 betrayed by one of those to whom he trusted himself, Mackloud of Assin." See 
 below, p. 528. 
 
 In the face of this evidence it must be considered beyond all further question 
 
 (i.) That Assynt seized and delivered up Montrose. 
 
 (ii. ) That he claimed a reward, that his claim was allowed, and, in part at leasts 
 paid, and himself thanked for his service, and given priority over all other claims for 
 reward. 
 
 Without such evidence it might have been possible to cavil at the Royalist 
 authorities already quoted. But, as the case stands, the two propositions above 
 rest on the authority of Neil's friends and Montrose's enemies, and must be regarded 
 as facts proved as certainly as anything in history. This evidence alone would 
 suffice to outweigh the alibi which Macleod's apologists declare that he successfully 
 maintained before a Royalist jury when impeached for this crime after the Restora- 
 tion. But on examination of the records we find that 
 
 (iii.) Macleod did pretend an alibi whefi threatened with trial for the betrayal of 
 Montrose. 
 
 (iv.) That he was never tried on this count, but liberated in virtue of an Act of 
 Indemnity — which he pleaded. 
 
 (v.) That at his subsequent trial in 1674 the charge tvas repeated in '•'■ aggrava- 
 tion " of other offences, but waived ; and no defence made except on those other charges, 
 and on those other charges alone he obtained acquittal. 
 
 To an impartial reader this plea of alibi must appear one of the worst features 
 in Assynt's case. For either he lied egregiously to the Parliament of 1650, or he 
 lied egregiously to the Parliament of 1660. Some element of truth there may have 
 been in the assertion, sufficient perhaps to suggest the plea. But even if there 
 were a shred of truth in the statement with which he is credited (13) by the MS. 
 of 1738 (see p. 529), that he was not at Ardvreck when Montrose was brought 
 there, but " 60 miles away," and if, as has been suggested, it was his wife who 
 seized Montrose, he must have suppressed the fact in 1650, when he claimed and 
 obtained full credit for the deed. 
 
 As to the proceedings against him in 1660-63, and again in February 1674, the 
 following references and extracts should effectually dispel all doubts as to tlie real 
 issues and results in question. 
 
 23rd June, 1663. " Personall Protections " granted to Neill M'cleod " of Assint" 
 and others during this Session of Parliament (Scots Acts). 
 
 17th Aug. 1663. "During the sitting of parUament, and I think by order 
 of it, Angus and Neil M'Leod were denounced and put to the horn, being, 
 as was alleged, the persons who had taken the marquis of Montrose, May 1650. 
 This was done, August 17"', this year" (Wodrow, Hist. Sufferings, i. 381). 
 Even the martyr-monger Wodrow cannot make a saint of him, and has no com- 
 ment to add. 
 
APPENDIX. ^ 527 
 
 Letter to Charles II. from the Pari'- 
 
 8 Oct 1663. 
 " Most Sacred Soveraign, 
 
 " Ther being a criminall processe depending befor yo" Parliament at the instance 
 " of yo' Majesties Advocat with the concurrence of the Marquis of Montrose as 
 " his informer against Neill McLeod of Assint for his alledged betraying and giveing 
 " up of the late Marquis of Montrose to those who murdered him and for takeing 
 " a sum of money from them in recompense of that same treacherous act And he 
 " being brought to the Bar and the dittay with his answer thereunto the reply made 
 " to your Advocat and his duplys being at lenth red and considered Wee find he 
 " denyes the mater of fact alledged against him Bot supposeing the same wer 
 " true he grounds his defence upon the indemnity granted be yo"' Majestie to your 
 " Scots subjects in the treatie at Breda in the year 1650 and the ratifications of the 
 " same passed be your Majestie at your being in this Kingdom in the year 1650 
 " and 165 1 Tho it wes instantly offered to be proven under his hand that he 
 " had receaved the money above mentioned and that this treatie could be no 
 " securitie to him it not being produced, and being (if any such thing be) befor 
 " the deeds quarrelled And Wee considering that in all former processes dureing 
 " this Parliament it was yo' Majesties expresse pleasure and accordingly all those 
 " crymes which wer lybelled against any persone as done before that treatie and 
 " these assureances Or which had any ground of defence from them wer layd 
 " aside and not insisted on Have conceaved it suteable to our duetie and your 
 " Majesties Commands to forbeare further procedor in this particular till your 
 " Majestie wer acquainted therewith That your Majestie upon consideration of 
 " the bussines may be pleased to give order either for the prosecution thereof befor 
 " your Justice or for sisting of all further proceiding Or for any other cause therein 
 " Which your Majestie in your Royall judgement shall think fittest for your honour 
 " and service This is in name and be warrand of your Parliament signed be 
 " your Majesties most humble most obedient and most faithfull Subject and 
 *' Servant." 
 
 The treatie of Breda, here pretended in defence, was signed 13 May and 
 1 1 June, ratified by Act, 4 July, confirmed by the Declaration of Dunfermline, 
 16 Aug. 1650 (Balf. iv. 73 and 92). The last provided expressly for "an act of 
 " oblivion to all, except the chieffe obstructors of the worke of reformatione, and 
 " the authors of the change of gouerniment and the murthers of his royall father." 
 
 ist Dec. 1663. " At a Sitting of the Privy Council in Edin. on ist Dec. 1663 
 " a petition was presented by Neil ; stating that he had been been a prisoner in 
 " the Tolbooth of Edinburgh for over three years ' upon groundless allegations of 
 " the accession to the betraying of the late Marquis of Montrose, by which 
 " imprisonment,' &c., he is redacted to that condition by sickness that it is impossible 
 " to him to escape death if he remain any longer in that place, and craving to be 
 " relieved from prison and to have the liberty of the city of Edin', upon sufficient 
 
528 APPENDIX. 
 
 " surety being found for his appearance when called upon. Medical certificates 
 " having been laid before the Council their Lordships ordered him to be set at 
 " liberty upon finding sufficient caution for his reappearance, and bound him not 
 " to leave Edinburgh under a penalty of ;^2o,ooo Scots." Register Privy Council, 
 Acta Decreta 1663. 
 
 On the same date the bond of caution was granted by Macleod and others. 
 Ibid, 
 
 Note the sum. These grim Lords of Council are ironical. We could almost 
 pity the man, grown familiarly " Neil " in his troubles, caged in his prime of 30, 
 three years spent in that loathsome prison, for the youthful crime that wrecked 
 his stormy life. Yet Burnet — no friend to Montrose — says he made a merry 
 time of it. Hist of his own Time, 85. 
 
 "The gross iniquity of the court appeared in nothing more eminently than 
 " in the favour showed Maccloud of Assin, who had betrayed the marquis of 
 " Montrose, and was brought over upon it. He in prison struck up to a high 
 " pitch of vice and impiety, and gave great entertainments : and that, notwith- 
 " standing the baseness of the man and his crimes, begot him so many friends, — 
 " that he was let go without any censure." 
 
 But what with courtesans and dilettante science " the Merry Monarch " forgets 
 enemies as well as friends^ sometimes with equal discomfort to both. Three 
 years elapse before his " tender," " gracious " reply is made. At last, on February 
 1666, the following letter was read by his Majesty's Commissioner to the Privy 
 Council. 
 
 "Charles R. — Right Trusty, &c., . . . forasmuch as by one letter dated at 
 " Edinburgh, the eight of October 1663, &c. ... we were informed that the 
 " criminal process depending &c. . . . [repeating the preamble of the letter] . . . 
 " And we, considering also that by the public indemnity made in the second 
 " Session of our first parhament there is no exception of the said Neil Macleod 
 " but that he is included within our first general pardon and indemnity, whereby 
 " all manners of treasons murders and offences done by any person by virtue 
 " of any power or warrant from any pretended Parliament, &c. . . . Since January 
 " 1637 until September 1660, or by any their abettors and assisters, are pardoned 
 " and discharged. And it being also represented to us that, notwithstanding all 
 " the foresaid Acts of Indemnity, and sure pardon and the sisting of proceedings 
 " against him before the Parliament as is mentioned in the said letter, yet the 
 " said criminal process was of new again intended before the Justice, and the said 
 '* Marquis of Montrose with the concourse of our Advocate, insisting therein. — 
 
 " And having considered the said letter . . . and . . . general Act of Indemnity, 
 
 " and being most tender and careful that the public security and free pardon which 
 
 * we have so graciously indulged to our subjects for liberating them of their minds 
 
 ' and composing their minds to cheerful affection for our Royal person and 
 
 government should \notl singular omission 1] be violat broken or impeached in 
 
 ' any case wherein there may be any ground or defence from the said Act of 
 
APPENDIX. 529 
 
 " Indemnity granted in the second session of the first Parliament, or from any 
 " pretended act of indemnity granted at Breda or in Scotland in the years 1650 
 " and 165 1. 
 
 " Wherefore it is our will and pleasure that the foresaid process against the said 
 " Neil Macleod for the alleged betraying of the late Marquis of Montrose and 
 " taking of the said recompense therefor, should be sisted and no further proceeded 
 " in before our justice, and that our judges civil and criminal should be discharged 
 " to meddle or proceed in the said matter, — 
 
 " And that the foresaid Act of Indemnity ought and should free and liberate 
 " the said Neil from any for the deed aforesaid, — 
 
 '* And that this our will and order be intimated by you our Commissioner, &c. 
 
 " Subscribitur sic by his Majesty's command 
 " Lauderdale. 
 
 " Given at our Court at Whitehall the 20"' day of Feb. 1666, and of our reign 
 " the 13* year." 
 
 " The said Lords of Council . . . ordain the same (letter) to be recorded in 
 *' the Books and to be intimated and the Judges therein discharged [commanded] 
 " in manner appointed " (Acts of Privy Council, 1666-7, p. 546). 
 
 The Angus Macleod mentioned in the extract 17th Aug. 1663, above, was Neil's 
 cousin. Their connection is shown thus : — 
 
 Donald McLeod = (ist) daughter of Lord Reay = (and) — Ross, daughter of Pitcalney. 
 called Neilson. 
 
 Neil. Donald, Hugh of 
 
 d. ca. 1647. Cambuscurry 
 held the estate 
 two years 
 (1647-49). 
 
 I I I I 
 
 "Young Neil" John. Roderick. Angus 
 
 = — MuNRO, of Cadboll. 
 
 daughter of | 
 
 Lemlair Angus 
 
 (no sons). of Cadboll. 
 
 Donald's sons, Neil and Donald, died before their father. Hugh administered the 
 property for " young Neil " during his minority, and appears to have involved the 
 estate in obligations which caused Neil life-long htigation. On Sept. 12, 1649, 
 Hugh " disponed " the estate to his nephew on his majority, and the instrument 
 of infeftment was registered 8th Jan. 1650. Neil was therefore born probably 
 in the autumn of 1628, and was between twenty-one and twenty-two years of age 
 when he seized Montrose. These facts are from the paper written in 1738 on 
 Neil's troubles (" How the Macleods lost Assynt," by Mr. William Mackay, Trans- 
 actions, Gael. Soc. Invern., xvi. 197 fF.). They dispose of the doubt expressed by 
 
530 APPENDIX. 
 
 Graham of Duchrie (?), ca. 1655, that Neil in 1650 was too young for the deed. 
 They have also an important bearing on the question — 
 
 Was Neil ever a follower of Montrose ? 
 
 Undoubtedly the fact would constitute a grievous aggravation of his crime. It 
 is asserted definitely by the Montr. Redivivus, 1652, and Bates, in 1663. It is 
 implied vaguely in Gwynne's " pretended old friend." The silence of the Acts 
 Pari, in 1650 cannot be alleged in his favour. 
 
 If we ask at what period he could have served under Montrose, it appears that 
 the only probable time was in 1646, when Seaforth joined Montrose. It is 
 admitted in the 1738 document that " /« that year Seaforths men haveing joined 
 ^^ Montrose at Inverness," there were '^likewise a 100 men of Assints under his 
 *' Superior Seaforth's conwiand" and further, " Akil of Assint himself then a minor, 
 " being a friend in Seaforth^ s house at Braett [Brahan] Seaforth ordred his men to 
 " fail upon Assints Estate, where yey made fearful Havock," &c. On this it is to be 
 noted that Neil was then eighteen years of age, and therefore older than many who 
 had borne arms in this war. It is difficult to account for his presence at Seaforth's 
 house of Brahan, near Inverness, when Seaforth's and his own men were with Mon- 
 trose at Inverness, unless we suppose that Neil himself had come down with his 
 100 followers. When Middleton nearly surprised the Royalists there, Montrose 
 retreated by "Beauly into Ross " (Wishart, 1647, 179 above), and must have passed 
 close by Brahan. Wishart, then an eye-witness, tells us " the natives were treacherous 
 and inconstant, and Seaforth's new levies were deserting by companies." 
 
 It might be urged that as Neil could have little friendship for Seaforth, who in 
 1640 had invaded and harried Assynt (p. 200), he attended his superior in 1646 on 
 compulsion. But the document which we are quoting, though strongly hostile to 
 Seaforth, does not mention this among his acts of oppression. Unless his friendship 
 for Seaforth in 1646 is a fiction, to heighten Seaforth's alleged treachery, we have 
 here what is in effect Neil's own admission of the fact. The narrative explicitly 
 declares that it is " taken from some old papers write for Neil McLeod of Assint." 
 
 Finally, we have the statement, written in 1650 or 1651, by his friend and 
 neighbour, the local annalist, Sallagh (p. 555), who regarded him as 2l protege of the 
 Earl of Sutherland, that Neil showed diligence in the search for Montrose, and 
 resisted " great offers" which Montrose made to him, " if he would goe with him to 
 Orknay, all which he refused." 
 
 " Che fece per viltate il gran rifiuio !" 
 
 On these statements we incline to believe that there is here presumptive evidence 
 in favour of the assertion that (vi.) Macleod had served with Montrose, and that 
 Montrose knew him, and expected to find protection from him. He would hardly 
 have asked an avowed uncompromising enemy to go with him to Orkney. Lemlair 
 had been out with Pluscardine not twelve months before; and unless Montrose 
 had seen reason to suspect Lemlair of treachery in the recent battle, the knowledge 
 
APPENDIX. 531 
 
 of Neil's marriage to Lemlair's daughter must have strengthened his hope of 
 safety. 
 
 It remains to consider how far the accusation of treachery appeared in Neil's 
 trial in 1674, since it is on his acquittal by the jury that his apologists found their 
 only strong plea in his favour. 
 
 We have ourselves examined the account of the trial in the Book of Adjournalls, 
 a strictly contemporary diary of unimpeachable authority, preserved in the High 
 Court of Justiciary. 
 
 Trial of Assint for Treason. 
 Endorsed "found clean by ane assyse." 
 
 [^xfracfs] "Neill M^cleod of Assint now prisoner in the Tolbuith of Edin 
 burgh, 
 
 "Feb. 2 1674 before Lord CoUintoun, President, John Lockhart of Castle- 
 hill, John Baird of Newbygh (?) [Newbyth], Thomas Wallace of Craigie, Comm" 
 of Justiciary. Persewer, Sir John Nisbet of Dirletoun, Kt., the King's Advocate; 
 Informer, Alex. Grhame of Drynie ; Sir George Mackenzie, Advocate. The 
 prisoner was defended by Mess'^ John EUes and Robert Colt." After a preamble 
 on the Statute of Treason, the " libel " or indictment proceeds : — 
 
 "Nevertheless it is of veritie that the said Neil Mcleod of Assint having 
 " shacken off all fear of God dewtie and alleadgance to his prince, and respect and 
 " regaird to his Majesties person and Lawes did in the moneth of March Appryll 
 " May June July or August 1649 years [date singularly vague and inaccurate !j 
 " upon ane or other of the dayes of the sed moneths or ane or other of them 
 " mosf perfidiouslie treacherouslie baslie and Inhumanelie under trust ^^ take and 
 " apprehend the person of James late Marquis of Montrose his Majesties hye 
 " Commissioner and Lieutenant general whilst he wes invested under his hynes 
 " seall for that effect and delyvered him prisoner to the Rebells his Majesties 
 " enemies then in armes ag' his hynes Majestic by whom the s*^ Marquis wes 
 " cruellie and inhumanelie murdered for the which the s'' Neill Mccleod receaved 
 " the number of ffour hundreth bolls of maill as the reward of the s'* treason- 
 " able act and which maill was delyvered to him be Sir Robert Ffarquhar of 
 " Mounzie. . . ." 
 
 Then follows an accusation of treasonably assisting the English under Morgan 
 in 1654, and harrying Seaforth's lands. Then follow various acts of violence alleged 
 against Neil in 1669-70, as the imposition of illegal taxes on ships touching in 
 Loch Inver, his violent seizure of one Captain Keir, with threats to murder him on 
 his refusal to pay these imposts. He garrisons and " stuffs " his house of Ardbrack 
 with 20 Neillsons alias " Clecheanbricks " 22 against the Sheriff of Sutherland, with 
 a commission of ejectment given at the instance of Sir George M'Kenzie of Tarbet 
 and John M'Kenzie, son to the Earl of Seaforth ..." the s'' Neill M'Cleod did 
 
 *i The italics are our own. ^ See below, p. 533- 
 
532 APPENDIX. 
 
 " most proudlie contemptuouslie and treasonablie fortifie and mantaine the said 
 •'house with his Majesties Rebells" ... 27 Dec. 1671 he was required to 
 surrender; 28 Feb, 1671 [t'.e., 1672] " declaired fugitive." "Commission of fyre 
 " and sword directed by the Lords of his Majesties privie Counsill to the Earle 
 ** of Seaforth, Lord Lovitt, Laird of FfouHs and others, who gathered eight 
 " hundreth men and went against the house with cannon," &c. Neill had fled 
 to the mountains with 300 men. The garrison on a summons answered they 
 " cared not a plack for the King." The siege lasted fourteen days. Neil fled to 
 Caithness and Orkney, but was arrested by Sir William Sinclair of May, and 
 sent prisoner to the Tolbuith of Edinburgh by the Counsills order, where he now 
 lyes. 
 
 Neil Macleod petitioned for trial. The Lords of Privy Council granted an 
 order for a trial, 5th Aug. 1673. 
 
 At the trial " His Majesties Advocat declaires he does not insist upon the 
 first tuo Crimes lybelled [i.e., those committed in 1650 and 1654] but only as 
 aggravations" . . . 
 
 " My Lord Advocat answers [to Mr. John EHes for the "pannal" or prisoner] 
 " that Instruments are taken that no defence is proponed ag' any of the other 
 " articles of the dittay except only the tuo last contained in the same and therfor 
 " his Majesties Advocat declaires that as to the tuo first articles anent the treason- 
 " able taking and delyvering his Majesties Commissioner the Marques of Montrose 
 " and the pannals joyning with and assisting the English Rebells under Morgan 
 " he does not insist upon the samen at this tyme bot as aggravations of the other 
 " Crymes and articles contained in the dittay "... and asks for a trial on the 
 " remnant articles." 
 
 On February 3rd and 9th the trial was "continued;" on the i6th "debated;" 
 and "continued" till the i8th, when it was "remitted to ane Assise" (jury — the 
 names given). 
 
 On the 19th the sentence was : — "The Assyse all in on voyce (on only excepted) 
 " assolyied the pannall Neill M'^cleod of Assint from the crymes contained in the 
 " tuo members of the last article viz that the pannal after the publica°n of the 
 " commission for fyre and sword did raise and levie ane hundreth men and 
 " upwards in armes and patt them under officers and militarie discipline and 
 " defend Arbraek." 
 
 The taking of Captain Keir not proven. 
 
 Other charges not proven. 
 
 Finally, to complete his miserable career, we have on 5th August 1690, order 
 of removal of Neil Macleod from out of lands of Assint. Mackenzie's Hist. 
 Macleods, 418. 
 
 We cannot here enter more fully into the records of these trials. The extracts 
 cited are all that concerns Montrose directly. It is, however, to be noted that 
 even on the other counts we have the testimony of Burnet (see p. above) as to the 
 means Neil employed to secure his acquittal. It is hardly possible to read through 
 
APPENDIX. 533 
 
 that trial without feeling that Neil's acquittal was a miscarriage of justice. The 
 King's advocate seems to have had a growing suspicion of the line the jury would 
 take, and pointedly hints to them that on the evidence a verdict for the defendant 
 would render them liable to prosecution for misprision of treason. No further 
 proceedings seem to have been taken. A month later, Lauderdale, as High 
 Commissioner, published a fresh Act of Indemnity, 24th March 1674. (The text 
 is given in Wodrow, Hist. Sufferings, ii. 266.) 
 
 That Neil in betraying Montrose was actuated by any motive beyond base greed 
 does not appear. No evidence has been brought to show that he was a conscien- 
 tious bigot, or even pretended to be so. Religion, apart from self-interest, was not 
 a ruling passion in those remote Highlands. Amidst bewildering changes of 
 allegiance, fidelity to their feudal chiefs was the only steady influence on the 
 northern clans. The garrison with which Neil " stuffed " his castle " cared not a 
 plack for the King," and probably cared as little for the Parliament. Force they 
 could appreciate. Whether in 1672 they said this or no, the words represent the 
 lawless feeling of the Highlands long before and long after Montrose's days. 
 
 Neil's tribe, an invading offshoot from Lewis, had for two centuries been torn 
 by family feuds and bloody quarrels with their neighbours. It would be diffi- 
 cult to find a darker record of violence than the history of his family and the 
 " Sioleanbrice," or Sleaght-ean-Aberigh,^^ " Seed of John the Grizzled," a fighting 
 sept of Macleods, among whom Neil recruited his followers. Neil was oppressed 
 by his neighbours, Mackays and Mackenzies. The latter in turn were harassed by 
 the Gordons of Sutherland ; and from their land-grasping, Solemn-Leaguing chief, 
 the Earl, Neil's father had obtained effectual aid in 1646, when besieged by Seaforth 
 ^'' for favouring the Earl of Sutherland" (Hist. Earls Sutherland, 534). It is in the 
 obscure and repulsive annals of these petty feuds that we must seek the mainsprings 
 of Highland politics. 
 
 The evidence of tradition points to the same conclusions. Where there is strong 
 presumption that tradition has been unbroken, its evidence is entitled to weight, 
 and its value is greatly enhanced, when, as in the present case, it accords with con- 
 temporary documents. Of its general tenour there can be no doubt. The local 
 traditions have been embodied in the MS. by Mr. Taylor, and the bolls of sour meal 
 are still a by-word. 
 
 The fame of the illustrious victim has lent a peculiar interest to this tale of sordid 
 avarice and treachery. But no one who has read the writings of Spalding, Sir 
 Robert Gordon, Gilbert Gordon (Sallagh), and Patrick Gordon, and Eraser of 
 Wardale will recognise in Neil's miserable history more than one among the many 
 lawless lives of greed, rapine, treachery, and bloodshed with which Highland annals 
 in the seventeenth century abound. 
 
 ^ See Hist. Earls Sutherland, 60. The reference and derivation we owe to Dr. Joass. The 
 name, like that of Macgregor, was a by-word. See ibid. p. 529, &c., and above, p. 531. Ian Lom's 
 seventh stanza above (p. 523) is forcible, but not exaggerated. 
 
 2 M 
 
534 APPENDIX. 
 
 APPENDIX XIV. 
 
 Relics of Montrose. 
 
 " Verses wrote by the Marquis of Montrose with the point of a diamond upon the 
 glass window of his prison after receiving his sentence." 
 
 Let them bestow on every airth a limb, 
 
 Then open all my veins, that I may swim 
 
 To thee, my Maker, in that crimson lake. 
 
 Then place my par-boil'd head upon a stake ; 
 
 Scatter my ashes, strow them in the air. 
 
 Lord, since thou knowest where all these atoms are, 
 
 I'm hopeful thoul't recover once my dust, 
 
 And confident thoul't raise me with the just. 
 
 Montrose was a prisoner in the Tolbuith which stood just above St. Giles', and 
 was executed at the cross which stood then a few feet north-east of the present cross 
 lately erected. 
 
 " In his doun going fra the Tolbuith to the place of execution, he was verrie 
 rychlie cled in fyne scarlet, layd over with riche silver lace, his hat in his hand, his 
 goldin hat-ban, his stokingis of incarnet silk, and his schooes with their ribbenes 
 on his feet, and sarkis provydit for him with pearling about, above ten pund the 
 elne. All these war provydit for him be his friendis ; and ane prettie cassik put 
 upone him, upone the scaffold, quhairin he was hangit. To be schoirt, nothing 
 wes heir deficient to honour his pure carcage, moir beseiming a brydegroom nor a 
 criminall going to the gallowis" (John NicoU (an eye witness), Diary, p. 13, quoted 
 by Napier, Mem., ii. 453, where see notices of the stockings and other relics 
 preserved in the Napier family). It is believed that Lady Napier (Lady Elizabeth 
 Erskine) provided these garments for the Marquis, and it was she who had the 
 heart removed and embalmed. For its romantic history see Napier, Mem. NicoU 
 (Diary, p. 12) says, "He hung full three hours, thairefter cut down, falling on his 
 face, nane to countenance him but the executioner and his men." 
 
 It was ordered that the dismembered limbs should be sent to Glasgow, Stirling, 
 Perth, and Aberdeen. If Sir Edward Walker's eyesight was good, it would appear 
 that an arm and hand had been substituted for the leg and foot appointed to 
 Aberdeen. In 1650, when accompanying Charles II. on his way from Garmouth 
 to Edinburgh, Sir Edward was lodged in Aberdeen at a merchant's house opposite 
 the Tolbooth, on which he " saw affixed one of the hands of the most incom- 
 parable Montross." Sir Edward appears to be the only witness as to the limb at 
 Aberdeen being an arm instead of a leg as had been ordered. In all official 
 references it is called " limb " or " member " only. Eraser says he saw an arm 
 over the " South Port " of Dundee, but as there was no " South Port " in Dundee, 
 
APPENDIX. 535 
 
 and that town was not named in the order as to the distribution of the remains, he 
 must be wrong. He may have meant Perth. We know of no other references to 
 the hmbs in other towns. Cromwell's officers had more decency than those of 
 the " King of Scots," and had the relics taken down. The " member " at Aberdeen 
 was placed in Huntly's vault till 1661, when it was raised with ceremony and 
 conveyed to Edinburgh. 
 
 Minute of Council of Aberdeen. 
 
 25 Februai, 1 66 1. 
 The said day, the counsell haveing informatione from Doctor James Lesly, 
 Doctor of Medicine, that it was signified to him from Edinburgh, by Capitane 
 George Melvill, that it wes the desyr of ane noble and potent Earle, James, 
 Marques of Montrose, that that dismemberit part of the bodie of the lait murtherit 
 Marques of Montrose, his father, suld be soucht out of the place of the Church 
 of this Burghe, wher the samen was interrit efter it wes taken doune from of the 
 pinacle was put up by the enimies of the said Marques, and that the samen suld 
 be taken up and preservit, till order suld come for transporting the samen to the 
 bodie ; and the Magistrates and Councell haveing givin order for the forsaid effect, 
 and report being maid to them that the said member wes fund out in the place 
 of the said Church where it had beine interrit ; and, being most willing and 
 desyrous to tack up and preserue the same in the most decent and convenient 
 maner culd be gone about — Have appointit, and does appoint the inhabitants 
 of the burghe to be warnit be beat of drum and sound of trumpet, for conveining 
 this day, about twelff a clok, in ther best armes and array, for accompanieing the 
 Magistrates and Councell to the Church, for tacking wp the said member. And 
 that the samen be taken up and put in ane coffin, to be coverit with ane reid 
 crimpsone velvit cloth, and caried be Harie Grahame, sone to the Laird of Morphye, 
 from, the Church doun the Braid Street to the Toun's publict house, accompanied 
 with the Magistrats and Counsell, and with the inhabitants of the toune goeing 
 before in armes to the Toun's publict house with sound of trumpet and beat of 
 drum, ther to be kepit under custodie of the Magistrats in the hich Counsell Hous^ 
 till such tyme as order suld be sent for transporting theroff, and appoints the 
 inhabitants to discharge their guns, and shoot volies at and about the mercat croce 
 at their comeing thervnto, and delyverie of the said member to the Magistrats. 
 (Council Register, vol. liv, 248-9.) quoted Spalding Miscel., v. 35. 
 
 Letter from James, second Marquis of Montrose, to the 
 Magistrates of Aberdeen. 
 
 Right honourable, — Being informed by your commissioner and his ascessor 
 that yee have, witht much solemnitie, reased that member of my fathers, which was 
 erected in your cittie by the comand of some barbarous and disloyall persons pre- 
 tending the authoretie of a parliament, I have urett this to returne you manie 
 heartie thanks, and, withall, to assure you that I have a most reall recentment of 
 
536 APPENDIX. 
 
 that action, quherby ye have not onlie testefied your constant adherance to his 
 Majesties service, hot also have, in a verie singular maner, wittnessed your respects 
 to the memorie of him quho was your faithful freind, and have lykvays putt a verie 
 high obligation upon 
 
 Your most affectioned friend and servant 
 
 Montrose 
 
 Edr., 30^* March, i66l. 
 
 I shall desyre ye will be plesed to deliver that member to the lairds of Morphie 
 and Fintrie, or to anie having ther warrant, for I have writt to them theranent. 
 
 Ffor the right honourable the lord provest, balzies, and toune counsell off 
 Abberdeine. 
 
 From the Laird of Morphie. 
 
 Morphie, the 9'* of A pry II, 1661. 
 
 Right honorabill, — The Marquess of Montross hath writen to me of laite, 
 showing that he hath sent yow a letter of thankes for the great respectes ye hawe 
 wittnessed to him towardes the raising of that member of his fatheres 2* that was 
 erected in your towne, and that he hes desyred of you that it may be delywered to 
 the laird of Fentrie or my selfe, or to anie hawing our warrent, quhairfoir I hawe 
 directed this bearer to yow for that effect, to whom ye will be pleased to cause 
 delywer the samen. I hawe noe moir to adde for the tyme, sawe that I ame, and 
 do subscrywe my selfe, 
 
 Yours verie humbill serwant 
 
 A. Gr/Eme, of Morphie. 
 
 For the right honorabill the prowest, bailezies, and counsaill of Aberdeine — 
 Thess. 
 
 For the drawings of Montrose's right-hand and fore-arm and sword (p. 537), the 
 Editors are indebted to the courtesy of Mr. J. W. Morkill, of Killingbeck, near 
 Leeds. The ghastly relic is probably unique. It is labelled " Montrose's arm," in 
 the writing of Dr. Thoresby, a well-known Yorkshire antiquary at the beginning of 
 last century, with whom it was deposited by a Dr. Pickering, ^^ on his leaving this 
 country for Spain (in 1704?). From that date its history is clear and continuous. 
 Mr. Morkill submitted the arm to Sir William Turner, the eminent anatomist, who 
 describes it as " mummified, bearing evidence of having been at one time impaled. 
 
 ^ See Spalding Miscel., v. 385, 386. This member was certainly "gathered to the body" at 
 Holyrood, there awaiting the great funeral. Cf. *' Relation of the True Funerals of the Great Mar- 
 quesse of Montrose," &c., given in W., 1819, and other editions. 
 
 ** A. Pickering was among the Roundhead officers, and was in communication with the officers 
 m Scotland who were in local commands. One or more of them owed him money. Was he 
 curious in relics, and obtained this arm and hand from its post. It is not unlikely. See Letters of 
 Roundhead officers. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 537 
 
 The hand is small and well proportioned, and obviously not that of a big man, or 
 of one accustomed to manual labour. In the palm is a hole such as would be 
 made by driving a nail through it, and on the inner side of the fore-arm is an 
 appearance which could have been produced by pinching up the skin when soft 
 and flexible, and driving a nail through it." The sword, which appears to have 
 
 always accompanied the arm, is double-edged, with a small basket hilt. On both 
 sides of the blade, damascened in gold, is the quartered coat of Montrose, 3 
 escallop shells on a chief quartering, 3 roses, 2 and i, with date 1570, and "Her- 
 mann and Keisserr" (makers' name). Scratched on the hilt are the initials I. S. 
 (L G. ? ?). — From notes kindly furnished by Mr. MorkilL 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES. 
 
 n denotes special reference to a biographical or descriptive note. 
 
 Abercrombie, T. M., 500. 
 
 Aberdeen, xxv.-xxvi.n, xxx. 
 xxxviii., liv. Iv., 18, 19, 49, 
 66, 70 & n, 88 & nn, 91, 
 98, 100, 112 & n, Il3nn, 
 114, 154 &n, 15s, i63n, i67n, 
 176, 180 &n, 181,323,534-6. 
 Battle, 66nn-7nn, 69 & n, 504. 
 Braid St., 535. Bp. of 
 
 {1637), xvii. Hardgate, 
 
 dgn. University, 59n. 
 
 Aberdour, i68n. 
 
 Aberfeldy, 56n. 
 
 Aberfoyle, i6on. 
 
 Abernethy, I04n. 
 
 Abord (?), 284-5. 
 
 Aboyne, Ja-s. Gordon, Viscount, 
 18, 38n, 50 & n, 73, 88n, 97 
 & n-8n, loi, 106, 109-10 & 
 n-ii, 113 & n-14 & n-15, 
 118, 140, 148-51, 153-7, 160, 
 162 & n-3 & n-4, 184 & n, 
 284n, 3i4n. 
 
 Adair, Rev. Wm., 2o6n. 
 
 Ad vie, i65n. 
 
 Adwallon Moor, 43n. 
 
 Affleck, Major or Capt., 494. 
 
 Aikenheid, James, xxiii. 
 George, xxiii. 
 
 Airlie Cas., vii., 19, 3on, Son. 
 Earlsof,v.Ogilvy. River, 
 
 see Isla. 
 
 Airth, Earl of, 23, 57n. 
 
 Aithry, 1 2 in. 
 
 Aken, see Assynt. 
 
 Alane, Mr., 505. 
 
 Aldbar, liv. 
 
 Aldrich, Col., 328n. 
 
 Alen, Jas., 499n. Thos., 500. 
 
 Alexander, John, son of the Earl 
 of Stirling, 97n. 
 
 Alford, xxxiii., 88n, Ii5n, I23n, 
 145, iSon, 153. i67n, 295. 
 Battle, 108-12 & nn-13. 
 
 Alloa, I48n. Castle, I2in. 
 
 Almond, 115, 1 18 & n. See 
 
 Lord Livingstone of, & Logie 
 
 Almond. 
 Alnwick, 46. 
 Alvey, Yeldard, Vicar of New- 
 
 castle-on-Tyne, xix. 
 Alyne, Loch, 54n. 
 Alyth, 90 & n, i63n, 328n. 
 Amisfield or Hempsfield,v.Char- 
 
 ters of. Towner of, I30n. 
 
 Amond, 20. 
 
 Ample, 166 & n, v. Strathample. 
 Amsterdam, xliii.-iv., 253-4, 
 
 258-9, 262-3, 284, 286, 498. 
 Amulree, 56n. 
 
 Ancrum, Rob., Earl of, 70n. 
 Angus (district), vi. , 19, 72, 
 
 88n, 96-7-8n, 105, 114, 148, 
 
 153, 161, 258n, 290, 328n. 
 
 Earls of, v. vi. & n. Wm., 
 
 nth Earl of, v. Marquis of 
 
 Douglas. 
 Ankerhielm, Admiral M. Thys- 
 
 sen, 274-5, 5"-i2- 
 Annan, Rev. W., i68n. 
 
 River, 45. 
 Annand, Jo., minr., Inverness, 
 
 316 & n, 519. Wm., 
 
 minr., Bellie, 3i6n. 
 Annand, W., xxxii.n. 
 Annandale (district), 136, 141. 
 
 Jas. Murray, 2nd Earl of, 
 
 129 & M, 136-7. 
 Anstruther, Fife, 273, 498. 
 Antrim, Earl of, 38 & n, 44-5, 
 
 48, 5in, 54 & n, 1 14, 184 & n. 
 Antwerp, 43n, 251. 
 Appleby, 209n. Cas., 2 1 on. 
 
 Arbroath, 94. Adam, 
 
 Abbot of, vi.n. 
 Arbuthnot, Sir Rob., 1st Visct. 
 
 of, 162 & n-3«. 
 Ardamuragh, 504. 
 Ardlogie, v. Jo. Gordon of. 
 Ardnamurchan, 54n. 
 Ard, Loch, i6on. 
 Ardvoirlich, v. Stewart of. 
 538 
 
 Ardvreck Cas., Assynt, 312-13 
 & n-14, SOI, 526, 531-2. 
 
 Argyle country, xxv., I7n, 38, 
 8off, 1 11^, 216, 257n, 503-4. 
 V. Argyll, Campbells. 
 
 Argyll, Arch. Campbell, 8th 
 Earl, 1st Marquis of, xii., 
 xxx., xxxvii.-xli. 18 & n, 19, 
 21-3, 27n-8-9n, 3cn, 32 & n, 
 38n, 47n, 49n, son, 55-6n-7, 
 65 & n-6 & n-7n, 74-5, 79 
 & n, 80-3 & n-7n-8, 105, 
 107, I2in, I23n, 125, 127, 
 I29nn, 132, I37n, 158 & n-9 
 & n, 165, 168, I75n, I78n, i8o, 
 I9in, 193, 205, 207n, 214, 217 
 & n-20, 223, 23on, 251, 254, 
 277, 286, 290-1, 301, 304, 322n, 
 324n, 328n, 496, 504-5, 524-5. 
 V. Campbells. 
 
 Arnot, Jas., of Ferney, 125 & n. 
 Rob., of Ferney, v. Burleigh. 
 
 Artamford, v. Alex. Irvine of. 
 
 Ashburnham, John, xlvi., i9on-i 
 & n-2, 194. 
 
 Ashley (Astley), Governor of 
 Newcastle-on-Tyne, xix., 20. 
 
 Assynt, Loch, 299. Parish, 
 
 296, 311 & n-i2, 530, 532. 
 v. Neil Macleod. 
 
 Aston, V. Neil Macleod. 
 
 Athole (district), 19-20, 5411, 
 55-7, 72-3n, 79. 85, 97-8n, 
 107, 139, 147, i5on, 153, 155- 
 6, 160 & n-i, 165 & n-6, 
 503. Clans of, 290-1, 
 
 304. John Murray, 2nd 
 
 Earl of, 216 & n. 
 
 Atkine, Harie, of Orkney, 49711. 
 Jas., 497 & n. 
 
 Auchinbreck, v. Campbell of. 
 
 Auchinleck, Capt., 497. 
 Andrew, minr. xvii.n. 
 
 Auldearn, 82n, 89n. Battle, 
 
 98-103 & nn, 306, 502-3, 522. 
 Deadman's Wood, lOOn. 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES. 
 
 539 
 
 Avon, R., nr. Linlithgow, i5on. 
 Ayr, I26n, 134, i67n-8n. 
 Aytoun, 2n. 
 
 Bachiltoun, 6on. 
 
 Badenoch, 54n-5, 72, 76, 79, 
 104-5, 115, 304n. Clans 
 
 of, 290, 304 n. 
 
 Baillie, Rev. Rob., of Glasgow, 
 XXX., i2on, I48n, i68n, 207n, 
 237n. Sir Wm., of Lam- 
 
 ington, 89n. Gen. Wm. , 
 
 of Latham, 47n, 83n, 87n-8n 
 -9 & n, 90-in-2 & n, 94, 96, 
 98 & n, 104 & nn-5 & nn-6- 
 7&n-8-9-io& n, ii5n, 121- 
 3n, I29n, 209n, 2iin-i2 & n, 
 270, 502-3. 
 
 Baird, Jo., of Newbyth, 531. 
 
 Bala Gas., i65n. 
 
 Balblair, Sutherland, 307n. 
 
 Balcarras, Alex. Lindsay, 2nd 
 Lord, 1st Earl of, 88n, 109 & 
 n, Ii5n, I23n. 
 
 Baldovan, I58n. 
 
 Baldovie, v. Jo. Ogilvy of. 
 
 Balfour, Fogon (?), 500 & n. 
 Sir Jas., of Denmylne, I25n. 
 Lyon King, 254. 
 
 Balfours of Noltland Gas., Ork- 
 ney, 5oon. 
 
 Balgavie, xxxiii. 
 
 Ballantyne, Major, 38n. 
 
 Ballindary, v. Wishart of. 
 
 Balloch, V. Drummonds of. 
 Gas. I7n, 21. 
 
 Balmedy, 6on. 
 
 Balmerino (place), ix. Lord, 
 
 xiv., XV., I7n, 21, 630, I02n, 
 127. 
 
 Balquhain, v. Leslie of Pitcaple. 
 
 Balquhidder, 97 & n. See 
 
 Stewarts of. 
 
 Balvenie, 77 & n, 79, 104, 
 battle, 244n, 301, 304n, 518. 
 
 Bal wholly, 11 in, 295n. 
 
 Baner, J., Swed. Fieldmarshal, 
 27on, 273n. 
 
 Banff, 301. Lord, 3 in. 
 
 Barnard Gas., 2 ion. 
 
 Barnbougle, I39n. 
 
 Baron, of St. Andrews, xvi.n. 
 
 Bass, The, I32n. 
 
 Bates, Dr. Geo., 524. 
 
 Batten, Admiral, 25n. 
 
 Bearbrick (?) yr, Laird of, 505. 
 
 Beauly, 179, 3i3n, 316, 530. 
 
 Beaumont, George, xxix.n. 
 
 Beauvais, 266, 279n. 
 
 Bellandine, Sir Wm., 271. 
 
 Bellie, 87n. 
 
 Belstane, Gol., v. Lindsay of. 
 
 Belton, East Lothian, I22n. 
 
 Bennet, H., 288. 
 
 Ben Etive, Ben Nevis, &c., v. 
 
 Etive, Nevis, &c. 
 Bennicke, Gornet Dan., 495. 
 Benwell, xxiii. 
 Bergen, Norway, 187, 189 & n, 
 
 247n. 
 Berwick-on-Tweed, 18, 27n, 
 
 126, I37n, 141, i5on, 209 & 
 
 n, 309- 
 Bhragie, Ben, Sutherland, 298. 
 Biggar, Major, 493. 
 Birsay Gas., Orkney, 256, 258, 
 
 497". 
 Billinge, The, Gothenburg, 273, 
 
 275, 511-12. 
 Blackadder, Gapt., 143. 
 Blackball, 22-3. v. Stewart 
 
 of. 
 Blackness, 3in, I03n. 
 "Black Pate" Graham, v. Pat. 
 
 Graham. 
 Blair (place), i5on, I56n, i6on. 
 
 Jo., of, 38n. Gol. Laur., 
 
 l89n. Rob., 167 & n, 
 
 170-2. 
 Blair Athole, 79n. 
 Blairgowrie, I05n, i84n. 
 Blebo, V. Sir Wm. Murray of. 
 Blythnooke, liv. 
 Boaz, Ensign Hans, 495. 
 Bog of Gight,_87n, 161 & n, 
 
 163, 179- 
 Bogie, Gas. of, 107. 
 Bohemia, v. Elizabeth Qu. of. 
 Bohus, 275, 512. Bohus- 
 
 lahn, 275n. 
 Bolsover, 43n. 
 Borders, The, xix., 36, 50-1, 120, 
 
 13s, 139. i49-5on. 156, 1670, 
 
 209, 213, 218. 
 Borrowstoun, 497n. 
 Borthwick, Gol., I76n. 
 Bothwell, XXV. xliv., I27n, 128 
 
 & n, 138-9 & n. Brig, 
 
 battle, 523n. 
 Bowden Hill, xix. 
 Bower, Caithness, 296n. 
 Bowes, 2ion. 
 Bowness, 22. 
 Boyd, Lord, 20-1. 
 Boyndlie, v. Alex. Forbes of. 
 Boynton Hall, 26n. 
 Brabast (?) & Brabusta, Orkney, 
 
 497 & n. 
 Brae-chat, 298n. 
 Braes of Angus, 19. 
 Braemar, 88n, i5on, 157. 
 Brahan Gas., Ross, 291, 304 & 
 
 n, 3I2-I3n, 3i6n, 530. 
 Brandenburg, Frederick William, 
 
 Elector, Marquis of, 252 & n, 
 
 282n, 506-7, 515-16. 
 
 Breadalbane, 79n, 80 & n. 
 
 Breams, Gapt., 501. 
 
 Brechin, vi.n, 89, 91, 94, 301, 
 
 30311. 314 & n, 319. 
 
 Family of, v. n. 
 Breda, 4in, 243n, 245n, 247n, 
 
 250, 27in, 28in, 286n, 288, 
 
 2q3n, 300, 322n, 326n, 527, 
 
 529- 
 Breitenfeld, battle, 273n. 
 Brentford and Forth, Earl of, 
 
 V. Ruthven, 
 Bridge, Wm., 498. 
 Bridge of Dee, xxxvii., 8, 66, 
 
 ii3n, i75n. 
 Bridge of Esk, 217. 
 Bridlington, 25 & n. 
 Brims, v. Sinclair of. 
 Bristol, Ivi., 7on. Earl of, 
 
 156. 
 Brodie of Brodie, xxxii., I76n, 
 
 288. 
 Broughtie Ferry, 328n. 
 Browne, Sir John, Ivii. 
 Brownlee, Rob., i67n. 
 Bruce, Gapt. Harry, yr. of 
 
 Clackmannan, I46n. 
 
 King Robert the, vi.n. 
 Bruce of St. Andrews, xvi.n. 
 Brunswick, Duke of, 259. 
 Brussels, xlv., 227 & n-8n, 2300, 
 
 243n, 251 & n-3. 
 Buccleuch, Earl of, 1 69n. 
 Buchan, Ii3-i4n, 498. Jas., 
 
 7 th Earl of, 2i6n. 
 Buchanan, i6on. Geo., 
 
 i57n. Sir Geo., I57n. 
 
 Sir John, 157. Buchanan's 
 
 regt., 503. 
 Buchanty on the Almond, 56 & 
 
 n, 58, 148 n, i5on. 
 Buckie, v. Gordon of. 
 Buckingham, Duke of, 260, 49n, 
 
 5in, I9in, 300, 523^ 
 
 Dowager Duchess of, 38. 
 Buerham, Ernestus, 494. 
 Bull, John, X. 
 Bunch, 300. 
 Burleigh, Rob., Lord, 65 & n-6, 
 
 I23n, 125, 324n, 524. 
 Burley, 65n. 
 Burnet, Dr., xxxii.n. 
 Burns, Rob., of Glasgow, 470, 
 
 I58n. 
 Byers, v. Lindsay of. 
 Byron, Lord, 2ion, 2470. 
 
 Cairiton, Orkney, 497. 
 
 Cairn, 3i9n. 
 
 Cairnburgh, i I4n. Gapt. of, 
 
 ii4n, I23n. 
 Caithness, 71, 82, 294-5-6n-7 
 
 & n, 304, 306, 314, 496, 516, 
 
540 
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES. 
 
 518, 525, 532. Geo., 
 
 Sinclair, Earl of, 15411, 29611. 
 
 V. Sinclairs. Bp. of, 
 
 xxxiii. 
 Calder Cas., 140. 
 Calderwood, vii. 
 Caldhame, 88n, v. Middleton of, 
 Callander (place), 150, 166. 
 
 Cas., i66n. Earl, xxi., 
 
 45 & n, 46, I29n, 206, 208- 
 
 gn, 213 & n, 230, 288. 
 Cambo, v. Myreton of. 
 Cambridge, Earl of, v. Hamilton, 
 
 Jas., Duke of. 
 Cameron clan, 79n. 
 Campbell, clan, 54n, 79n, 83n, 
 
 84-6, 505. of Auchin- 
 
 breck, 83n, 85n, 504-S- 
 
 Laird of Bearbrick (?) yr. , 505. 
 
 Lady Mary, 32n. Patrick, 
 
 , of Edinample, Son, i66n. 
 
 Sir Rob., of Glenurquhy, 8on, 
 
 i66n. V. Argyll. 
 
 Canongate, v. Edinburgh. 
 Cant, Andrew, 66n, 167 & 
 
 n, 2o6n-7n. Junr., xxxi. 
 
 & n. 
 Capel, 27n, I94n, 335, 
 Car, Robin, i82n. 
 Carbester, v. Carbisdale. 
 Carbisdale (battle), 49n, 63n, 
 
 89n, I55n, i88n, 274, 298-9 
 
 & n, 305, 309, 3i7n, 493, 500, 
 
 518, 525. Loch, 306. 
 
 Cardross ford, 97n. 
 Careston, 94. Cas. , 95 & n. 
 
 Carisbrook Cas., igin. 
 Carlisle, 27n, 44-5, 47-8, 50 & 
 
 n-in, 55, 63n, 73, 770, 88n, 
 
 97 & n, 126, 209 & n. 
 Carmichael, Fred., 59 & n. 
 
 Wm., of Monifieth, x. 
 Carmyllie, 95n. 
 Carnegie, 216. Sir Alex., 
 
 95n. Sir Dav., ist Earl 
 
 of Southesk, 319 & n, 329. 
 
 D., Master of Lour, 20. 
 
 James, Lord, liv., 2nd Earl of 
 
 Southesk, 129 & n, 148. 
 
 Sir John (1622), vi.n. 
 Carnwath, Rob., 2nd Earl of, 
 
 22, i29n-30 & n, 169 n. 
 Carpe, v. Karpf. 
 Carrickfergus, 38n. 
 Carrindel, Laird of, 5n-. 505. 
 Carrington, Arch. Primrose of, 
 
 I39n. 
 Carron R., Ross, 306-7. 
 Carstairs, John, xiii. 
 Cartowis, 66n. 
 Cary, Sir Rob., 13511. 
 Casimir V., John, King of 
 
 Poland, liii. 246n, 259. 
 
 Cassilis, John, 6lh Earl of, 120 
 & n-in-2, 128, 134, 1690, 
 21 7n, 237 & n-8, 288. 
 
 Cassley, R., Sutherland, 299. 
 
 Castle Blair, 503-4. 
 
 Castle Campbell, 1 2 in. 
 
 Castle hill, 92n. 
 
 Castle hill, v. Edinburgh. 
 
 Castle Stewart, Moray, 3i3n, 
 317 &n. 
 
 Castleton, I50n. 
 
 Cawston, i68n. 
 
 Celle, Duke of, 259. 
 
 Cessnock, 47n. 
 
 Cessfurd, v. Roxburgh. 
 
 Chalgrove Field (battle), Sgn. 
 
 Chambers, W., 515. 
 
 Chanonry, 258, 291, 304 & n. 
 
 Charles I., King, xiv. xv. xviii. 
 XX. xlvi.-vii., 3ff, 10, 14-18, 
 22-29, 34-41. 48, 135-6, 
 138-9, 149, 151, 156, 160, 
 169-70, 179, 182-5, 190-1, 
 193-6, 203-4, 207, 210, 220, 
 224-5, 267-8, 326-7, 336-7, 
 505, and notes passif/i. 
 
 Charles, Prince of Wales, King 
 Charles IL, xl.-i.-vi.-vii., i, 
 7, 26n, 227-233, 235-43, 245, 
 249-54, 259-60, 262-4, 266, 
 271-4, 276-9, 287-8, 290, 300, 
 327, 331-2, 506-10, 516-18, 
 528-9, 534, and notes passim. 
 
 Charters of Amisfield (Hemps- 
 field), 129, i3onn, I42n, 
 I43n, 274. Capt. Alex., 
 
 his brother, 495, 513. 
 
 Chelmsford, 2ion. 
 
 Cheriton (battle), 2iin. 
 
 Chester, Ivi. 
 
 Chieslie, Sir John, 323n. 
 
 Choicelee Wood, 19. 
 
 Christian IV., King of Den- 
 mark, 37, i89-90n. 
 
 Christiania, 189 & n. 
 
 Christina, Queen of Sweden, 
 245 & nn, 247n, 266, 27on-i 
 & n-2-3n, 275, 282, 292n, 
 509, 512-14. 
 
 Clackmannan, v. Bruce of. 
 
 Clarendon (Hyde), 260. 
 
 Clanranald, 79n, 82, 1230. 
 Capt. of, 79n, 176, 504. 
 
 Claverhouse, 79n. 
 
 Claversham, 204n. 
 
 Clayhills, Rev. Andr., of Moni- 
 fieth, viii. 
 
 Clecheanbricks, see Macleod. 
 
 Cleves, 252, 506-7. 
 
 Cliftonhall, Wishart of, xxxv. 
 
 Clova, 980. 
 
 Cluny, ii4n. Cas., 113 & n. 
 V. Sir Alex. Gordon of. 
 
 Clyde R., 9, 147, I5cn. 
 
 Clydesdale, 122, 128. 
 
 Cnoc na Glas Chaoille, v. Glas- 
 chyle. 
 
 Cochran, Col. Sir John, liii., 22, 
 38 & «, 246n, 258-9, 284, 507- 
 8, 515. Wm., of Coch- 
 
 rane, 38n. 
 
 Cockburnspath, I7n, 22. 
 
 Coe, clan, 504. 
 
 Coitts, 49n. 
 
 Colchester, I94n, 210 & n-ii n, 
 2i3n. 
 
 Coldingknows, v. Home of. 
 
 Coldstream, 20. 
 
 Collace, Kirk of, 64n. 
 
 Collinton, Lord, 531. 
 
 Colonsay, v. Macdonald (Coll 
 Keitache) of. 
 
 Colt, Rob., 531. 
 
 Colville, W. , xxxii.n. 
 
 Colvin, Lord, 4in. 
 
 Compiegne, 520. 
 
 Comrie, 97n, i5on. 
 
 Conan R., 316. Bridge, 
 
 313"- 
 
 Congreve, Rev. Fr. G., xlvi. 
 
 Conveth, vi.n. 
 
 Conway, Gen., xix., 20. 
 
 Cookstoun, V. Coxton. 
 
 Copenhagen, 260 & nn-l, 264- 
 5, 273, 508. 
 
 Corbie Hill, 920. 
 
 Corbiesdale, v. Carbisdale. 
 
 Corhouse, Laird of, 3i9n. 
 
 Corinth, Bp. of, v. de Retz. 
 
 Cornhill, 20. 
 
 Corrieyairack, 830. 
 
 Corsare, John, 4511- 
 
 Corstorphine, 3i9n v. For- 
 
 rester of. 
 
 Cossacks (war with), 246n. 
 
 Coulinor, 312. 
 
 Courland, James, Duke of, liii. 
 246, 259, 284-5. 
 
 Cowie, 88n. 
 
 Cowley, the poet, 288. 
 
 Coxton, 49. v. Innes of. 
 
 Crabston, 11 3n. 
 
 Cracow, 227 & n. 
 
 Craigcaoinichean, Culrain, 306, 
 308-9 & n-ion. 
 
 Craigievar, v. Forbes of. 
 
 Craigston, 113 & nn. 
 
 Craigton, Ii2n-I3nn-I4n. 
 
 Cranston Kirk, xxvi., 1400. 
 
 Crathes, liv., 63n. 
 
 Craven, 21 in. Lord, xxix.n. 
 
 Crawford, Ludovic Lindsay, 1 6th 
 Earl of, xxi., xxiv., 22-3, 
 46n-7n, 52n, io5n, 123, 132 & 
 n-4n, 147, 153, 1790, 18411, 
 1950, 2l6n, 516. Craw- 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES. 
 
 541 
 
 ford- Lindsay, Earl of, 2i6n, 
 293. 
 
 Crichton, Lord Wm., of San- 
 quhar, 1st Earl of Dumfries, 
 2i6n. 
 
 Crieff, 96. 
 
 Cromar, 106. 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, xxx., xl.-i. 
 26n-7n, 46n, lOon, I22n, 
 I29n, I4in, I54n, 204 & n, 
 211 & n-i2 & n, 214, 2i6n- 
 I7n-i8, 223 & n-4n, 234n, 
 242 & n, 246n, 251, 254, 
 2730, 288-9, 291. 301, 3i6n, 
 3280, 501. 
 
 Culbyn, v. Kinnaird. 
 
 Culcholy, III, 295n, 
 
 Cullace, Capt., 304, 5CXD. 
 
 Cullanach, Strath, 310. 
 
 Cullen Aboyne, 503. 
 
 Culpepper, 246n-7n, 254n, 262 
 & n. 
 
 Culrain, 299, 3o6-7n-8n, v. Car- 
 bisdale. 
 
 Culterferry and ford, i I4n, 
 
 Cumbernauld House, 20. 
 Band, 20, 326 & n. 
 
 Cuninghame, Capt., 273. 
 
 Cunningham, Anne, 27n. 
 
 Cupar, in Angus, 63 & n, io5n. 
 V. Elphinston, Lord of. 
 
 Dairsie, viii. xi. xiii. See 
 
 Spottiswoode. 
 Dalgettie, v. Hay of. 
 Dalstoun, 5 in. 
 Dalkeith, 2i6n. 
 Dalmeny, I39n. 
 Dalyell, John, of Glenae, 130 & 
 
 n. Sir John, 146-8, 161. 
 
 Darwen, 21 in. 
 Danube, R., 226n. 
 Dantzig, 227. 
 Davidson, Wm., 284-5. 
 Deadman's Wood, v. Auldearn. 
 Dearn, R., 98n. Strath, 
 
 87 &n. 
 Dee K, 88, 98n, 106, 113 & n- 
 
 14. V. Bridge of. 
 
 Dempster, I76n. 
 Denbigh, Wm., Earl of, 26n. 
 Denmark, 296n. v. Copen- 
 
 hagen ; Frederick HL, K. of. 
 Denmylne, v. Balfour of. 
 -Denny, 12 in. 
 Derby, Countess of, 2i6n. 
 Dick, Col. Wm., 125 & n. 
 Dickson, Capt., 1 1 in. Dav., 
 
 xxx., i59n, 2o7n, 2i7n, 325n. 
 Digby, Lord George, Ivii., 
 
 i49n-5on, iS5n-6, 160, 209, 
 
 502. 
 Dingwall, 3 I3n, 518-19. 
 
 Dirleton, Earl of, 40n. 
 
 Dochart, Cas. and Loch, 165 & n. 
 
 Dochray, Mr. S. , xxviii. 
 
 Doddington, Col., 49n. 
 
 Dollar, I2in, i3on. 
 
 Don R., 98n, 108 & n. v. 
 
 Strathdon. 
 
 Donaldson, Margt., 6on. 
 
 Dornoch, 297-8. 
 
 Dorislaus, Dr., 249, 496. 
 
 Dort, 250. 
 
 Douglas Cas., I29n. 
 
 Douglas, son of Morton, 145. 
 Geo., 1 1 In. Sir Jas., 
 
 Morton's brother, i88n. 
 John, youngest son of Wm., 
 Earl of Morton, 308, 493. 
 Sir Jos., 235n, 247n. 
 Lady Marion, 3 in. Lord 
 
 Rob., xii. Sir Rob., I26n. 
 
 Rob., minr., xxx.-i.n, ii.n, 207n, 
 247n, 288, 290,300. Wm., 
 
 nth Earl of Angus, ist Mar- 
 quis of, 129 & n, 136-7, 140, 
 146, 148, 216. SirWm., 
 
 20. v. Angus ; Morton. 
 
 Doune, 502. 
 
 Dover, 24n. 
 
 Downs, The, 2 ion. 
 
 Drogheda, 234n, 262, 288. 
 
 Dron, ii9n. 
 
 Drum, 67n, Ii3n, l5Sn. See 
 Mills of, Irvine of. 
 
 Drumcross, xxxv. 
 
 Drumlithie, 88n. 
 
 Drumminor Cas., 108 & n, i5on, 
 
 'S3- 
 
 Drummond, Hon. Catharine, 32n. 
 Dav., Master of Maderty, 60 
 & n. Lt. Dav., 494. 
 
 Lt. Col. Geo., Balloch's brother, 
 257, 292 & n-5, 497-500. 
 Jas., Lord, Ivii., 20, 58, 61, 
 129 & n, 216. John of 
 
 Balloch, 109 & n, 134, 187 (?). 
 John, yr. of Balloch, 109 & n, 
 i5on(?), 165 &n, i66-7n. 
 Lt. John, 495. Sir John, 
 
 liv., 57 & n. of Hawthorn- 
 dean, xxvi., I27n. of 
 Logic Almond, 57n. See 
 Maderty. 
 
 Duart, I23n. v. Maclean of. 
 
 Dublin, 234n. 
 
 Duchrie, v. Graham of. 
 
 Dudhope, 92n. John Scrim- 
 
 geour, 3rd Visct. of, 2i6n. 
 
 Duffus, 318 & n. 
 
 Dumbarton, 21, 83n, I2in. 
 
 Dumfries, xx., 45 & n, I09n, i3on, 
 I49n-50n, I59n. Earl of, 
 
 V. Crichton. 
 
 Dun, Castle of, liv. 
 
 Dun, Lt. Jas., 495. See 
 
 Erskine of. 
 Dun of Criech, 306. 
 Dunaveg, 14 in. 
 Dunavertie, 54n, I4in, 2o6n. 
 Dunbar, 9. Battle, I4in, 
 
 246n, 301, 3o6n, 3i9n. 
 Dunbeath Cas., 252n, 282, 293n, 
 
 295 & n, 297 & n, 496, 515- 
 
 16. 
 Dunblane, xxx. 
 Duncrub, 32n. v. Rollock 
 
 of. 
 Dundas, Thomas, xxxv. 
 
 James, xxxv. Thomas, 
 
 junr., xxxv. of New- 
 
 liston, xxxv. 
 Dundee, xlv. liv., 65-6n, 89, 
 
 91 & n-2 & n, 95, I24n, i69n, 
 
 262n, 3i4n, 3i8n-i9, 321, 
 
 502-4. 
 
 Earl of, 2i6n. East Port, 
 
 Law, Nethergait Port, Sea- 
 gait, Overgait, West Port, 
 
 92n, "South Port," 534. 
 Dundonald, Earl of, 39n. 
 Dunfermline, Earl of, 19, l69n, 
 
 288. Declaration of, 527. 
 
 Dunglass, 19. 
 Dunkeld, xxxi., 52n, 79, 90 & 
 
 n-i & n, 115, ii7n, 494. 
 
 Little, Ii7-i8n. 
 Dunnavertie, v. Dunavertie. 
 Dunnet Bay, 295. 
 Dunneveg, 54n. 
 Dunnottar Cas., 163, 286. 
 Duns, 14, 18, 19. 
 Duns Law, xxvi.n, 13511. 
 Dunrobin Cas., 2960-8 & n, 
 
 3o8n. 
 Duntreath Cas., I57n. 
 Duplin (Dupplin), 116, Ii8n. 
 
 Lord, 63n. 
 Durham City, liv., 42, 49n, 890. 
 
 Jas., minr., 324n-5n. 
 Durham, Wm., of Grange, x., 
 
 329n. Family, of Grange, 
 
 viii. Rev. Pat., of Moni- 
 
 fieth, viii. 
 Durie, 21. 
 
 Dutch War (1672-4), 5230. 
 Dysart, Countess of, 410. 
 
 Earl of, i5n, 4in. 
 
 Earn, Loch, 64n, 97 & n, i66n. 
 
 R., 97n, 115, 118, 120, 147. 
 Easington, xx. 
 Echt, 3i9n. 
 
 Edgehill (battle), 5in, I32n. 
 Edglie Moor, 20. 
 Edinample, v. Campbell of. 
 Edinburgh, xix. xxiv.-v. xxx. 
 
 xxxvii., 17-19, 22, 25, 28 &n, 
 
542 
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES. 
 
 30n-in, 4in, 4511, 4911, son, 
 52n, 6711, 7911, 8sn, 8711, 8911, 
 102,105, Ii3n, 11511, I28n-9n, 
 130-2 &n, 134, 140-in, 143, 
 15411, 159, 16711, 216 & n-17 
 & n-i8, 220, 223, 24411, 251, 
 27011, 280-1, 290, 297 & n, 
 299, 30211, 305, 30811, 31611, 
 321-2, 328, 494, 501, 519, 
 525, 527, 535. Borough 
 
 Moor, 32311. Bp.of(i637), 
 
 xviii. ; v. Wishart. Canon- 
 
 gate, xxxii.-iii. Prison, 3i4n, 
 495-6. Castle, I02n-3n, 
 
 13011, 133, 145. 2i7n, 223, 
 328n. Castlehill, 92n. 
 
 Cross, son, 236n-7n, 323, 
 330n, 534. Grayfriars, 
 
 30n, 323n. Luckenbooths, 
 xxiv. Parliament House, 
 
 2o6n. St. Giles Ch., 2n, 
 
 28n. Thieves' Hole, 
 
 xxiv.-v. Tolbooth, xxv. 
 
 xxxii., 49n, 130, I32n, 3i4n, 
 323 & n-4. University, 
 
 vi. Water Gate, 323. 
 
 Edward I., K. of England, vi.n, 
 10. 
 
 Edzell, Laird of, 95n. 
 
 Eglinton, Alex., 6th Earl of, 
 121 & n-2, 128, 134, i69n, 
 2i7n. Rob., his son, 
 
 2i7n. 
 
 Eil, Loch, 83. 
 
 Eilandonan Cas., 291. 
 
 Einig, Glen, Ross, 310. 
 
 Elben {?), 516. 
 
 Elcho, Lord, 23n, 58-9. 
 
 Elgin, 66n, 82n, 87n, 98, 104, 
 I son, 3i3n-i4n, 318. 
 
 Elibank, Pat., 2nd Lord, loin. 
 
 Eliot, nr. Arbroath, 9on. 
 Water, 95n. 
 
 Elizabeth Cas., Jersey, 279. 
 
 Elizabeth, Princess, I35n. 
 
 Elizabeth, Qu. of Bohemia, xxviii. 
 xxix.n., 234n, 238n, 240n, 
 243n, 245n-6n-7n, 250-1 & 
 n-2n-3, 258n, 26in-2 & n, 
 266n, 288. 
 
 Elliot, W., xlviii. 
 
 Ellis, Sir John, 531-2. 
 
 Ellon, xxxi.n. 
 
 Elphingston, 47n. 
 
 Elphiston, Jas., Lord of Cupar, 
 63n. 
 
 Elswick, xxiii. 
 
 Enistesinth, 505. 
 
 Enkerfort (battle), 273n. 
 
 Emperor of Germany, v. Ferdi- 
 nand 111. 
 
 Erlach, Cornet Henrick, 495. 
 
 Errick, 1 79. Strath, 87 & n. 
 
 Errol, Gilb., loth Eail of, 216 
 
 &n. 
 Erskine, Capt., 493. of 
 
 Dun, 32on. Lord John, 
 
 20, 148 & n-51, I S3, 216. 
 
 Lady Elizabeth, 102 & n. 
 Esk, Bridge of, 217. R., 65, 
 
 89, 94, 186. 
 Essen, v. Assynt. 
 Etive, Ben, 523. 
 Eyellandtirrem, v. Macdonald 
 
 of. 
 Eythin, v. King, Gen. Jas. 
 
 Fairfax, xx., 49n, 204 & n, 
 
 210 & n-iin. 
 Fairfoul, Bp., xxx. 
 Falconer, Sir Alex., 88n, i62n. 
 Falkirk, 10, 2i7n, 219. 
 Farg, Glen, iign. 
 Farquhar, Sir Robt., 525, 531. 
 Farquharson, clan, 115. of 
 
 Mar, 3i9n. Donald, 88n, 
 
 loon. 
 Federate, Rob., Irvine of, I34n. 
 Ferdinand HL, Emperor, 226n- 
 
 7, 245, 25911. 
 Ferney (Fernie), Jas. Arnot of, 
 
 I25n. Rob. Arnot of, 
 
 6Sn. 
 Fettercairn, 88 & n-9n, 3l4n. 
 Feueing (?), Rob., 516. 
 Fiddich, 77n. 
 
 Fielding, Lady Mary, 26n. 
 Fife, Iv., 65, 1 15-6, 291, 3i4n, 
 
 .321, 525- 
 
 Fincastle, ison. 
 
 Findhorn, 87n, l6sn. 
 
 Finlater, 47n. 
 
 Fintrie, v. Graham of. 
 
 Fleet, Strath, 299. 
 
 Fleming, Archibald, I26n. 
 Lord, 129, 216. Sir 
 
 Wm., I97n, 247n, 288, 322n. 
 
 Flensburg, 260. 
 
 Fletcher, Mr. W., xlvi. 
 
 Flotta, Orkney, 294 & n. 
 
 Forbes, Alex., of Boyndlie, 68 & n. 
 Castle, io8n. Duncan, 
 
 of Culloden, Provt. of Inver- 
 ness, 317 & «. Duncan, 
 his grandson, 31 7n. John, 
 Provost, 3 1 7n. OfCraigie- 
 var, 67, 76. Lord, 108 
 & n, 153. President, 
 31 7n. Patrick, v. Caith- 
 ness, Bp. of. 
 
 Fordell, Ivii. 
 
 Fordoun , 1 1 4n, 3 1 9n. Kirk, 
 
 114. 
 
 Fords of Lyon, 21. 
 
 Forfar, 95n. 
 
 Forres, 98 & n, 3130, 318. 
 
 Forret, Dav., minr., xvii.n, 
 Forrester, Lord, of Corstorphine, 
 
 89n, 
 Fort Augustus, 82n. 
 Fort William, 83n. 
 Forteviot, Ii8n. 
 Forth, Earl of, v. Ruthven. 
 Forth, R. and Firth, 9, 19, 27n, 
 
 31, 90-1, 105, 115-16, 119, 
 
 120-1 & n-2, 147, 150, 153-4, 
 
 157, 215, 219, 238, 502. 
 Forther, 3on. 
 Foulis, Laird of, 532. 
 Framlington, Long, 20. 
 France, Qu. Dowager of (1650), 
 
 520. 
 Frankfurt-on-the-Main, 2590. 
 Eraser, 87n. Ann, Countess 
 
 of Sutherland, 297n, 
 
 Catharine, wife of Sir John 
 
 Sinclair of Dunbeath, 297n. 
 
 Col. Hugh, 290. Rev. 
 
 Jas., of Wardlaw, 3i3n, 31SM, 
 
 33 in. Mary, wife of 
 
 Balnagowan, 297n. 
 Fraserburgh, I54n. 
 Frederick III., K. of Denmark, 
 
 227, 245, 250, 259-60 & nn, 
 
 264, 508, SI I, 515. 
 Frederick William, Elector, v. 
 
 Brandenburg. 
 Frendraught, Visct., 104, 293, 
 
 308 & n, 310, 493. 
 Freswick, 295n. 
 Frieland, Laird of, 4 in. 
 Friesland, Count of, 258. 
 Fronde, Wars of the, 246n. 
 Frost, Secretary, 253. 
 Fullarton, Thos., 3i7-i8n. 
 Fyvie Cas., Iv., son, 73 & n, 75, 
 
 504- 
 
 Gala, v. Strath Gala. 
 Galloway, 20. Alex., ist 
 
 Earl of, 216 & n. Bp. of, 
 
 xxx. 
 Garden, Jas., i88n. 
 Garmouth, I78n, 288, 534- 
 Garrie, Capt., 493. 
 Gartie, 298 & n. 
 Gartmore, see Graham ot 
 Gateshead, xix. xxi. 
 Geddes, Jenny, xv. 
 Gela, or Gella, see John Ogilvy 
 
 of. 
 Geneva, xlv., 226. 
 Gerard, 247n. 
 Germany, v. Ferdinand III. 
 
 Princes of, 245. 
 Gicht, or Gight, v. Gordon. 
 Gisburn, 21 in. 
 Gladsmuir, 143. 
 Gladstanes, Geo., Abp. of St. 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES. 
 
 543 
 
 Andrews, vii. xvi.n, 3011. 
 
 Dr. Alex., Archdean of St. 
 
 Andrews, xvii.n, xviii. 
 
 Alex., son of the Abp., vii. 
 
 Alex., minr., St. Andrews, xi. 
 Glanurquhyes, 504. 
 Glaschyle, 311 & n. 
 Glasgow, XXX. Ivii., 32n, 47n, 
 
 49n, I26n, 128 &n, i5on, 157, 
 
 I58n, 159, i6on, 323, 534. 
 
 Assembly (1637), xvii. xviii. 
 
 Bishops of, V. John and Robert 
 
 Wishart. Cathedral, 27n. 
 
 College, 4on. Cross, 47n. 
 
 Glen, St. Andrews, 494. 
 Glenae, v. Dalyell of. 
 Glenalmond, I48n, i5on. 
 Glenavon, 7 in. 
 Glencairn, Wm. Smith, Earl of, 
 
 xxix.n, xli., 122 & n, i69n, 
 
 I75n, 2i6n-i7n, 220-1, 322n, 
 
 494-S. 501. 523-4. 
 
 Glencoe, 82, 83n. v. Coe. 
 
 Laird of, 79n. 
 
 Glendochart, Sin. 
 
 Glenesk, 95 & n, 98n. 
 
 Glengarry, 115 & n, 176. 
 
 clan, 79n. Donald, chief 
 
 of, 79n, 109 & n, 505, 525. 
 
 Glenisla, 3on, 98n. 
 
 Glen Livet, i04n. 
 
 Glenmark, gSn, 
 
 Glen More, 310. 
 
 Glenmuick, 98 & n. 
 
 Glenmuick, Sutherland, 305. 
 
 Glen Nevis, Laird of, 79n. 
 
 Glen Roy, 83n. 
 
 Glenshee, 106, I50n, 155, i84n. 
 Spital of, io5n. 
 
 Glenurquhy, v. Sir Rob. Camp- 
 bell of. 
 
 Gloucester, 34 & n-5. 
 
 Golspie, 298. 
 
 Goodie, i66n. 
 
 Gordon, clan, 53, 7in, 74n, I23n, 
 244n, 290-1, 336. of 
 
 Sutherland, 533. Lt., 38n. 
 
 Adam of Kilcalmkill, 296n. 
 Lady Ann, wife of Menzies 
 of Pitfoddels, 309n. Sir 
 
 Alex., 38n, Ii3n. Sir 
 
 Alex., of Cluny, I34n. 
 Lord George, 66n-7n, 7in, 
 82n, 87 & n-8 & n, 91, 96- 
 100, 105-6, 109-10 & n-i2n. 
 of Gight, I34n. yr. of 
 
 Gight, inn. Gilbert, of 
 
 Sallagh, 254«, 2Q8n-9, 312, 
 522, 530. Lady Jean, 
 
 Countess of Haddington, 324n. 
 Sir John, of Haddo, 52n, 
 I54n. Col. John, 282-3, 
 
 285,308,493,515. Lord 
 
 Lewis, 2nd Marquis of Iluntly, 
 67 & n, 73, 87n-8n, 91 Sc n, 
 96, 153, 162, 164, i77-8n, 
 24411, 304n. of Logic, 
 
 52n. Lady Mary, I54n. 
 
 Col. Nathaniel, liv., 66 & n, 
 82, 87n-8n, i03n, 106, 109-10 
 & n-iin, 118, 120, I28n, 130, 
 169 & n. of Newton, 
 
 2i6n. Robert of Cluny, 
 
 331 & n. Sir Robert, 
 
 of Gordonstoun, 33 in. 
 of Struders, loon. Capt. 
 
 Wm. , 296 & n, 496. See 
 
 Aboyne — Huntly — Suther- 
 land. 
 
 Goring, Lord, I94n. 
 
 Gorm, Donald, 79n, 
 
 Gorthie, v. Graham of. 
 
 Gotha R., Sweden, 272, 282. 
 
 Gothenburg, i88n, 245n, 247n, 
 266, 269, 272-3n, 277, 280, 
 282, 284, 292, 509-15. 
 
 Gowrie, 63. 
 
 Grafton, Duke of, 323n. 
 
 Graham, Alex., of Drynie, 531. 
 Lady Beatrice, 6on. 
 Dav., son of the ist Marquis 
 of Montrose, 31 9n. Lady 
 
 Dorothea, 32n, I56n. 
 of Fintrie, 536. of Gart- 
 
 more, 57n. Geo., 109 
 
 & n. Geo., of Inchbrakie, 
 
 52n. Geo., of Inchbrakie, 
 
 sonof Patrick, 5 2n. Rev. 
 
 Geo., son of the Bp. of Orkney, 
 497n. of Gorthie, 52n, 
 
 i84n. Harry, son of the 
 
 Laird of Morphie, 535. 
 Sir Henry (Harry) Graham, 
 49 & n, I34n, 187, 252, 
 293, 296-70, 305, 311, 496-8, 
 506-7. Jas. Graham, 
 
 Earl, and ist Marquis of 
 Montrose, passim. 
 John, 21. John,ofDuchrie, 
 524,530. Lady Lilias, 1 34n. 
 Lord Graham, 82n, 87n-8n, 
 I34n. Lady Margt., I56n. 
 
 of Morphie, i63n. A., of 
 
 Morphie, 536. Patrick, of 
 
 Inchbrakie, 52 & n, 55-6, 
 80, logn, 114, i29n, 165 &n- 
 6-7n. Patrick, his son 
 
 ("Black Pate"), 52n. 
 Sir Rich., 45 & n, 51 & n. 
 Rob., son of Montrose, 3i9n. 
 Rob., elder, of Cairnie, 495. 
 Rob., of Morphie, 536. 
 Ensign Rob., 495. See 
 
 Montrose. 
 
 Graham's Dyke, 9, 10. 
 
 Grampians, 72-3, 88, 90, 94, 
 
 97-8, 105 & n, 114 & n, 150, 
 153, 161, i84n. 
 
 Grange, nr. Dundee, 3i4n, 3i8n- 
 19 & n-20 & n. Laird 
 
 of, v. Durhame. 
 
 Grant, clan, 7in, 87n. 
 
 Cas., i65n. Laird of, 
 
 54n, 67n, 7 in, 87n. 
 
 Grantully, v. Stewart of. 
 
 Gravesend, xxix.n. 
 
 Gray, Lady Agnes, 57n. 
 
 Patrick, Lord, 23, 57n, 66n 
 Rob., of Skibo, father and son, 
 3i4n. Mrs., of Skibo, 
 
 314 & n-15. Lt. Col, 
 
 Thos., 189 & n. CoL 
 
 Thos., 293, 308, 493-4- 
 
 Graymond, Mons. de, 3240. 
 
 Grey, Lord of Groby, 2i2n-i3n. 
 
 Grey, Lord, Ivii. 
 
 Grime, 495. 
 
 Groby, v. Grey. 
 
 Groningen, 227. 
 
 Guelderland, xxvii. 
 
 Gruids, Sutherland, 298n-9. 
 
 Gunnerson, Jens, l88n-9n. 
 
 Gustavus, Capt.-Lt., 494. 
 
 Gustavus Adolphus, K.of Sweden 
 27n, 245n, 270. 
 
 Guthrie, in Forfar, 95n. 
 
 Andr., i67n, I72n. Cas., 
 
 i67n. Major Dav., 188 
 
 & «, 272, 274, 308, 493. 
 Hen., Bp. of Dunkeld, l67n, 
 172. Jas., minr., xxx., 
 
 207n, 301-2 & n-3, 325n, 329n. 
 
 Gwynne, Capt. John, 254-5, 292, 
 497-8, 501, 523 & n. 
 
 Hackett, Sir James, Iv., Lt.- 
 Col. Rob., 301, 304 & n, 
 305n-6-7, 501. 
 
 Haddington, I7n, 22, 2170. 
 Lady, 67n, 324 (Lady Jean 
 Gordon). 
 
 Haddo, v. Gordon of. 
 
 Hague, The, vi. xliii., 25n, 82n, 
 227-8 & n, 23on, 232n-3n, 
 235, 237n, 245 & n, 247n, 
 249-50, 253, 260-2, 288, 46411, 
 498, 506. 
 
 Hairshaw Wood, I30n. 
 
 Halden, John, I26n. 
 
 Hall, Capt., 49n. Capt, 
 
 of Leith, and his frigate, 
 244n, 256-7nn, 276-7, 286, 
 294 & n, 498. 
 
 Halkerton, 1 62n. Cas., 88n. 
 
 Haliburton, Bp., xxxi. 
 
 Hamburg, xxviii. xlv.-vi., 43n, 
 190 & n, 245n, 253, 258 & 
 n-9, 263, 269-7on, 281 & n- 
 2& n, 507-8, 515. 
 
544 
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES. 
 
 Hamilton, Anne, Duchess of, 
 40n. Geo., minr., xvii.n. 
 
 Jas., 3rd Marquis and 1st 
 Duke of, xviii. xxxvii.-viii., 
 I5n, 18, 22-3, 26 & ««, 27n-8 
 & n-9, 34n-5n, 39 & n, 40, 
 46n-7, 122, 136, iS4n, iQin, 
 I97n, 205-8 & n, 209 & n, 
 211 & n-i2 & n-13 & n-14, 
 223, 227, 230 & n, 233 & n, 
 243, 245, 253-4, 269-70, 289, 
 336. Dowager Marchioness of, 
 xvii.n. Jas., minr., xxxi.n, 
 
 324n. John, 2nd Duke 
 
 of, V. Lanark. Of Orbis- 
 
 ton, 129 & n. Rob., 
 
 247n, 288. Bp. of, XXX. 
 
 Hammond, Govr. of Carisbrook 
 Cas.,i9in. Chaplain, 204n. 
 
 Hampden, 89n. 
 
 Hampton Court, 24n, 203n-4n, 
 
 Hanover, Duke of, 259. 
 
 Harehead Wood, I42n. 
 
 Harray, 497^- 
 
 Hartfell, Earl of, i29n-3on, 
 136-7- James, his 2nd 
 
 son, I29n. 
 
 Harthill, I79n. v. Leith of. 
 
 Hartlepool, xxi. 
 
 Havre, xlv. 
 
 Hatfield, 204n. 
 
 Hatton, Lord, 271 & n. 
 
 Havre de Cirace, xlv. 
 
 Hawthornden, v. Drummond of. 
 
 Hay, " Crouner," 5on. Col., 
 
 liv., 308. Sir Francis, of Dal- 
 getty, 1 1 in, I79n, 27on, 293, 
 298, 496. Jas., 66 & n.. 
 
 Col. Jas., brother to Naughton, 
 293, 494. Jas., of Mul- 
 
 davat, 66n. Col. of Lin- 
 
 plum, 66n. Rob., 516. 
 
 Wm., 63n, 145 & n. Sir 
 
 Wm. (?), of Dalgetty, 496, v. 
 Sir Francis. v. Kinnoul. 
 
 Heath, Jas., author, 244 n. 
 
 Helmsdale, 298 & n. 
 
 Helvoetsluys, 24n. 
 
 Hempsfield, v. Charters of. 
 
 Henderson, Alex., minr., xv. 
 xvii.n, xviii. xx. xlvii., 22, 
 28n, 30 & n-2, 34n, 38n. 
 Jas., 495. 
 
 Henrietta Maria, Queen, r5n, 
 24-5 & n, 28, 34 & n-5, 
 38n, 43n, 49n, I29n, 190 & 
 n-3 & n-4 & n-6 & n-7n, 
 225, 242-3n, 247n, 251-2 &n, 
 263, 277-8, 
 
 Henry IV., King of France, 
 2, 191. ' 
 
 Herderinnan frigate, 275, 280, ! 
 282, 293, 511-15. i 
 
 Herriot, George, xxxiii. 
 
 Hilton, XX. 
 
 Holburn, Lt.-Gen. or Major- 
 Gen., 291, 31311-15, 496. 
 
 Holland, xxvi.-vii.-ixn. xlv.-vi., 
 & n, I9in, 2ion, 241, 309n, 
 322n, 328n. v. Amster- 
 
 dam — Hague, &c. 
 
 Holland, Lord, 27n. 
 
 Holm Sound, Orkney, 293. 
 
 Holmby House (Cas.), I97n, 
 203 & n. 
 
 Holstein, 273n, 511. Duke 
 
 of, 262. 
 
 Holyrood, xxix, xxxi.n-iii.-iv., 
 22, 59n, 97n, 536n. 
 
 Home (place), 136, 140. 
 
 Sir Jas., of Coldingknows, 
 3rd Earl of, 20, 135 & n, 141, 
 216. Mary, Countess of, 
 
 223 nn. Lt. (Holme), 
 
 493- 
 
 Honthorst, 243n. 
 
 Hope, Sir Jas., of Hopetoun, 
 324n, 496. Sir Thos., 
 
 of Kerse, I7n, 23, 28n. 
 Sir Thos., yr., 19. 
 
 H opt on, 300. 
 
 Hornby, 21 in. 
 
 Howie, Dr. Rob., Provt. of 
 St. Andrews, vii. & n., xiii. 
 xviii. 
 
 Hoy, Orkney, 294n. 
 
 Hull, 245n, 269. 
 
 Hume, Lt.-Col. Sir J., v. Home. 
 
 Huntingdon, Rob., Earl of, v.n. 
 
 Huntly (place), xxxviii. & n, 
 3i9n. Geo. Gordon, 2nd 
 
 Marquis of, 29n, 49n, 52 & 
 n-3, 65n-6n-7n-7o-in-2, 87 
 & n-8n, 91, io5n-7, ii3n, 
 i5on-3n-4n-7, 160-1 & n-5 
 & n, 175 & n-6 & n-80, 
 l82n-4 & n, 192, 216 & n, 
 237, 244n, 296n, 336, 535. 
 V. Aboyne Gordons. 
 
 Hurry, Col., later Gen.-Major, 
 Sir John, 23, 49n, 82n, 87n- 
 8 & n«-9, 92, 96-8 & n-ioi, 
 104 & n, 106, 182, i84n, 187, 
 2o6n, 293-5, 305, 307-8, 317 
 &n, 493, 502, 516. 
 
 Hutchison, Capt., 307. 
 George, xxxi.n, xxxii.n. 
 
 Hyde, Chancellor (Clarendon), 
 I93n, 228n, 233n, 250. 
 
 Inchbrakie on the Earn, 52n. 
 
 V. Graham of. 
 Inchiquin, Lord, 54n. 
 Inchnadamff, 313. 
 Innes, Alexander. James, 
 
 John of Leuchars, John 
 
 of Coxton, Lt. Col. John, 
 Robert Innes of Innes, 49 
 & n. Sir John, of Leu- 
 
 chars, 49n, 182 & nn. 
 
 Inver, Ii4n. Loch, 531. 
 
 Inveran, 3i3n. 
 
 Inverary, 19, 79n, 83n. Cas., 
 80. 
 
 Inverleith, v. Towers of. 
 
 Inverleven, Capt., son of Eniste- 
 sinth, 505. 
 
 Inverlochy, 79n, 82n-3nn, 850, 
 87n, I59n. Battle, 10911, 
 
 328n, 502-3, 505. 
 
 Inverness, 82, 89n, 98 & n, lOI, 
 105 & n-6, 164-5, 175 & 11-^ 
 & n, 180, 244n-5, 257n, 302- 
 3 & n-4n, 3i2-i3n-i4n-i5n, 
 317,502-3,530. County, 
 
 3i4n. 
 
 Inverquharity Cas., 90 & n. 
 V. Ogilvy of. 
 
 Inverurie, 3i8n. 
 
 Ireland, xxxix. Ivi., 242 & n, 
 245, 254. 
 
 Isla, 105 & n. 
 
 Ireton, 224n. 
 
 Irvine, town, I26n, 134. 
 Alex. Irvine, of Artamford, 
 I34n. Sir Alex., of Drum, 
 
 3in, 52n, I34n, i55n, i62n- 
 3, 296n. Alex., yr, of 
 
 Drum, 52n, I34n, 154 & n-^, 
 163. Lady Mary, 1 3411. 
 
 Robt., of Federate, I34n. 
 
 Isla, R., 90, io5n, i84n. 
 
 Islay, 54n. 
 
 Ives, Richd., ix. 
 
 Jaffray, Alex., 288. 
 
 James VI. & I., vii., 10, 156, 
 169-70, 225. 
 
 Jamieson, painter, 3i9n. 
 
 Jedburgh, 142-3. 
 
 Jennison, Rob., S.T.P., xviii. n. 
 
 Jermyn, Hen., Lord (Earl of SL 
 Albans), i9on, 193-4, 247n, 
 250n-2, 254n, 262. Sir 
 
 Thomas, his father, 1930. 
 
 Jersey, 234n, 25on-l, 279, 288. 
 
 John o' Groats, 295. 
 
 Johnston, Jas., of Johnston, 129^. 
 Lord Johnston of Lockwood, 
 19, 129 & n. Arch., of 
 
 Warriston, 18, 20, 266, 300, 
 324n, 330 & n. Col. Sir 
 
 Wm., 259, 272, 277, 282 & n, 
 293. 496-8. 
 
 Jones, Col., Ivi., 242n. 
 
 Joyce, Cornet, I97n, 2030. 
 
 Junes (?), 497. 
 
 Jiiterbok, battle, 273n. 
 
 Jutland, 2730. 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES. 
 
 545 
 
 Kargarf, io6. 
 
 Karp or Karpf (Carpe), Lt. 
 Gen. John Adam de, 252, 282, 
 
 507. 515- 
 
 Karr, Thos., xix.n. 
 
 Katrine, Loch, 97. 
 
 Keir (place), 97n. I09n. Sir 
 
 Geo., of Stirling, 17, 20-3, 
 3in, 97n, 103 & n, I34n, 204n. 
 yr. of Stirling, 97n. Lady, 
 
 of Stirling, I34n ; Keir Ladies, 
 297n. Keir, sea-captain, 
 
 531-2. 
 
 Keiss, Gas., I54n. 
 
 Keith, town, 104, io8n, 3i4n, 
 3i6n, 3i8n. Kirk of, 
 
 io7n. Lady Mary, 57n. 
 
 Wm., 7th Earl of, 162 & n, 
 l63«. Mr. William, 
 
 xxxi.n. 
 
 Kelso, XX., 142. 
 
 Kendal, 209n, 21 in. 
 
 Kennedy, Jas., I78n. Capt. 
 
 Rob., 23. 
 
 Kennermony, i65n. 
 
 Keppoch, 83n. v. Ian 
 
 Lom — Macdonald of. 
 
 Ker, A.,lv., Col. Gilb., 301, 
 304 & n, 3 1 on. Lord, 
 
 22, I35n. Sir Robt., of 
 
 Cessfurd, v. Roxburgh. 
 
 Kerrimure in Angus, 244n, 26 in. 
 
 Kerse, see Sir Thos. Hope of. 
 
 Kersten (?), 499. 
 
 Kettler, House of, liii. 
 
 Kid, Grissel, x. 
 
 Kid, James, xxxi.n, xxxiii. 
 
 Kiddie, minr., 495. 
 
 Kilbirnie, 47n. 
 
 Kilchreist, 519. 
 
 Kilcummin Bond, 82n. 
 
 Kildrummie, i62n. 
 
 Kilgraston, iiSn, Ii8n-I9n. 
 
 Killiewheemen, S2n. 
 
 Kilmahog, i5on, i6on. 
 
 Kilmartin Glassery, 8 in. 
 
 Kilpont, John, Lord, liv., 56 & n, 
 60, 64 & n, i66n, 503. 
 
 Kilsyth, XXV, xliv-v., 3 in, 40n, 
 49n, 54n, 65n, I03n, I09n, 
 I2in-3n, i25-6&n, 128, 130 & 
 n, I32n, i35n, i39n, i47n, i54n, 
 162 & n, i67nn, 289n,*30i. 
 
 Kilterne, 519. 
 
 Kinanmond, Wm., minr. of Keith, 
 318 & n. 
 
 Kincardine Gas., I02n, 109. 
 Town, Ross, 299n, 303n. 
 
 Kingcausie, Ii3n. 
 
 Kineil, 27n. House, 22. 
 
 King, Sir Jas., of Barracht, 27on. 
 Gen. Jas., Earl Eythin, 270 
 «, & 272, 27s, 286n, 513. 
 
 Kinghorn, Earl of, 20, i69n. 
 
 Kingragly (?), 26 in. 
 
 Kingston, 2 ion. 
 
 Kingussie, 79n. 
 
 Kinloch, Col., xxxiii.n, 
 
 Kinnaird, Walter, of Culbyn, 
 317 & n. Gas., Forfar, 
 
 3i4n, 3i9n. 
 
 Kinnoul, Geo. Hay, 3rd Earl, 
 liv., 18, 63 & «, 24in, 252-4, 
 257 & n-8 & nn, 266, 276, 
 28on-i & n, 287, 292. 
 Hay, 4th Earl (d. Ap. 1650), 
 275n, 282, 292, 310 & n-ii. 
 Wm. Hay, 5th Earl of, 145 & 
 n, 3 ion. 
 
 Kinross, 119 & n-l2i. 
 
 Kinsale, 234n, 254, 26in-2. 
 V. Rupert. 
 
 Kintale, 294, 310, 312, 519. 
 
 Kintire, 54n. 
 
 Kintore, 70-ln. 
 
 Kintradwell, 298 & n. 
 
 Kirkcaldy, xxxii.n. 
 
 Kirkcudbright, 20, 470. 
 
 Kirkhill, 3i5n. 
 
 Kirkwall, 49n, 63n, I55n, 254- 
 5, 257-8 & n, 280-1 & n, 
 286 & n-7, 292 & n-3. 
 
 Kleish, Laird of, 4in. 
 
 Knaresborough, 21 in. 
 
 Knox, John, xxxviii.w. 3on, 
 
 Konigsmark, Genl., 27on, 273n. 
 
 Kowdoun, 47n. 
 
 Krabbe, Ivar, 275, 512-13. 
 
 Kyle of Sutherland, v. Suther- 
 land. 
 
 Kylochy, l65n. 
 
 Lachlan, Col., liv., 159. 
 
 Ladislas, IV. or VII., King of 
 Poland, 246n. 
 
 Ladywell, v. Stewart of. 
 
 Lairg, 298n-9. 
 
 Lambert, 27n, 2ion-iin-i2n- 
 13 & n, 2i7n. 
 
 Lamington, v. Baillie of. 
 
 Lambye, John, Montrose's Purse- 
 bearer, xii.-xiii. 
 
 Lanark (Lanrick, Lanerick), 
 William, Earl of, and 2nd 
 Duke of Hamilton, Ivi., 22, 27, 
 34n-5n, 39 & n, 40 & n, 47n, 
 120, 122, 128, 136, i69n, 170, 
 205, 207n, 208, 213-15, 217 & 
 n, 218-20, 222, 230 & n-2, 
 241, 245, 251, 262, 288, 291, 
 300. 
 
 Lancashire, 3 in. 
 
 Langdale, Sir Marmaduke, Ivii., 
 2o8n-9 & n-i i & n. 
 
 Langhaline Gas. (?), 504. 
 
 Lansdown, I32n. 
 
 Lanton, Jane, xix.n. 
 
 Lares or Laufers (Lawers ?), 504. 
 
 Largo, 23on. 
 
 Lasound, Pardus, 188 & n. 
 
 Latheron, 295n. 
 
 Laud, Abp., xiv. xv. xviii. 
 xxxvii.-viii.«.-ix., 336. 
 
 Lauder, 302 & n-3. 
 
 Lauderdale, John, 2nd Earl of, 
 xxx.n, I75n, 207n," 23on«, 
 232, 241, 243, 253, 262, 288, 
 322n, 529, 533. Duchess 
 
 of, 4 in, 
 
 Laurentius, 245n. 
 
 Laurie, Andrew, xxxLn, 
 
 Law, Mungo, minr., 301, 325n. 
 328«, Capt., 284. 
 
 Lawers, v. Campbell of. 
 
 Lawers' Regiment, 304 & n, 308, 
 320, 501, 503. 
 
 Lawson, Capt., 494, 
 
 Learmont, Andr., of St. Andrews, 
 xvi, 
 
 Ledmore, 31 in. 
 
 Leeds, 21 in. 
 
 Leicester, Lord, xxix.n. 
 
 Leighton, Bp., xxx. 
 
 Leipzig, battle, 270, 2730, 
 
 Leith (town), v.n, xxix.n, 27n, 
 35n, 218, 252, 261, 288, 3i4n, 
 32i-2n, 498, 523. of 
 
 Harthill, 2i6n. 
 
 Lennox, district, 157, 160. 
 Duke of, I7n. 
 
 Lens, battle, 227 & n, 463n. 
 
 Lenny, Pass of, i6on. 
 
 Leopold, Archduke, 192 & n, 
 I97n, 226-8, I,, Em- 
 
 peror, I92n. 
 
 Leslie, Alexander, Earl of Leven^ 
 Alex., of Pitcaple, yr., 3i9n, 
 xix. xx.-i. xxiv. xxvi.n, Iv.-vi., 
 i6n, i7n, i8n, 19, 2i,35n, 4311, 
 45n-7n, 51, 54n, i35n, iSjn, 
 2i7n, 270 & n. David, 
 
 Lt. Gen., afterwards ist Lord 
 Newark, Iv., 137, 139, 141 & «, 
 143 & n, 144, I59n, I75n, 
 i84n, 2o6n, 217 & n, 244n, 
 257 & n-8 & n, 261, 27on, 
 291, 296n, 301, 303n-4 & n, 
 309, 3i3n-i4 & n, 316 & n, 
 496, 498-9, 515, 519, 522. 
 Jas., M.D., 535, John, 
 
 Laird of Pitcaple, 3i8n. 
 Col, Ludovick, 22. Robin, 
 brother of David Leslie, yr,, 
 i84n, 
 
 Letham, v. Baillie of. 
 
 Lethin House, i65n, Cas,, 
 
 i76n, 
 
 Leuchars, 49n. Kirk of, 
 
 3on. V. Innes of. 
 
546 
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES. 
 
 1030, 12811, 
 
 Palace, 
 Earl of, 45n, 129 
 
 Lord, 
 
 Leven, v, Leslie, Earl of. 
 
 Lewis Island, 312, 533. 
 
 Li bail, Courland, 284. 
 
 Libberton, see Winram. 
 
 Lillie, Major John, see Lisle. 
 
 Lily, 336. 
 
 Linplum, v. Hay of. 
 
 Lindsay, 47n, 106-7, *io> 
 I23n, 127, 2i6-i7n, 221. 
 Col., of Belstane, I02n. 
 Lord, 168-9, 220. Alex., 
 
 2nd Lord, v. Balcarras. 
 Geo,, 3rd Lord Spynie, i67n, 
 216 & «. Lord John, of 
 
 Byers, xvii.n, 19, 21, io5n, 
 t32n, 2i6n. Master of 
 
 Spynie, 63n. v. Craw- 
 
 ford. 
 
 Lingen, 2 ion. 
 
 Linlithgow, 3in, 
 133, i5on, 217, 
 I29n. 
 & n. 
 
 Linton, I47n, 216. 
 Iv., 140, 143. 
 
 Lintz Cas., Austria, 226n. 
 
 Lisle, Sir Geo., 211 & n«. 
 Major John (Lillie), 188 & n, 
 307 & n-8, 493. 
 
 Little Dunkeld, Ii7-i8n. 
 
 Littlekeny, v. Ogilvies of. 
 
 Livet, Glen, I04n. 
 
 Livingstone, 216. Hon. 
 
 Jas., 45n. John, 288, 
 
 300. Lord, of Almond, 
 
 45"- 
 Loanan R., 31 in. 
 Lochaber, 54n, 82-3 & n, 87, 
 
 139, 503, 505- 
 Loch-an-Eilan, 7in. 
 Lochalsh parish, Ross, 519. 
 Lochbuy, v. Maclean of. 
 Lochcarron parish, Ross, 519. 
 Lochearnhead, 97n. See 
 
 Earn. 
 Lochearnside, I50n. 
 Lockhart, John, of Castlehill, 
 
 531- 
 
 Logic, V. Gordons of. 
 
 Logic Almond, ii8n. See 
 
 Drummond of. 
 
 Logic Wishart, v.-vi.n. xxxiii. 
 
 Lom, Ian, The Bard of Kep- 
 poch, 83n, 523. 
 
 London, xvi. xviii., 18, 19, 21- 
 2, 24, 3on-in-5n, 40, 670, 
 I55n, 204n, 2ion-iin, 2i3n, 
 233, 288. Bow Bridge, 
 
 2 ion. Tower of, vi.n. 
 
 19. 204n, 210, 2i6n, 23on, 
 328n. 
 
 Long, R., Secretary, 279n. 
 
 Lorn, 81, 82. Lord, 76n. 
 
 Lord (9th Earl of Argyll), 
 xli. 
 
 Lothian, East, vi., I22n. Lo- 
 thians, gin. Wm., 3rd 
 
 Earl of, 18, 70 & «, 73-4, 
 224 & n, 251, 288. Lo- 
 
 thian's regt., 503. 
 
 Loudon, Chancellor, xv. Iv., 19, 
 I22n, 127, 2i7n, 235n, 251, 
 290-1, 301, 324-5 & n-6, 328 
 & n. Loudon's regt., 503. 
 
 Cas., I26n. 
 
 Loue, Jas., sea-capt., 294 & n, 
 
 Louis XIV. , King of France, 520. 
 
 Lour, 20. 
 
 Lovat (place), 3i3n, 316 & n. 
 Lord, 503, 532. Hugh, 
 
 8th Lord, 532. Master 
 
 of (1650), 304n. 
 
 Lucas, Lord, 2ion-iin. Sir 
 
 Richd., 211 & n, 336. Sir 
 
 Thos., 43n. 
 
 Luitenberge, Laurence van, 494. 
 
 Lumisden, Ch., xxxi.n. 
 
 Ludlow Cas., 35n. 
 
 Lumley Cas., xxi. liv. 
 
 Lumsden (in Thirty Years' War), 
 270. 
 
 Lumsdens of Pitcaple, 3i8n. 
 
 Lyon, Fords of, 21. 
 
 MacAlain, Angus, Son. 
 
 M'Callin, M'Conaghig, 505. 
 
 M'CuUoch, Capt. John, 46n. 
 
 Macdonald, clan, 38, 8in, I23n. 
 Alex. (Alastair Coll Keitache 
 or "Colkitto"), 54 & «, 56, 
 60, 64n, 72-3, 75, 79, 81, 99, 
 1 00- 1 n-2, 1 06-8, 113-14, I2in, 
 i26n, 134, 138-40 & n, 148- 
 50, 160, 165, 180, i84n, 304n, 
 503. Capt., i78n. An- 
 gus, logn. Coll Keitache 
 MacGillespick, of Colonsay, 
 54n. Donald Glas, of 
 Keppoch, 79n. J., of 
 Eyellandtirrem, 79n. Sir 
 Jas., Ii4n. Sir Jas., of 
 Sleat, 176 & n. John, 
 79n. Ranald Og, of 
 Mull, loin. 
 
 Macdonell, Eneas, 79n. 
 
 Lord Macdonell and Aros, 
 79«. v. Antrim. 
 
 MacGeorge, Margaret, 317. 
 
 Macgregor, 97n. Clan, Son, 
 
 "5. 165, 533n. 
 
 Macldowie, Allan, of Lochaber, 
 83n. 
 
 Mackael, Hugh, 325n. 
 
 Mackay, clan, 290, 525, 533. 
 Hucheon, of Scourie, 296 & n. 
 Hugh, of Dirlot, 296 & n. 
 
 John, of Dirlot, brother to 
 Lord Reay, 296n. Wm., 
 
 of Bighous, 296. V. Reay. 
 
 Mackenzie, clan, 54n, 244, 254, 
 290, 304n, 519, 525, 533. 
 Colin, of Kintail, 312. 
 Sir Geo., Advocate, I39n, 
 531 (the same?). Sir 
 
 Geo., of Tarbet, 531. 
 John, son of Seaforth, 531. 
 Keneth, laird of Gerloch, 519. 
 Kenneth, of Assynt, 519. 
 Capt. (Col.) Thos., of Plus- 
 cardine (Seaforth's brother), 
 i75n, 244 & «, 250, 254, 26in, 
 290, 296n, 304n-5, 317, 501, 
 519, 530. Murdoch, (Bp.), 
 xxxi. 
 
 Mackintosh, 87n. clan, 7 in. 
 
 Maclean, clan, 79n, I23n, i3on. 
 Maclean, 114, I2in, 176, 
 Sir Lachlan, of Duart, Ii4n. 
 of Lochbuy, ii4n. Mac- 
 
 leans (of Gothenburg Sweden), 
 273n. Of Torloisk, i I4n. 
 
 ofTreshnish, I23n. 
 
 Maclear, Sir John (Gothenburg), 
 liii., 272-3 & 11, 275-6, 282, 
 284&n-5, 510-12, 514-15- 
 
 Macleod, clan, of Assynt, 312, 
 533. of Lewis, 312. 
 
 Angus, of Cadboll, Neil's 
 cousin, 526. Angus, of 
 
 Cadboll, father and son, 529. 
 Donald, called Neilson, of 
 Assynt, 529. Donald, 
 
 son of Donald Neilson, 529. 
 Hugh, uncle of Neil, 312. 
 Hugh, of Cambuscurry, 529. 
 John, the Grizzled, 533. 
 " Young " Neil, of Assynt, the 
 traitor, 304n, 312-13 & n-14 
 
 & n. 333. 497, 5°!, 522-33. 
 529. Neil, his father, 
 
 529. Roderick, cousin of 
 
 Neil, 529. 
 
 Macnabs, clan. Son, 115, 165. 
 
 Macpherson, 87n. 
 
 Macranalds, chief of the, 79, 81, 
 114. 
 
 Maderty, v. John, 2nd Lord, 32n, 
 60, 129 & n. V. Drum- 
 
 mond. 
 
 Malar, Lake, 273. 
 
 Man, Isle of, 139, 1490, 
 
 155"- 
 Mar (district), 98, io5n, 148, 
 
 3i9n. Braes of, 105 «S: n, 
 
 106, 115, 150, 155. 
 
 Lower, 106, 153. 9th 
 
 Earl of, 20, l02n-3, 1 2 in, 
 
 I48«, 2i7n. 
 Marischall, Earl, 18, 20, 28, 214, 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES. 
 
 547 
 
 216, 290. his brother, 
 
 504. Lands of, 88n. 
 
 Markinsch, Fife, 590. 
 
 Marley, Sir John, Mayor of 
 Newcastle-on-Tyne, xx.-i.n, 
 xxiv. & n. Cornet Ralph 
 
 {al. Murray), 495. 
 
 Marston Moor, xxi., 43n., 46n, 
 89n, I2in, 270. 
 
 Marstrand, xlvii.-H. 189, 275n, 
 282 & n, 43Sn, 513. 
 
 Martin, Dr. Jas., Provt. of S. 
 Salvator's College, vii. xiii. 
 
 Mary Culter, Ii3n-I4n. 
 
 Massie, 300. 
 
 Matray, Walter, 59n. 
 
 Mauchlin, 2o6n. 
 
 Maule, Wm., in "Giuldie" 
 (Dundee?), xi. 
 
 Maurice, Prince, 35n, 39n. 
 
 Maxwell, Bp., xviii. Lady 
 
 Elizabeth, 52n. Gabriel, 
 
 minr., 2o6n. Sir Jas., 
 
 Provt. of Dumfries, 45n. 
 Lord, xxi. Rob. , 2 1 6 & n, 
 
 2nd Earl of Nithsdale, 38n, 
 2i6n. ? 52n, 336. 
 
 May, Harry, 285-6, 293. 
 
 Mazarin, Cardinal, 246n, 324n. 
 
 Meade, Rob., 273, 509-10. 
 
 Meall (?), 519. 
 
 Mearns, The, xxvi.n, 88 & n, 
 107, 114, i62n, 258n, 290, 
 304n, 318. John of the, 
 vi.n. 
 
 Meldrum, niinr. (of Orkney?), 
 
 495- 
 
 Melgund, 95n. 
 
 Melvin, Major Patr., 49 & n, 
 188 & n, 276, 498-9. 
 
 Melvill, Melville, Andrew, 
 Principal of S. Andrews' 
 Univ., vi. Capt. Geo., 
 
 535. Sir Jas., 525. 
 
 Major Patrick, v. Melvin. 
 
 Menmuir, 88n. 
 
 Menstry, 12 in. 
 
 Menteith (district), ic9n, 160, 
 i66-7n. 
 
 Menzies, clan, 165. of 
 
 Weem Cas., 56 & n. Alex- 
 
 ander, 56n. Lady Ann 
 
 Gordon, wife of Pitfoddels, 
 309n. Gilbert, of Pit- 
 
 foddels, 309n. Gilbert, 
 
 yr., of Pitfoddels, i88n, 308- 
 9n, 493. Family of, 305n. 
 
 Merchiston, I03n. v.Napierof. 
 
 Methven, xv. 21, 52n, 54n, 115- 
 18. Wood, ii8n. 
 
 Mey, V. Sinclair of. 
 
 Midcalder, i4on. 
 
 Middleburgh, xlv. 
 
 Middleton, Lt.-Gen. John, of 
 Caldhame (afterwards Earl), 
 xxxii. Ivi.-vii. , 49n, 52n, 88n, 
 I02n, I09n, I22n, I46n, i5on, 
 I53n, 175 nw-6 & n, 178 & n, 
 i84n, 206 & n, 209n, 244n, 
 286-7, 290, 296n, 304n, 322n, 
 501, 530. 
 
 Middleton Haugh, 20. 
 
 Midgary, 504. 
 
 Millfield, 20. 
 
 Mills of Drum, ii4n, 357n. 
 
 Milton, v. Ogilvy of. 
 
 Minch-Moor, I47n. 
 
 Mingary, 54n. Mitau, liii. 
 
 Mitchell, Dav., xvi. xxx., & n. 
 
 Molleson, 516. 
 
 Moncrief, Sir James, xxxiii.n. 
 
 Monifieth, vii.-ix. & n., x. & 
 n, xi., 32on. 
 
 Monikie, xi. 
 
 Monk, Col., later Gen. (Albe- 
 marle) XXX., I22n, I75n, 2i7n, 
 328n, 494. 
 
 Monro Clan, 244n, 304, 307 & 
 n-8, 519. Capt. Andrew, 
 
 son of Lemlair, 304-5, 307, 
 311-12, 519. Genl, Sir 
 
 Geo., xlv.-lvi., 19, 38n, 5in, 
 72n, I22n, 208-9, 2iin-i3, 
 2i7n, 219-20, 244n-5, 261, 
 291, 521. Col. John, Laird 
 of Lemlair, 290, 297n, 304 & 
 n-5, 312, 514, 524, 529- 
 31. Lemlair family, 523. 
 
 Daughter of Lemlair, Neil 
 Macleod's wife, 312-13, 526. 
 Robert, son of Lemlair, 519. 
 Sir Robt., 2ion, 2i7n. 
 Robert, of Achnes, and sons, 
 
 307. 310- 
 
 Monmouth, Duke of, 523n. 
 
 Montgomery, Col., I45n, 304 
 &n. 
 
 Monteith, Robert, of Salmonet, 
 305 & «, 309n, 520. Wm., 
 
 2nd Earl of, 52n, 57n. 
 
 Month, 3i9n. 
 
 Montrose, town, 83n, I54n, 
 i6on, 185-6, 1 88. Roads, 
 
 i87n, i88n. Old Mon- 
 
 trose, 88n. Jas., ist 
 
 Marquis of, passim. 
 James, 2nd Marquis, 535. 
 Marchioness of, 146 & n, 
 i6on. v. Grahams. 
 
 Mor, John, 79n. 
 
 Moray, xxxi,, 71, 82, 88, 245, 
 
 291. 301. 30411, 317- 
 Bishop of, 172. House, 
 
 223n. Lord, 223n. 
 
 Margaret, Countess of, 223n. 
 Morgan, Col., 531. 
 
 Morpeth, xvi, xx., liv., 46 & n. 
 
 Morphie, v. Graham of. 
 
 Mortimer, Capt., I78n, 494. 
 
 Morton, Rob. Douglas, Earl of, 
 xii., 1 1 in, I29n, I35n, 145, 
 216 & nn, 254-6, 258 & n, 
 266n, 276, 292. His 
 
 successor, 292n, 497. 
 V. Douglas. 
 
 Mowat, of Balwholly (Bucholie), 
 inn, 295n, Christina, 
 
 his wife, 295n. 
 
 Moydartach, Donald, 79n, I23n. 
 
 Muckart, I2in, I30n. 
 
 Mugdock Cas., i57n. 
 
 Muidartach, John, 8 in. 
 
 Muirtown, nr. Inverness, 3l3n, 
 316. 
 
 Muldavat, v. Hay of. 
 
 Mull, I2in. V. Macdonald 
 
 of. 
 
 Munster, Ireland, 251. 
 
 Murray, Earl of, i67n. 
 
 Sir David, Iv. Sir Gideon, 
 
 loi & n. Sir John, of 
 
 Philiphaugh (?), loi & nn. 
 Cornet Ralph, v, Marley. 
 Sir Robert, 495-6. Ro- 
 
 bert, xxxvii., 21, 4in. 
 Thomas, 4in. Wm. 
 
 (Gentleman of the Bed- 
 chamber to Charles I.), I5n, 
 22, 41 & n, I97n, 23on, 247n, 
 251. William, brother 
 
 to the Earl of Tullibardine, 
 167, i69n, 172, 336. Sir 
 
 Wm., of Blebo, 125 & n. 
 Murrays of Sudhope, loin. 
 v. Annandale — Athole. 
 
 Muscovy, Emperor of, 262 & n. 
 
 Musgrave, Sir Phil., 9in, 209 & 
 n, 2 1 on. 
 
 Musselburgh, 217. 
 
 Mylne, John, 92n. 
 
 Myreton, Thos., of Cambo, 
 l67n. 
 
 Nairn, 87, 98n, 313, 3i7n. 
 Strath, 87n. 
 
 Napier, Archibald, 1st Lord of 
 Merchiston, xxviii. & n, xlv., 
 17, 20-3, 30 & n-i & n, 102 & 
 n, I09n, i34n, i5on, 156 & «, 
 i6on, 230n. Lady, xxviii.n, 
 io3n. Lady Elizabeth, 
 
 134", 297n, 534. Lilias, 
 
 xxviii.n. Lady Mar- 
 
 garet, 3 in, I03n, 297n. 
 Archibald, Master of Mer- 
 chiston, 2nd Lord, xlv., 97n, 
 i02«-3 & n, logn-io, I28n. 
 130, 132, 258, 263n, 269, 281 
 & n-2, 288, 293. 
 
548 
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES. 
 
 20, 
 
 xvin. 
 xxiii.- 
 
 Naseby, 1300, I35n, 20911. 
 
 Nassau, William of, 240;/. 
 
 Naver, Loch, 296, 299. 
 Strath, 1511, 52n, 2i6n, 294, 
 296 & n-7n, 304, 306, 311, 
 
 523- 
 
 Neilsons, 531-3. 
 
 Ness, Loch, 82, 87, 179. 
 
 Netherwitten, 20. 
 
 Nevay, John, 2o6n. 
 
 Nevis, Ben, 83n. 
 
 Newark, ist Lord, I4i«. 
 -on-Trent, 40n, I59n. 
 
 Newbattle, i67n. 
 
 Newburn-on-Tyne, xix. xxi, 
 89n. 
 
 Newbury, battle, I32n. 
 
 Newbyth, v. Baird of. 
 
 Newcastle-on-Tyne, xvi. 
 xix. & n, xx.-i. & n, 
 xxxii. Ivi., 15, I7n, 20-1, 
 25, 27n, 3on. 38n, 450-6 
 & n-7n, 49nn, 520, 126, 
 I32n, I54n, i67n, 182, 1840, 
 190 & n, 193 & n, 205, 
 502. See Ashley, Gover- 
 
 nor of. All Saints' Ch., 
 
 xviii.n, xxi.n. Mayor of 
 
 (1640), 20 ; see Marley. 
 Sandgate, xxi.n. St. 
 
 . Andrews Ch., xix, St. 
 
 Nicholas Ch., xix. xxi. 
 Westgate, xxi.n, xxxiii. 
 
 Newcastle, Wm. Cavendish, Earl, 
 later Marquis and Duke of, 
 xix. XX., 26n, 37, 39, 42-3M- 
 4, 46n, 51, 300. 
 
 Newmarket, I97n. 
 
 Newton, of Eglesham, 20. 
 V. Gordon of. 
 
 Newtyle Cas., 105 & n. 
 
 Nicolas (Nicholas), Secretary 
 Ed., i7n, 25on, 253n-4n, 259, 
 ?66n, 271-2, 277, 281-2, 28t)n, 
 293, 300, 304. 
 
 Nicoll, John, 534. 
 
 Nicolson, Sir Thos., 
 Advocate, 324n. 
 
 Niddrie, I29n. 
 
 Nisbet, Capt., i5on, 160. 
 Sir Alex., I55n, 1590. 
 Sir John, of Dirlton, S3 1-2. 
 Sir Philip, of Nisbet, I34nn, 
 iS5n-8n-9 & n. Sir 
 
 Rob., 155 & n. 
 
 Nithsdale, 136, 141. Rob. 
 
 Maxwell, 2nd Earl of, 38n, 
 2i6n. 
 
 Noltland Cas., Orkney, 498-500 
 
 & M. 
 
 North Berwick, xi. xxx. 
 
 North Esk, 95n. 
 
 Norway, xxvi. xlv., 494, 515. 
 
 King's 
 
 v. Bergen, Christiania, Mar- 
 strand, &c. 
 
 Norwich, 2ion-iin, Earl 
 
 of, 194 & n, 2ion. 
 
 Nottingham, xx., I32n. 
 Cas., 209n. 
 
 O'Cahan, v. O'Kean. 
 
 Octerlonie, Jean, Lady of Grange, 
 32on. 
 
 Og, John, 79n. 
 
 Ogilvy family, I23n. Alex., 
 
 49 & n, 118. Alex., of 
 
 Innerquharity, 118, iS7n. 
 Sir Alex., 158 & n-9. 
 Capt., 150, 160. Sir 
 
 Dav., of Clova, son of 1st 
 Earl of Airlie, 65 & n, 78 & n, 
 118. Jas., 8th Lord, and 
 
 1st Earl of Airlie, 630, 65 & «, 
 77, 84n-5n, 88n, 115, 118, 
 i23n-4, 132-3-40, 136, I37n, 
 147-8, 150, 167 & n-9. 
 Jas., Lord, and 2nd Earl of 
 Airlie, xxiv. Ivii., 23, 25, 30 
 & n, 34, 47-9 & n, 5on, 65 & 
 n, 244, 290, 295n, 304n. 
 Lady, 3on. John, of 
 
 Baldovie, 490, 124 & n. 
 Col. John, 263, 284-5. 
 Sir John, gon. John of 
 
 Gela (Gella), 490. Sir 
 
 John, of Inverquharity, 49n, 
 118,159. Alexander, yr. 
 
 of, liv., 336 John of Little- 
 keny, 49n. Margt. , 
 
 wife of Geo. Wishart, vii. 
 of Milton, 1 1 in. Lady, 
 
 I34n. Sir Thos., son of 
 
 1st Earl of Airlie, liv., 63 & 
 n, 65 & n, 78, 85 & n. of 
 
 Powrie, I34n, 142. Capt. 
 
 (Col.) Thos., yr., of Powrie, 
 155 & n, 281, 286, 308, 493, 
 516. 
 
 Ogle, Glen, 970. 
 
 O'Kean (O'Cahan, O'Kyan), 
 Col., 74 &n, 85n, 159 &n. 
 
 Orange, Dowager Duchess of 
 (1649), 247n. Louisa 
 
 Henrietta, Princess of, 252n. 
 Wm., Prince of, xxvii., 24n, 
 240 & n, 247n. 
 
 Orbiston, v. Hamilton of. 
 
 Orcholm, v. Spence. 
 
 Ord, The, Caithness, 294-5, 
 298 & n, 306. 
 
 Orde, Wm., 244n, 26in. 
 
 Orkney, xxx., 49n, 630, 252-4, 
 257 & n, 272, 274, 280 & n-i, 
 284, 286-8, 292 & n, 294n, 
 297, 307-", 321, 495-6, 
 498,525.530.535- Mini- 
 
 sters at Carbisdale, 308. See 
 
 Birsay - Kirkwall - Noltland- 
 
 Wastray, &c. 
 Ormond, Marquis of, 242n, 
 
 244n-5, 25on, 259, 261-2. 
 Osbourn, John, xxiii. 
 Oxenstierne, Swed. Chancellor, 
 
 271. 
 Oykell Bridge, 310. Kyle 
 
 of, 299, 310. River, 314. 
 
 Strath, 2980-9 & n. 
 
 Paisley, Black Book of, xi. 
 
 Panbride, 95n. 
 
 Panmure House, 95n. 
 
 Pantes, Dr., of St. Andrews, 
 xvi. 
 
 Paris, xlv.-vi. & n, 430, 191-3, 
 I97n, 198, 2470, 251-2, 280. 
 
 Paterson, John, xxxi.n. 
 
 Peebles, 147, i5on. 
 
 Pembroke, Earl of, 2030. 
 
 Pendennis Cas., 27n, 35n. 
 
 Pentland Hills, 2 1 8. Battle 
 
 of, 46n. 
 
 Perth, 19, 20, 54n, 57-8, 60 & n, 
 62-3, 66, 79, 9 in, 96, 1090, 
 115 & n, 287, 301, 304n, 323, 
 494. 503-4, 534- Earl of, 
 
 57 &n. 
 
 Peter Culter, 1130. 
 
 Petrie, Alex., xxvi. 
 
 Petty, i65n. 
 
 Philiphaugh (battle), xxvi. Ivi., 
 3in-2n, 4on, 47n, 490, 52n, 
 540, 63n, 66n, Ii3n, I29n, 
 i3on, I32n, I39n, I4in, ison, 
 i67n. V. Murray of. 
 
 Philipston, Dundas of, xxxv. 
 
 Pickering, 536 & n. 
 
 Pitarrow, vi.n., v. Wishart of. • 
 
 Pitcalney, v. Ross of. 
 
 Pitfoddels, v. Menzies of. 
 
 Pitlurg, 108 & n. 
 
 Pitscottie, Gen., 52n. 
 
 Pitsligo, 68n, i67n. 
 
 "Plotters," The, 21. 
 
 Pluscardine, v. Mackenzie of. 
 
 Poland, King of, liii., see Casi- 
 mir. 
 
 Pollock, Capt., 499-500. 
 
 Pontefract, 2iin. 
 
 Pooley, 277. 
 
 Popish Plot, 523n. 
 
 Porle, I32n. 
 
 Porterfield, Geo., Commr. for 
 Glasgow, 47n, 3240. 
 
 Pottinger, John, of Kirkwall, 
 292 & n. 
 
 Powell, Capt., 493. 
 
 Powrie, v. Ogilvies of. 
 
 Prague, 226. 
 
 Presburg, 227 & n. 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES. 
 
 549 
 
 Preston (town), xlv., 27n, Sgn, 
 
 I75n, aogn, 211 & n, 213. 
 
 (battle), 230n, 233. 
 Prideaux, Ed., Iv. 
 Primrose, Sir Archd. of Car- 
 
 rington & Chesters, 139 8c n. 
 
 Viscount, 139 n. 
 Prince of Wales, v. Charles II. 
 Prince Charles Edward Stuart, 
 
 66n. 
 Princess Royal, 24n, 247n. 
 Prynne, xix. 
 Pym, igin, 
 Pyrenees, Peace of (1659), 246n. 
 
 QUARRENDON Hill, XX. 
 
 Queen, The, v. Henrietta Maria. 
 
 of Bohemia, v. Elizabeth. 
 
 of Sweden, v. Christina. 
 Queensberry, Earl of, I47n, 216. 
 
 Countess of, 147 & n. arms 
 
 of, vi.n. 
 Queensferry, North, 2i7n. 
 
 Rae, v. Reay. 
 
 Ramsay, minr., xvi. Andr., 
 
 minr., 290. Michael, of 
 
 Monifieth, x. 
 Rathmines, 242n. 
 Rattray, iS4n. 
 Rayne, 3i9n. 
 Reading, I32n. 
 Reay, Donald Mackay, ist Lord, 
 
 xxi., 52, i34n, 154 & n-5, 176, 
 
 244n-5, 254, 296 & n-7n, 
 
 529. Master of, 2nd 
 
 Lord, 290, 296n, 301, 304n. 
 
 parish, 311, 523. See 
 
 Mackays. 
 Reid Cas., Ross, 304n. 
 Remonstrants, 328n, 501. 
 de Retz, Cardinal, Abp. of 
 
 Paris, 520. 
 Rhaoinne, Sutherland, 298n-9 
 
 &n. 
 Rhenen, 253. 
 
 Rhives, Sutherland, 298 & n. 
 Ribbing, Per Lindormson, Govr., 
 
 Gothenburg, 272-3 & n-5, 
 
 282 & nn, 510-15. 
 Ribble Bridge, xxiv., 49n, 21 in. 
 Riddarholms Kirk, Stockholm, 
 
 27on. 
 Riga, 284. 
 Ringwerthe, Ensign Adrian, 
 
 495- 
 Ripon, 21. 
 Robertson clan, 54n, 79n. 
 
 of Clermonth, xvii.n. 
 
 John, xxxii.n. 
 Rog, Sir W., Iv. 
 Rogers, Sam., xlvi. 
 RoUo or Rollock, Alex., minr., 
 
 xvi., 301. Lord, 32n. 
 
 Sir Jas., of Duncrub, 29n, 32 
 & n, 47n, 83n. Sir Wm., 
 
 32n, 47 & n, 50 & n, 66-7, 
 70, 77 & n, 109, 120, I son, 
 i57n-8 & n, 336, 502. 
 
 Rosebery, v. Primrose. 
 
 Rosehall, 299 & n, 3i3n-i4. 
 
 Ross county, 71, 82, 257, 297, 
 299, 304n, 306, 309-10 & n, 
 518-19, 530. (town), 
 
 Ireland, 288. clan, 304, 
 
 307 & n-8, 519. Dav., 
 
 Laird of Balnagowan, 304 & 
 n-5. Capt. John, 305. 
 
 Capt. Wm., 305. Lt. 
 
 or Capt. Wm., 494. of 
 
 Pitcalney, father and daughter, 
 
 529- 
 
 Rosyth Cas., 130 & n. See 
 
 Stuart of. 
 
 Rothes Cas., 178 & n. 
 
 Earl, XV. xxxvii., 18, I20n- 
 in. 
 
 Rothiemurchus, 71 & n, 162. 
 
 Rotterdam, 5on, 233n, 235n, 
 250, 270. 
 
 Row, vii. xxvi.n. 
 
 Rowton Heath, battle, 209n. 
 
 Roxburgh, county, 136, 140. 
 Sir Rob. Ker, of Cessfurd, 
 1st Earl of, 135 & ««, 139, 
 141, 214-5, 223n. 2nd 
 
 Earl of, 323n. 
 
 Roy Bridge, 83n. Glen, 
 
 83n. 
 
 Rullion Green, xxxii., I25n. 
 
 Rupert, Prince, xlvii., 43n, 46 
 & n, Sgn, I59n, 227 & n, 
 233n. 234n, 244, 247n, 249, 
 254 & n, 261 & n-2, 288. 
 
 Rushworth, 49n. 
 
 Rusky, i66n. 
 
 Rutherford, John, minr. of 
 Dairsie and Monifieth, xi. 
 Samuel, minr., xxx., i68n. 
 
 Ruthven, Patrick, Lord, and 
 Earl of Forth and Brentford 
 (Brainford), 19, 21, 4 in, 6t„ 
 85, io5n, ii4n, 262 & n, 270- 
 I, 275n, 282. Lady 
 
 Patricia, his daughter, 63n. 
 
 Rye House Plot, 523n. 
 
 Saintserf, 524. 
 
 Sandgate (Newcastle), xxi.n. 
 
 Sandilands, Andr., xxv.n, 137- 
 8n. Sir Jas., xiii. 
 
 Sanquhar, v. Crichton of. Dec- 
 laration of, xl. 
 
 Saues (Saves), Capt. Peter, 494. 
 
 Scarborough, 43n. 
 
 Scheveling, 25n. 
 
 Schiedam, xxvii.-viii.n, 263n. 
 
 Scollay, Jas., of Strynie Tofts 
 and Papa Stromay, 500 & n. 
 
 Scone, 21, 76n. 
 
 Scotston, vi.n. 
 
 Scott, Helen, of Monifieth, x. 
 Sir Jas., 58-61. Wm., 
 
 3on. 
 
 Scourie, 299. See Mackay of. 
 
 Scouring Burn, 92n. 
 
 Scrimgeour, Hugh, xiii., 172 & 
 n. John, 3d Visct. of 
 
 Dudhope, 2i6n. 
 
 Seaforlh, Geo., 2nd Earl of, 20, 
 82 & n«-3, 87n, 98, 164, 176, 
 179, 184, i88n, 215, 23on-i, 
 233n, 241, 245, 250, 252n-3, 
 264-5, 274, 286, 290-1, 293- 
 4n, 312, 503, 530, 531. 
 Dowager Countess of, 314. 
 Earl (1672), 532. 
 
 Sehestedt, Hannibal, 275 & n, 
 494, 512. 
 
 Selkirk, 142 & n-3, 147, 178. 
 
 Seraphim, Herr, liii. 
 
 Seton (place), 237n. Lord, 
 
 Chancellor, 73n, 129 & n. 
 Lord, Ivii. 
 
 Settle, 21 in. 
 
 Sevenbergen, Holland, 227n. 
 
 Seymour, Harry, 27 in. 
 
 Sharpe, Abp., xxx. 
 
 Sharpe's Gravenhagen, v. the 
 Hague. 
 
 Shaw, Quartermaster, 304. 
 
 Shaws, 7 in. 
 
 Sheirglass, v. Stewart of. 
 
 Sheldon, Chaplain, 204n. 
 
 Sherburn, 209n. 
 
 Shetland, loin, 293, 498-9. 
 
 Shields, S., liv. 
 
 Shin, Loch, 289n, 296. 
 River, 299 & n, 3o8n. 
 
 Shuttleworth, Col., 49n. 
 
 Sibbald, Col. Wm., xlvii., 19, 
 47n, 50 & n, 66n, 77, 244n, 
 261, 270 & n, 524. 
 
 Sideserf, Bp., xxx. 
 
 Simson, Pat., minr., xxxviii.w, 
 325n-6n, 329n, 
 
 Sinclair, Alex., Laird of Brims, 
 296 & n. Major Sir Ed., 
 
 of Orkney, 310 & n, 313, 499, 
 501. Ed.,ofClumbyand 
 
 Ed., of Essinquay, Orkney, 
 499n. Ed., of Gyre and 
 
 Ed., of Ness, Orkney, 3 ion. 
 Francis, grand -uncle of Earl 
 of Caithness, 296n. Geo., 
 
 499. Sir Jas., of Murkle, 
 
 v., 497. John, Laird of 
 
 Brims, 310 &n, 510, Sir 
 
 John, of Dunbeath, 295-6n- 
 2 N 
 
55° 
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES. 
 
 7 & n. Wm., 499-500. 
 
 Wm., of Greenwell, in Holm, 
 49911. Sir Wm.,of Mey, 
 
 Caithness, 296n, 532. See 
 
 Caithness. 
 
 Sioleanbrice, 531, 533n. 
 
 Skargdrd, The, 272. 
 
 Skea, Skerries of, 497-8. 
 
 Skelbo Cas., 297. 
 
 Skene, 98n. Loch, ii4n. 
 
 Skibo Cas., 297, 3i3n-i4 & n- 
 15 & n. V. Gray of. 
 
 Skipton, 21 in. 
 
 Skye, 501, 523. 
 
 Slain-Man's-Lee, I44n. 
 
 Sleaght-ean-Aberigh, v. Siolean- 
 brice. 
 
 Sleat, V. Macdonald of. 
 
 Sma' Glen to Buchanty, 56n. 
 
 Small, Jas., 501. 
 
 Smith, Col, I76n. Hen., 
 
 minr. of Shapinshay, 5oon. 
 John (London), 38n. 
 John, minr., Commr. to Breda, 
 xxxi.n, 288. Wm., minr., 
 
 296n. Wm., minr., 500 
 
 & n. 
 
 Smythe, J., of Braco, 519. 
 
 St. Albans, Earl of, I93n. 
 
 St. Andrews, vii. viii. xi.-xvii. 
 xxviii.-ix.n-xxx., 30, 31, 40n, 
 66n, I03n, I29n, I39n, 166- 
 8n, 318 & n. University, 
 
 vi., 59n. See Gladstanes, 
 
 Abp. of. — Wishart, Bp. of. 
 
 St. Germains, 7, 234n, 251-3, 
 259. 263-4, 508. 
 
 St. Giles' Church, see Edinburgh. 
 
 St. Johnston, see Perth. 
 
 St. Malo, 288. 
 
 St. Margarets, Westminster, 34n. 
 
 St. Michael's Mount, 27n. 
 
 St. Neots, 2ion. 
 
 St. Nicholas (Newcastle), xxi.n, 
 xxix. 
 
 St. Ninians, 2i7n. 
 
 St. Salvator's College, St. An- 
 drews, vi. 
 
 Somers, Mr. Alex., parson of 
 Duffus, 318 & «. 
 
 Somerville, Lt. Col. Jas., 46n. 
 Jas., Author of the *' Memorie 
 of," 3i9n-2on. 
 
 Soullar, v. Scollay. 
 
 Sound, The, 260, 272, 274, 500 
 &n. 
 
 Southesk, Earls o£ See 
 
 Carnegie. 
 
 Southwark, 27n. 
 
 Southwell, 7on. 
 
 Spang, Wm., minr., 207n, 2350, 
 
 240n. 
 Spean, R., 83n. 
 
 Spence, Gen. Sir Tas., 270. 
 
 Spey, R., 54, 7i,'82n-3n, 87-8, ; 
 98, 104 & n, 161, i64-5n, 175 ! 
 -7, 178 & n, 179. i84n, 245, : 
 502. V. Strathspey. 
 
 Spital of Glenshee, io5n. j 
 
 Spottiswoode, Abp., viii. xi. 
 xii. XV. xvi. xviii. xxx. xxxvii., 
 I39n, 494. Laird of : 
 
 Dairsie, 494. John, of j 
 
 Dairsie, 187 & «, 494. ! 
 
 Sir John, xiii. Sir Rob., j 
 
 President, xiii. xxvi. Ivi., 139 j 
 & «, 140, 167 & n, 169 & n, 
 171 &n-2, 336. 
 
 Spynie, v. Lindsay, 
 
 Stafford, and Governor of, 2i2n. 
 
 Stamford, Earl of, 213 & n. 
 
 Stewart, clan, of Athole, 54n. 
 of Ardvoirlich, liv., 64 & n, 
 97n, i66n. Lt. Col. 
 
 Alex., 22. Lt. Alex., 495. 
 Stewarts of Balquihidder, 1 65. 
 of Blackball, 21. Lt. 
 
 Col. Hen., 294-5, 3°^, 491, 
 Sir Jas., Provt. of Edinburgh, 
 324n. John, and John, 
 
 yr., of Lady well, 21-2. 
 John, of Sheirglass, I48n, I50n. 
 Col. John, Covenanter, 499n. 
 Lady Margt., I47n. Sir 
 
 Thos., of GrantuUy, I7n, 57n. 
 Lt. Col. Walter, 17, 21-2. 
 Col. Wm., 176 & «. 
 Stewart's reg. of horse, 3i9n. 
 See Stuart. 
 
 Stirling, town, xlv.,31 & n, logn, 
 121 & n, 133, 166, 217 & n, 
 219, 291, 3o2n, 323, 534. 
 Bridge, 122. Castle, 
 
 Il5n, 125. Capt., 493. 
 
 Earl of, 4on, 97n. Sir 
 
 Geo., of Keir, 17, 21, 31 & n, 
 97n, 103 & n, I34n, I97n, 
 204n. Lady, of Keir, 
 
 I34n. 
 
 Stockholm, 273, 275, 284-5, S^O- 
 
 Stockton-on-Tees, Cas., xxi. 
 
 Stonehaven, 49n, 88n, ii4n, 
 i87-8n, 251. 
 
 Stonyhurst Park, 21 in. 
 
 Stormont, Lord, 20-1. 
 
 Strachan, Jas., minr. of Fet- 
 tercairn, 88n. Lt. Col. 
 
 Archibald, 299n, 301, 303-8 
 & nn, 316 &n, 501, 524. 
 Lt. Capt., 284-5. 
 
 Strafford, xxiii., 49n, 336. 
 
 Strathample, 165-6 & n. 
 
 Strathavon, i62n. 
 
 Strathbogie, 57n, 67n, 72 & n- 
 3 & n, 75-6n, 88n, 104, iS3n, 
 161, 3i8n. 
 
 Strathdon, 7in, 104 & n, 150, 
 i62n. 
 
 Strathearn, Iv., 56, 97, II 8, 1 56-7, 
 160 & n, 222. Earldom 
 
 of, 57n. 
 
 Strath Gala, 137, 140, 143. 
 
 Strath Glass, 179. 
 
 Strathnaver, see Naver. 
 
 Strathspey, 7in, 87n, 98n, 104, 
 164, 165 & n. v. Spey. 
 
 Strathyre, 97n. 
 
 Strickland, Sir Wm., 26n. 
 Parliamentary envoy to Hol- 
 land, 25on, 252n-3-4. 
 
 Struders, v. Gordon of. 
 
 Stuart, 79n. (Clan), I44n. 
 
 ofRosyth,i30&«. 6"^^ Stewart. 
 
 Suie Hill, io8n, 3i9n. 
 
 Suilven, Ben, Sutherland, 312. 
 
 Sunderland, Lord, I42n-3n. 
 Town (Durham), xx. liv. 
 
 Sutherland, county, 71, 82, 294, 
 298, 304n, 309, 314 & n. 
 Earl of, 22, 38n, 98, 293, 296, 
 & n-7 & n-8 & n, 304-5, 
 307n-8n-9n, 496, 501, 503, 
 53c. 533- Kyle of, 299, 
 
 305-6, 308, 314. 
 
 Swan, Capt., 493. 
 
 Sweden, Queen of, v. Christina. 
 
 Symons, see Somers. 
 
 Tain, Ross, 303n, 305-6, 309, 
 
 3i3n-i4 & n. 
 Tarff, 83n. 
 
 Tartars, war with, 246n. 
 Tay, R., ix., 52 & n, 56, 63, 80, 
 
 90-2, 115, Ii7n, 119-20, 160. 
 
 Loch, 8 in, 97. 
 Teith, 1 2 in. 
 Teviotdale, Iv., 70n. 
 Tewes, Sir W., iv. 
 Thompson, Will., Ivi. 
 Thame, 89n. 
 
 Thoresby, Dr., Antiquary, 536. 
 Thott, Henrik, i89n. 
 Throndhjem, i89n. 
 Thurso, 295 & n, 496. 
 Tippermuir, battle, xxv. liv., 58, 
 
 II 8n, 162, 503. 
 Titus, 300. 
 
 Tolbooth, v. Edinburgh. 
 Tomintoul, 7in. 
 Tongue, in Strath Naver, 296 & 
 
 n, 299, 501. 
 Torloisk, v. Maclean of. 
 Torphichen, Lord, i40n. 
 Torth, 143. 
 Torstenson, Fieldmarshal Count 
 
 Leonard, 273 & «, 275-6, 282, 
 
 510-15. 
 Tournay, 227 & n. 
 Touch, Lt. Rob., 499. 
 
INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES. 
 
 551 
 
 Tower of Amisfield, 13011. 
 
 V. Charters of. 
 Towers, Lady Jane, 13011. 
 
 Rob., of Inverleith, 145 & n. 
 
 Sir John, of Inverleith, I30&«. 
 Traill, Robt., minr., 301, 325, 
 
 328«-9n. 
 Traquair (place), 136. 
 
 House, 1470. 2nd Earl 
 
 of, 17, 18, 41, 47, 135 & n, 
 
 137. 139-40, 143 & n, 147 
 
 & n. 
 Treasure Loch, Carbisdale, 299n. 
 Treshnish, v. Maclean of. 
 Trewick, 20. 
 Trollhattan Falls, 27511. 
 Tromp, van, 25n. 
 Tullibardine, Earl of, 47n, 58-9, 
 
 I23n, 172, 216. 
 Tullybelton, 47n, 52n. 
 Tullibody Wood, I2in. 
 Tulloch, Alex., son of Thos., of 
 
 Tannachy,3i7n. John(?), 
 
 Provost of Nairn, 317 & n. 
 Turner, Sir Jas., xlv., 5on, 2C)6n, 
 
 21 in, 245n, 260, 269-70. 
 
 A., xxxi.n. 
 Tweed, R., xx., 15, 20, 22, 137, 
 
 139, 141, 143, I son, 2i7n. 
 
 Tweedside, 145, 
 Tyne, R., xxi., 15, 46. 
 Tynemouth, 46n. Cas., 
 
 328n. 
 Tymau, 227 & n, 463n. 
 
 Ulfeldt, Korfits (Cornificius), 
 
 245 & n, 260 & n. 
 Ulfsunda, 273, 510-15. 
 Ullapool, 310. 
 Umphraville, Gilbt. de, p. v. 
 Urie R., 3i9n. 
 Urquhart parish (Ross), 519. 
 
 Sir Thos., of Cromartie, 290. 
 Urray parish (Ross), 519. 
 Ury, 88n. 
 Uttoxeter, 2i2n. 
 
 Vallensius, see Wallensius. 
 Vanderson, see Waterston. 
 Vane, Sir Harry, xix., 3on, 34n. 
 Venachar, Loch, i6on. 
 Verkin, Lt., 494, 
 
 Vienna, 226-7, 273. 
 
 Villiers, Eleanor, I93n. See 
 
 Buckingham. 
 Vlefeld, see Ulfeldt. 
 
 Walker, Sir Ed., 534. 
 
 Wm., minr.. North Berwick, 
 
 xi., xxx. 
 Wallace, Col, 125 & n, 329n. 
 
 Capt., 38n. Thos., of 
 
 Craigie, 531. Sir Wm., 
 
 vi.n, 10. 
 Wallensius or Wallenson, 494. 
 Waller, 21 in. 
 Warden, Capt., 494. 
 Wardlaw, 31 5n. MS., see 
 
 3i5-i6nn, and Eraser. 
 Warrington, 21 in. Bridge, 
 
 2i2n. 
 Warriston, v. Johnston of. 
 Waterston of Anstruther, 498. 
 Watten, Caithness, 296n. 
 Webster, John, merchant, Am- 
 sterdam, 508. Isobel, of 
 
 Monifieth, x. 
 Weem Cas., 56 & n. 
 Weems, Jas., xxviii.n. Dr. 
 
 Ludowich, xxviii.n. 
 Weir, Major, 329n-30 & n. 
 Wellbeck, 43n, I49n. 
 Welden, 46n. 
 Wemyss, Earl of, xii., l3on. 
 
 Sir Patrick, I7n. 
 West Chapel Shade, 92n. 
 Wester Fearn, Ross, 306-7. 
 Westgate, v. Newcastle. 
 Westphalia, 27on. 
 Westminster, 30n. 
 Westray Firth, 497, 499. 
 Wexford, 262, 288. 
 Whitford, Whiteford, Whitfurd, 
 
 Major, 298, 496. 
 Whitehall, 24n, 27n, 63n, 529. 
 Whitelocke, 271, 273n, 275n. 
 Wick, 295. 
 Wigan, 21 in. 
 Wight, Isle of, 323n, 
 Wigton, Earl of, 20, I29n. 
 
 MS., 322-34nn. 
 Wilkie, John, xxix.n. 
 Wilmot, Lord, 247n. 
 Wilson, John, isSn. 
 
 Winchburgh, I29n. 
 
 Windsor, 24n, 27n, 49n, 2040. 
 Cas., 2i6n. 
 
 Winram, Geo., of Libberton, 237n 
 -8n, 247n, 251-2, 288, 291. 
 
 Winton, Earl of, I29n. 
 
 Winwick, 2i2n. 
 
 Wishart, barony of, vi. 
 
 Geo., the martyr, vi.n, 1140. 
 Rev. Geo., the author, Bp. 
 of Edinburgh, Pref. v.ff., 
 xliv.-vi. i6n, i68n, I78n, 
 188, 248n, 263n, 288, 322n. 
 Huego, the author's son, xiii. 
 Sir Jas., of Pitarrow, Justice- 
 Clerk to Qu. Mary, vi.n. 
 Jean, the author's daughter, 
 xi. xxxiii. John, Archd., 
 
 and Bp. of Glasgow, vi.n. 
 Sir John, of Logic Wishart, v. 
 xiv. Margt., the author's 
 
 daughter, xiii.n, xxxiii. 
 Patrick, the author's son, vii. 
 xiii.n, xxxiii. -v. Rob., 
 
 Bp. of Glasgow, vi.n. 
 Rob. and Thos., the author's 
 sons, xiii.n., xxxii. Thos., 
 
 of Ballindarg, xi. Wm., 
 
 Bp. of St. Andrews, vi.n. 
 Wm., minr. of Leith, v.n, 
 xxix.n. Wm., of Logie 
 
 W., xxxiii.n. John, Com., 
 
 xxxiii. Jean (or Dundas), 
 
 Wolfelte, v Ulfeldt. 
 Worcester, xl., 40n, I75n, 2i6n, 
 
 230n, 246n. 
 Wrangel, Fieldmarshal, 2730. 
 Wynram, v. Winram. 
 Wood, Rev. Jas., xxvi.n, 188 & n. 
 Wodrow, Rob., xxxv. xl. xlviii. 
 
 1. li.-ii.-iii. 
 
 Yarmouth, 2ion. 
 
 Yarrow, R., I47n. 
 
 York, city, xx., 15, 24 & n, 26 
 
 & n, 29, 3in, 42, 46, 49n, 5in, 
 
 I59n. Abp. of, I35n. 
 
 Jas., Duke of, 227n, 243n, 
 
 252 & n, 286. 
 Young, Hen., 92n. 
 Ythan, R., 75. 
 
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