BBSS ^5b 3 &3 I 1 iK* * S» & fifik^' 1 1 1 i I 1 > ) 1 1 I 1 < LIBRARY OF THE University of California. < VI KT OK Class •XxWt^ Patriotic Studies INCLUDING EXTRACTS I Bills, Acts and Documents of United States Congress 1888-1905 Pri Thbodori Roosevelt, in address to divorce reform committee 'There is i certain tendency ro exali rHi uni il in dealing with our 2 AND PUBLIC Ml N ESPECIALLY AR1 API rO GET THEIR ATTENTION rRATl D ON Q\ l - ! I" - . - THAT HAVE AN IMPORTANI 1 . B1 r A wilcii.LV EPHEMER- AL IMPORTA1 IMPARED WITH THE QUESTIONS THAI UGHT TO THB ROOT OP thin.- Questions like the tariff an e i i rrencv am of literally whatsoever comparbd with the vital q • of havin nit op t ial life, the home, preserved." [From House Report : >'■ } \[9 CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF BILLS, ACTS AND DOCUMENTS. 1888 Apr. 6, Hearing on Sunday rest petitions 57 Dec. 13, Hearing on Sunday rest bill 76 . July u, Speeches in Congress on Popular El July 11. is. Senate Speeches on Sunday Closing of Columbian E ition 105 July t8, House Speeches on Sunday Closing of Columbian Exposition.. 107 1893. Jan. 10-1 ;. Hearing on proposed repeal of law closing Chicago Pair on Sun- day iir 1895. Mar. 2, Anti-lottery law amended 45. Mar. 2, Lodge Amendment, inve m of economic aspect of liquor problem 167 1896 Jan. 12, Gillett anti-gambling bill reported to House 258 Fel> ;. Act forbidding prize fights in Ten- 267 Feb. 18, Divorce bill for Territories reported to the House 121 Feb. 22, Hearing on Loud bill, to restrict 2d class mail 271 Feb. 25, Bill to raise age of protection for girls to 18 approved by D. C. Commissioners 118 Mar. 5, Hearing House Judiciary Sub-Committee Gillett anti-gam- bling bill 258 Mar 10, Divorce act for Territories passed House 121 Mar. 30, Hearing House D. C. Sub-Committee Bartlett-Cameron racing bill 259 Apr. 3, Divorce act for Territories reported, Senate Committee on Territories 121 Apr. 7, Hearing, Senate D. C. Committee, Bartlett-Cameron racing bill. . 259 Apr. 22, Pritchard age of protection act passed Senate ix8 r. 29, Hearing Morse D. C. liquor law. House Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic 181 May 25, Divorce bill for Territories approved by President Cleveland 121 Dec. io, Morse D. C. liquor law passed House 1 1807. Jan. 16. Hearing on Loud bill regulating second class mail 45,120,271 Jan. 19, Hearing, House Judiciary Committee Shannon age of protection bill 118 Shannon Pritchard age of protection bill reported in Senate 118 Gillett anti-gambling bill reported by House Judiciary Committee 258 Hearing and report Aldrich bill to restrain publication of prize fights, House Interstate Commerce Committee 39 Ray bill to regulate publication of suicides introduced in House 258 Bill to forbid interstate transmission of prize fight pictures re- ported, Senate Judiciary Committee 267 1898 Feb. 25, Hearing House D. C. Committee on D. C. Sunday bill 45 Hearing on Ellis bill to forbid liquor selling in government buildings, House Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic 133 Mar. 18, D. C. Commissioners Report to Congress approval Wellington- McMillan Sunday bill 45 Mar. 24, Hearing and report Hepburn anti prize fight bill 267 Apr. 22, Senate act for protection of girls under eighteen 118 June 1, Hearing Gillett anti gambling bill, House Judiciary Committee 46,258 June 28, Ellis bill reported to the House 133 Dec. 15, Hearing Alaska high license, House Committee on Territories 184 Dec. 16, Hearing Gillett anti gambling bill, House Judiciary Committee 258 Feb. 19, Feb. 25, Feb. 25, Mar. 19, Mar. 29, Feb. 25, Mar. 8. 1899 Jan. 6, 10, Two hearings on Alaska high license, House Committee on Revision of Laws 184 Jan. 25, Hearing on same, Senate Committee on Territories 184 Jan. 31, Johnson anti-canteen amendment passed House 133 Feb. 25, Age of protection act, amended, passed House 118 Feb. 27, Hansbrough anti-canteen amendment passed Senate. 133 Mar. 4, Anti-Canteen Law of 55th Congress approved 133 Dec. 5, Brigham H. Roberts barred out of House 125 Dec. 5, Grout bill to prohibit liquor selling on any U. S. property in- troduced in House 133 1900. Feb. 6, Hearing on anti-polygamy amendment, House Judiciary Committee 45 Mar. 30, Hearing on Gillett liquor bill for Philippines, House Commit- tee on Insular Affairs 204 Apr. 5, House passed amendment forbidding saloons in Hawaii 39 Dec. 3, Protection of native races against rum recommended in President McKinley's message 200 Dec. 5, Hearing and report, treaty to protect natives of Africa against distilled liquors, Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs 204 Dec. 6, Hearing on Littlefield liquor bill for Pacific islands, House Committee on Insular Affairs 182 Dec. 7, 8, Hearings anti-canteen amendment, Senate Committee on Military Affairs 134 Dec. 14, African treaty, protecting natives against rum, ratified in Senate 200 190 1. Jan. 4, Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs, President Harrison's letter ordered printed; resolution reported inviting all nations to unite in treaty to protect all uncivilized races against intoxicants and opium 203 Scientific testimony on beer, speech by Senator Gallinger 145 Hearing House Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic on Gillett-Lodge bill 199 Gillett-Lodge bill for independent Pacific islands recommend- ed by President McKinley 199 Same approved by House Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic 198 Senate ordered resolution of Jan. 4 printed as document 203 Gillett-Lodge bill approved, Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs 199 Senate document on canteens in British army in India ordered . . . 149 Teller amendment closing gates of St. Louis Fair on Sunday by "contract" passes Senate (House concurred). Same amend- ment for Buffalo and Charleston expositions passed by Senate 113 Feb. 27, Senate document, "Protection of Native Races," ordered 200 Mar. 3, D. C. divorce amendment approved 121 Dec. 2, Protection of native races recommended by President Roose- velt in message 199 1902. Jan. 7, Gillett-Lodge bill reported to Senate from Committee on Foreign Affairs 199 Jan. 8, Same passed Senate on motion of Senator Cullom 199 Jan. 20, Annual report American Anti-Saloon League presented by Sena- tor J. H. Gallinger 152 Jan. 9. Jan. 15, Feb. ", Feb. 12, Feb. 12, Feb. 13, Feb. 22, Feb. 23, Jan. 25, Same reported to House from Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic 199 Feb.] 1, Same passed House. 199 Feb. 15, Approved by President Roosevelt 199 Apr. 23, Hearing on prohibition of liquor selling in U. S. immigrant stations and other government buildings, before Senate Committee on Immigration 155 May 27, Bowersock amendment to forbid liquor selling in immigrant stations, passed by House 155 May .-7, Landis amendment to forbid same in < tpil 155 May 27, Educational Test for tmmigr: sed House May 29, Pending McCumber Sperry Bill, to forbid liquor selling in Soldiers' Homes and other government buildings and ships 40, 156 June 23, Immigration act, including Bowersock and Landis amend- ments reported to Senate, by Committee on Immigration. .. 155 June 30, Bill appropriating money for army gymnasiums 1 5 2 Dec. 20, Senate document, "Patriotic Studies," presented Dec. 20, 1902, by Senator Wellington 7 1903. Jan. 27, Hepburn interstate liquor act passed House 40. Feb 13, Hearing Hepburn-Dolliver interstate liquor act. Senate Com- mittee on Interstate Commerce 40. 158 Mar. 3, Senate concurs in Bowersock and Landis amendments of immigration act 155 Nov. 24, Humphrey s Bill to forbid issuing of federal liquor tax receipts in no license territory introduced in House 41 1904 Jan. 14, Hearing on Sunday opening of Portland Fair 113 Jan. 16, Hearinj Smoot ca in i-' f > Jan. 27, Hearing on liquor selling in government buildings, House Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic 156 Feb. 8, Senate Document, "Moral Legislation in Congress," ordered 34 27, Mrs Mary H Hun1 171 Mar 1-4. Hearings burn bill, House J 40. Mar. 26, Hepburn Mil reported by 40. : in l" S 1 5 j 1905 Jan. 16, Bill prohibiting importation and exportation of obscene matter . 120 27, S] in Indi ry 193 lii'li I : the 1m . . : 1 : 1. Smith (W - Philippine tarifl 1. Bills nol •*iVk! Patriotic Studies [Senate Document, 57th Congress, 2d Session, No. 53.] AN OUTLINE FOR STUDY OF PUBLIC QUESTIONS. PREPARED BY THE INTERNATIONAL REFORM BUREAU, WASHINGTON, D. C. INTRODUCTION. Let our young women, as well as our young men, acquaint themselves with the great questions that engage the attention of our Government, which are discussed in legislatures, congresses, and in the leading papers. Let them discuss in their cluhs and societies the social and educational movements of the day, and their bearing on the future of the nation. These matters can be made as interesting as Greek literature or modern art, and as fascinating as the everlasting novel. — Mrs. Mary A. Livcrmorc. The need of the hour is reform study, not alone academic study of so- ciology by the few, but especially practical study of social problems by the many, who can devote to them only fragments of time. Even local reforms can not be wisely carried forward without a wide knowledge of their causes and relations. This practical course of study will be available even to those who can devote to it but one hour per week, which means four hours per topic, in which time a clear though not complete view may be obtained. The ex- pense of the course may be much or nominal, as one shall elect. Most of the extra readings named in this manual are in government reports and those of philanthropic societies, which are sent free of charge to all interested enough to request them. Free public libraries are also available in most cases, and may be induced to add a sociological shelf or to extend it. Read- ers should not only ask for books on the topic but also consult the magazine index, and. especially, latest issues of The Review of Reviews, Forum, Arena, North American Review. Literary Digest, Outlook, Independent, etc. Preliminary Readings. The basis of all effective ethical teaching must be an ethical universe, in which is seen the reign of law. ethical law most of all, which should evoke even higher enthu- siasm than that of the naturalist who has discovered the wonderful law of some min- eral or vegetable or animal. If the world is ethical the man who violates ethics is col- liding with the universe. The Author of the world may be proved to he a Mind by showing that very many of the tools and machines that man's mind lias invented are copies of the machines of nature. Design, order and progress proclaim Reading on Social Problems in General. Benjamin Kidd. Social Evolution; Macmillan. $1-75 Charles Loring Rrace, Gesta Christi. or Humane Progress ; Armstrong. $1.50. Dr. Josiah Strong. The New I ; Baker & Tavlor Co., 60c: 35c. Prof Richard T. Ely. Social Aspect- of Chris- tianity; Crowell, 00c. Prof T. R. Commons Social Reform and the Church: Crowell, 7>c Dr. W'a^hincrton Gladden. The Church and the Kinpdom; Rcvell. 50c. Canon \V. H Freemantle. The World the Subject of Redemption: Longmans Green & Co $2. Canon B F YYcscott, Social Aspects of Christianity: Macmill.in. Si "o Same, The Incarnation in Common Life: same. $2.;o. Christianity Practically Applied. 2 vols. Reports of Evangelical Alliance Con R re«= in Chicago; Raker & Tavlor < each. Dr. Wm. Howe Tolman and Prof. YV. T. Hull. Handbook of Sociological Information; , Vigilance League. 427 W. street. New York. $1.10. Wilbur h Craft,. Practical Christian Sociology; Funk & Wagnalla Co., $1.50. Same. The March of Chmt down the Centuries; International Reform Bureau. Washington, D. C. 25c: 10c. Sociological Year \ncicnt prophets spoke at least cloven times out of twelve to communi- ties rather than individuals, and when one of them spoke to an individual was usually the king, that is, the government. Preachers are the successors not of priests, but of prophets, and in this new age of cities and social soli- darity, when action must in many things be social rather than individual, the preacher ought surely to devote at least one of his twelve addresses per month (counting prayer meetings) to social themes. This is perhaps as much as he can do wisely in this period of transition from individuality to sociality. It will be found that there is one reform topic peculiarly appro- priate to each month, and from these may be developed the following socio- logical year. Not only churches, but the Young Men's Christian Association also and other societies and clubs may be induced to join in this "Topic-a- month" course of patriotic studies, with at least one meeting per month for separate study and one for public, united discussion, as folows : (On each topic get copies of bills pending in Congress and other legislative bodies.) Third Week of January (containing annual "Day of Prayer for Col- leges"), "Moral and Social Functions of Education." Week of February containing Washington's Birthday (suggesting next problem of patriotism), "Municipal Reform." Week containing St. Patrick's day, March 17, "Immigration." "World's Week of Prayer for the Sabbath." April, "The Lord's Day and the Rest Day." First week of May, "The Labor Problem" (May 1 being World's Labor Day by custom). First week of June, "The Family" (June being the wedding month). Week including July 4, "National Reforms" (Independence Day sug- gesting the theme). First week of August (the devil's harvest month), "Amusements, with Special Reference to Purity." , Week beginning fourth Sabbath of September, "Gambling" (suggested by gambling at fairs and on betting on harvest, and fall elections). Week beginning last Sabbath of October ("Prison Sunday"), "Preven- tion and Punishment of Crime." Week beginning fourth Sabbath of November ("World's Temperance Sunday" by vote of many church conferences), "The Liquor Problem." Week beginning second Sabbath of December "The New Charity" sug- gested by holiday charities). Course may begin with any month of any year, with topic for that month. JANUARY TOPIC— MORAL AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONS OP EDUCATION. 1. Physical Education. Every bodily power should be educated, that is, developed, as surely as every mental faculty. To this end such a physical director as every well-equipped Young Men's Christian Association now employs — sometimes the same one could be engaged — should measure and otherwise examine each new pupil admitted to school, and direct his bodily exercises. Many a dull youth, incapable of mental application and stupidly dishonest as well, has been awakened intellectually by baths, massage, diet, and gymnastic drill. This has been done with great success in the Elmira Reformatory, but why not awake the boy before he commits serious crimes ? A "sound body" should pedestal a "sound mind." 2. Mental Education. The old education was too largely a mere memory drill, but our later graduates can not sing the national hymn without books. Puritan training developed the affections too little, but the new education 8 makes a more serious error in failing to train the more important will. The okl education did not sufficiently tram pupil:-- to observe, but the new educa- tion more seriously tails to teach them obedience to law. The schools of tpday are particularly at fault for their failure to teach logic and the art of expression, the very shield and spear of self-governing citizenship. The in- ternational educational convention, held at .Milwaukee in 1897, proposed (what has since been done to a good degree) that rural schools be improved by having but one board of trustees for a whole township, so securing better quality and cooperation, and combining small schools to get a better grade of teachers, using part of the money thus saved to furnish transportation to pupils left by this change beyond walking distance of the consolidated schools. 3. Manual Education. The kindergarten and higher forms of manual education are no less disciplinary to the mind than purely intellectual exer- cises, while preparing also for active life by developing manual dexterity as a general basis for any and all forms of hand work. 4. Industrial Education is not to be confounded with either manual educa- tion cr trade schools, but stands midway between them, carrying manual edu- cation forward to more specific mechanical training, such as would serve as half a trade in almost any specific branch of skilled labor afterwards chosen. 5. Trade Schools. At the annual Social Science Congress in Saratoga in 1897, the following uses of trade schools were recalled from papers of the preceding year: (1) The manufacturers of competing countries have found them necessary to keep up the national grade of work by improving the skill of the workmen (send for report of the textile school, Lowell, Mass., the lat- est and greatest of trade schools) ; (2) philanthropists find the trade school a necessary bridge between a boy's graduation from grammar schoool and his first job; (3) educators urge that education should be a preparation for life, and in this view trade schools should be a part of the school system ; (4) the Elmira Reformatory and kindred institutions find in trade schools a powerful ncy for the recovery and reformation of young criminals, many of whom came to be such for lack of a trade. Rev. E. D. Burr, pastor of Ruggles Street Industrial Church, Boston, says in the Christian City. August, ri e of the great crime causes in our American civilization is a lack of trade education for the American child. A careful analysis of the census has shown that of the convicted criminals in the United States nearly three- fourths are native born, more than one-half of native parents. Nearly three- fourths of the criminals who have no trade are Americans. "To make a man's home attractive will counteract the attractiveness of the saloon. What has the church to do? Produce home makers, gather the daughters of the workingmen into classes in domestic science and kitchen gardening, where they shall he taught to do everything which the housewife will he called on to do — make a bed. -weep a tloor, wash and hang out clothes, iron, dust, set table, and all the rest. Then bring the wives of the work: men into classes where they shall learn to cook nutritious foods. These women will go home to make pea soups rice gruels, brown bread, and while we have reenforced the home and made it attractive we ha\e at the same time reenforced the man himself and armed him against the temptations to the use of intoxicanl 6. Education in Civics. Some progress has been made in this new de- partment of education, but The Outlook, of June 5, 1897, reported that one of its staff had found graduates of New York City grammar schools, who had since become voters, who were unable to define such words as muni- cipal, municipality, chief executive, federal, ambassador, cabinet, and other terms which they would need to understand in order to follow the discus- sions of public matters which were then imminent in anticipation of the first election in "Greater New York." Even our college graduates usually know less of the government of their own cities than of the government of ancient Athens. Public schools, in nationalizing the children of foreigners by school fellowships, afford indirect aid. 7. Moral Education. Rev. Dr. Edward Everett Hale recently told the following in an address : "I once discussed education with a Japanese prince. He said to me, in that supernaturally good English in which they speak: 'We do not give so much time to arithmetic in our schools as you do; we think arithmetic makes men sordid.' So do I. And I asked a little nerv- ously : 'To what do you give the time?' 'We teach them morals and his- tory.' " Write to the George Junior Republic, Freeville, N. Y., for reports of that unique combination of vacation school, trade school, school of civics, mission Sunday school, and reform school. Something to do. — This course contemplates for each month not only the study of some definite reform topic, but also some application of it in specific reform work. For January, let all schools within reach be investi- gated, not exercises only but graduates also, with reference to the schools' moral and social efficiency. Let scientific temperance education be reenforced by physicians with experiments and charts, and let scientific temperance edu- cation "extension" be inaugurated in public halls. Help to pass any good educational legislation pending, after getting bills and studying them. Readings— Ste Practical Christian Sociology, pages 83—112; also March of Christ Down the Centuries, pages 66 — 68. Reports of National Commissioner of Education. R. H. Quick, Educational Reformers; Kindergarten Literature Co., The Temple, Chi- cago, $1.50. Miss Marv Chisholm Foster, The Kindergarten; Hunt & Eaton, $1. Florence'D. Hill, Children of the State, Macmillan, $1.75- Reports of Children's Aid Societies of New York and Philadelphia. (In sending to societies for reports one should inclose at least postage.) Report of Elmira (N. Y.) Reformatory. C. M. Woodward, The Manual Training School, D. C. Heath & Co., $2. Reports of Indus- trial Education Association, 21 University Place, New York. Reports of New York Trade Schools (Col. R. I. Auchmuty) Sixty-seventh and Sixty-eighth streets. New York. Reports of American Society for Extension of University Teaching, Fifteenth and Sansom streets, Philadelphia. Reports of University Settlements as follows : An- dover House, 9 Rollins street, Boston; Epworth League House, Hull street, Boston; University Settlement, 26 Delancy street. New York; College Settlement (Women's Colleges), 95 Rivington street. New York; Princeton House, Philadelphia; Hull House. Chicago. Miss Jane Addams and others. Philanthropy and Social Progress; Hull House Maps and Papers, Crowell. $2.50. Mrs. Mary H. Hunt, 23 Trull street, Boston, Leaflets on Scientific Temperance Education, free. FEBRUARY TOPIC-MUNICIPAL REFORM. I. Origin of cities. I. Social instinct. 2. Protection. 3. Exchange.^ II. Growth of cities, due to: (1) factories; (2) transportation facilities for (a) persons, (b) food; (3) educational advantages; (4) amusements; (5) charities; (6) agricultural machinery reducing hand work on farms and sending superfluous labor to cities. Loomis (Modern Cities) shows that the rush to cities is a world phenomenon. Checks on the tendency cityward : ( 1 ) expense; (2) perils to health; (3) home-finding societies removing city 10 children to farms ; (4) increased facilities for reaching suburban homes from city offices by commutation tickets and trolleys; (5) establishment of social farm colonies from which the loneliness of farm life has been eliminated. III. Strategic importance of saving the cities. Although the population of American cities is not yet as great as that of the rural districts, the cities already have greater commercial and intellectual, if not also greater political and religious power, because of concentration and organization. And in [921 the cities of the United States, at the present rate of growth, will have an actual majority of the votes. IV. Perils of cities. I. Concentration of vices : (1) liquors; (2) Sab- bath breaking; (3) impurity; (4) gambling; (5) political corruption. 2. Dangerous concentration of money power: (1) franchises corruptly ob- tained. Send for pamphlet on this subject issued by the Philadelphia Munic- ipal League, giving representative cases. V. Remedies. 1. City evangelization. Call in superfluous preachers from villages and develop lay preaching also. 2. Law enforcement. These two words should be the whole municipal platform wherever needed. Whenever mayor and police and city prosecutor violate their oath to enforce the laws let such an "appeal to Caesar" as the following be taken : To His Excellency the Chief Executive or THE State of : The undersigned organizations and individuals hereby earnestly repre- sent to you ( 1 ) that the laws of this State against Sabbath breaking, impur- ity, gambling, and intemperance are, in common repute, so notoriously and habitually violated in our city as to convince us that this lawlessness has the connivance, if not the consent, of those city authorities whose sworn duty it is to enforce the laws; and (2) that our respectful appeals for the enforce- ment of these laws have been persistently disregarded. Wherefore, we ap- peal to you to investigate this alleged lawlessness, and if it shall be found that our city 1 have refused or willfully neglected to enforce said State laws, to use" vour powers as the chief executive of the State, by proclamation or otherwise, through the department of justice or through the sheriff or through other State officers under your direction, to secure to us and to our imperiled children the protection to which these neglected laws entitle us as citizens of this State; and we ask you to protect the future here and 1 where by requesting the legislature t<> enact a law similar to one in force in Mini hington, and New Hampshire, providing that any city or willfully neglects or refuses to enforce said laws may be punished with hue and deposition from office by indictment and trial in the cou r 3. There are few. if any. measures of municipal reform that will in the end re useful than a good curfew ordinance to prevent the dangerous :t roving of children at night. This is in force in a thousand American cities, and grcatlv reduces juvenile vice and crime. The city councils have full power in this matter. Something to do. — Prepare for nonpartisan municipal election in the spring. Petition State legislature for referendum on city franchises. By petitions, or delegations, or both, let city officers be called on to enforce ne- glected laws. 1 1 Readings.— See Practical Christian Sociology, pages 208—215 ; also March of Christ down the Centuries, pages 51—53- Prof. J. R. Commons, City Problems; International Reform Bureau, Washington, D. C, 10 cents. Apply, with stamp, for leaflets of Na- tional Municipal Reform League, 514 Walnut street, Philadelphia. Hon. S. B. Capen, Boston, Address on Municipal Reform. Albert Shaw, Municipal Government in Great Britain ; The Century Company, $2. Rev. Dr. Charles H. Parkhurst, Our Fight with Tammany; Scribner's $1.25. S. L. Loomis, Modern Cities and their Religious Prob- lems; Baker & Taylor Co., $1. Dr. William Howe Tolman, Municipal Reform Move- ments; F. H. Revell Co., $1. MARCH TOPIC -IMMIGRATION. 1. Plans for restricting immigration must not violate the brotherhood of man. The first exclusion to be accomplished is the exclusion of race prejudice from ourselves. A Pennsylvania law to put an extra tax of 3 cents per day on all alien laborers — that is, all foreigners not naturalized, was in 1897 decided unconstitutional by the State supreme court, but not until a large number of the 140,000 immigrants thus threatened with this annual tax of $10 had hastened to become citizens only to save money. It would be strange indeed if they should not sell a suffrage thrust upon them. 2. We would exclude immigrants that would be likely to corrupt our own people; for instance, Mormons, anarchists, and criminals, on the same principle that we should avoid evil companions. 3. Inasmuch as there is no present prospect that the ballot box will be protected against illiterate immigrants, they should be excluded to protect our imperiled suffrage. 4. Appeals should also be made to judges to use their great powers to exclude from naturalization all unfit applicants. 5. Judges should all be asked to deliver courses of lectures on the Con- stitution and on the duties of citizens to candidates for naturalization — and young Americans about to cast their first vote might well be invited also. 6. So far as unfit immigrants get in (as they will in spite of all laws), the churches must Christianize them rather than move away from them. 7. Especially must we civilize and nationalize their children in our pub- lic and Sabbath schools. In 1897 the Roman Catholic authorities transmitted to the churches of that order in the United States the following significant ruling, which shows how strongly the children of foreigners desire to be- come American: "First, children born in America of foreign parents whose native language is not the English, are not obliged, when of age, to become members of the parish to which their parents belong; but they have the right to join a parish in which the language of the country — that is, English, — is used. Second, Catholics not born in America, but knowing the English language, have the right of becoming members of the parish in which English is in use and they can not be compelled to submit themselves to the jurisdiction of the rector of a church built for people who continue to speak the language of a foreign country." Something to do. — Petition Congress for better immigration and natu- ralization laws. Circulate Sabbath Observance leaflets in foreign tongues among resident foreigners. Readings. — Send to Commissioner of Immigration and to immigration committees of United States Senate and House for latest reports. Look up speeches of Senator Lodge in Congressional Record. Send for publications of Immigration Restriction League, Boston. R. M. Smith, Emigration and Immigration, Scribners, $1.40. 12 APRIL TOPIC— THE StBBATH. Seven reasons why the Sabbath should be observed and preserved as a day of freedom for worship and from work, save works of necessity and mercy: i. Because the law of the Sabbath is the law of Eden, where the Sabbath was made for man as the crowning work of creation, the germ of all things spiritual and intellectual. 2. Because the law of the Sabbath is a part of the Decalogue, the world's universal constitution. 3. Because it is also the law of Christ, who taught its observance by precept and practice. 4. l'.ecause the observance of the new Sabbath, the Lord's hay, is the law of apostolic example. 5. Because it is the law of the Church. 6. Because it is the law of the State. 7. Because it is also a law of nature, scientifically proven. One who does not accept all these reasons, but only one or two of them, should nevertheless stand for the Sabbath, whose benefits are so manifest that Catholics and Protestants, Jews and Gentiles, Labor and Capital, have actually united in its defense. As in the case of temperance, so in that of the Sabbath, we believe the need of the hour is to reenforce conscience, to show in this case that it is not only a Christian doctrine, but a certainty of science that the best health and the longest life can not be attained without Sabbath rest. The chart of Dr. Haegler, of Basle, ought to be as familiar and fundamental in every child's education as the rule of three, since this rule of seven is more radically es- sential to wise living. W1T11 Twr SgvgNTi-. OAv REST Dr. ll.irg cr'r- CI Each downward short stroke represents a day's work, which is not quite offset by the upward restorative stroke of the night's rest, so that one is a little weaker every morning, a little wearier every night, as the week's work goes on. In the case of a certain laborer, taken for example, a normal day's work overdraws his oxygen I ounce, and a normal night's rest only r< -lores five-sixths of it. Losing one-sixth of an ounce per day, he is six- sixths of an ounce short on Sabbath morning, a whole ounce short, a whole day behind — in the same condition physically on Sabbath morning, in the same need of rest, as on Monday nie:ht. lie i- therefore called to a whole day's rest to balance his account with nature. Tf he habitually dis tins divine law of weekly rest he "runs down" mop- and more until he is as far from what he ought to be as is shown by the chart, about which d do 13 not disagree. One breathes less oxygen and uses more during ordinary work than when at rest, absorption of mind checking the respiration to the extent of about 12,960 cubic inches in eight hours. Oxygen being but an- other name for vital force, the bearing of the foregoing facts on health and strength are apparent. Educated men, Christian, un-Christian, and anti-Christian, are now generally agreed that man's body and mind, to say nothing here of the soul, need, and so have a right to, a weekly Rest Day. It is also generally agreed that in order to accomplish its purpose in this age of interlocking activities the Rest Day should be the same for the whole community. It is also further agreed that the Day must be legally protected against greed, since "the liberty of rest for each demands a law of rest for all." It is also gen- erally agreed that in forbidding Sunday work no safe and equitable excep- tions can be made except for works of necessity and mercy and private labor by those who really observe another day. (It would be instructive to consider the Sabbath as (1) the Lord's day, (2) the Rest Day, (3) the Home Day, (4) the Weekly Independence Day.) Something to do. — Organize pastors, officers of W. C. T. U., Y. M. C. A., and kindred bodies, in a Union Sabbath Defense Committee, a "Plan of Work" for which may be obtained on application, with stamp, from the International Reform Bureau, Washington, D. C. Find what Sunday laws are pending in Congress, or State legislature, or city council and help them on. Readings— Ste "Sabbath for Man" and "Civil Sabbath." Apply with stamp, always, to following societies for literature : For latest issues of "The Defender," to New England Sabbath Protective League, Tremont Temple, Boston ; for reports of pro- gress in Europe, to New York Sabbath Committee, Bible House, New York ; for leaf- lets, to Wisconsin Sabbath Association, 160 Harmon street, Milwaukee, Wis., and Mrs. Varila F. Cox (W. C. T. U.), Tabor, N. J. MAY TOPIC— THE LABOR PROBLEM. I. The exact problem. — The "labor problem" is not that "the rich are getting richer and the poor poorer." This saying is a misquotation from Henry George. No labor leader of eminence makes such a claim. Nor is "starvation wages" the issue, except in local cases. It is generally admitted that wages have increased and that wage-earners live more comfortably than in former years. (See Practical Christian Sociology, Lecture III; also, more at length, Rogers's Six Centuries of Work and Wages.) The claim of labor leaders and of most social reformers is that of the modern increase of wealth produced by capital and labor, the latter has not received its just share. Strikes are usually made by the best-paid groups of workmen. The increasing discontent of labor is not due to increasing hardships, but to its higher ideal of social justice and individual rights. In this sense the "problem" is the product of Christianity, through its doctrine of the sacred individuality of every human soul, and the correlative doctrine of human brotherhood and equality. The exact issue is that industrial injustice not only exists, but that the laws defend and promote inequitable divisions of wealth among its joint producers. The outcry is not against money, but against the money power in politics, in city councils, legislatures, courts. It is not against the ac- cumulation of thousands by industry and skill, but against the seizure of millions by monopoly through the aid of corrupted government. 14 II. Historic origin of the labor problem. — At first industry had but two elements — land and labor. By "land" is meant in economics all the raw material that the Creator furnishes, such as land, water, wood, minerals, animals, etc. By "labor" is meant in economics mental as well as manual effort. 'Capital" is but stored "labor," what "labor" applied to "land" has produced, whether by the work of transportation or transformation. Labor of mind and muscle unite in this work. When the individualistic work of early times gave way to the social work of the factory, in the division of labor the mental work was mostly given to one, the manual work mostly to others. The mental work of the' superintendent is greater in influence upon the product than the work of any one manual worker, and so is entitled to more reward ; but it is claimed that superintendence has taken, not all it should, but all it could, and has more and more increased its power to do so by getting full control of the "tools," including factories and money to- gether constituting "capital," so that the man who has had only so much of the product as he could live upon has become more and more subject to him who has held the surplus. It has been taught by Adam Smith and others, with little contrary teaching, even from the pulpit, until recently, that busi- ness is divinely ordained to be governed by the laws of supply and demand and competition, against which neither God nor government should be in- voked. "Cutthroat" competition, when it is finished, brings forth "soulless" monopoly. (See Ely's Outlines of Economics and Bellamy's Equality.) III. Remedies to be applied by labor.— (i) In place of bullets let labor use ballots to secure laws that will pour the increase of wealth, not into the hands of the few, but of the many ; laws which will provide for city owner- ship of water, light, and transportation, and others which will put larger taxes on land and inheritances. Workingmen are too prone to spend their strength on far-off nationalism and to neglect city politics, where the logical beginning should be made and can be made at once in the rescue of fran- chises from boodlers by a referendum ordinance or otherwise. (See Prac- tical Christian Sociology, Lecture IV ; also more at length, Ely's Socialism and Social Problems.) (2) A yet nearer relief, which workingmen can apply without secur- ing even the cooperation of their fellows, may be had through abstinence from wasteful and injurious habits, such as drinking, smoking, gambling, etc. The average family in the United States would be $100 per year bet- ter off if drinking were abolished. Prohibition would do that for all, but personal abstinence would make that much difference in many a home with- out waiting for law. So far as the liquor dealers and their patrons are con- cerned, it is a case of the rich getting richer and the poor poorer. Many a complainer at the unequal distribution of wealth should first correct this inequality as between himself and the brewer by keeping his money for his own family. It is doubtful if all the other remedies he proposes through change- of law would add as much to his income as the hundred dollars he can himself add by personally cutting off the tax he pays of his own accord to the brewer for despoiling his health and heart and home. The chief defect of labor's two most eloquent advocates, Henry George and Edward Bellamv. whose books all should read, is in treating moral betterment as a consequence only, not a cause, the product of improved industrial environ- '5 merit, for which they depend chiefly on legislation. In fact all three are causes of social betterment, moral transformation being the very taproot of them all. IV. Remedies to be applied by capital. — (i) Many capitalists, like Lord Shaftesbury and Sir Robert Peel, have recognized the social injus- tice of present conditions, and led crusades against it. Such leaders are the need of the hour in Canada and the United States. (2) Pending the enactment of better laws, much can be done by com- binations of just capitalists and their patrons to maintain just wages and fair prices. To such combinations against sweaters there can be no reason- able objection. For instance, let just merchants and their patrons form an association which will agree on a fair schedule of prices for clerks and for the making of coats, shirts, etc., by the piece, with provisions against child labor and excessive hours and insanitary conditions, and agree to patronize only those who accept the scale. It is to the dishonor of both sellers and buyers that clerks and workers have usually had to bear almost the whole brunt of such battles for industrial justice. It was said in 1897 that 1 cent more paid for knee pants if it went to the makers would have doubled the wages paid and prevented the strike of garment workers in New York City. (3) Without waiting for either law or combination, employers should form such boards of conciliaton and arbitration as are described in bulletins of the U. S. Bureau of Labor, Washington, D. C. (4) The individual employer can, single handed, without even wait- ing for the formation of conciliation committees, partially solve the problem by a more equitable distribution with his men, in wages profit sharing, and other benefits, of his margin of profit. (5) There is probably nothing except abstinence through which the workmen can be given increased privileges of such great value as by the improvement and enforcement of the laws against Sunday work. Surely the church which was founded by a carpenter ought not to be indifferent to any movement in defense of the real rights of workingmen, chief of which is one unbroken day in every week for rest and home and culture of conscience. Something to do. — Hold conferences of capital and labor, with one opening speech on each side, followed by a free conference, such as is de- scribed by Dr. Washington Gladden in "The Industrial Situation," (E. J. Goodrich, Oberlin, Ohio, 10c), also such as the National Civic Federation held in New York on December 9, 1902 (see files of city papers}. Help to pass wise labor laws. Readings. — Joseph Mazzini, Duties to Man, Letters to Workingmen ; Funk & Wag- nails Co., 15c. Prof. R. T. Ely, Outlines of Economics, college edition ; Hunt & Eaton, $1.25. Arnold Toynbee, Lectures on Industrial Revolution ; Humboldt Publishing Co., N. Y., $1 ; 60c. W Cunningham and E. A. MacArthur, Outlines of English Industrial History, Macmillan, $1.50. Economic Classics. Adam Smith. Ricardo. Malthus, same, 75c each. Alfred Marshall, Economicso f Industry; Macmillan, $1.50. Thomas Car- lyle (extracts), Socialism and Unsocialism, 2 vols; Humboldt Pub. Co., 25c. each. John Ruskin (extracts). Communism of John Ruskin; same, 25c. W. C. Owen, The Economics of Herbert Spencer ; same, 25c. Henry George, Progress and Poverty : Henr r George & Co., $1; 35c. Charles Sotheran, Horace Greeley, Socialist; Hum- boldt Pub. Co., 25c. H. D. Lloyd. Wealth against Commonwealth. Harpers, $2.^0. Prof. J. R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth. Macmillan. $1.75. A. E. T. Schaeffie, The Essences of Socialism; Humboldt Pub. Co.. 25c. Fabian Essays: same, 25c. Fabian Tract No. 51, Socialism, True and False: Fabian Society. 276 Strand, London, 25c. John Stuart Mill (extracts), Socialism, Humboldt Pub. Co., 25c. Ed- 16 war.! Bellamy. Looking Backward; Houghton, Mifflin, 50. Prof R. T. Ely, Social- ism .mi! Social Problems; Crowell, $1.50. Robert Flint, Sociali m, 1 bister, London; Lippincott, Philadelphia. Dr. A.J. F Behrends' Socialism ianity; Baker & Taylor Co., $1.50. Dr. Joseph Cook, Labor, Sociali m, z vols; Houghton, $1.50 c ch. President K. B. Andrews, Wealth and Moral I. aw; Hartford Seminary Dr. Washington Gladden, Working People and their Employers; Funk & Wagnalls ?i. Rev. Charles Roads, Christ Enthroned in the industrial World; Hunt & Fatun. $1. J. P. Thorold Rogers, Six Centuries of Work and Wages; Humboldt Pub- 25c. U. S. Bureau of Labor reports on Chicago Strike. Profit Sharing, Building and Loan Association, etc. House "t" Representatives Report, 2309, on Sweating. Wil- liam Tram. Trades Unions; American Federation <>f Labor, Washington, D. ( ". 10c. John Rao, Eight Hours for Work; Macmillau. $1.25. Benjamin Jom itive luction; Macmillan. Paul Gohre, Time Months in a Workshop; Scrihncrs. Henry Dyer, The Evolution of Industry; Macmilllan. $1.50. Rev. William Booth, In Darkest England and the Way Out; Funk & Wagnalls To.. $1.50; 50c. Darkest Eng land Social Scheme; 30c; Salvation Army Headquarters, New York. Re] American Social Science Association; F. B. Sanborn, Secretary. C oncord, Mas-;. An- nals of the American Academy; Philadelphia, Station I'.. bimonthly, sent only to mem- demy. Prof. J. B. Clark. The Philosophy of Wealth; Cum & Co.. Sr.io. ident N. P. Gilman, Profit Sharing between Employer and Employee; Houghton, in, St. 75. Rev. Dr. J. M. Ludlow, Cooperative Production in the British Isles; Atlantic Monthly, January. 1895. George E. McNeill, The Labor Movement; A. M. Bridgman, Boston, S^.;-. George Howell, The Conflicts of Capital and Lahor; Mac- millan. $2.50. Alfred Tennyson, Locksley Halll Sixty Years After. W. D. P. Bl Cyclopedia of Social Reform-;; Funk & Wagnalls Co. $6. Walter A. Wyckoff, The Workers. 2 volumes: Scribner's, $1.50 each. Charles B. Spahr, American Working People; Longmans, Green & Co.. $1.50. JUNB TOPIC— MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE. I. The family, not the individual, the unit of society. — Unus homo, nullus homo; Latin for, "The bachelor is nobody." Man and woman arc- each a half hinge. Bible: "They twain shall be one." Longfellow: "As unto the how the cord is, • unto the man is woman ; Though she bends him. she obeys him; Though she draws him. yet she follows; Usi ich without the othi Spurgeon (to bride) : "Your husband. is the head, hut do you he the neck to turn him whithersoev will." The family being the unitary blood drop in the life 1 ety, the social health depends on the condition of it^ families. No reform-, therefore, can undamental as those that relate to marriage and childh 1. If. Prerequisites of sound family life. — (i) Purity in both ; ■ Nature has no "double standard." During tl rts to raise the age of ■ tection in Ohio, a senator said: "Soi men take a night ofl now and then." But the laws of nature never tal e '" a nighl off." "\Y1 r a man th that shall he also reap" — and his wife and children with him. i )l all follies and hyprocrisies, marryii "fast" man "to reform him If he can he reformed at any time it is !'.- •• - never have the attentions and SO never the aff . of a man pr Ided to liquor or lust, who | idly heredity reformation can cancel. u'l Supreme affection. To marry for a title i I r wealth ven for support, is prostitution. The craze of the American h< • marry some foreign count, usually "no count," or worse, is not a folly only, hut when not prompted by supreme affection, a sin as well. It is not un-Am I 17 can only, it is also un-Christian. It is even lower to sell one's body for wealth. The opening of new occupations to woman is reducing the number of marriages for support, and so far as the current decrease in marriages is due to woman's increasing economic independence, it is a decrease of sin and sorrow. No fear the independent woman will not marry when she finds one who is worthy of supreme affection ! III. God's laze, monogamy, as against both contemporaneous and con- secutive polygamy. — (i) God's original Edenic plan of family was the union of one man and one woman. Polygamy, like slavery, was tolerated in Old Testament times, but never approved. Its evil workings, which men would only learn by experience, constantly appear. (2) When Christ came it was not contemporaneous but consecutive polygamy — that is, easy divorce — which needed and called forth his reitera- tion of the Edenic law, that a person once married can never marry again unless death, or the death of marriage by the mortal wound of adultery, has come to one or other of the wedded pair. Only one of the United States (New York) has adopted the law of Christ, giving absolute divorce, with permission to marry again, for the one cause only, and only to the innocent party. Congress in 1901 made the same law for the national Capital. (Send for Senate Document No. 305, 57th Congress, 1st session.) (3) "Legal separation," which does not allow remarriage, but does allow reconciliation, is and should be allowed for drunkenness, desertion, and cruelty. It would be very wholesome if, when a husband comes home drunk a second time, his wife should at once secure legal separation and alimony, before he is past reform and his money wasted, to protect herself and her children against brutality and poverty. In some European countries there is a public officer whose duty it is to seek the reconciliation of the husband and wife who have been parted by "legal separation," as well as to resist and, when possible, prevent divorce, on the ground that the preservation of the family is of vital importance to the state. (4) It is not legal separation, but easy divorce with permission to re- marry which reformers resist as a social peril. Canada with five millions of people has but eight divorces a year, partly because it makes divorce diffi- cult by allowing divorces to be granted only by Parliament. (A like plan has worked well in South Carolina, where the legislature holds the power to divorce in its own hands and never uses it ; but in Delaware, in like case, the legislature granted divorces in such scandalous abundance that the peo- ple in 1897 secured the transfer of this function to the courts.) The United States, in which for many years there have been "divorce colonies" where absolute divorce can be had by a nominal residence of six months, has out- run all civilized lands in its percentage of divorces, which are about one- tenth of the marriages, to which must be added the many homes broken up without legal formalities. Now that Congress has passed the International Reform Bureau's bills to forbid Territories to grant divorce on less than a year's residence, and to make the law of the Capital as good as that of New York, it will be safe to change the Constitution and put marriage, divorce, and polygamy wholly under the control of Congress for the sake of uni- formity. IV. Child-bearing and child-training, and the influence of both on t h e 18 parents, — (i) The fundamental purpose of marriage is to have children. Let no pruder) attempt to hide what should be the family's pride. It is hardly conceivable that any wife is childless by choice A suspicion often at- taches to small families, but the fact that families are smallest anion- the re educated classes is at least partly due to the effect of culture upon the nervous system. People are not easily persuaded in these times when the both should also teach the profound meaning of heredity to prevent prenatal world has so many more in it than can find employment that t is a parental duty to have as large a family as possible. But, on the other hand, preacher and physician alike must fearlessly condemn even- form of infanticide, and injury, hardly less serious than infanticide, from parental character. profoundest pur of the family relation is to school the affections. The family as the sociological unit is really a unity in trinity, the father, the mother and the child, constituting the first of the circles of love, of which the outermost are the world and God. Selfishness is I weaned by the love of husband and wife; then further by the love of one's children; all this as the first step toward loving the whole world as a lar family, dod its Father and all men brothers. It is an important part of this schooling that the wife's separate rights in her own property are heing increasingly recognized. And let her right to her own person be also recognized, that love may be free from any taint of force. I Child training is mightier than heredity and primarily a parental duty. It is now generally admitted that heredity has mated. influence is chiefly physical and mental, not moral. \\ hen the children of the slums are placed early in good country homes by home-finding societies, they usually become morally more like their adopted parents than like their own. But God holds parents responsible for child-training, of which con- >ion is the only safe basis. The teacher, whether of week da} Sabbath, at the parents's assistant. Two of the most serious perils of the hour are: i I i That only one-tenth of the church members in the cities maintain daily family worship; (2) that not more than the same proportion of the children of city Sabbath schools attend the church service, and so are prepar- ing to graduate into the street. The home, the church, the school must all be ■ 1 to the utmost in behalf of imperiled youth in this a^e of citie Something to do. — Petition State legislatures for I; allowing remar- riage in divorce decrees only in cases of adultery and only to the innocent party. Reading. — S<-< "Practical Christian Si ure II. mid appendfc E. ermarck. Tlie History of Human Marriage, Macmillan, i j hillings. C The Primitive Family. Appleton, $1.7."- Dr. Joseph C >k. Marriage. 11- Mifflin. $1.50. Report on Divorce. U. S. Bureau of Labor, and 1» ments of National Divorce Reform League, Rev. Dr. S. W. Dike, . :rn- I'. Convert Marriage and Divorce, Lippim I V Rii the Other Half Lives, $1.50; The Children of the Pi Campbell, Pris. •' Poverty. 50c. ; Women Wage Karri' A Haunted (Hampton Heath Tract). Putnam. 8c, IV H Trumbull. Hints on Child Training, John D. Wattles & Co.. Phila. R. VV. Gilder, T M. Y nicnt of lenement-house 1 State. U. S. Bureau "f I. ts on Housing of the Poor. Slums, and on Building and Loan A Department of State. Consular Report 117. June it rihincr municipal arti- dwellings in Liverpool. Riverside Build' phlet of Improved Dwelling pany, rn Joralemon street, Brooklyn. 1 JULY TOPIC— THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT. God, the Supreme Ruler. — The Decalogue is the world's constitution. The codes of Justinian, Charlemagne, and Alfred, the "common law" of civilization, all rest on the Decalogue. The oath with which all rulers in Christian lands enter upon their duties, kissing or touching the Bible, is in fact an oath of allegiance to God and his law, and refutes the saying that "politics owes no allegiance to the Decalogue and the golden rule." The saying in the Declaration of Inde- pendence that governments "derive their just powers from the consent of the governed" should be read with the further declaration in that document of "firm reliance upon Divine Providence." The Supreme Court, in a de- cision against the Louisiana Lottery, said : "The legislature can not barter away the public health or the public morals. The people themselves can not do it." The Supreme Court has also said, "This is a Christian nation." (Trinity Church case, February 29, 1892.) The 'sovereign people." — The people's law, the Constitution of the United States, and the constitutions of the several States, made by the peo- ple's direct vote, is the fundamental law, to which legislatures, courts, and executives must conform. The citizens should put into their own law, the Constitution, express provisions in regard to such matters as experience has shown are liable to be dealt with weakly or corruptly by their representatives including the liquor traffic, gambling, impurity, Sabbath breaking, and corporations, or else cover such cases by the referendum. The "sovereign people," too big and too busy for a real democratic gov- ernment by "town meeting," as in ancient Greece and modern Switzerland (this is still wisely used in small towns in New England for local matters only), delegates the work of government, like European sovereigns, to three groups of officers — executive, legislative, and judicial. When the people so govern by representatives, the government is strictly "republican" rather than "democratic." (The use of these words by parties was at first intended to represent tendencies to less or more delegation of power.) The "sovereign people" provides its officers, executive, legislative, judicial — 1. By selection at the primaries (which include the caucus and nomi- nating convention). The primary is usually unrecognized and unregulated bv law, but the time has come when it should be included in the laws govern- ing elections. Since the election is itself governed by the preceding selec- tion, opportunity should be made for every voter to participate equitably in the nominating. Even though we restrict immigration and condition suffrage we shall never elect better men to office unless better men are nominated, in order to which the better men must attend the primaries. Better political machinery will not avail if bad men are allowed to run it. Liberty is a "one-price" commodity, and it is the same old price to the world's end, "eternal vigi- 2. By election at the polls. The great number of stay-at-home voters, many of 'them Christians, suggests that preachers do not sufficiently brand as a vice neglect to vote. Because some refuse to vote for conscientious 20 reasons, compulson voting is impracticable, but compulsory recording of reaj »r not voting should be provided for. The Government. — i. Executive: President, Cabinet, marshals, Army and Navy, governor, sheriffs, militia, mayor, police. Presidents, govern and m. y veto, usually have a legislative power equal to one-third of the legislative body whose acts call for their approval, but it needs to be emphasized that the chief duty of the chief executive of nation, state, or city is to see that all laws are executed. Whenever an '"executive" "willfullly refuses or neglects" to enforce laws, lie ought to he liable, not merely to im- sible impeachment by his partner.-, in neglect, hut also to trial by indictment like other criminal.-. The hot work of a law and order league is not to do the neglected work of public executives, but to compel them t<> do it. W hen city officers, mayor, police, prosecutor, have each been called on to initiate the of the laws, as each has sworn to do — not city ordinances only, i Siate laws — appeal should be made to their superior, the sher- iff, who i- bound to see that laws are enforced in the whole county — to do it hims sser officers fail. If he will not act. appeal to the governor. ruary topic.) In some States police commissioners are appointed by the governor, and so are under his orders as fully as the sheriffs. As a competent wife - the kitchen work temporarily when her servants neglect it. pending their dismission for better ones, so' the "sovereign people" should go into its courts and enforce law when its executives fail, hut only till it can put better servants in their place. 2. Legislative: Congress, State legislatures, city councils, lobbies The lies consist of two houses (there are a few cities wtih hut one), the "upper house" being elected for a longer period than the lower, to make them a rvative check on the "lower house," whose constant nearness to a new election is supposed to make them liable to catch every fever of pop- ular excitement, and so at times to act too hastily. But "upper houses" h of late, shown themselves quite as much in danger of being too responsive to plutocracy. The great legislative evil, however, is that provincialism so larg .places patriotism, every legislator struegling for the selfish inter- own district, with no one to speak for the whole country or ept incidentally. "The river and harbor bill" i tita- bill. ■ f the bills passed are of the same local, i T: ary and the lobby are the two chambers of the sovereign Christian men must lav hold of these two handl —the pri- mary and the lobby— of which last the e is the ai Both ly in had hand-. Both must he taken in hand by Christian citi [f p • elevated. Such citizens do not - an ,i Mary, and determined as to i - by md foil • m, dip • nize. : i ically at least, that the primary I in, s the primary. But few, even in theory, i ize that : the mail box .tier than the The mail b legitimate or-an of public opinion, a constant | • Ferendum, by winch the 1 a* 21 will of the "sovereign people" should be constantly expressed on all subjects of legislation save the one dominant issue on which the ballot box has spoken. The primary may be hard to capture, but the mail box, the lobby trans- mitter, is ours at once if we will. 3. Judicial : United States Supreme Court, United States district and circuit courts, State supreme and county courts city police courts. The courts are the purest part of our American politics, but that they are open to criticism is the avowed opinion not of political platforms only, but of Su- preme Court judges also, who in public addresses have in recent years con- demned their guilty delays and suggested reforms. These are most of all needed in the lowest courts, in which the poor oftenest seek justice. It is a scandal that so much depends on one's ability to hire a smart lawyer. Judges have great powers, and should be aroused to use them to prevent juries from being confused with high-priced sophistries to the det- riment of the poor or of the public, and especially should they protect both against delays. Let us also insist that technicality shall not be allowed to defeat equity. When the Roby racers of Indiana, being forbidden to race more than fifteen days, divided forty-five days of racing equally on three adjacent tracks, and their lawyer insisted that it could not be assumed that this was done to evade the law, the judge declared that courts were not de- nied the use of common sense, and thus set up a new precedent, greatly needed in many courts. Public sentiment. — The driving power of all this machinery is public sentiment and public conscience — the latter less talked of than the former, but as much mightier and more enduring as the ground swell of the ocean is mightier than~the foam crest of its waves. The necessities of life in a re- public are intelligence conscientiousness, and the spirit of equality, which can not be produced except through the Sabbath and its institutions. Repub- lics are born of Christ and can not live without Him. Something to do. — Form "Government of the People's Leagues." one at least, if only of one member, whose rule shall be to read the news, pad in hand, to note bills introduced in legislative bodies that ought to be passed, and others that ought to be killed, and write letters to legislators to those ends ; also to aid, in like manner, enforcement of law. Readings.— Charles F. Dole, Manual of Civics; D. C. Heath & Co.. $1. Ex- President J. H. Seelye, Citizenship ; Ginn & Co., 60c. S. E. Forman. First Lessons in Civics; Americnn Book Company, 75c. Prof. Woodrow . Wilson, The State; Heath & Co., $2. Prof. F. S. Hoffman, The Sphere of the State; Putnam, $1.50. Ehsha Mulford, The Nation; Houghton, Mifflin, $2. James Price, The American Common- wealth, 2 vol., $2 each. Dr. Philip Schaff, Church and State; Scrihners, $1.50. Eh F. Ritter. Moral Law and Civil Law; Hunt & Eaton, 75c. Dr. Carlos Martyn, Chris- tian Citizenship; Funk & Wagnalls Co., 60c. Prof. Amos Wells, Citizenship; En- deavor Society, Boston. W. M. Ivins, Machine Politics (ballot reform) ; Harpers, 25c. U. S. Supreme Court, "This is a Christian Nation;" U. S. Supreme Court Re- ports, cxliii, 457. Dr. A. McAllister, Allegheny, Pa., Manual National Reform As- sociation, 75c. W. D. MacCrackan, Swiss Solutions of American Problems: Arena Pub. Co., 25c. J. W. Sullivan. Initiative and Referendum; Humboldt Pub. Co., 25c Rev. Dr. Josiah Strong, Our Country; Baker & Taylor Co., 75c; 35c. Factors of \merican Civilization (miscellaneous addresses) ; Appleton's. Report of National Tivil Service Reform League, s6 Wall St.. N. Y. Tribune Almanac, New York. 25c. J J Lalor, Cyclopedia of Political Science; C. E. Merrill, 57 Lafayette place. New York Statesman's Yearbook, .Macmillan, $3. Mulhall's Dictionary of Statistics 22 Patriotic poems of Lowell, Whittier, Longfellow. Progress of the World in Review of Reviews. World Notes, in New York Observer. The Digest, N. Y. Hi the Internationa] Reform Bureau; 10.? Maryland avenue n. <■ . Washington, I). (Gives list of moral measures passed by Congress, 1895-191 AUOUST TOPIC -AMUSEMENTS, WITH SPECUI. Kl.l -THENCE TO PLKITY. It is our duty to keep body and mind at their best as instruments of the soul, and so much recreation as will do this i> therefore a means of gt But no earnest man will wasu- time in amusements which do not r< much less in those that weaken body or mind or soul ; and there ar< tany recreations whose wholesomeness is unquestioned that he will not indulgi those which the leaders of morals have generally regarded as sins or at i as "weights" (Heb. xii, 1). In all ages the problem of amusement has been in the main, the pr lem of purity, to which we now turn. 1 In young people's societies let the social study be on the foregoing points, and* let what follows be read pri- vately or studied with parents and teachers. Parents may well study t ; facts together. ) I Impurity increasing. — "Impurity is increasing apace in all parts of the land." This was the verdict of conferences of physicians in [896, based on the awful evidence which comes to this profession in diseased men and ruined girls. The crowded divorce courts, and. yet more, the divorce law- yers, tell the same story. Mrs. Maud Ballington Booth, on the basis of abundant information gathered by the Salvation Army, estimated, about 1896, that there were in this country 2^0,000 professional prostitutes. .Add- ing the apprentices, there were even then a full quarter million supported by more than a million male prostitutes. In this, as in other crimes, the offend- ers are not more than one-tenth women. They follow this awful trade but five years on the average. That would mean 50,000 deaths a year, and 50.- 000 seductions to fill their places — [,000 a week on Mr-. Booth's estimate — but in 1901. Judge Jerome, of Xew York, said there were 100,000 such women in Xew York City alone. No Other vice more swiftly and surely ruins body and soul, and none has been so fatal to national life. Babylon, Greece, Rome, all were destroyed by this plague, and France is dying of it to-day. In no other civilized nation is impurity so bold as in France, and in ither has the birth rate fallen below the death rate, a warning to individ- uals and nations alike. II. Causes. — f 1 > In the case of the nc 'his vi< artly a I I slavery days, but the blame must be partly laid on their religion, which, in many cases — there arc nobl< ns — gives undue attention to emol and provides too little ethical instruction and discipline the writer r no adequ.r ;• made by white chur 'hern hern, to make t: ligion more ethical. ■ In the case of the ners, the blame must be laid in lar ure, upon a religion thai 1 :ts ethi 1 tual. The ' r •i"t the only ones where one can break the I h ■ with n. ' In the case of Americans, tl vth of luxury has born< tal fruit ial is self-love living for the future." But self-indu is an Esau living for the present, ready to sell the birthright of purity for the momentary gratification of passion. Wherever pleasure becomes the chief object of life, the Puritanism of purity is swept along in the same tide that destroys the Sabbath. (4) In all races the chief promoter of lust is liquor. Alcohol acts as a whip on a spirited steed, resulting in a runaway. The sentinel of shame has to be drugged before a woman yields to lust, much more before she invites it. A new peril has arisen in the disguised intoxicants of the soda fountains and the disguised beer of the malt extracts. (5) Impure literature and art is only second to drink in promoting licentiousness. These whip the imagination into fury. Fifty American peri- odicals, excluded from Canada by its government as indecent, were, at the close of the nineteenth century, circulated by millions in our country, at a cost of millions of dollars to the taxpayers and of heartbreaks and soul wrecks beyond reckoning. Seventeen of these were published in New York City, thirteen in Maine, some in almost every State. The writer called the attention of the governor in each case to the judgment of the Canadian gov- ernment on the periodicals published in his jurisdiction. Governor Wolcott replied that he would investigate. Governor Black feared a "censorship of the press." The other governors made no replies. The daily papers are, many of them guilty of abetting impurity by corrupting word pictures of it. Many of the magazines are becoming so salacious in their pictures that sev- eral Y. M. C. A. secretaries tell me they have to expurgate (better expel) them before putting them on the files. (6) The theatres, not only by their plays, which mostly turn on illicit loves, but especially by their infamous advertisements, rank high among the promoters of impurity, although church members are in many instances owners of the opera houses which present these shows, that are only show cases for the brothels. The streets might be cleaned of the pictorial insults to womanhood by some one reading the riot act to the one billposter who •does it all. A new peril is the outdoor Sunday vaudeville in the suburban parks, which are becoming like the heathen sacred groves through this de- vice of trolley owners, aided by the wicked carelessness of parents. (7) Tobacco is also a sexual irritant, although young men struggling to be pure have seldom had this part of the indictment of this nasty weed brought to their notice. As if the tobacco itself were not whip enough to passion, foulest pictures have been in its company in cigarette cases, cigar hoxes, and tobacconist windows, these combined incentives to lust being sent out largely by leading church members of North Carolina, whose profits are in part accepted by the churches without a word in behalf of imperiled and corrupted youth. The Dingley tariff law now forbids putting pictures or prizes in packages of tobacco. III. Remedies. — Lynching is clearly no remedy for rape. It is but the outburst of the same savagery that it seeks to punish. Urbana's women and Ohio's governor said that lynchings would not occur if rape had a death penalty, but the very next day. in Maryland a black rapist, already sentenced to death was lynched. Nor is it a remedy or even a restriction of impurity to confine prostitution to a prescribed district. Those who so propose pro- claim their gross ignorance of the failure f this plan in Europe. Write to T>r. O. Edward Janney. Baltimore, for reports as to this ; also as to tlie fail- urc of medical examinations. Nor is it a remedy to draw twirls from stores and factories into domestic service, for it is in this last, as statistics oi Hon. Carroll D. Wright show, that an evil life oftenest begins— an argument for cooperative kitchens, which would prevent many a divorce. Low wa arc not a prominent cause of vice, save as children are raised in the slums. i i i The causes given above suggest correlative remedies especially more ethical training in churches, and moral street cleaning. Let the age of protection for girls be everywhere raised to 18, and let other laws against impurity be made more severe, including always death as the maximum penalty for rape. A profounder remedy is to exalt the sacredness of marriage. It is sadly significant that the beastly Seeley dinner in New York was a wedding ration of the marriage of one of the aristocrats. Many Christian parents speak about marriage as if it were "midway between a joke and a crime." Love is a sacrament, lust a sacrilege. Sex is the image of God in man, his creatorship given us in a measure in sacred trust (Gen. i. 27). (4) One of the sacredest duties of parenthood is to see that chilhood's purity is not wrecked by ignorance of itself and its perils. I would not Tie to a child about its birth, but tell of it in words which, though not under- stood at the time, would later be found to be beautifully true. As the child watches the growth of seeds in the window or the garden, let it be told '•father planted a seed and mother hid it away in a box till by and by it grew to be you." Such a book as Almost a Man. by Dr. Mary Wood-Allen Ann Arbor, Mich., 25 cents, or Dr. Sylvanus Stall's What Every Boy Should Know 1 Vir Publishing Company, Philadelphia. $1). should be read to every of ten by parent or teacher, and the tract. A Mother'- Letter to Her Son, by Mis. Leavitt should be used a few years later. Read the discussion Puritv" in the Appendix of Practical Christian Sociology; also chapter- on '-Transfi-ured Flesh." and "The Half Truth in Darwinism" in Before the Lost Art-. Anthony Comstock. New York, and Josiah W. Leeds, West- chester, Pa. can give important aid in suppressing had literature and in- flation of it- deadly work. g I Most of all should the Xew Testament conception of the bod) the tempi ' God he kept before the mil young and old. "Know ye that vour body i- the temple of the Holy Ghost which i- in you?" Such a temple' was the' transfiguration, to which we are also called by the com- mand, "Glorif ur body," and by the command "Thou -halt love thy G >d with all thy strength," with which chime the words of Ten;'.; 'might — "My strength is as the strength of ten. Because my heart is pur Something to do.— Have a committee wait on the Opera-house pro] . newsdealer-, barbers, and tobacconists to rcpi. king pictures, and upon publ ers to ask enforcemei all law- enacted in the in: irity. Help to • tter law- on this subject. Readings.— Publication- nf American Purity Alliance. Dr. O I T.inney. pre- more. (Also books 1 above.) SEPTEMBER TOPIC— GAMBLING. I. The evolution of the ant {gambling doctrine. — Gambling is a particu- larly interesting study as in this reform we catch an ethical evolution in the very act, gambling not yet having been wholly eliminated even from the church. The reformation of the sixteenth century was mostly individual, intellectual, doctrinal — individual more than social ; intellectual more than affectional ; doctrinal more than ethical. Drunkenness dwelt harmoniously with devotion. Slavery and sanctiflcation were preached from the same pulpits. Personal purity, in Protestant princes, like Henry VIII, was not counted essential to piety, not even to leadership of piety. And gambling to the glory of God went right on in church lotteries. Then, as now, certain forms of common stealing were condemned, and "common gambling ;" but new forms of both in lotteries were not only tolerated, but even sanctified by church usage. Only in the prdesent generation have American Protestant churches discontinued the use of this "means of grace" and revenue ; and the Roman Catholics are yet in the process of sloughing it off. Many benev- olent societies also make themselves malevolent by their demoralizing raffles. It is like the highwaymen who "robbed the rich to help the poor." Of course the state could not rise in morals above the church, and so State lotteries also lingered until the last decade of the nineteenth century in the United States, and at its close were still sanctioned in Italy and France. Strange to say, Canada, first of commonwealths in temperance and Sabbath keeping, was also pestered at that time with various forms of gambling. Canadians should petition the Dominion Parliament to abolish all forms of gambling. And let all opponents of gambling petition Congress for the Gillett bill (pending at this* writing, 1902, with a favorable report to its credit from a preceding Congress), to prohibit interstate race gamb- ling by telegraph. In the United States the legislative evolution of the antigambling move- ment has, in most States reached the point of suppressing lotteries, but only of forbidding race gambling, the laws on this last being mostly unenforced for lack of united support by the antigambling forces. In New York State, for instance, the new State constitution forbids all gambling, including even church lotteries, but the legislatures which have since met have authorized race gambling in some forms, and for the others have named only a nominal penalty, which last the Court of Appeals has declared is not sufficient ground for setting aside the law as unconstitutional, this legislative and judicial trampling on the constitution being a concession to the millionaire Jockey Club, whose members are afflicted with the American disease of greed to so deadly an extent that even in so-called "sport" they must pursue their Wall street mania for "fleecing the lambs." This is all very consistent with the stage that the antigambling evolu- tion has reached in our boards of trade, whose principal business is "stock gambling" and "grain gambling" — that is, betting on future prices — 90 per cent of the brokers never handling a pound of merchandise. The church itself has not yet clear vision of the essence of gambling, and so condemns the man who bets on the pace of animals at a horse-race, but elects to trusteeship the man who bets on the price of vegetables at the corn exchange — if he wins the bet. The story is pertinent here of the South- 26 era gambler, converted from his fan. and race gambling m a revival, who, feeling the old passion reviving, noted that the rich members of the church, with no condemnation, bet on the future price of cotton, and so took to the >n exchange and found it satisfactory. All this shows clearly that the pulpit has failed to define gambling ef- fectively, leaving the thoughtless to be caught by the old foe in every new face he assumes. II. What is gambling? — "When it is determined by chance, what and . much he wh<> pay- money has for it, it is a lottery." (56 N. Y. Supreme irt, 424.) "A lottery is a scheme to distribute or obtain anything of value by chance." (04 N. V., 137.) We shall never defeat gambling, hut only drive it to new costumes and fresh aliases, unless its very flesh marks are made known and its criminal measurements published. It must be cut up by the roots by a full exposition of the eighth commandment. "Thou shalt not steal" Christ translated, "Defraud not." Another standard expo- sition is the proverb, "A fair exchange is no robbery." Every other ex- chai robbery. When one man from any kind of lottery, whatever named, in return for $1 — in gambling by guessing, for example — while more than one hundred others get nothing, there is no "fair ex- change" either in case of winner or loser. Betting is the brother of bur- glary. "Value received." as a necessary part of a legal note, ought to be ex- pounded in every school as implying that no one (except in receiving an outright gift when he has a right to receive it. from one who has a right to give it 1 can rightfully receive more than a just equivalent for what he has rendered in goods and services. To get something for nothing, or even much for little in a business transaction, is nothing less than stealing. Let "money's worth" be set above "bargains." The subtler forms of gambling can be reached only by education, but legislation and law enforcement sh< 1 on all forms of lotteries and on all who make it a busine aote betting whether on race tracks or in 1 of trade, whose "1 and "hulls" are the pe>ts of the farmer and the public ; also on tl rms ibling that initiate youth into this vice, such as the nickel-in-the-slot machines, which ex-Chief of Police Powell, of Indianapolis, n examined for him by a chess expert and found to give back on the •r each 101 cent? received only the one odd cent. These should by poli irt. It is indeed surprising that the churches, while urging their m individ ■ avoid lotteries and race -ambling, have failed thus far to realize that such evils can not he sup: I by individual action, or by .rate churches, T he firecrackers that Chinese use to frighten away evil spirits. In the case of gambling, in every other social evil, tl; more intelligent study of the problem; second, united warfare upon it by all of its opponents in each city, each State, ami in the nat ; Something to do — I., mmitt appointed to ask city oft' to sup) gambling or whatever 1 of it is carried on in the locality, and let petitions and lettei Gillett ant ; - gambling bill, and to the State l< r whatever legislation may be needed. ;J 7„r.s —Anthony Com>tock. Tra: c \oung: Funk & \\ agnail; I •. $r. OCTOBER TOPIC- PREVENTION AND PUNISHMENT OF CRIME. I. Crime increasing. — Prof. J. R. Commons wrote, about 1895 : "Crime has increased in forty years five times as fast as the population. Yet min- isters of the Gospel know little of that divine science — penology. * * * Christians, along with others, have made wonderful progress in utilizing the results of physical science, steam, and electricity, but they know little of the results of social science." (Social Reform and the Church, pp. 41, 42.) Hon. Abram S. Hewitt said, about the same time: "In 1850 the criminals constituted I in 3,500 of the population ; in 1890, 1 in 786. * * * We must get honest, competent, and faithful lawgivers ; and herein, it appears to me, the true mission of the churches is set before them — saving souls where they may, but saving society at all hazards." (Chari- ties Review, 2: 314.) Mr. F. H. Wines, in Punishment and Reformation, seeks to mitigate the deep damnation of these statistics by showing that a few long-term prisoners are counted twice. But even so small a comfort will not serve in the case of murders, which are multiplying three times as fast as the popu- lation, with American-born murderers in full proportion, verifying Lowell's lines : From the Rio Grande to the Penobscot flood This whole great nation loves the smell of blood. A murder in a New England village led to investigations that showed that New England villages generally are overrun with gangs of young thugs who are growing up in crime, unrestrained by parents or public offi- cers. The curfew movement proclaims a like condition in the West, but with more effort at a cure. II. The failure of the prison system. — Mr. W. M. F. Round, of the New York Prison Association, in a paper read at the Social Science As- sociation in Saratoga, September, 1897, speaking the general sentiments of penologists, proclaimed the failure of the current system of prisons, which penology, a new science, only a quarter of a century old, aims to re- construct. Prisons at first were built only to keep prisoners securely. If they died of unsanitary conditions, all the better, it was thought, as the creed was, "Once a criminal always a criminal." Then, from selfish con- siderations largely, prisoners were put to work to earn their keep, with no reference to the reformatory relations of their industry. Later, other selfish elements came in as prisons became party spoils. Mr. Round advocates : 1. The removal of all imprisoned minors to reformatories and other educations institutions. 2. The removal of all drunkards to inebriate asylums. 3. The Massachusetts probation system for common drunks, the of- fender being released, but watched and liable to rearrest and imprisonment without further trial. 4. More frequent suspension of sentence when persons stand ready to be sureties in money or promise of oversight. 5. Conditional release of prisoners on learning a trade in prison, pro- vided friends have found a job in advance, as is the custom at Elmira. 2S 6. Domiciliary sentence in case of petty the offender being required to at home and conform to certain restrictions, under sur- veillance, the alternative of the prison hanging over him intly, and the Bertilon a of measuring the bony parts of the body for identification I in this and other cases to prevent escape. - The indeterminate sentence, favored by all penologists, under which a criminal may be r I on parole before the expiration of his sentence if he seems to' have been reformed. This last is the system so largely used in the foremost of reformatories, that of Elmira. X. Y.. where physical and industrial education are also used effectively as reforming agencies. I Send superintendent for Papers on Penology, free, and also to Ohio State Charities, Columbus, Ohio, for Prison Sunday Circular Xo. 5. free. ) TTT. Prevention of crime.— Prof. R. T. Ely says: "It is largely the -oeial will which determines the amount of crime and pauperism. If we have the will to learn what should he done, and then the will to do_ what we know should be done, we may reduce to a small fractional part of their present force the dependents and the delinquents." Formerlv the periodic decimation of Europe by the plague was counted a "visitation of God.*' Sanitation has abolished it. Reform can also abolish the so-called "necessary evils"' of our civilization. 1. As prisons themselves are undoubtedly schools of crime, increas- the evil they were designed to cure, prison reform is itself one of the ventives of crime. The churches of each town or city and other organi- zations devoted to social welfare, such as the Young Men's Christian iation and the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, should have a union reform committee, with a good subcommittee on prisons, to visit them, ich only and furnish readincr. but to correct abuses such accused of his first crime, and not even tried, with old of- ■ 2. As police courts are also schools of crime, the same committee might • visiting the police court, to expose and reform abu ncis Wavland, of Vale Law School, at the social-science meeting e remedy for hoodlumism better police courts (through combination of several if n< that the- which ' me for first and second off might be of sufficient wi- nder in such a way as to check, rather than ac- •riminal pro] To this end an indeterminate sent. !. In higher courts . be abated, notably the browbeating of wir and art of lawyers, which too-indul-cnt ju<'. mmonly permit. lisplacement of bad readin 1 is one of the cbi< ventiv rime. (Send to Jfosiah W. Leeds, Westchester, Pa., •-,. C. R. Skinner. Albany, X. V.. for lean wing how evil reading n the direct c juvenile crin Anthony O mstock, Building, New York, for last report of Society for Prevention of Vic - 4. Industrial education should bridge the dangerous gap between gram- mar school and the boy's first job, enabling him to earn a living at once on leaving school. This would save very many of that great number or young prisoners who write after their names the words "No trade." 5. The George Junior Republic should be studied as a new type of reform school, which is also a vacation school, a school of civics, and an industrial school, not neglecting mental and moral culture. It has the best library for boys we have seen, and is predominantly Christian in spirit, not relying on environment only for reform, but on conversion, most of all. (Send to Freeville, N. Y., for its report.) 6. The churches must so arouse Christian citizenship that laws will be made and obeyed, including prohibition, that, in the words of Gladstone, will "make it as easy as possible to do right and as hard as possible to do wrong." 7. Most of all, the homes must be made to feel that the family is a divine government, a training school for citizenship. And wherever chil- dren are not being so trained, on their very first petty crime, or better still, before it, they should be turned over to some institution or society which will give them this training, and so a fair chance. (Send to State School, Coldwater, Mich., for best plan in this line.) 8. One of the oft-recurring recommendations at the Conference of Charities and Correstions, held at Toronto, July, 1897, went one step further back and proposed that' incurable degenerates should not be allowed to have children but should rather be segregated, with compulsory work and abund- ant food and kind treatment, but no chance to further injure society whether by their own crimes or through degenerate progeny. One thing to do.— Visit nearest prison and help to make it a true re- formatory. Help secure better prison laws. Readings. — Prof. C. R. Henderson, Dependents, Defectives, Delinquents: D. C. Heath & Co., $1.75. Havelock Ellis, The Criminal: Scribner & Welford, $1. W. M. F. Round, Our Criminals and Christianity : Funk & Wagnalls Co., 50c. Arthur Mac- Donald, Criminology : Funk & Wagnalls Co., $2. Dr. F. H. Wines. Publishment and Reformation: Crowell, $1.75. Documents and Reports of New York Prison Associa- tion, 135 East Fifteenth street, N. Y. NOVEMBER TOPIC— THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. I. Why I should totally abstain from intoxicating beverages? 1. Be- cause if I do not use them I can not become a drunkard, while if I do I may. 2. Because if I do not use them I can not possibly lead anyone else to drunkenness by my example, while if I do I may. 3. Because if I use them, even if I am never intoxicated, I shall poison my whole body (as Dr. Benjamin Ward Richardson has shcAvn) and endanger my children's chil- dren. 4. Because such beverages are in no sense necessities of life, but are rather destructive of life. Meal Dow r s two watchwards are appropriate: "Self-denial is self- love living for the future." "No one has a right to do that which, if the whole world follows his example, will produce more harm than good." At the opening of the twentieth century a great pledge-signing crusade was being hopefully inaugurated in Great Britain and the United States, led by the National Temperance Society (3 E. 14th St., N. Y.) The best form of pledge, probably for boys is that of a declaration of independence. In the immortal Declaration our fathers "pledged their lives, their forttu and their sacred honor." As that Declaration was a "pledge," so the tem- perance pledge is a declaration ui independence hurled at a foolish custom. With a firm reliance upon God, I herein- make my DECLARATION uF IN- DEPENDENCE against King Alcohol, whose intoxicating drinks I pie my I honor never to use. (Signed.) . //. Why should the sale of intoxicating beverages be prohibited by law? i. Because they are the worst foes of the home. 2. Because they are they the worst foes of business. 3. Because they are the worst foes of civil liberty. 4. Because the attitude of government toward the worst foe of home, of business, and of liberty should be one of uncompromising hos- tility. Congress and Parliament, in accordance with -Mr. Gladstone's state- ment of the 1 of law. should "make it as easy as possible to do r: and as hard as possible to do wrong." which is our reply to the outworn ob- jection to legislative reforms that you '"can not make men moral by act of Congr< Congress should at least — and Parliament as well — cease to make men immoral by licensing wrongdoing. In licensing liquor selling the State makes it as hard as possible to do right and as easv as possibl do wrong. The contrary purpose of true law calls for prohibition, which, even when it does not make drinking impossible, makes it as hard as p< ble to do wrong and as as possible to do right. That prohibition re- stricts liquor selling more than any form of license is conclusively proved, withoul the fact that liquor sellers fight it hardest, as they surely would not do if they could "sell more liquor under prohibition" while saving the license. Even though the lawless and degraded may still find opportunitv to drink, the law-abiding and untainted will be far less likely to fall than if the State declares by its license that drink is lawful and respect- able. Prohibition is even a comparative failure only where it is mistaken for a cure-all and is left to work out the salvation of society all by itself, un- supported by those methods of moral education by which it was originally lined, and by which it must be continually sustained in pulpits, sch< and horn-. Those who cry out for "liberty" for every one to do as he likes for that the streets are full of undeveloped youth. "Give the hoy- a char ning the street^ of the pitfalls laid for their feet — the brutalizing prize fight, the bar. the brothel, the gambling den. the Sunday excursion, indecent pictures, and the corrupt \ n III. Best methods of enforcing liquor lazes: I. Secure a law. like that of V nt, that a district attorney can not collect salary except on certifi- cate of a supreme court judge that he has enforced the liquor laws. 2 A law also, like that of Minnesota, making a mayor, justice of peace, or other officer indictable for refusing or wilfully neglecting to enf such la j By electing foes of the liquor trar office. Things to do. — Secure enforcement of existing laws by a balance of power enrollment of those who will vote for no one who will not do his part to that end. Help pass better liquor laws. Readings. — Send to International Reform Bureau, Washington, D. C, for Cart- ridge Box of Temperance Documents, 12c. Cyclopedia of Temperance and Prohibi- tion, $3.50; E. J. Wheeler, Prohibition, 75 cents; 35 cents; both, Funk & Wagnalls Co. Send to The New Voice, Chicago, for sample copy, also for leaflets; for same to Union Signal, Chicago, and National Temperance Advocate, New York. DECEMBER TOPIC— TRUE CHARITY. 5. There is a neiv charity and a newest. The newest charity, the truest also, is just wages, which would make other charities much less neces- sary. This newest charity might well have a larger place in charity con- ferences, for it is only by conference and co-operation that just employers can pay just wages. Under free competition the meanest competitor fixes the scale both of wages and prices. Individual employers might, indeed, in many cases, make a fairer division than they do of the margin of profit. But no adequate reform is possible until by combination and co-operation the noblest employers protect themselves against their meanest competitors and secure their right to pay just wages. In the case of a monopoly, there is no excuse for not paying just wages, and it is as foolish as it is wicked for monopolies to lay up wrath against themselves, as statistics show that most of them do, by reducing wages and increasing prices when they are in a position to be just in both. If combinations were made in order to pay just wages as well as to reduce waste, with equitable division of the un- doubted economic gains of co-operation, which is an advance stage beyond competition, we should not be driven so rapidly to the yet more advanced stage of public ownership of monopolies. By some kind of combination of producers and of consumers, too, the right to pay a just wage, or at least living wage, should be straightway established. 2. A higher ideal for business life is yet more needed. We should despise a doctor, preacher, or statesman who did not put service above sel- fishness, philanthropy above salary. Let us expect as much of merchants, Colonel Ingersoll said, in defense of that extreme luxury of the rich which Bishop Potter calls "wasteful, wanton, and wicked," that "extravagance is a. splendid form of charity." This is economic heresy as bad as the scoffer's theological errors. But there are signs that wealth is learning the higher law of stewardship. In this connection, study the completeness^ of New York's charities, especially in summer, including even free ferry tickets for mothers who can go from home with their babes but an hour. 3. Another neglected fundamental preventive charity is moral reform. When the Sundav laws of New York were enforced by Hon. Theodore Roosevelt (since President) before the Raines law re-enforced rum. the hos- pitals of New York were thinned out and the calls for relief in that city also fell off decidedlv. Therefore, one of the best preventive fundamental works of charitv is for citizens to turn out to primaries, nominate men for the legislature who will make the proper laws, and then elect local officials who will enforce them. 4 Another fundamental preventive charity is the care of neglected children. The best orphanages are not homes, but home-findmg societies. It is the deepest cruelty possible to encourage or allow anv child to beg. 32 5- If we prize the self-respect of those we help, we shall bestow reliet through a loan bureau, or an employment bureau, or in some other form than alms. "Pingree potatoes" has come to be a familiar phrase, represi ing a scheme of ex-Mayor Pingree, of Detroit, of great economic and phil- anthropic value, by which the vacant suburban lots of cities have been utilized to furnish gardens for the unemployed, under supervision of city au- thorities in the case of Detroit, of the Society for Improving the Condition of the l'oor in the ease of New York. Send to both for reports. 6. The best forward movement of charity is the action of the Buffalo Charity Organization Society is arranging with seventy churches to estab- lish, each of them, in some poor district of the city, under a co-operative arrangement, a social settlement for humanitarian work, for applied Chris- tianity in the form of neighborliness. One thing to do.-Find some family to whom you can "lend a hand," not in almsgiving, but in uplifting — helping them to help themselves. Help to secure laws that will cut oft the vicious roots of poverty. Readings. — Prof. A. G. Warren. American Charities: Crowell. $1.50. Handbook of Friendly Visitors Among the Poor: Putnam, 50c. Mrs. Josephine Shaw Lowell. Public Relief and Private Charity: Putnam. 40c. Report on Penny Provident Fund, Loan Association, etc., from New York Charity Organization Society, Charities Build- ing. N. Y., Charities Review, $1 per year. The Commons, Chicago, Organ of Social Settlements; send stamp for sample. Reports and leaflets of following institutional churches: Berkeley Temple, Boston; Pilgrim Church. Worcester; Tabernacle. Jersey :. George's, St. Bartholomew's. Jud^on Memorial, all of New York; Pilgrim Church, Cleveland. Documents of Christian Social Union, Dean Hodge, secretary, Cambridge, Mass. Leaflets of King's Daughters, 156 Fifth avenue, New York. 33 5 8th Congress, ) SENATE. ( Document 2d Session. ) 1 No. 150. MORAL LEGISLATION IN CONGRESS, PASSED AND PENDING. Report of the International Reform Bureau's Legislative Committee, Rev. J. G. Butler, Chairman. Feb. 8, 1904, on motion of Senator J. H. Gallinger, ordered to be printed. The Interna! ional Reform Bureau, a Christian organization, non-sectarian and non- partisan, was inaugurated in 1895 by Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts, Ph. D., in a Princeton course of lectures on "Practical Christian Sociology," since published. It was incor- porated at the National Capital in 1896. Its trustees are : Hon. Charles Lyman, Presi- dent ; Rev. F. D. Power, D. D., Secretary; Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts, Superintendent and Treasurer; Gen. John Eaton, LL.D., Rev. Asa S. Fiske, D. D., all of Washington, D. C. ; Mr. L. T. Yoder, Mr. J. J. Porter, Mr. J. W. Houston, all of Pittsburg; Mr. Joshua Levering, Baltimore; Rev. B. L. Whitman, D. D., Philadelphia. Its head- quarters are at 206 Pennsylvania Avenue, s. e., Washington, D. C. (Phone, "East 845 A"), It is the only national reform organization having a building of its own— a guar- a&.je of permanence. It promises to stand as long as the adjoining Capitol and Library of Congress— an ally of the first in good legislation, of the second in civic education. THE BUREAU AIDS MANY REFORMS. Through the Bureau's Superintendent, aided by Rev. O. R. Miller, A. M., Field Secretary, Mr. C. N. Howard, the Bureau's platform advocate against the Saloon, ana ten other secretaries and clerks, the Reform Bureau promotes Christian reforms on which the churches sociologically unite while theologically differing. It proffers co- operation to all associations that stand for the defense of the Sabbath and purity ; for the suppression of intemperance, gambling, and political corruption; for the substitu- tion of arbitration and conciliation for both industrial and international wars. In a broad and statesmanlike way the Bureau deals with the whole hemisphere of right relations between man and man. REFORM BUREAU'S PRIMARY OBJECT. The primary object of the Reform Bureau is to secure the passage by Congress of important and much-needed legislation along all the above lines of moral reform, and also to prevent the passage of bad legislation affecting the moral welfare of our country. In the legislative work the Reform Bureau aims to be an organ of communication and co-operation between legislators and other officials who favor moral measures and good citizens of the whole country who desire such legislation. The Bureau's Legisla- tive Committee is glad to report, to the credit of Congress and for the encouragement and rebuke of good citizens, that in eight years of the Bureau's history no moral meas- 34 failed to I which public opinion has adequately expressed itself in peti- ims, and living deputations, nor has Congress failed to defeat any • il measure- against which, by the same mean-, adequate popular protest has I ma ' TO AROUSE AND EXPRESS TUBUC 0PIM1 N To those who say thai lawmakers should pass moral measures without waiting to hear from the people, they say that such measures should be passed only when evidence has been presented that public opinion is ready for them, and whatever criticisms one may make on this view, all may as well accept the fact that the unusually numerous and important pending measures mentioned hereinafter, in restraint of intemperance, gam- bling, obscenity, and Sunday work, will most of them fad in Congress if citizens fail them in the mail box, the only reliable organ of public opinion on all meas- ure.- save the -ingle issue voted on in the ballot b Tins Committe not concur in the view thai citizens should concentrate their appeals on a single bill, especially as the last Congress and the one before it each four and a half measures in the interest of temperance besides as many more on other reforms, only one or two of which in each case would have won on the concentra- tion policy. Nor do we believe that legislative efforts for morals should be mostly de- voted to the one evil of intemperance. To the Bureau's leaders, intemperance, impurity, gambling and Sabbath-breaking arc not four separate r -ides of one fort. that is firing on every home, every church, every honest business and C\ feguard of civil liberty, which should therefore be attacked on all sides at once in the name of science and of commerce. That such a campaign i- not a wasteful scattering of lire is seen, for example, in the fact that in the thirteen weeks of th< 'on- •he cro :' the centuries, six'. ' 'rnment. legislative and Hxec- . were sccrro! by reformers in behalf of divorce reform, the Sabbath and temper- REF0RM BUREAU Ml H secret of the Reform Bureau's success in large part has been its ability to in- uickly of any moral measure pending, which prompt- man] to Congressmen and Senators from those already in favor of it. Our Bureau members me in i ate— include many men of great influence, judges, bankers, manu- mill owners, with many i minent. When many of these . to their representatives in Washington their words have great weight. REFORM BUREAU Bl illNXS 1 R CV . Dr. G ison, of Allegheny. Pa., -ays; "The Reform Bureau br Many - have g 1 inl f the things which tin ■nail ha- uid Executive which the Bureau has had a 'leading part. We n the eight moral m wn by I that h an apprec lawmakers, and af 1 men in and -nit i rry other measures rd with "The P* m u t0 tit as hard as possible to do a U easy as possible to do right. EIGHT LAWS PASSED BY CONGRESS THAT WERE INTRODUCED ON REFORM BUREAU'S REQUEST. These successful Bureau bills, and others Provided, That in such case the innocent partially successful were introduced and party only may remarry; but nothing here- championed by the following legislators: in contained shall prevent the remarriage Senators Lodge, Gallinger, Hansbrough, of the divorced parties to each other; and Teller, Hoar, Penrose, Wellington; Con- provided, that legal separation from gressmen F. H. Gillett, M. ... Johnson, bed and board may be granted for drunk- Grout, Bowersock, Littlefield, Ray, Landis, enness, cruelty, or desertion; and pro- Hepburn, Aldrich, Morse. vided, that marriage contracts may be I. Laws in Defense of the Family AND declared void in the following cases : Purity First. Where such marriage was con- _. , , ... ... i„ tracted while either of the parties thereto New Divorce Law for Washington. , , , ., ,..,•• had a iormer wile or husband living, un- The Wellington amendment to the Dis- less the f ormer mar riage had been law- trict of Columbia code, limiting absolute di- f u n y dissolved. vorce as does the New York code to one Second. Where such marriage was con- tuse, that which Christ allows. This tracted during the lunacy of either party, has set a high standard on the divorce ques- unless there has been voluntary cohabita- tion, up to which it is hoped to bring all tion after the lunacVj or was procui - ed by the State laws — New York alone now hold- f raud or coercion. ing up that standard. Third. Where either party was matri- So loose was the former District of mon ially incapacitated at the time of mar- Columbia law on this subject that Courts riage and has continued so. declared Washington had become "a Mecca Fourth. Where either of the parties had for divorces." The Bureau carefully pre not arrived at the age of kgal consent to pared this bill and requested Senator W el- the contract of marriage, unless there has lington to champion it in the Senate, where been voluntary cohabitation after coming it was first passed, and later it also passed to kgal age> but in such cases Qnly aJ . thc the House, where it had been first mtro- suit of the party nol capable of con sent- duced by Congressman Ray. Divorce law- j ncr> yers have made two attempts to have this sec. 967. Foregoing section not retro- law repealed, but Senator Wellington and active.— The provisions of this act shall the Bureaus representatives together were , . ... , . , , . , , , e , , „ not invalidate any marriage heretotore able in both cases to defeat these efforts. . . , ,. . _ . ... „. „ „. T . ~. solemnized according to law, or aftect the \\ ellington-Ray Divorce Law in District ..... , , . , ,. ,. .„,,.„,.,, v validity of any decree or judgment of di- of Columbia Code (Mar. 3, 1901) : , . , ,, o m, 1 1 r 1 • vorce heretorfore pronounced. Sec. 185. The clerk of the court in „. , , • , , ■ r „ ■ , ... ,. . ,. . „ , those who desire the law in full, with which any proceedings for divorce shall be r . , . . . , . . ,,„.,.,, ., , statements of judges, letters of bishops instituted shall immediately notify the , ., . . , ,. , _ T . , „ ..... , and other valuable divorce reform raa- United States attorney of the institution 01 .... ,. , r ,, . ,. , • , 11 . 1 . . terial, should apply to one of their own such proceedings, and it shall be the duty , c ^ , T f , , . Senators for Senate Document No. 305, of said attorney to enter his appearance . n „»„„:„„ . . , J ,,. , 57th Congress, 1st session, therein in order to prevent collusion ana . . ... to protect public morals. Breaking Up Divorce Colonies in the "Sec. 966. Causes for divorce a vinculo Tern ones. and for divorce a mensa ct thoro. A divorce The Reform Bureau also originated the from the bond of matrimony may be grant- Gillett divorce reform bill, which broke ed only where one of the parties has com- up the "divorce colonies" in the Territor- mitted adultery during the marriage: ies, especially in Oklahoma, by requiring 36 twelve months' bona fide residence before II TEMPERANCE Laws. one could secure a divorce. President Protecting Our Soldier Boys. Cleveland recognized the Bureau as the The Reform Bureau >' o ecured the author of the bill by sending the pen with introduction of the original Johnson- which he signed it, by the hand of Sec- Hansbrough Anti-Canteen Amendment, rctary Pruden, to the Bureau's hcadquar- U) remove from the camps of our Amer- Before the passage of this bill, people ican soldiers the temptation oi intoxi- from all over the country would go to eating liquors. Oklahoma, stay a few get a di- The Johnson-Hansbrogh Anti-Canteen :. marry again, and return to the home Amendment ( March 17, 1899) : "No towns. It had become a national scandal, officer or private soldier shall be detailed , t -n t r 1 1 • to sell intoxicating drinks, as a bartender but this bill abolished it. or othcrwisc> in any post exch ange or Cillett Divorce Act (May 25, 1806) : canteen, nor shall any other person be re- "N'o divorce shall be granted in any Ter- quired or allowed to sell such liquors in ritory unless the party applying for the di- any encampment or fort, or on any prem- vorce shall have resided continuously in ises used for military purposes by the :he Territory for one year next preced- United States." ing the application." This law %vas nu ;iined by an interpre- Protecting Young Girls. tation put on it by the then Attorney The Broderick act, which extended General which found no other legal en- the protection of girls from 16 to 21 by dorscment in or out of Congress except doubling the penalty in the District of from the liquor dealers' attorneys. It Columbia for the greatest wrong to wo- was never set aside by the courts. To man when done to a girl under twenty- avoid the delay and expense of getting it one years of age. judicially interpreted it was thought best 15 j • 1 c j *• a /\t m to recnact it in the form suggested !>v Broderick Seduction Act (Mar. 3> . ^ , 1899 ) : "If any person shall seduce and the Attorney General, which was accom- carnally know any female of previous plished under the combined leadership chaste character between the ages of six- f t j ie Anti-Saloon League, the Reform teen and twenty-one years, out of wed- Bureau . the W . C. T. U. and the Na- lock, in the District of Columbia, such , _ . . seduction and carnal knowledge shall be : ' onal Temperance Society. Anti-can- deemed a misdemeanor, and the offender, teen documents may be had of Gen. X. being convicted thereof, shall be punished \. Miles, Senator J. H. Gallinger, or of by imprisonment for a term not exceed- t j ic R c f orm Bureau, ing one year or fined not exceeding two hundred dollars, or may be punished by Protecting Pacific Islands Against Rum both such fine and imprisonment. Skc. and Opium. 2. That this Act shall not be construed as The Gillctt-Lodge bill, to prohibit the repealing or modifving any statute relat- .... , , , ing to rape." Weakened in the House. As sale " h ■ A fi"»™/ ,,v originally drawn and passed by the Sen- American traders in the islands of the ate (Apr- 22, 1896) was a bill to raise the Pacific ' civilized rnment. age of protection for girls to 18 in the Dis- This is the bill for which the famous trict of Columbia and the Territories, as „ p. T ■ n o»*«.« -~ • / n ..tr \. 11 it . missionarv. Jr. follows: If any person shall carnally know any female between the ages of 16 appealed to tl Presi- and 18 years, out of wedlock, in the Dis- reau trict of Columbia or in any Territory of t ] ic pcn w i t h which he signed the bill, a 't e ,, U ^! te ? Stat f S ' sl,c . h J c;irnal knowledge p .,., t shall be deemed a misdemeanor and the offender, being convicted thereof, shall he punished by imprisonment for a term not Gillett-Lodge Act (Feb. 15. 1002) : exceeding eleven months and twenty-nine "Any person subject to the authority of days, or fined not exceeding S200, or may the United States who shall frive. sell or be punished by both s'<<-h fine and im- otherwise supply, any arms, ammunition, prisonment. Sec 2, same as above.] explosive substance, intoxicating liquor, or opium to any aboriginal native in any oi International Temperance Treaty Favored the Pacific Islands lying within twenty by the Senate and President, degrees North latitude and forty degrees 2 . Lodge reso lution (drawn by Re- South latitude, and the 120th meridian of c tj \ £ . , longitude West and the 120th meridian of form Bureau )> first measure passed by longitude East of Greenwich, not being in United States Senate in 20th century (Jan. the possession or under the protection of 4. 1904) : any civilized power, shall be punishable by «T n the op i n ; on of this bo dy the time imprisonment not exceeding three months, with or without hard labor, or by a fine not exceeding fifty dollars or by both. And in addition to such punishment all articles of a similar nature to those in re- spect to which an offense has been com- mitted found in the possession of the of- fender, may be declared forfeited. Sec 2. If it shall appear to the Court that such opium, wine or spirits have been given bona fide for medical purposes it shall be lawful for the Court to dismiss has come when the principle, twice affirmed in international treaties for Central Africa, that native races should be protected against the destructive traffic in intoxi- cants, should be extended to all uncivilized peoples by the enactment of such laws and the making of such treaties as wlil effectually prohibit the sale by the signa- tory powers to aboriginal tribes and un- the charge. Sec 3. All offenses against civilized races of opium and intoxicating this act committed on any of said islands beverages." or on the waters, rocks or keys adjacent thereto shall be deemed committed on the high seas on board a merchant ship or vessel belonging to the United States, and the courts of the United States shall have j urisdiction accordingly." When Dr. Paton received a letter from the Bureau informing him of the passage of this bill he immediately wrote back two letters thanking the Bureau for securing its passage, in which, among other things, he said: "In tears of joyful gratitude I read your letter, and cordially thank you for all you have so devotedly done, with and by your Reform Bureau, and helpers to get the Gillet-Lodge bill passed, and now all friends of our mission will rejoice and praise the Lord for the evils likely to be prevented by it, and also the good and far felt moral influence for good sure to be felt by it. When put in force it will pre- vent many murders and much misery and crime among our from 40.000 to 60,000 savage cannibals yet in the New Hebri- des. A thousand thanks for all you? kind and able help ***** The dear Lord Jesus bless and prosper your Bureau more and more. I am. sorry I cannot meet all the expenses of your noble and so successful campaign for the good of man." ■ President Roosevelt, the coordinate branch with the Senate of the treaty- making power of the United States, en- dorsed this proposition in his first mes- sage to Congress, and the Secretary of State has asked the British Government to join with the United States in draw- ing up such a treaty to submit to the other great nations of the world. Such an international treaty, when se- cured, will do for all the uncivilized races of the world, what we have done for the New Hebrides Islands, and it will be of great advantage to every Christian missionary among those un- civilized races, as almost universally the missionaries report that liquors sent in among those peoples from Christian nations creates the most serious prob- lem with which they have to contend. (Senate Doc. 200, 57th Congress, is devoted to "Protection of Native Races," etc. May be had of any Sena- tor.) This treaty will save markets as well as men, for the British Government has found that when the rum trade is allowed among savages it "kills buyine; power, and presently the very buyers themselves," because of which discovery that government's policy for savages is prohibition. (See book on "Protection of Native Races Against Intoxicants 38 ami Opium.") Some day governments will see that as surely, if more slowly, the liquor traffic "kills buying power ami buyers" in civilized lands also. In a letter to the Superintendent of the Reform Bureau, January I, 1901, Ex-Pres- ident Harrison said: — "It does seem to me as if the Christian nations of the world ought to be able to make their contact with the weaker peo- ple- of the earth, beneficial and not de- structive, and 1 give to your efforts to se- cure helpful legislation my warmest sym- pathy." Legislation for Hawaii. Gillett Amendment to Hawaiian Act (passed House, Apr. 5, 1900) : "Nor shall saloons for the sale of intoxicating drinks be allowed." (Lost in conference.) (This amendment would no doubt have passed the Senate and so become a law- had not the Reform Bureau been so short of helpers that it could not be taken up till the bill had passed the Senate unamended. It was consequently killed in the conference committee.) Liquor Selling Prohibited in Immigrant Stations. The Bowersock Amendment to the immigration bill, suppressing the sale of intoxicating liquors in all the immigrant stations of the country (passed March 3, I003-): "^o intoxicating liquors shall be sold in such immigrant stations." As a r- suit of the agitation in the House over the Bureau's measure to suppress liquor selling in immigrant sta- tions came that other important law to suppress liquor selling in the CapiV>! building, drawn and introduced by Con- gressman Landis, of Indiana, to v.' belongs the chief credit, though the Re- •.ireau and W. C. T. U. had prepared the way by years of petitioning for the I IcCumber bill "to prohibit the sale of liquors in all government building III. Sabbath Defense Laws. Sunday Closing of the St. Louis Fair. Teller Sunday Clocincr Amendn (passed March 4, l'joi.) "As a condition precedent to the pay- ment of tin-, appropriation the directors shall contract to close the gates to visitors On Sundays during the whole duration of the Fair." KILLS FAVORABLY REPORTED. Anti-Prize Fight Bills. Aldrich-Hepburn Anti-Prize Fight Bill (reported in House, 54th, 55th Congress) : "No picture or description of any prize fight, or encounter of pugdists under whatever name, or any proposal or record of betting on the same, shall be trans- mitted in the mails of the United States or by interstate commerce, whether in a newspaper or other periodical or tele- gram, or in any other form. Sec 2. Any person sending such matter, or knowing- ly receiving such matter for transmis- sion by mail or interstate commerce, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be punishable by imprisonment for not more than five years, at the discretion of the court or by a fine not exceeding one thousand dollars-" Hoar Bill to prohibit Kinetoscope Re- productions of Prize Fights (favorably reported in Senate. 55th Congress): "It shall be unlawful for any person or per- sons or corporation to exhibit in the Dis- trict of Columbia or the Territories, by means of the biograph, vitascope, kineto- scope, or any kindred device or machine, any picture of such a pugilistic encounter or fight as is forbidden by the Act of Congress entitled "An Act to prohibit prize fighting," approved Feb. 7. i8q6. Sec 2. That it shall be unlawful to send by mail or to send in any manner from any State. Territory or the District of Columbia to any other State, or Terri- tory, or the District of Columbia, or to bring into this country from any foreign country any picture or pictures or other materials to be used in such exhi- bitions as are described in the pri-cedinf section, or knowingly to receive such materials from the mails or from anr common carrier engaged in interstate commerce. [Penalty fine of $500 t« $1000-] The Gillett Anti-gar ill and the Allen Sunday bill hav< hie rep< • • i s 1 a t OTHER RK. The Bureau has ire the • of many reform bills drawn up ' rs. Eight other measures drawn by the Bureau have been favorably reported, Ex- ecutive endorsement has been given to two of our measures in advance of enactment : once in McKinley's administration— Gillet- Lodge act : once in Roosevelt's adminis- tration — the world treaty to protect unciv- ilized races. It Prevents Bad Legislation. The Reform Bureau has also prevent- ed much bad legislation. For example it secured the defeat of the Bartlett- Cameron bill to license race gambling in the District of Columbia; the defeat of two attempts to repeal the divorce law of the District; also an attempt to grant an- opium monopoly in the Phil- ippines, against which the Evangelical Union of missionaries in Manila, when the monopoly bill had been approved by the Philippine government and the War Department, appealed to the Reforni Bureau in a hundred dollar cablegram, asking that the people should be quickly aroused to veto the opium bill through the President, which was accomplished by a telegraphic vote in half a week's time. PENDING BILLS APPROVED BY BUREAU. (When not otherwise stated bills were administrative laws by providing a pen- introduced at request of the Reform Bu- alty. All who concur in the statements reau. As bills are enacted they will be of two House reports that the United marked with a blue pencil.) States Government should not in any I. Bills in Restraint of Intoxicants sense be connected with the liquor traffic, and Opium. should support this bill. Appeals for it To Prohibit Liquor Selling in All Gov are the best defense of past anti-canteen ernment Buildings. legislation, of which this is the consistent McCumber-Sperry Bill (S. 2352, H. completion. R. 7034) : lawful to "Hereafter it shall be un- sell intoxicating liquors in Interstate Liquor Bill. Next in logical order should come the any building owned or used by the two "States' rights" bills, to protect State United States Government or in the liquor laws of all kinds against outside grounds appertaining to the same. Sec. 2. That any violation of this Act shall be deemed a misdemeanor, and shall be pun- ished by a fine not exceeding five hundred dollars." nullifiers acting under federal powers of "interstate commerce" and "internal rev- enue." The Hepburn-Dolliver Bill H. R. 4072, S. 1390, (originated by the Iowa Anti- (The argument for this bill may be Saloon League, improved by the National found in Senate Doc. 379, 57th Congress, Anti- Saloon League, with proposed amend- ist Session. May be had of any Senator.) ments of the Reform Bureau in italics.) This is the next logical step in the line "All fermented, distilled, or other in- of temperance legislation which Congress toxicating liquors or liquids transported has been following for three Congresses into any State or Territory for delivery- past, all directed toward the banishment therein, or remaining therein for consump- of liquor selling from government build- tion, sale or storage therein, shall, upon ings. Congress having done this for the arrival within the boundary of such State buildings of Army and Navy and immi- or Territory, before and after delivery, be grant stations, and the National Capi- subject to the operation and effect of the tol, this bill would complete the movement laws of such State or Territory enacted in by banishing it from the old soldiers' the exercise of its police powers to the "homes and whatever other government same extent and in the same manner as buildings still harbor the traffic, while at though such liquids or liquors had been the same time strengthening the previous produced in such State or Territory, and 40 shall not be exempt therefrom by reason d therein in original Six - . 2. That all es, and persons en- mmerce shall, as to ill shipment or shipments or •' fermented, distilled, or liquors or liquids, be and police regulations reference to such liquors or liquids, shipment or the transportation ther ' the State or Territory in which the place of destination is situated, and the ' - ■•■•■ n and uch laics and regulations by reason of --uch liquors or liquids being in- troduced therein in original packages or otherwise: but nothing in this act shall be ed to authorize a State or Terri- l • to control or in any wise interfere the transportation of liquors intended for ipment entirely through such State rritory and not intended for delivery therein, and actually passing entirely said State or Territory to a desig- ' beyond.' to the interpretation of our interestate commerce law by the ed States Supreme Court, liquor dealers in one State can ship liquor in the "original packages" into no license or prohibition territory in another State, and such liquor does not become subject to the law of the State into which it is shipped until after it is delivered to the nee; which means that it cannot be by the local officers unti' - delivered by the ex: pany to the person to v. This construction of the to nullify the prohibitory and no-! ites. Hence the •' this bill to subject liquor shipped into any State from without in "original pai to the aut! :' the State so soon ; v 5e s the State line. German-Americans and the Hepburn Bill. • hearing on this bill on Janu- ary 20. 1904. all the opposition was made in the name of German-Americans, of whom thousands have been Lively marshalled by the brev defend their isy" trade. Many of these op- posers arc law-abiding men who do not know that it is anarchy and not liberty which they have been called to defend. All American citizens of German birth or de- scent, and churches and other bodies made up largely of such citizens, were invited immediately after this hearing, in anticipa- tion of another hearing dangerously post- poned to March 2, to say by letters and petitions sent to the Reform Bui whether all German-Americans, or even a majority of them, could fairly be qu as opposed to a law that does not pre- vent any one from buying liquors wherever they are legally sold, in his State or out ot it, but only prevents liquor dealers out- side of a State from invading it to sell "original packages" of liquors to "speak- easies" by the aid of the "interstate com- merce" powers of Congress. By compar- ing this law with a sample of State laws following, it will be seen that the Hep- burn bill d' prevent buying liquors for private use. The Reform Bureau is co-operating with the Anti-Saloon League, W. C. T. I*, and the National Temperance Society in press- ing this important measure to enactment. Besides mini indicate articles in the and platform the Bureau has sent out more than hi merits and petition blanks in pi :i of this bill. The arguments for this bill will doubt' . lished early in March. any Cong: To Stop the Issuing of Feder.-d Liquor Tax Receipts in No-License Territory. 1 Humphn eel by . M. C. ( n in itali •: small Chapter t 1 of t ': amended in section three thousand two hundred and forty so as to read : Sec. 3240. Each collector of internal revenue shall, under regulations of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, place and keep conspicuously in his office, for public inspection, an alphabetical list of the names of all persons who shall have paid, and upon application of any person he shall furnish a certified copy of the list of persons who have paid such taxes, or a copy of the tax receipt or receipts issued to any person, company, or corporation, as of a public record, for which a fee of one dol- lar for each hundred words or fraction thereof in the copy or copies so requested may be charged, but this shall not pre- vent ANY PERSON FROM MAKING A COPY FOR HIMSELF, AS HERETOFORE, WITHOUT PAY- MENT OF ANY FEE." In view of recent orders of the Treasury Department putting obstacles in the way of using these liquor tax receipts as evi- dence, a law providing that any citizen may buy a certified copy of such tax receipt, which is a public document, is urgently needed at once, and the Bureau's corre- spondence shows that public sentiment is fast ripening to further revolt against the collection of revenue for a Christian gov- ernment from "blind tigers" and brothels. The Gallinger Bill S, 1526, introduced by request of the National Temperance Society, aims to prevent this. State Law also Needed for Protection of No License. The full protection of no license towns will require not only the Hepburn and Humphreys bills above, but also such State legislation as the Bowman law of West Virginia, which is as follows : Sec. 1. Any agent or employee of any person, firm, or corporation carrying on the business of a common carrier, or any other person, who, without a State license for dealing in intoxicating liquors, shall en- gage in the traffic or sale of such liquors, or be interested for profit in the sale there- of, or act as the agent or employee of the consignor or consignee of the same, or who shall solicit or receive any order for the sale of any intoxicating liquors or de- liver to any person, firm, or corporation any package containing such intoxicating liquors, shipped "Collect on Delivery" or otherwise, except to a person having a State license to sell the same or to the bona fide consignee thereof, who has in good faith ordered the same for his presonal use, shall be deemed to have made a sale there- of, contrary to law, and to be guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction thereof shall be fined not less than ten nor more than one hundred dollars, and may at the discretion of the court be imprisoned in the county jail not exceeding six months. Sec. 2. If any person shall make affi- davit before any justice of the peace that he has cause to believe and does believe any spirituous liquors, wine, porter, ale, beer, or drink of like nature are being held, sold or delivered in violation of the pro- visions of this act, such justice shall issue his warrant as provided in section twenty- three of chapter thirty-two of the code, and like proceedings shall thereupon be had as provided therein. (Send to Bureau for improved State law to same end.) Proposed Prohibition for the "Indian Country" in Alaska. Amendment to be proposed to S 3340, to prevent the licensing of saloons in Alaska except where white people constitute the majority of the population. (New ligisla- tion in italics.) Add to bill as Sec. 4, the following: "Sec. 4. That section four hundred and sixty-four, chapter fifty-four of said Act, approved March third, eighteen hundred and ninety-nine, be, and hereby is, amended to read as follows: "Sec. 464. That be- fore any license is granted, as provided in this Act in relation to intoxicating liquors, it shall be shown to the satisfaction of said court that a majority of the population liv- ing within tzvo miles of the place for which a license is asked are white people, and that a majority of the white male and fe- male residents over the age of eighteen years residing within the two mile limit 42 have in good faith consented to the issue that more than half the business estab- of said license for the manufacture, bar- lishments of the country require in eer- ier, sale, or exchange, or the barter, sale tain occupations and under certain circum- and exchange of intoxicating liquor, stances that the employees shall not use and the burden shall be upon the applicant intoxicating liquors, the civi! service law or applicants to show to the satisfaction of and rules and examination papers should all be readjusted so as to provide as sober men to run the Government as are re- quired to run a freight train. National Prohibition of Interstate Com- merce in Liquort. Beyond these temperance measures the Bureau's Legislative Committee respect- fully points Congress and the people to the said court that such a majority has con- sented thereto, and no license shall be granted in the absence of said evidence : provided, that when it is made to appear that said majority has consented to the manufacture, barter, sale, or exchange, or the barter, sale and exchange of intoxicat- ing liquor no further proof of such con- sent shall be required for twelve months opportunity opened by the Supreme Court thereafter." decision in 1903 that the power of Con- This amendment has been approved by gress to control interstate commerce in- the Alaska sub-committee of the Com- mittees on Territories, namely, Senators Nelson, Dillingham, Burnham and Patter- con. National Inquiry Liquor Commission:. National Temperance Society's Gallinger Liquor Inquiry Commission Bill (S. 32 — Reform Bureau amendment in italics : "There shall be appointed by the Pres- ident by and with the consent of the Sen- ate, a Commission of Inquiry, of five or more competent persons, whose duty it shall be, first, to inquire and take testi- mony as to the results of the traffic in alcoholic liquors and opium in connection with crime, pauperism, the public health, the moral, social, and intellectual well- being of the people; second, concerning license and prohibitory legislation in the several States of the Union; and, third, t mxnend what additional leg y, would be beneficial on the part of '^ress to suppress in the sphere of ..! authority the traffic in alcoh as beverages and to limit : pium, as in Japan, to prescripts ■■ C'v'l Service Suggestion. eludes the power wholly to prohibit inter- state commerce in any harmful thing, such as lottery tickets, which logically invites the election of a Congress on the issue that selling liquor is as bad as selling lottery tickets. That being done, national pro- hibition of interstate commerce in liquors can be decreed, and the national power of the liquor traffic reduced as was that of the lottery, so that a distillery or brewery would rob only the people of the State which tolerated it. Bill to Prohibit Opium in the Entir* Jurisdiction of Congresi. (This is an attempt to adopt Japan's successful policy of prohibiting opium ex- cept for medical prescriptions and to do it by national law. The bill enters an un- tried field and the criticism of lawyers and 1 d. ) This hill was I with tli'- aid of Mrs. Mary II. W. C. T. U. Sup( ent of S . perance Instrui II. R > to pro- hibit the im: n, manufacture and the juri-d I the rrunent ext ndents appointed by the :it. The Bureau suggests to the people and to Congress th much as a Govern- America i, That ment Report ngress (Limed .• „,. ' - . . or 11 :nt<> any place in or States Bureau of Labor. Economic As- . United pects ci the Liquor Question") has shown by three Opium Supcrint' who shall be appointed by the President of the United States, with the concurrence of the Senate. Said Superintendent shall give adequate bonds and shall sell said opium only to reliable and trustworthy manufacturers and wholesale dealers. All sales by Opium Superintendents shall be without profit to said Superintendents. Said manufacturers and wholesale dealers shall contract under sufficient bonds, to be determined by the Opium Superintendents, that they will sell opium only to druggists of repute who have contracted under suffi- cient bonds, to be determined also by the Opium Superintendents, to use opium only to fill medical prescriptions of local physi- cians in good and regular standing, and only once on each prescription, except as the prescription orders otherwise, — in no case shall there be more than five sales under one prescription — and will keep such prescriptions on file for ten years, including record of each time pre- scription is refilled, subject to inspection at any time by any of said Superintendents or their representatives, or by any public officials. National, State or local. And all bonds shall be deposited with the Secretary of the Treasury as security for compliance with this act. Sec. 2. That all proprietary medicines and other articles in which opium is a con- stituent, imported into or manufactured in any place in or subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, shall specify on the bottle, package, box. or other wrapper the amount of opium therein contained. Sec. 3. That proprietary medicines and other articles containing opium in their composition can be imported and sold only by express permission of one or more of said Opium Superintendents, and under the same conditions that govern the im- portation and sale of crude or prepared opium, as set forth in section one of this act. Said articles and opium in crude and prepared forms shall not be shipped from one State or Territory, or the Dis- trict of Columbia, or other place subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, to any the jurisdiction of the United States, to any other State or Territory or the District of Columbia, or any other place subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, or from any place subject to the jurisdiction of the United States to any foreign coun- try, directly or indirectly, except by ex- press permission of one or more of said Opium Superintendents, indicated by a stamp. Sec. 4. One of the Superintendents shall have his office in or near the New York custom-house, whose force and all custom officers are hereby directed to cooperate in regulating the importation of and exporta- tion of opium as herein provided. A sec- ond Opium Superintendent shall have like relation to the custom-house at San Fran- cisco, and a third to the custom house at Manila. These officers may be changed about or dismissed by order of the Presi- dent. Deputy Opium Superintendents may be appointed for the Sandwich Islands and Porto Rico. Sec. 5. The salary of each Superintend- ent shall be three thousand dollars and the Secretary of the Treasury shall make such allowances for salaries of their assistants and other expenses necessary to the en- forcement of this act as he may deem necessary. Sec. 6. The penalty for violation of the provisions of this act shall be a fine of not less than one hundred nor more than one thousand dollars, with forfeiture of bond when any is provided, or imprisonment for not more than five years, or both such fine and imprisonment. Sec. 7. This act shall take effect three months after its passage. (Pending the passage of this bill the President is asked to see to it that in the Philippines we do not fall below Japan in prohibition of opium.) II.— Bills in Defense oe the American Civil Sabbath. To Close Lewis and Clarke Portland Ex- position of 1905 on Sunday. Hawley Amendment : S. 276, appropriat- ing money for the Lewis and Clarke Ex- position, be and hereby is. amended in Sec- tion 25 so as to read : "Sec. 25. — As a con- dition precedent to the payment of any and all appropriations made in this Act, the corporation in charge of the Expositon shall contract with the Secretary of the Treasury to keep the gates closed on Sun- days during the entire period of the exhi- bition." (Passed Senate Feb. 8; pend- ing in House.) This law would simply put on the Lewis and Clarke Exposition the same necessity of protecting our national civil Sabbath as a condition of a national appropriation as was in the last Congress put on the St. Louis Fair. To Prohibit Sunday Banking in Post Offices. Penrose-Sibley Bill ($. 35i8, H. R. 1 1433) : "The issuing and paying of money 44 orders, and the registering of letters, and delivery of registered mail on Sundays is by prohibited in the mail service of the United States." (This law might well be extended, if possible, to Stop increasing day work in Government Departments at Washington, i illy in the Printing :e, and also the use of United States iers for parades at catch-penny Sun- day picnics.) Sabbath Law for District of Columbia. Allen-Dillingham Bill (twice approved by Commissioners of the District of Col- umbia; : "It shall not be lawful for any person to keep open any place of business or maintain a stand for the sale of any article or articles of profit during Sun- day, excepting vendors of books or news- papers, and apothecaries for the dispens- ing of medicines, and undertakers for the purpose of providing for the dead, or others for the purposes of charity or ne- cessity ; nor shall any public playing of football or baseball, or any other kind of playing, sports, pastimes, or diversions, disturbing the peace and quiet of the day, be practiced by any person or persons within the District of Columbia on Sun- day ; nor shall any building operations or work upon railroad construction be lawful upon said day ; and for any violation of this Act the person offending shall, for each offense, be liable to a fine of not less than rive dollars nor more than fifty dol- lars, and in the case of corporations there shall be a like fine for every person em- ployed in violation of this Act laid upon the corporation offending. Sec. 2. It shall be a sufficient defense to a prosecu- tion for labor on the first day of the week that the defendant uniformly keeps an- other day of the week as a day of rest and that the labor complained of was done in such a manner as not to interrupt or disturb other persons in observing the first day of the week as a day of rest. This Act shall not be construed to pre- vct.t the sale of refreshments other than malt or spirituous liquors, or to prevent the sale of malt and spirituous liquors as now provided for by law. or tobacco, cigars, railroad and steamboat tickets, or the collection and delivery of baggage- the National Capital had a city ncil it enacted a law- labor and traffic, but it was afterv I nd that the ma] r f rgot to sign it. Efforts have be .. in vain since 1889 to get Congress to correct the clerical ;rror restore the law, which was in sub- stance as above. If the American people would ask for their Capital as good a law as is common elsewhere in the country, it would be speedily provided. III. Bills in Restraint of Obscenity and Gambling. Hepburn-Elkins bill,, II. R. 9493, S. 3431, to prevent the importation and ex- portation of obscene matter by amending Act of Feb. 8, 1897. (The purport of the amendment is fully shown by the title. It has been unanimously reported by House Interstate Commerce Committee, and by Senate sub-committee.) Penrose-Atchison Bill S..H. R. 72.315: "Section thirty-eight hundred and ninety- three of the Revised States be, and the same is hereby, amended by adding 'And when any issue of any periodical has been declared nonmailable by the Post-Office Department, the periodical may be ex- cluded from second-class mail privileges at the discretion of the Postmaster Gener Penrose bills S. 2514, 2747, to amend anti-lottery acts for more explicit ex- clusion of turf investment companies, guessing contests and other disguised gambling from mails and from inter- state commerce. (The four last named bills have been approved by law officers of the Post- office Department, and the last two ex- plicitly in the Postmaster General's re- port. The other two were prepared since the report was issued.) .ri-Poi. xt. We ask, and 1 all good citizens to ask the S which 1 d to in? gate not only Senator S Ut all p cal .-: Mormonism, to ini whether Utah has not forfeit hood by failure to keep its contract hers to petitii n, that of C« will r< I any more Territories to statehood until an anti-polygamy the National Constitut r which we 4; also petition, lias been enacted. If this interstate cigarette law, like the Hep- amendment can not be secured through burn bill, except that it will apply to Congress, we favor a constitutional con- cigarettes instead of liquors, giving vention by mandate of State legisla- States full power to deal with the cigar- tures. ette* evil undisturbed by outside nulli- (The Bureau will send a booklet on fiers; also for a law forbidding the sale "The Political Aspects of Mormonism," of cigarettes to minors in the District by Dr. Josiah Strong to any one who of Columbia and the Territories, applies with stamp, also a discussion of The Bureau will also cooperate with race gambling— see below— condensed other societies in getting the following from a Senate document on the same or a similar curfew ordinance enacted condition.) lor the District of Columbia and in as . _ ,. _.,, many cities and towns as possible and Gillett Anti-Gambling Bill. ... ' . , - „ , * .. t will furnish leaflets giving testimony of Gillett Anti-Gambling Bill (favorably mayors and others to the effectiveness reported in House, 55th Congress) : "Any of curfew ordinances wherever fairly person who, with intent to execute, con- . . . „ , , duct, promote, or carry on in any manner tried in reducing vice, to all who apply whatever any lottery, pool selling, book- with stamp. The following ordinance, making, or gambling on horse races, or prepared by the Board of Children's who with intent to aid, assist, or abet Guardians for the District of Columbia. in the executing, conducting, promoting, or carrying on of any such lottery, pool amended by the Reform Bureau, which selling, bookmaking, or gambling, shall Congress is asked to pass, we regard deposit with, send, or transmit by any as a model ordinance in nearly all par- telegraph company or telephone company t i cu i arS; an d every city and town in the 7iS£?&'SaSL?A5 U" M su*. sh -' d ™"« «* * *- tory, or from or into the District of Col- lice regulation, which local governments umbia, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, have the undoubted power to do, to pre- and shall be punished for the first offense vent j uveni i e crime and vice> so largely due by imprisonment of not more than two . , years or by a fine of not more than one to street roving at night. thousand dollars, or both, and for the The school bell and the curfew bell second and each after offense punished by les t on the same rights and reasons, such imprisonment only. Sec 2. No both aiming to protect at once the child and common carrier or corporation, or em- , ployee thereof, shall receive for trans- the community. mission, or transmit, or send from one a Bill for the Protection of Youth in State or Territory into another State or the District of Columbia by the Cur- Territory, or from or into the District f ew , and otherwise. of Columbia, any dispatch or message prohibited by section one of this Act; Bill: "It shall be unlawful for and every person who shall willfully vio- parent, guardian, or other person, late anv of the provisions of this section , tl , , , , shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, or persons having the legal custody of and shall be liable to the same penalty as any child or children under fifteen years provided in said section one." of age , to allow such child or children, Commercial interests have secured the while in such legal custody, to go, or be addition of new matter in a new bill in, or upon any of the streets, alleys or (H. R. 7871) which would apply in re- other public places in the District of Co- straint of bucket-shop gambling also, lumbia at night after the hour of nine and the chances of enacting above o'clock P. M. from April 1st to Septem- provisions have thus been materially ber 30th, both inclusive, of each year; improved.) or after the hour of eight o'clock Laws for Protection of Youth. P. M. from October 1st to March The Reform Bureau will work for an 31st, both inclusive, unless such minor 46 person be accompanied by a parent, shall be had and taken as prescribed by adult guardian, or other person having law in such case-. the legal custody of such minor person, Sec. 4. — Each member of the Police De- is in the performance of an errand partment while on duty, is hereby given of duty or necessity, having written authority to arrest without warrant any authority therefor signed by such par- person or persons violating the provi- ent, guardian or other person, or per- sions of section 2 of this Act. But any sons having the care and custody of officer, while on duty, may in his discre- such minor person. Any person, or tion warn and send, or take home any persons violating the provisions of this minor person who is not an habitual vio- section shall be fined not more than fif- lator of the aforesaid section 2. In such teen dollars, and in default of payment cases - noticc in writing shall be given to thereof, imprisoned for not more than the parent, guardian, or other person or thirty days. persons having the charge of such minor Src. 2. — It shall be unlawful for any e _, _ . . . . _ , eri oEC. 5. — the Commissioners of the Dis- person or persons under fifteen years . . . - „ . ,. , .. c . . tnct of Columbia shall cause the curlew of age to go, or be in, or upon . .._ . . . . ,.,,-, b c , „ .. ' hour to be marked each night fifteen min- any of the streets or alleys, or other pub- utes before the time specincd in Section 1 he places in the District of Columbia, f this Act by rining of such bc , ]s through . within the time prohibited in Section 1, Q ut the District of Columbia, for the per- except as therein provided; but this Act iod f one m i nute , as may be neceS sarv as shall not deprive any such minor person, a warning, and after said specified hour all or persons of the right to go, or be in, or suc h m ; nor persons must be in their he upon the street, or alley, in front and ad- or off the streets, alleys, or other public joining the building wherein the parent, places as hereinbefore provided, guardian, or other person or persons hav- Sec. 6.— It shall be unlawful in the ing legal custody of such minor person re- District of Columbia for any manager side, until the hour of ten o'clock P. M. or other person or persons in charge of a from April 1st to September 30th, both in- theatre or other place of amusement where elusive, of each year. Any such minor regular stated performances are given, to n violating the provisions of this sec- admit to such theatre or other place ot tion shall be punished as hereinafter pro- amusement any minor person under the V1 " ec *- age of sixteen years, unless accompanied :. 3.— Upon the conviction of any by parent, guardian, or other person hav- such minor person for the violation of ing legal custody of such mitt Section 1 of this Act, said person shall be son. Any person violating the provisions fined not more than ten dollars, but may of this Section shall, upon conviction, be paroled at the discretion of the Court, fined for each offense not less than ten. under the care of the Chief Probation n re than twenty-five dollars, or in Officer; Provided, however, that when the default of payment, bc imprisoned not ex- guardian, or other person or per- ceeding thir'y days for each offense, sons having local custody of such Sec. 7 hall 1 ful in the minor child refuse to become re- District of Columbia, for any person un- sponsible for said minor person for viola- der the 1 . sell n< tions of the provisions of this Act. proper papers in the str< vith- investigation shall 1 : into the ai ut a license. Said lie. -ued and the conditions and circumstance f nnually by the V>< cation at a such minor person, and if it shall appear c I :' five cent- each, to such minor per- that such minor person is an habitual va- son- larly atten' '. and upon grant, or is incorrigible, suitable action recommendation, in each en- I -ch- er of the grade that the pupil attends. Any The Reform Bureau will endeavor by person violating the provisions of this sec- appeals to the Librarian of Congress, and tion shall be punished according to the law if necessary, by asking legislation of Con- for ordinary misdemeanor. gress, and the Executive Departments, to Sec. S. — It shall be unlawful in the check the great increase of needless Sun- District of Columbia for any em- day work done by Government clerks and ployer or employers of messengers, deliv- other Government employees in Washing- ery boys, special messengers, or any other ton, especially in the Government Printing person to send any person under the age Office. of sixteen years, or cause, or allow such The Reform Bureau favors proposed person to be sent to any disreputable place British-American Treaty of Arbitration on any duty whatsoever. Any person or and "Stated International Congress" and persons violating the provisions of this refers enquiries to the American Peace section, shall, upon conviction, be fined for Society, Boston, for particulars, each offense not less than twenty-five, nor We oppose the proposed change in defi- more than fifty dollars, and in default of nition of second class mail by which payment, be imprisoned not exceeding monthlies and quarterlies, which are, as a thirty days for each offense. rule, the most educational of periodicals, S EC _ 9. — This Act shall go into force are discriminated against in favor of more thirty days from date of its passage. ephemeral daily and weekly papers. reform of child labor. We favor bill to give author's manu- This Bureau will also work for better scripts third class mail rates, child labor laws in the various States, es- We favor the post check system for pecially in Pennsylvania, where the condi- sending small sums of money by mail as tion is worst. First of all better enforce- also favorable to the circulation of good ment of existing laws is needed. The aim literature. (H. R. 4842, 5808.) should be to exclude (1) all under 16; In the name of beauty, as well as duty, (2) not alone from factories and mines of art as well as morals, we shall ask leg- but from all gainful occupations (3) al- islation, national, state, and local, to abate together at night (4) altogether during the nuisance of public signs and billboards regular school hours, especially in the case that mar the landscape and invite to lust of illiterates (5) limiting such child labor and drink. even in vacations under favorable condi- TRE SACRED RIGHT OF PETITION, tions to 48 hours per week, as in Illinois law (6) with no exceptions for Decern- The oft-repeated declaration that "peti- ber when Christmas shopping brings a tions are of no account" because they are new slaughter of the innocents by night sometimes signed carelessly, can have no work of cash girls and delivery boys and weight except with persons of very short others memories, who have forgotten, for exam- Send for copies of best child labor laws pie, that even the petitions of unenfranchis- to National Consumer's League, 105 E. ed women were unquestionably the decisive 22nd St., N. Y. Ask especially for late re- element in the rejection of polygamist port of Mass. Commission, of which Hon. Roberts by the House of Representatives. Carroll D. Wright was Chairman and for Personal letters are more effective, and other up-to-date documents and reports, telegrams and personal interviews are most Miscellaneous Measures. influential of all, but petitions are the The Reform Bureau joins with many only available "referendum" by which good citizens of Indian Territory in asking the general public can vote for or Congress that if statehood is to be given against pending non-partisan measures, to it separately or with Oklahoma, the and when they are sufficiently numerous present prohibitory law be continued. to indicate the general demand, are usually 48 granted. ngely the scliools of the Republic seldom teach its future citi how to do their part in legislation. Every school graduate knows how to addi y letter or a love letter, but they are nut taught how to petition or even hu\v to address public officials, and so days of time are wasted at Washington in making over petitions, even those from college graduate-. In order to correct this we present here a petition pattern, and urge that teachers in schools and colleges make it the basis for a blackboard lesson in practical civics. Petition should be: (i) as short as pos- sible, (2) duplicated for two houses of Congress, or Legislature, (3) devoted to only one measure, (4) neatly and carefully prepared, (5) sent not to any society but directly to one's Congressman and one of his Senators, except that peti- tions from national or interstate bodies or the Philippines or Alaska or the District of Columbia should go to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House, accompanied and followed up by brief, courteous letters from influential men. STATE LEGISLATION. The Bureau's legislative work is not con- fined to Washington but includes State legislatures — for example, it was instru- mental in defeating an effort in 1903 to legalize race gambling in Pennsylvania. The Bureau has also secured legislative reforms in Canada and the cooperation of; govern- ments in Europe. Africa, and Asia in the crusade, now led by the United States, winch Presidents McKinley and Roosevelt and both Houses of Congress have offi- cia-lly aided, to protect the uncivilized races of the world against intoxicants and opi- um. The Bureau has accompli -lied some Its in every continent. America, Eu- rope, Africa. Asia, Oceanica, towards izing its motto, "To make a 'better world' here and now." LOCAL REFORM WORK OF THE BUREAU. The Reform Bureau's lecturers of the places where they have held meet- ings have persuaded the city attorney to publish the unenforced laws ag; scenity on a card, with tying the law and adding needed "ju- dicial definitions" and that the law is published for the information of those who have violated it "unwittingly." Thus re-enforced the passing reformer ac- complishes even in a day or two some moral street cleaning, with no arrest but the "arrest of thought," through a quiet exhibition of the law to newsdealers, bill posters, tobacconists mutoscopc managers. and theatre proprietors. Several foul and brutal plays have been kept out of theatres by the Bureau's efforts. Gambling slot machines are often driven out also, and the crying of Sunday papers stopped, and even the Sunday opening of saloons is sup- pressed in some cases. Best of all, a Curfew ordinance, most fundamental of all municipal reforms, is often secured. Twenty-one presidents of great railway systems have in writing stated that certain foul periodicals and novels have been or- dered out of all trains and depot news- stands at the Bureau's suggestion. Millions of petitions and practical re- form documents have been sent to reform leaders and workers everywhere, reaching every city, village and borough of the United States, and every foreign land. THE REFORM BUREAU'S COOPER- ATION WELCOMED BY CON- GRESS. The Bureau has often been thanked by tors and Congressmen, and other offi- . for the help it has been to them in gathering data concerning important moral re at the service of all — and in carrying bills to enactment. I '-•ah A. Morse wr< te : "I have conversant with the work done in and among its members by Rev. Wilbur I' ("rifts. Superintendent of the :i of Reform. I think it I vlingly valuable to the friends of reform t<> have such a man at the i Capital on guard and on watch, and to confer with and advise the mem- 40 Uje tlit same form to ask by vote O p B p. B* rt c p P en r* ►— rt ^ to B 53- rt Pi P CO to (3 rf- B* O . >-l N ro p. to o b* n o B a a> o B O < cr P cr o fD P CO ro B P. o •-I CO a> p. cr < o if n> a* to B rt n> B orcj o co t-t- p <-*■ rt o b B CO B C »t B CO B* o Eh a> P. co" JO O B P. d> B p B P. P P CO B O ►1 P* rt P rD* B O B* rt S a a. a> ~t to *** crq B (T> P* B* re -t en O B CO 13 P B Crq i-n rt a> O* fD •t P o B O B >t B* O B O •1 P cr a* o a. p CO CO p D* n> ►a B ro — B o fD B CO rt rt> H B P if O ►1 3 rt <3 B rt CO B B 0) or otherwise for any legislation desired. P 5" ° B C gi P- - n B* fD fD >-l CO CO a o co W o W CO W > -J i— ( < m w o p fD o O o a orq ■i fD CO CO B p B O c P to O c B* CO »— » b re > Di 13 (a ia m o ►i P a. a* o o P i — » O I-* a> en 3 & c: p W B p c n 7) B o n m m P B* fD B B P. p a r* CO fft QTp to B ** fD P. P CO P B B* O -t N i a o ^ o B 8 O ! h3 B' fD P a* o <3 fD fD B P* O •-I CO fD P. cr < o fD cr P B fD fD rf B O CO r-r P fD O O B fD CO B OQ B 3 ►— • o fD B> fD P. e « JO O B P. fD B p B a. 13 m •-i CO o B CO 13 P a fD Cu fD •-1 p p p CO n fD B CO fD «-► O B CO »-3 B* fD B B P. fD ►-t CO crq B fD P. B* a *-\ rt cr 13 rt O B O B H B* O B O ►i P cr ~, » cr o p. p CO CO p ►a B o cr P. ^ fD if P O rt CO fD i— •• rt B O SS B fD "t B P fD -J PJ CO CO » M O p i f» o •-n CO rt B P r* O So U. S. SENATE. Petition from of ... State of. for the passage of a bill to require internal revenue officers to furnish certified lists, on demand, of per- sons paying federal tax as liquor a dealers in no license towns. m a o — • u 03 — at *■> 3 u Please refer Judiciary. to Committee on Senator Please present and promote this petition. U. S. MOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Petition from ot State of- for the passage of a bill to require internal revenue officers to furnish certified lists, on demand, of per- sons paying federal tax as liquor dealers in no license towns. Please refer to Committee on the Alcoholic Liquor Traffic. Congressman Please present and promote this petition. 5i bers in regard to such matters, which are Christian reforms on which churches and frequently coming before Congress; other- Christian men and women as individuals wise vicious legislation is liable to be im- unite, notwithstanding their theological posed upon the country before the country differences, knows it. I hope he will be maintained N0 T A GOVERNMENT BUREAU. in his work here at Washington." This sentiment was endorsed by Congressmen Nelson Dingley, F. H. Gillet, and other Congressmen and Senators. Some suppose the Reform Bureau is one of the official Bureaus of the Govern- ment, but it is rather a purely voluntary society supported wholly by voluntary con- GENERAL JOHN Eaton's TESTIMONY. tributions of members, who in turn re- "You do well to put in form the definite ceive information of reform movements statement of results. Your works should and of the Bureau's work and plans be your justification. All may not agree through its organ, the "20th Century with you on all points, but none can find Quarterly," and through numerous docu- fault with your work on all points. Con- ments and books. Its educational work in gress should be thankful for a force of civics is hardly second to its legislative this kind to help in the best matters." work. A full illustrated history of the bishop Alexander mackay-smith. Bureau has been prepared by its Directors "The Reform Bureau is one of those in- and will be sent free to those who re- stitutions absolutely necessary in Wash- quest it. ington to get Congress to do things which A "Christian Lobby" With "Publicity" in must be done, but which has no one else to Its Plan. put them in motion. I do not believe that The Internat ional Reform Bureau has any other society for aiding decent things made this fuI1 discIosure of its plans and gets such large results at so small a cost. ' methods in accordance with its theory that OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. "publicity" is more effective than any secret United Presbyterian. — In these days deals with political parties or persons in when the churches are having so much to accomplishing moral reforms. The best say on the desirability of union, it should reward or punishment of a public official not be overlooked that the Reform Bureau is usually the wide publication of his at Washington is doing a noble work in deeds. The Bureau's official organ goes which all churches can and ought to unite, to every city, borough, and village in the It is doing a magnificent service, and ought United States, and its syndicate articles are to have the sympathy and substantial help sent often to hundreds of leading papers. of every church member who loves purity Its communications to the press and re- and righteousness and the Christian Sab- ports of its meetings in the daily papers bath. reach a much larger number. Congress- Christian Herald. — The Reform Bureau men whose reform work has been heralded is doing a unique work in applied Chris- have testified to the support it has brought tianity, seeking to help conversion before them. If Christian citizens would "think and after by creating a better moral envi- and thank" when they hear that a public ronment, a work of preventive charity also, man has stood for an unpopular reform devoted to cutting off the vicious causes of they would have ever-increasing occasions poverty: intemperance, impurity, gambling, for their thanks. And if even one million Sabbath-breaking and the like. of the nearly thirty millions in this country Advocate of Peace. — The Reform Bu- who call themselves Christian citizens reau at Washington ought to have very would vote in the mail box in brief, cour- large support from all parts of the natiom teous letters for those measures named It was established to promote, and is con- in this report that they already favor, they stantly most efficiently promoting, those might all be enacted within a year. Even S- 2 letters badly written would show that the petition. 'I want the law — witness my hand "plain people" and the "labor vote" favors an n and ! ration. Thej .ire presented through the efforts of the Woman's Christian Ti >n primarily and chiefly. I have here a communication from Mrs. J. C B ti I im, of Painesville, Oliio. who is the national superintendent of th< Union. " 7 mmittee on I " Honored Sirs: In 1 I have the honor to present to your Representatives, which is somewhat remarkal "It is impossible I the numbers rep- memo- large l>o.lies. but a careful estimate in this in I • upward million of citizens ha\ • h>-\v n ■■ ,\ the petit referred last winter to your honot work in Government ?• nd interstate commerce, and this winter many thousand more have I "Multitudes of these petitioners have signed their names; the largest share are voters, and are amongst the most wise and discreet, the most patriotic and influential, of our citizens. The names are worth your study. The legislation asked by so large a portion of our intelligent citizens must be considered by them very important, and in their behalf and in behalf of those who suffer from the present state of things I am instructed to outline the legislation asked and the reasons therefor. "We ask for legislation in three distinct lines, yet closely connected: For the abolition of Sunday mails, Sunday interstate commerce, and Sunday parades. We ask them all on the broad ground that it is for the best good of our country that the Sabbath be maintained as a day of rest. Doubtless the largest share of your pe- titioners believe, first of all, that we are bound so to maintain it because God com- mands it, and His commands are disobeyed at our peril, but we confine ourselves to asking it on humanitarian grounds. "History teaches that the most prosperous nations are those that regard the Sab- bath. Science and physiology add their testimony that man's physical nature needs one day in seven for rest. It is the eminent French political economist Michel Che- valier, who said: 'Let us observe Sunday in the name of hygiene.' It is a law of body and brain that labor must be followed by rest, and able physicians declare that our business men are suffering greatly, and many of them dropping off suddenly cr becoming victims of softening of the brain, from the steady excitement and pressure of business life, and need an enforced rest of one day each week. We ask it in their names and that of the'r families. "We ask it in the name of the laboring classes, over half a million of whom are now deprived of their inherent and sacred right to a day of rest and a day for worship because of these three evils that are under government control. Many of them have earnestly besought of us this aid, and their pleas are pathetic. 'We want a day at home with our families,' say they, 'and we greatly need a weekly day of rest, but we are powerless to obtain it.' "We consider it the duty of Government to protect the weak, and such are these; they can not help themselves. The right of rest for each requires a law of rest for all. "Let Government but take the action we ask, and courts and corporations will soon range themselves on the same side. We believe no better step could be taken towards suppression of socialism, riots, and crime than by securing, as far as Govern- ment has the power, a weekly day of rest. "Your petitioners consider Sunday mail entirely unnecessary, since Toronto, Edinburg, and other large cities, and even London has discontinued them, and we ask for a law that shall forbid the transportation or distribution of mails on the first day of the week, thus liberating 150,000 post-office clerks from unwilling labor on the Sabbath, giving the enforced rest needed by business men, and throwing the almost unbounded influence of Government in favor of the most hygienic and benefi- cent measures possible, namely, the preservation of the Sabbath as a weekly day of rest. "We ask, too, for a law requiring railroad companies to move no trains except of perishable commodities on the first day of the week. "Most of the Sunday railroading is in criminal violation of the civil laws of the States, who are yet comparatively powerless in the matter, because of its character as interstate commerce. It is also a gross violation of the rights of the people to still- ness and quiet, especially during theh ours of public worship, and its influence is un- dermining and destroying the blessings of our social, civil, and religious institutions. 5S " Mi.n . »vcr, •.*. has been ndence \vi li railw • 400,000 railway employes are by the Sunday nam, of this country 1 tlu-ir Sabbath rights and prn For these, our fellow n by enforced labor withoul I our very liv< ■ ■ well a dangered because of overtaxed body and nerve .1 well as by the discontent and bit- engendered, we appeal for this law. " 1. istly, following in the wake of Frai ! other countries that an in advai in such legislation, we ask that i and marines of the United S1 in tun. . all military drills, musters, and para of the week, thus securing to them their 1 id their day of • e " We thank you for thi unavoidably detained person , we are glad to 1 matter in ot id abler hands. "Mr I c Bateham, "Superintendent .' Department .V 11'. C. T U.'' Address of Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts. The Chairman. Rev Wilbui Fts, of New Y<>rk, will now om- on the subject of the petitii Mr Crafts. Mr. Chairman and Senators of the committee, I speak in behalf of the petitioners at the request of tl ent Sabbath Observance Superintendent statement you have heard We come not as Christians asking for a union of church ami state, but as American citizens, asking for the perpetuation of on< • important institutions, the American Sabbath, to whose protected rest and cul- of conscience and hours for thought we ire than to any thii the fact • we are not, like France, a republic "good for this day only, ' lying uneasily in : ind \ The requirements of religion and the requirements of civil law sometimi i ide 1 r * tance, both forbid murder . I thieving, and in mosl lay toil; but while religion forbids these things as sins against God, the civil law forbids them as crimes against man. We come to you because you are a committee on education in behalf of wlia: call tin- workingman's college Without the American Sabbath the A erii 1 would he incapable of self-government, like the adult infants of conth 1 who are content to take amusement in place of liberty. The hours afforded t. workingman for thoughl by twenty-one 1 - tbbaths are equal to the days f<>r study in a college course In the refi illiteracy which this com mitt plate the influence of quid Sabb the one hand againsl the ai- ks of greed, and on tlu- other hand against th if lust) upon the diffu nd the diffusion of conscientious™ nored We come 1 .ore especially as the committee on labor in behalf ol a mill and a quart our Mlow-countrymen wh held in the Egyptian boi srdibathlcsst.il. chiefly through the influei the Government— the ■ n exaii ..11 the street an>: mail-tram opening the way for run' 'rams Hon Carroll I> Wright, in his report on Sunda) '■', ■ no other department mor< tant than the question ol Sunday labor ♦Dr. Rufus V." Clark, of me yesterday, "No man likes to work on Sunday." He is now making investiga- tions on a large scale in regard to railroad work, and especially in regard to the op- pression of the health and consciences of the great army of workingmen from needless Sunday toil. The cutting down of the hours of the postmen — the measure which has already passed the House of Representatives and I suppose is now before the Senate — the eight-hour law for the postal service, is not as important, though we indorse it, as this proposition for a six-day law for postmen. I believe they should have both, but a man can get more rest by having one whole day in every week to be with his family than by an equal reduction of labor scattered through the seven-day round of toil. William Black Steele, in the March number of the North American Review, shows that, the holiday Sunday has more work than play. Recent investigations of the German Government, which had become alarmed at the increase of Sunday work, and was receiving protests from workingmen, even from socialists, in regard to this alarm- ing increase — these investigations have shown that even in the factories of Germany 57 per cent of the employes work on Sunday, and 77 per cent, of those engaged in transportation and trade. It is this work-a-day Sunday which the continental gov- ernments are seeking to be rid of, against which we would have our Government take preventive measures, because it is easier to prevent than to repent. This movement is in harmony with the awakening American spirit, whose watchword is, "America for American institutions." What we ask is that this Committee on Labor (and here I state the w-hole proposi- tion in brief) shall, as far as the national jurisdiction extends, first among the em- ployes of the Government and then in the wider domain of inter-state commerce, pro- hibit all needless Sunday work. Senator Payne. Does this include the stopping of the transportation of the mails ? Mr. Crafts. Yes. We no not ask all this in one bill; that is, we do not expect it all in one bill. It would hardly be consistent for the United States Government, the largest of employers, while its army of postal employes is required to do needless Sunday work, to prohibit railroad employers to require Sunday work. What would naturally and consistently come first is a bill prohibiting Sunday work on the part of the Government's employes in the mail and military service. This is important not only for the sake of the men, but for the sake of a consistent national example: National laws recognize the Sabbath. Congress rests commonly upon that day. The employes of the Government, except those in the military and postal service, rest on that day; but the Government, by working its postal employes in every State of the Union on the Sabbath, sets an example of Sabbath-breaking which has its in- fluence in the opening of stores and the running of other than mail-trains on the Sab- bath. Senator Payne In what respect does the Government interfere with the observ- ance of the Sabbath except in the transportation and distribution of the mails? Mr. Crafts. I was about to state that the mail train was the first Sunday train. The only Sunday train which the States would tolerate at first were these, which they were compelled to tolerate. On some roads the mail train is to-day the only train that prevents the railroad managers, who would stop Sunday trains altogether, from giving complete Sabbath rest to the railroad employes. It is because of the mail trains that more than 500,000 railroad men have to work on Sunday, besides, most of the 105,000 engaged in the mail service itself. 60 if the n rnmenl Mr I i til and i furthei quil ly. Senati What, for in lilitary inday? Mr. Ci that tl lay? Mr - Marching is the hould b< ims they omit I Sunday I human - - uires a chai ek. I low would j y? Mr li at mill-' ould I- ■ ither ships at but we would not hav< urk on Sunday. r Payne. I do not wish to interru i furthei > have 3 tially point out one thing. 1 think, in theory, we in what t, and to v the Go\' ment author re to stop Sunday v. Mr. I am just coming to th; -o call attention to the that wl resolutions in I ten it is the Pharaoh among em] not km e in the postal sei • are worked from thirl y. They 1 their 1 p in the morn-- I return until tl at night, with night v. lay work added We had in New led "the 1 ■ De- tan-kill* Will you 1 the I Mr months since. He had • -a mini he h I v. -. ■ ' posl these m the I i [ wish, first, to suggesl you will think - I, as ti The I h 1 Territ ■ ly. 61 I believe I can show the committee, first of all, that the present postal laws leave too much to the discretion, or indiscretion, of the local postmaster; for instance, in the matter of the Sunday opening of the post-office. I will read the national law in re- gard to the opening of post-offices on Sunday, that you may see how a coach-and four or more could be driven through it. This is section 481 of the "Postal Laws and Regulations," which was presented to me yesterday by the Postmaster-General. "When the mail arrives on Sunday he (the postmaster) will keep his office open for one hour or more" — Twenty-four hours is "more," and some postmasters so interpret it; our own New York postmaster, for instance, and certain others — "After the arrival and assortment thereof, if the public convenience require it, for the delivery of the same only. If it be received during the time of public worship, the opening of the post-office will be delayed until the services have closed. He need not open his office during the day of Sunday if no mails arrive after the closing of the office on Saturday and before 6 o'clock Sunday afternoon. While open, stamps may be sold to anyone applying for them; but money-orders must riot be issued nor paid nor letters registered on that day. Delivery on Sunday must not be restricted to box- holders, but made to all who call while the office is open." Senator Riddleberger. You have read the United States statute? Mr. Crafts. That is the United States statute as it stands in the volume of "Pos- tal Laws," given me by the Postmaster-General yesterday. To show the actual interpretation of this loose law, let me tell you what are my reports from various parts of the country. I have letters from the St. Louis post- master, the Chicago postmaster, the New York postmaster, the Philadelphia post- master, and also reports from four smaller cities and towns in most of the States. Postmaster Pearson, of New York City, in a letter to me, dated April 17, 1884, said : "One-half the entire clerical and carrier force of this office is on duty during a portion of each Sunday in alternate sections — the superintendents and other officers, myself included, being present during a part of every Sunday. At this office and its branches about 700 persons are employed during a portion of each Sunday. Practi- cally the general delivery of this office is never closed." In a letter dated March 28, 1888, Postmaster Pearson says of the above: "The statements are still true, except that somewhat less than one-half the clerical force is employed on Sunday. The total number of clerks and carriers on duty on Sunday is perhaps about 800. All kinds of mail are delivered on call on Sundays. All second-class matter offered is received. Stamps are sold during limited hours at branch offices, and in limited quantities at any time at the general post-office." Assistant Postmaster Henry Drake, of Philadelphia, in a letter to me, dated April 3, 18S8, says: "There are employed in this office 995 persons. Of this number but 52 do not work on Sundays. Four hundred and thirty-eight work on certain Sundays, averag- ing, perhaps, one Sunday in three; the average time of work being six hours. Every class of mail matter, except money-order, registered or special-delivery letters, is handled on Sunday. One of the general delivery windows is open the entire day, there being three windows usually open from 9 a. m. to 10 p. m." Postmaster Judd, of Chicago, in a letter to me, dated March 31, 1888, says: "Only about 15 per cent of the clerks connected with this office are off duty on Sundays; that about 50 per cent, of the letter-carriers are off duty o that day, and the general-delivery clerks are on duty on said day from 10.30 a. m. 1,0 1 p. m. All 62 of mail matter, with the exception of n ! mail, ire lei who may call between the hours ol 1 1.30 a. m. and 12.30 p. m P and drawers in this office <-;m gel their mail at an) !„ - in the hours of 8 a m and 10 p. m., and the clerks in < mnection 1 du lays from aboul to a. in. to 1 p. m " »ther source we learn thai P t Judd has stopp • of stamp Po ' Riley innati, in a letter to me, d ited April 1. answ [uestions, that of 301 employ r work on Sundays; tha delivery and general deliver) >pen from g jo to 11 a. ra . thai stam] sold from 9 $0 to 11 a. m., and from 6.30 to 7 p. m.; that "special-delivery I. are dehvered;" that 25 mails arc received on Sundays insl 64 on week d that mail is not delivered at the branch offices, but only at the general tmaster Hyde, of Si Louis, through A istanl P ter McHenry, in 1< of March 30, 1 888, informs me that of the 1 iployes in that 1 lythei2inthe money-order division never work on Sundays; that too carriers and 60 distribu average live hours of Sunday work; that general delivery and \x>\ delivi a 1 r.30 a. m. to 1 p m. The same contrasts that appear in tl j of the highesl , my rei show in every other grade One office opens once, for an hour only; another of same grade opens twice, for two hours each time. One r of church; another, only during the hour of church. One Us stam] ^ not. ■' livers special-carrier letters; another of 1 does not. One works the two hours, ai Senator Payne. Our time is very limit jest thai much as you can, ai us the facts. Mr. Crafts. I wish to , one by one, ral of many. Those that 1 irtheron are the on it think, perha] Those that irst are the ones that, ordinarily, 1 iuld think the : *ical for immediate consideration. Senator Payne. It is practical poi Mr Crapts. The first point, the one which I a law, is that it should n is country to run the Uni 1 rival a list of the churches The law all church hours, unle rst mail of the or more before the t; run in m all through church 1 of the chut ' '.'.' hurch and A law forbiddi ; of th • than t' The law should also tal '1 hour. A new branch sup \ork City within ;i free during the foi ■ enterprising, partly :t the post- 63 cursions on Sunday t-iftcrnoons, though they had not said so, discriminates against the churches in favor of the Sunday picnics by transferring the Sunday work from the afternoon to the morning church-hour — an instance of what is possible anywhere under our present loose law. The discretion of the local postmaster is also too great in regard to the amount of Sunday work he can require of his employes. In some offices the amount is double and treble what it is in other offices of the same grade. If the selling of stamps on Sunday can be dispensed with in Chicago, it can be dispensed with everywhere. If special-delivery messengers can be allowed their Sunday rest in Philadelphia, why not in Cincinnati? The sale of stamps on Sunday and the sending out of carriers with special-delivery letters and parcels (section 688, ought not to be left to the discretion or caprice of the local postmaster, but uniformly forbidden as needless Sunday work. The individual postmaster now decides whether the special-delivery messenger, who works from 7 a. m. to 1 1 p. m. on week days, shall spend the same long hours on Sunday carrying parcels at 1 2 or 1 5 cents apiece, as an express for law-breaking mer- chants who keep at business on Sunday. When the practice has become common in one place it will soon become common in all, and when special delivery by carriers becomes common, general delivery by carriers on Sunday will follow almost as a mat- ter of course. Workingmen and humanitarians in Europe are trying to stop carrier deliveries just when we are beginning to have them. Let us not do what we shall want to undo. It is easier to prevent than to repent. Senator Payne. All those minor matters would follow the general proposition. I wish to know whether your reform contemplates the entire suspension of the trans- portation, distribution, and delivery of the mails on Sunday? Mr. Crafts. We will take a quarter of a loaf, half a loaf, or a whole loaf. If the Government should do nothing more than forbid the opening of the post-office at church hours it would be a national tribute to the value of religion and would lead to something more satisfactory. Another point in which the local postmasters, in large cities at least, need restraint The postmaster of a large city can send out Sunday mails on newspaper trains to scores of surrounding towns where the post-office employes have had Sunday rest, thus making more Sunday work, not only in his own office but in many places. Post- master Pearson has done this on his own responsibility, as he admits in a letter to me dated April 17, 1884. Doubtless other city postmasters have done the same. The law ought to be changed to make such increasing of Sunday work by local postmasters impossible. Senator Riddle berger. Do you not know that the railroad companies hired them- selves to deliver the mails, not the postmaster? Mr. Crafts. The postmaster did it, as the letter states, in conjuction with the Sunday newspapers and to share the expense in running their extra trains. Senator Riddlegerger. I wish to call your attention to the fact that the New York papers are brought into Washington on Sunday perhaps two hours earlier than on a week day, but, as I understand it, because the railroad companies make contracts to that effect, and not the Post-Office Department or the postmaster in New York. Mr. Crafts. My statement is in regard to special Sunday trains for Sunday news- papers. I have the facts directly from the postmaster. I wish to make one more point in regard to lessening Sunday work in local post-offices. I find no one who defends the handling of business circulars and packages on the Sabbath so as to de- prive men of their culture of conscience and their hours at home. 64 •ic of the evils I have mentioned mighl be removed by such a la I in a "Report from the Selecl Committee on Sunday Postal Labor," | 1 to the Hou , August i o, 1 88 7, of which I will have copies sent to the comn as tar as possible. The committee was appointed because of the numerous petiti to Parliament against the growing evil of Sunday work m the postal service in Eng- land. The British have pone a little further than we have in Sunday postal work. 1 they are trying to get back. The report gives the remedies which the committee recommend : (1) That the collection, dispatch, and the delivery on Sunday of books, circulars, and {Tinted matter other than newspapers be discontinued. (2) No man shall be on duty more than alternate Sundays. As in our country, some postmasters kept their men employed seven Sundays in eight and si . iys in eight and three Sundays in eight, and there was no uniformity. The report also recommends that all the postal employes be relieved from work on alternate Sunday There, as here, the work had been different in every office from every other, some em- ployes working every Sunday, some seven Sundays out of eight, and some only one in two. The British Government steps in and says, "We arenot going to have the tinctions made, not only between postal servants and other servants of Government but between one post-office and another, and we say that the men must rest on alt. nate Sundays." Another recommendation is, that the question whether the post-office of a town or city shall be open at all on Sunday shall be decided by local option. Senator Payne. What has been done in Parliament in regard to this report ? Mr. Crafts. This was only on August 10 last. I do not think that this pi law. with all the Irish business on hand, has yet been passed, but it is recommended a very strong committee. Such a law as' this report proposes would be better than nothing; but we want more than this. A law covering the points I have already mentioned, it seems to me, woul mend itself to every humane and just man ; protecting the church set rom 1 ice competition; protecting the employes from being kepi -k such hours would keep them from church-going; reducing the Sunday work by stO] the ndling of circulars and packages; insisting that all 1 es shall rest on alternate Sunday,; and leaving it to every town to decide the question of opening the on Sunday, which would cause a wholesome agital .here of the qu nday mails, and so lead, we believe, to the entii .tion of Sunday posl >uk'h a national law. r Payne. Would you resti n to legal vol allow the women t< Mr. 1 in favor of woman suffrage, but this would b* er they were, at the time of v rhaps w ' v the time this up for n, their reform is moving itOT Payne. You are in favor of woman suffrage, but would contri. them out ? Mr. Crafts. Oh.no. We ask that the led by the voter ■ re. e to the second division of my di tothe pet • ■ n'eral D of the mail . — as I hi this mat1 that the Post Office Dc an au - 65 ent a monarchy, and not a limited monarchy. All over the country there is a great host of people who are under the dictation of the Postmaster-General in almost every- thing. Senator Payne. To whom would you commit the authority to be shared with him? Mr Crafts. I would have the Government define more strictly the authority of the Postmaster-General, and make laws which shall limit his power in the matter, for instance, of sending out carriers on Sunday. In 1828 and 1829 there were 467 petitions from 21 States asking for the cessation of all Sunday work in connection with the mails. ("Sabbath for Man,'' p 272.) The predominating sentiment of the nation seemed to be in favor of this humane request. Christians desired the nation's example to be put on the side of Sabbath-keeping, and working men desired the nation's example to be arrayed against needless Sunday work. What is the answer which that army of petitioners got from the Postmaster- General, whose powers were then just about the same as now? He replied in the spirit of a Russian autocrat and in the rhetoric of a Western editor: "So long as the silver river flows and the green grass grows and the oceanic tides rise and fall on the first day of the week, so long shall the mails of the Republic be circulated on that day." Senator Payne. Who was he? Mr. Crafts I haven't his name. Senator Payne. His reply was somewhat poetic at least. Mr. Crafts. He was probably a Western man. The whole history of the matter is in this book ("The Sabbath for Man," p. 271), which I shall present to each of the committee. The arguments there used are most of them appropriate to-day. Senator Payne. That was about sixty years ago? Mr. Crafts. The powers of the Postmaster-General have not been essentially changed. But I will get to Vilas in a moment. Postmaster-General Jewell has the honor, or dishonor, of ordering a Sunday de- livery by carriers. He was an excellent Christian man, who thought he was only yield- ing to the pressure of public sentiment in this matter. One delivery was made in the city of New York. Postmen took letters for ministers to them in the pulpit, in the midst of their sermons, to show the barbarity of their new Sunday tasks. There swept down upon Washington such a storm of protests from the Christian business men of that city against this increase of Sunday postal work that before the second Sunday the order was repealed. But, if we had had for Postmaster-General a man like Assistant Indian Commissioner Atkins, more pagan than his wards, a man with no regard for the rights of Christian citizens, the order might not have been repealed. Not long since Postmaster-General Vilas issued an order that letters and packages bearing special-delivery stamp should be delivered on Sundays as on other days When a Sabbath association secretary, who is here to-day, came to General Vilas expressing the protest of the Christians of Philadelphia against that order, he was answered, "What I have done, I have done;" and it was only by the aid of the Presi- dent that the order was changed from a positive requirement that all postmasters in special delivery offices should send out the special-delivery messengers on Sunday, to an absurd permission to each postmaster to do in the matter as he pleased, so that the question whether messengers on duty from 7 a. m. to 1 1 p. m six days m the week shall be on duty for the same barbarous and absurd hours on Sunday also, in this age of the telegraph, is left to the caprice of each local postmaster 66 Vou i discrin inate 1 • ■' -carriers? nol a qu in ; the i I her I h ii.T.il who choi hall have 1 1 der Sui i carrier deliveries everywhere. Whal we wanl in this partii ular re pe< I is a law thai shall prohibit any delivery of mail on Sunday by carriei ■. l\ is bad enough to I the 1 me in the office, even with the Hi f which I ha , but we ask at least (and this is better than i thai the law shall pri the i any Sunday delivery by any kind of carriers. We want more than I and I shall now make a full statement of our i ird to Sunday n we expect to keep asking for until we get it. UV ask that a law shall be passed instructing the / junker i which shall include the carriage of the m (he Sabbath, and to that hen U i no mail matter shall be collet ted or distributed on that day. \ "What it" a letter calling a son to the bedside of his dying motl >uld be delayed twenty-four hours by stopping mails'" Did you ever hear of I graph — soon to be the nation's "fast mail?" Such emergency letters, that are now delivered on Sunday may go by telegraph on Saturday. Senator Payne. Then you do not propose to interfere with the telegraph? Mr. Crafts. I would have it as at Toronto — all I ph operators restin] Sunday, except a few men at the central office for emergencies — each man's turn for Sunday work coming only once in six weeks or more. As to business letters, son the most prosperous cities in the world have no Sunday work in their post-offices. 1 have a letter in my hand recently received from the postmaster at Toronto, a city a; widely « 1 as most of our lair'- i ities, though not as thickly populated; a cr 140,000, which has grown as fast as almost .any city of our country, ami which is nd to none in its moral record. There, with all the coi of alargei is the statement, dated Toronto, March 20, [888, and signed John Carrutl posl master: "No clerk is required to do any work in this office on Sunday. ( >ur ofl ■■ cl to the public at 7 p. m. on Saturday, and is nol open again until 7 a. m. on M Consequently no mail matter is delivered on Sunday, neither by carrier 1 the boxes. Our sorters all stop before 1 turday nighl and do not resumed until 12 p. m. on Sund Nothii The rule gives all an equal chance. Mo business man ■. 1 of his competitor by getting his Sunday mail, and pr g fort! • \!um by Sunday work. All rest, with no to any 01 Sei tor Riddleberger. Is there nol al ingfroi different rig bankii 01 her I not inada? Mr. Crafts. All those things i any of that kind. Perhaps Ton ities. ibout Lond "Within a radius of - miles from th( in Loi arried, 1 >ay ('Sabbal • London rests 1 cmpl< ■• r Payne. H 1 • ■ Sundai t immoral rid? Mr 1 Thai to the li the fact that tl closi Senator Payne. In other words, closing the mails on Sunday does not reform the city? Mr. Crafts. Not entirely, but it reforms the men in the postal service. It saves them from the oppression of conscience which makes men ready to go into all sorts of crime. Senator Payne. Do the post-office employes there go to church when they do not have to attend the post-office? Mr. Crafts. A postmaster recently said to me, "When men have to work a part of Sunday they do not usually go to church the rest of the day." I know one cause of this. They are ill at ease in conscience about Sunday work. I never met an engi- neer or a postal clerk who was not troubled about his Sunday work. His conscience is offended; he feels that he is regularly breaking one law of God, and sometimes thinks he might as well break ten commandments as one. Going to church only fills him with self-reproach in regard to the crime which the Government requires of him, and not being courageous enough to give up his place rather than his sin, he stays away from what would remind him of it ; and so those who handle the nation's wealth are almost wholly destitute of the culture of conscience which none need more than thev. There is no reason for running a Sunday mail, as you see.ciot even for business letters. Certainly the Government should not keep its postal employes at work on Sunday for the benefit of the Sunday newspapers. Weekly newspapers do not ask it. As to Sunday parades, we ask that the Sunday morning inspection and the Sunday afternoon parades shall be stopped because they are infringements of the soldier's rights to Sunday rest and also of his rights of conscience. Though the number of our soldiers is small and the secular duties required of them on Sunday are not very wearisome, we think the nation's example in this matter is important. Now, a few words about interstate Sunday trains. In the first place, the National Government is the only power that can accomplish this largest of labor reforms. In Connecticut they have recently emancipated ten thousand railway employes from Sunday toil by a law prohibiting excursions and freight trains on Sunday. No trains of any kind are allowed except morning and evening, and even then the railroad commissioners may allow only such trains as they think are required by considerations of mercy and necessity. They allow milk trains and Sunday newspaper trains, evidently thinking that babes can not live one day without fresh milk nor men without fresh supplies of scandal. Mail trains are certainly not works of necessity or mercy, but the State has no power to stop the nation's Sabbath-breaking in its borders. But in these State reforms "the interstate difficulty met them at every point." And so in every State where railroad managers or the State authorities would reduce Sunday work on the railroads they are impeded by the fact that the National Govern- ment must co-operate in order to make the reform complete. I do not speak as a minister on the subject of railroads, but I bring to your notice the statements of railroad men. The whole letters are here in the book which you will have. In 1883 the president of the Michigan Central Railway, Mr. Ledyard, wrote: "If all railroad companies competing for the same class of traffic from and to com- mon points were in accord, it would be practicable, to a very large extent, to abandon the running of railway trains on the Sabbath day/' ("Sabbath for Man," p. 301.) The Railway Age says editorially, in the same issue with this letter (May 24, 1883): "Mr. Ledyard 's conviction that he and other railway managers are all committing a fearful mistake in allowing the continuance and rapid growth of this Sunday labor 68 is h( believe, by the great majority of railway i and il is to be ho thai in their perusal and public consideration of tl roblemsof railway mai ment they will give thai serious attention to this subject which its imp mands. " iccord" by which "the running of railway trains on the Sabbath" might be abandoned ran not be secured permanently by any pool or agreemenl of man a. bu1 only through a national law, such as we have abundanl assurance would he wel- comed by many railroad managers who lack the moral • i Sunday ti while rival lines continue them. R. S. Hay-, a railroad president says: "Until the proper action is taken by the public in the form of amended law, and revised rulings, relieving the roads from liabilities resulting from the suspension of tran ' ■:•..,, a certain amount of Sunday labor must of necessity he perfon s ibbath for Man." p. 3 oj v Sunday rest for all would gratify railroad mana well as rail- men, with no loss to either. Why may not railroad passengers be detained • ' y for the on that often quaranti : it — for the public health. The Senate has now before it an interstate-commerce bill to pi tth< health < Why not ad.l another to protect the health of more than half a million railroad men? Interstate-commerce reforms thus far have be ;fly for the ben< turers and merchants, protecting them agaii nopolists, who w »uld use the rail- roads as battering-rams to di their competitors. We ask now for in1 ■ protect railroad men themselvi I the railro ealth and morals by Sunday work. Senator Ingalls has inti td a bill, as you know, 1 ■•-comn.. rm so a the homes of a prohibitory E gainst the liquor de a license State. We ask you to go a step furth mployes of the railroads by a labor reform of thi magnitu than half aim' railroad n. this needless, unhealthy, demorali il. The only purpose in running trail .... 1 count of millionaires, already too much favored gain ■ essil v or charity) i The law that and allows the milli >nai: •• . crime nst i uity Anarchy The plea tl mday trail ten urged, l>ut the without life, than that tl: ' "Thepubli •' • hum!- i with i mak • 1" to which a raill so.ooo citiz [ manager - in the I not for Sunday trail 69 How quickly these train men become train wreckers! Recently the rlcters only ded a word from the railroad king. Arthur, ordering a general strike of engineers. to enable them to plunge this whole nation into a social and commercial anarchy, of which i S 7 7 . and the bomb-throwing in Chacago, and the New York blizzard were but gentle hints. These men themselves say that their train wrecking and their Sabbath wrecking are closely connected. They feel that having broken one commandment they might as well go through the list. "When you force a conductor to break the fourth commandment, you must not be surprised if he goes on to break the eighth also." said William E. Dodge to his direc- tors when urging the discontinuance of Sunday trains. Perhaps vou wonder that railroad men do not themselves appeal for Sunday rest. They have done so. and ceased only through despair of results. Four hundred and fifty engineers of the New York Central Railway a few years ago sent to their master a most eloquent and pitiful appeal for Sunday rest, which will be quoted by one of the other speakers at this hearing That plea which greed would not hear, let Congress receive as the appeal of all railroad men. Hon. Carroll D. Wright says that the only railroad men who want to have work done on Sunday are those who do not the work, but only pocket the dividends. The railroad managers, as I have shown, would many of them welcome a law giv- ing their roads a day of rest. Competition is the only thing which makes it seem necessary to keep their trains going on Sunday. In Canada Sunday trains are allowed to run only on account of American competition, and the strict Sabbath-keepers of the Dominion would quickly stop them when that excuse was removed. The Pennsyl- vania Railroad has reduced its Sunday trains within a few years, and so have some other roads. What we want is that this matter shall be taken out of the realm of individual ca- price, and that all railroad men shall be equitably protected in their right to Sunday rest, first by the National Government in its realm of interstate commerce, thus re- moving the chief obstacle to carrying forward the reform in the realm of State laws. A new king, in attempting to beautify his capital, came to a massive antique build- ing which did not quite suit his fancy and so began to tear it down. When a stone or two had fallen he saw uncovered before him the inscription: "These gates with their country stand or fall." Astounded, he withdrew his destroying hand. Let not the nation itself, by its Sunday-breaking example in the mail and military service, and 1 iy allowing Sunday work in its wider realm of interstate commerce, help to tear down the very citadel of morality and liberty, the American Sabbath, built of Sinaitic gran- ite and Plymouth rock, for "These gates with their country stand or fall." STATEMENT OF REV. T. A. FERNLEY, D. D. Mr. Crafts. There will be short addresses by other men representing Sabbath associations. I will first introduce Rev. T. A. Fernley, D D., who represents the Philadelphia Sabbath Association, one of the most vigorous associations of the kind. Mr. Fernley. We come here not in the mame of God so much as inthenameot humanity We present our plea upon that foundation. It is the God-given right of man, the natural inheritance of man, to have one day in seven as a day of rest. If we could read the history, not written, of the innumerable accidents the casu- alties on our railroads, the catastrophes that send human beings wholesale almost. into eternity, it would be seen that in the great mass of cases it is because or th^ over- engineer and the overworked switchmen, bound to be al th ! in the week, until the brain is dazi the whole j human life is intrusted to them when they arc in a i ondilon so unfit. Ii i speak to Senators of the United ! that it is the law of nature a ; well a - the la d that labor shall prial . and the seventh-da} demon be the It was my privilege some montl pproach the Pre idem ipon th< tion of the delivery 1 ial letters on th< lay of tl The President made this remark: "I appreciate the n, We all appreciate it, and I believe thai 3 en, in your icity, will act according to your 1 [f you can not do all 1 ■ id and humanity d you can. If yi dmum, give us the minimum, [i | carrying of the mail and the running of trains fn nother ible minimum, so thai men may rest a , the laws of God and the constitution of their natu STATEMENT OF REV. G. P. NH Mr. Crafts. Rev. G. P. Nice, of Baltimore, representing the Mai •1, will now speak a few words. Mr. Nice. 1 will say, Senators, as did mypred >r in his speaker covered the ground so fully iphicallj iphatically. thai really appears to be little 1 n to detain J ger with this hcai I thoroughly indorse what Mr. Crafts has state* ling th the laboring people, oppressed as they are by being practically rol ful weekly rest-day. They, of course, can not come here and enter their compla in person. Even when spoken to at their dutii ar a danger i; ing their feelings in the matter of Sunday work. We have no question bu1 that th I I Father at 1 t, with His wide I eld the masses in these days as well as i with regard for the masses who would ' of life si at least, when he said; "B ibath day to k * * * i" thou shalt not do any work." I am verging on the religious tion, but the reli the question, you observe, gentlemen, goes in ompanionship with the of the question, with the question of safel d. You ■■-■■• ollect that when Hurl National I is which to practically ly with the running of Sunday trains (2) There is no question as to the desirability of prohibiting Sunday work on rail- ways. The law of nature, to say nothing of the higher law, requires that men should e rest one day in seven. Is there any reason why .1 railroad engineer or con- ductor is not entitled to his rest as much as a merchant or manufacturer? I impany has endeavored to so arrange the runs of its trainmen and en- gin© (ring them home <e done in that direction without the concerted action on the part of all a impanies interested in the same traffic. (4I I do not believe at the end of the year the loss in traffic would he appro iable were all Sunday work stopped; and, in the hotter morals of the men, the rai'. '.es would he abundantly paid for doing away with the work on this day. While the public would no doubt at first be dissatisfied at the cessation of Sun- day work, and would claim injury thereby in the matter of detention to freight and delay to mails, it is difficult to see how much injury could really exist were the of doing away with Sunday work made uniform on all roads. As an exam- ple, at one time it was thought necessary for each one of the Omaha roads to run 9 train fn -.days, after awhile this was changed so that a train left each Sunday on one only of the three roads. This caused at first some dissatisfaction, hut it soon passed away and the result of the experiment, so far as 1 have been able to is entirely satisfactory. Looking at the question from either a moral or economical stand-point, no candid • rson can uphold the running of trains on Sunday What is there in the essence of a railroad company different from any other business which will require an exception ie made of it and its employes to work when others are allowed and expected to ■ The effect of this constant and never-ending work is not only injurious to the men themselves but most deplorable to their families. If it is true, as Lord Bacon s that a man who has a family has given a hostage to fortune, it is equally true that he shoe lowed to live at least part of his time with those for whom he has to 1 and certainly should have at least one day in ev< en, which under our system of rail' >r he can not have : ;is own family and private matt To brii . Sunday work now would be much le :lt than it would have been a few ince. All over the country railway companies arc ;>ing themselv. tions for the exchange of traffic, the maintenance of lie better carrying out of pie, the trunk line the joint executive commit • tern Kail v. ion. and many others. If these companies can 1 iny and all questions of mutual : iple matter, were this ques- ■ lav work pro] n in th< have taken the matter up, ted to our man - menl 1 will mmitting a fearful rk. truly. II. B I. Pi • -bor- ough paper, 001 • I . The Chairman Hi of th> Mr. Hickev It is here in Mr. Crafts' book, "The Sabbath for Man." The Chairman. We should like to have it appear in the record. Mr. Hickey. I will give it from Mr. Crafts' book. It is as follows: "A few years since some 450 of his locomotive engineers petitioned Mr William H. Yanderbilt for 'the cessation of Sunday labor.' After pointing out how Sunday run- ning had become 'a great hardship,' they continue: 'We have borne this grievance patiently hoping every succeeding year that it would decrease. We are willing to submit to any reasonable privation, mental or physical, to assist the officers of your company to achieve a financial triumph; but after a long and weary service, we do not see any signs of relief, and we are forced to come to you with our trouble, and most respectfully ask you to relieve us from Sunday labor, so far as it is in your power to do so. Our objections to Sunday labor are: " (1) This never-ending labor ruins our health and prematurely makes us feel worn out like old men, and we are sensible of our inability to perform our duty as well when we work to an excess. "(2) That the customs of all civilized countries, as well as all laws, human and Divine, recognize Sunday as a day of rest and recuperation; and notwithstanding intervals of rest might be arranged for us on other days than Sunday, we feel that by so doing we would be forced to exclude ourselves from all church, family, and social privileges that other citizens enjoy " (3) Nearly all of the undersigned have children that they desire to have educated in everything that will tend to make them good men and women, and we can not help but see that our example in ignoring the Sabbath day has a very demoralizing influence upon them. " (4) Because we believe the best interests of the company we serve, as well as ours will be promoted thereby and because we believe locomotive engineers should oc- cupy as high social and religious positions as men in any other calling. We know the question will be considered : How can this Sunday work be avoided with the im- mense and constantly increasing traffic? We have watched this matter for the past twenty years. We have seen it grow from its infancy until it has arrived at its now eigantic proportions, from one train on the Sabbath until we now have about thirty each way; and we do not hesitate in saying that we can do as much work in six days, with the seventh for rest, as is now done. It is a fact observable by all connected with the immediate running of freight trains that on Monday freight is compara- tively light; Tuesday it strengthens a little, and keeps increasing until Saturday, and Sundays are the heaviest of the week. The objections may be offered that if your lines stop the receiving points from other roads will be blocked up. In reply, we would most respectfully suggest that when the main lines do not run tributaries would only be too glad to follow the good examqle. The question might also arise, If traffic is suspended twenty-four hours, will not the company lose one-seventh of its profits? In answer, we will pledge our experience, health, and strength that at the end of the vear our employers will not lose one cent, but, on the contrary, will be the gainers financially. 'Our reasons are these: At present, the duties of your locomotive engineers are incessant, day after day, night succeeding night, Sunday and all, rain or shine, with all the iearful inclemencies of a vigorous winter to contend with. The great strain of both mental and physical faculties constantly employed has a tendency in time to impair the requisites so necessary to make a good engineer. Troubled in mind, jaded nd worn out in body, the engineer can not give his duties that attention they should a 74 have in order to best ad this I 1 continent, in an) : ; t ) le positioi "Tl unity of worship that tril irded to . which are the only cases in th< this lii h no to aid us. ath for • that, with tern invigorated 1 \ by abi : with mor. ore n. ami physical foi :11 acco; rk and do il than we can n< in seven. We can { ly tl .here among I been a day lost bul David 1 : • I whic' - • d the t perit y are com I thank you, gentle rATEMl fOHN. St. Johv. Ii we return thanks to thi vmen tor the able argumi HEARING ON SUNDAY REST BILL. (Senate Document No. 43. 50th Congress, 2d Session.) Stenographic Report of a hearing before the Committee on Education and Labor, United States Senate, Thursday, December 13, 1888, on " A bill to secure to the people the enjoyment of the first day of the week, commonly known as the Lord's day, as a day of rest, and to promote its observance as a day of religious worship." The committee met at 10 o'clock a. m. in the Senate reception room. Present: Senators Blair (chairman), Palmer, Wilson, Call, and Payne. The Chairman: The hearing is upon Senate bill No. 2983, which is as follows Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That no person, or corporation, or agent, servant, or employe of any person or corporation shall perform or authorize to be performed any secular work, labor, or business to the disturbance of others, works of necessity, and mercy, and humanity excepted; nor shall any person engage in any play, game, or amusement, or recreation to the disturbance of others on the first day of the week, commonly known as the Lord's day. or during any part thereof, in any Territory, district, vessel, or place subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States; ror shall it be lawful for any person or corporation to receive pay for labor or service performed or rendered in violation of this section. Sec. 2. That no mail or mail matter shall hereafter be transported in time of peace over any land postal-route, nor shall any mail matter be collected, assorted, handled, or delivered during any part of the first day of the week: Provided, That whenever any letter shall relate to a work of necessity or mercy, or shall concern the health, life, or decease of any person, and the fact shall be plainly stated upon the face of the envelope containing the same, the Postmaster- General shall provide for the transportation of such letter or letters in packages separate from other mail matter and shall make regulations for the delivery thereof, the same having been received at its place of destination before the first day of the week, during such limited portion of the day, as shall best suit the public convenience and least interfere with the due observance of the day as one of worship and rest: And provided further. That when there shall have been an interruption in the due and regular transmission of the mails it shall be lawful to so far examine the same when delivered as to ascertain if there be such matter therein for lawful delivery on the first day of the week. Sec. 3. That the prosecution of commerce between the States and with the Indian tribes, the same not being work of necessity, mercy, or humanity, by the transportation of persons or property by land or water in such way as to interfere with or disturb the people in the enjoyment of the first day of the week, or any por- tion thereof, as a day of rest from labor, the same not being labor of necessity, mercy, or humanity, or its observance as a day of religious worship, is hereby prohibited, and any person or corporation, or the agent, servant, or employe of any person or corporation who shall willfully violate this section shall be punished by a fine of not less than ten nor more than one thousand dollars, and no service performed in the prosecution of such prohibited commerce shall be lawful, nor shall any com- pensation be recoverable or be paid for the same. Sec. 4 That all military and naval drills, musters, and parades, not in time of active service or immediate preparation therefor, of soldiers, sailors, marines, or cadets of the United States on the first day of the week, except assemblies for the due 76 and orderly observance of n worship, an hereby prohibited, nor shall any unnecessary labor be performed or permitted in the military 1 service of the United States on the Lord's day. Sec 5. That it shall be unlawful to pay <>r to payment or wages in ner for service rendered <>r for labor performed or for the transportation of sons or of property in violation of the provisions of this act, nor shall any a lie h>r the recovery thereof, and when so paid, whether in advanci the same may be recovered hack by whoever shall first sue f< >r the same. . 6 That labor <>r service performed and rendered on the first day of the ek in consequence of accident, di or unavoidable delays in making the ular connections upon postal routes and routes of travel and transportation, the ervation of perishable and exposed property, and the regular and n< transportation and delivery of articles d in condition for healthy use, and •1 for short distances from one State, district, or Territory into — trict, or Territory as by local laws shall be declared to be neces for the public good, shall not be deemed violatii I but the same shall be . ■ trued so far as possible to secure to the whol< * from toil during the first day of the week, their mental and moral culture, and the religious observance th day The hearing will proceed in s-uch order as the friends of the bill may desire. STATEMENT OF REV. WILBUR F. CRAFTS. Mr. Crafts. I have been requested by the various societies petitioning the passage of such a law as Senator Blair's bill is, in the main, to take cl I the hearing on their behalf First. I sub- mmittee (i 5 Second. I submit a document sh' tent of Sunday work, as follows: SUNDAY- WORK STATISTICS. by Rev. Wilbur F Crafts in Journal of United ! ' Ik-ccm! • The censu- - -the number of pei in the Ui ■f all kind- it half of the | e ten years of - -,d othi 1 . labor and lay may be let': keep that d; t. of the ] opulati I the result appreciably Tl been to avi timating th which I I has been invaded if. •. the ov< ■ vrdly be l, ss ! ■ To expr omprehensivcb ooo.oc- 100,000 ar nation's m.: it 27,000 in the r ;oo.ooo are in the liquor bu -do. 000. Sunday trains and Sunday ; and t' ining 000.000 are most!', keepers and their clerks, with nd nc( -ate ature should b her or to be hired for more than sr -,rl the of the sick and of live stock. For the . a Sund.. ork for gain the first thing to be done is to get Congress to stop this Sunday work as far as its jurisdiction extends, and then to secure the further legislation needed from the States, together with good officers to enfore the laws. I submit, third, a numerical estimate of the new petitions for a national Sunday rest law soon to be presented to the Senate. They are in the following words: To the United States Senate: The undersigned, adult residents of the United States, twenty-one years of age or more, hereby earnestly petition your honorable body to pass a bill forbidding in the nation's mail and military service, and in interstate commerce, and in the District of Columbia and the Territories, all Sunday traffic and work, except works of religion and works of real necessity and mercy, and such private work by those who observe another day as will neither interfere with the general rest nor with public worship. S. Mis. 43 2. ESTIMATE OF THE PETITIONS FOR A NATIONAL SUNDAY REST LAW. i. Protestants represented in the official membership of the American Sab- bath Union, namely: The combined membership of the Methodist Episcopal Church, the Baptist Church, the Presbyterian Churches, North and South, and the Reformed (Dutch) Church, all of which have officially appointed members of the American Sabbath Union, by whom the law is asked for (practically 6,000,000), 5,977,603: Roman Catholics represented by letter of Cardinal Gibbons appended, 7,200,000: total 13,177,693. There are surely enough other petitions from Protestant denominations not represented above and from persons not members of any church to make the number of petitioners a round fourteen millions These labor organizations are now even more active than the churches in working the petitions Every mail brings the indorsement of labor organizations from all parts of the land, confirming by local action the action of the general assembly of the Knights of Labor and the national action of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers. There are more than a quarter of a million members in the labor organizations that have petitioned for a Sunday rest law since the former hearing on April 6. Thousands upon thousands of individual signatures, on our half-mile double- columned petition, have duplicated the action of the churches and labor organiza- tions. We do not of course consider indorsements by vote as of equal value with individual signatures, but we believe this petition unparalleled in the history of legislation in the number of its individual and representative indorsements, and especially in that it represents the united action of labor organizations and churches of all creeds. The letter of Cardinal Gihbons is as follows: Cardinal's Residence. 408 N. Charles Street, Baltimore, December 4, 188S. Rev. Dear Sir: I have to acknowledge vour esteemed favor of the ist instant in reference to the proposed passage of a law by Congress ,: against Sunday work in the Government's mail and military service,'' etc I am most happv to add my name to those of the millions of others who are laudably contending apainst the violation of the Christian Sabbath by unnecessary labor, and who ire endeavoring to promote its decent and proper observance by legitimate legisla ion. As the late Plenary Council of Baltimore has declared, the 73 [ the Lord's Da; and immorality and to thi itionof] ler, and .ill to draw uj on the nation the blessing and protection of an overruling Providi If bene to the beasts <>t" burden directed on the old law, surely humanity to man ought to dictate the >i rest under the now law. Your obedient servant in I James Card Gibl ■ .1 ; Rev W. P. i The letter is not equal in value to the individual signatures of the million nts, but no loyal Catholic priest, or paper, or person will oppose what thus been indorsed. I also present some extracts from a very adn New '. ath Committee, just issued, giving many facts bearing on the points at i ed law . Carefully distinguishing between private acts which lie within the domain < man nal liberty, and such public a iffect the well being and rights ol the ■ munity, the committee sought to protect the day of worship a listurbai and to secure to all classes, as far as practicable, the enjoyment of the Sunday I ******** Of one provision of the law, as understood by the commil ' teen impossible hitherto to secure their impartial enforcement. '1 tute prohibits "shows" on lay, by which would seem clearly to be intended public exhibitions of whatever sort for money. In more than 01 implaints under this provision have 1 issed by police justices, on the ground that the exhibitions complained of were ; ■ immoral in their nature and did not involve public disturbance. The statute, i >es not prohibit shows as immoral or even as causing disturbances of the peace. The prohibition in question i neral enactment, the obje< I which is to secure to all classes the equal enjoyment of the Sunday resl and a decent pub': • for the day, by forbidding all r and avocations pur • he purposes of :4am. except in cases of n< y or mei In one or two instance en the dutj commitl ution to proposed theatrical entertainments on Sunday for charil It 1 hardly I that if the Sunday theater law I at all, it must be in •• tiallj An < 1 open the do<>r for other It : tionable charity which, ever for a good ample of violating the la the Stal ******* * * ed in t he la rt to tl ■ men in retail s - with tl idding Sunday I It the pn would readily pay the minimun I itinuinK tl fore made to th< ret ail em; tion, with tl presented a bill, whi I ed Jun< ■-;. making the minimum • statul $5, with an alternat ... nd conviction a fine of from $10 to x day : ) ********* It is to be hoped that the movement for early Saturday closing will not be aban- doned. Its universal adoption would in time obviate most of the difficulties attend- ing it, as is shown by many years' experience in England. SJ! !(! «f* •(■ *1» *T" "f* *£* t* *t» The committee also invited the German pastors of New York and Brooklyn to meet for consultation, and with their help a German meeting was held at Cooper Institute, attended by nearly three thousand German Americans, at which able and earnest addresses were delivered in German against the principles of the "Personal Liberty Party," and in defense of our American Sunday observance, which were re- ceived with enthusiastic applause. ********* This "Personal Liberty" movement awakened counter agitation throughout the State, and in almost all of the principal towns meetings were held and sermons preached in reference to it. Citizens without distinction of party or faith — Roman Catholics, Protestants, and large numbers of Germans — united in the opposition. ********* An important feature of the Sunday discussion throughout the country is the larger part which workingmen are taking in it. In the movement for bettering the condition of the workingmen. which is so pregnant a feature of our times, the value of the Sunday rest and of the laws which protect it is being more distinctly recognized. The Central Labor Unions of Brooklyn and New York and Knights of Labor in other parts of the country have sought the enforcement of existing laws closing shops and stores on Sunday and the enactment of such laws where they do not exist. In Bos- ton, Chicago, Memphis, Atlanta, Indianapolis, and other cities the journeyman bar- bers have recently agitated for relief from Sunday work; while, in compliance with this demand, in Minnesota, a recent law provides "that keeping open a barber-shop on Sunday for the purpose of cutting hair and shaving beards shall not be deemed a work of necessity or charity." ********* The supreme court of Pennsylvania, in a decision handed down January 3, 1888. said: "The weekly day of rest is, from a mere physical and political stand-point, of infinitely greater value than is ordinarily supposed, since it not only affords a health- ful relaxation to persons in every position of life, but throws a strong barrier in the way of the degradation and oppression of the laboring classes who of all others need this ever-recurring da}' of rest and relief from weekly toil. It is therefore neither harsh nor unjust that man should be required to obey these statutes which have been wisely ordained for the protection of the Sabbath.' 1 I also submit another document, which gives the questions asked and answers given in the international convention of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers and the Knights of Labor, at the close of my address. After the half-hour address, an hour and a half was spent in the convention of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers in questions and answers, and half an hour in the Knights of Labor, after which, in both cases, our petition was indorsed by a unanimous vote: [Extract from report of Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts' address on Sunday Rest. (From Journal of United Labor, November 29, 1888.)] At the convention of engineers several questions were raised by those who feared that the petitioners' dream of Sunday rest for them might be too good to come true The first question raised was, "Will not one day less work per week mean one-seventh 80 In response to this, attention was called to th< ler- bilt engineers, and also of General Diven and other railroad managers that as much railroad work as is now done can be done in six days, and done better the better condition of the men; and on this ground the engineers would tained in demanding and, it necessary, compelling the railroad companies to so r< uist the pay schedule that the nun would be paid as much as at presenl I aj with Mr. Powderly, as I said to them, that there should be no stri were in accordance with knightly principles. A- • er question was, "What good would my Sunday off do my family if I were a hundred miles away with my engine?" It was replied that a railroad man would h the same point Saturday night every week, and would locate his hi at that point. Another question related to the stock train, which, it was said, could not be stopped on the Sabbath without cruelty to animals. Hut another engineer re- I that there were ears now provided in which sto t k could be ted and watered as if in the stable on such trips as were too long to accomplish between Sabbaths In ase, men should not be sacrificed for cattle. < me freight engineer fri rgia, where the law against Sunday freight is enforced, said emphatically that he never would leave Georgia while a railroad job could be had there, so gi did he prize his Sunday rest. Now I shall be glad to answer any questions, h< i i lear up all seeming diffi- culties, so that you can all indorse the petition as practical labor reform. Question. Wouldn't it be the best way to stop Sunday trains to have the Govern- ment own and control the railroads altogether as the knights ad I believe in that. Perhaps the best way I the discussion of Government control for seven days per week is to discuss this bill for Government ■ • rol on one day. If the railroads refuse the little we now ask the people will be the more ready to take control altogether. Question. Could not this weekly rest day be secured without reference to relij by having the workmen of an establishment scheduled in regular order for one day of rest per week, whichever was most enient — not all • on anj wer. A weekly day of rest has never bee- - n nently except on the basis of religious obligation. Take the religion out and y out. Greed is so strong that nothing but God and keep him fi capturing all the days for toil, li in a law requiring tl week be given for rest .■■>] in such work as i- permitted or y, in accordance with the following n which wi Knights of I. ncil of Chicago; but being ap ment by the Generi ' A • mbly (a tition), but only for you to carry h in his own St " 7c> //:-- 5.' "The undersigned earnestly | hire anotl hired I ■ v may 1 r right ' •r rij^ht to a v rk." • without ' ' ^o wit! • with i ments ■ churches, among enj Sunday lav not require any man to be religious. / than an eight hour law. In shortening the hours of la' Si the law to name as the rest day one which is already a rest day to a large number of the population on religious grounds. On the continent of Europe the voluntary plan has failed so signally that the conventions of socialists even are asking for stricter laws against Sunday work. REMARKS BY MRS. J. C. BATEHAM. Mr. Crafts: Mrs. J. C. Bateham, of Painesville, Ohio, the superintendent of Sabbath observance department of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, representing the organization that has done more work on the petitions than any other, will now speak. Mrs. Bateham. Honored Chairman and Senators, as representing our great body, I had the honor of presenting to you last winter a petition from nearly two millions of people, asking that Congress forbid needless Government work and inter- state commerce on the Christian Sabbath. The petitions have grown from nearly two to about seven millions. This does not recognize as a bona fide indorsement for the Catholic Church the personal sig- nature of Cardinal Gibbons. Should you accept that, it would make us fourteen millions. The Illinois Sabbath Association and Rev. W. F. Crafts have during the past year aided greatly in this work, having secured a large share of the new indorsements which will shortly be presented to this body. Allow me to say in behalf of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union and these petitioners, we claim that the present attitude of Government with reference to the Sabbath is working a great injustice and damage to the people, and we base our claim and our petition on these facts: (i) Nearly every State has its Sabbath laws, but the National Government has none, though greatly needed, since the question has become emphatically a national one, and the very perpetuity or loss of our national rest day, the Christian Sabbath, seems to depend on its being protected by the Government from the en- croachments of organized capital and on the re-enforcement of State laws by national. (2) It is in gross violation of nearly every State Sabbath law that railroads run their Sunday trains, yet these States are powerless to prevent it since only Congress can control interstate commerce. (3) By the State laws ordinary labor and traffic is forbidden on Sunday, but in defiance thereof the United States Government keeps its post-offices open and sells as on other days, and sends its mails to all parts of the country, though the example of such cities as London and Toronto shows Sunday postal work to be unnecessary, the telegraph supplying every necessity. (4) In its military service, by the extra drills, and parades, Sunday is often made the most laborious day of the week. (5) By ignoring its Sabbath obligations and the State Sabbath laws it sets an example sure to be generally followed by courts of justice of overriding and casting odium on all Sabbath laws. This effect is far reaching and disastrous. (6) By its example it encourages each citizen to use the day as best suits his personal pleasure without reference to the greatest good of the greatest number or the laws designed to guard this. (7) It is recreant to the principles of the forefathers who established this as a Christian Government on the rock-bed of the Sabbath as the bulwark of all morality. (8) It is listening to the demands of the rich and neglecting the cry of the poor — the toiling men, women, and even the children, who are increasingly com- pelled to work seven days in the week or forfeit employment. 82 In thus faili ir righl ■ deprives them of the tunity t at mem the chance of their beinj >ral. i By educating the people in lawlessness <>r antecedent and failing to protect the day which, more than ther influences, tend •: ■ the highest form dity it m grant d< »n of the Sabbath and for the rapidly lowering morals that is endangering the very life i>t" our free Government. What is needed to remedy these seriou and place tin.- Government wl it will re-enforce the State laws, liberate the prisoner toil, ail'" the to a higher plane of moralil ms to be that Congress ei such a law a.- i- contemplated by the Sun. lay rest bill. REMARKS BY HON' G P LORD. Mr Crafts - The next to speak will be the repre e of the organiza which, next to the Woman s Christian Temperance Union, has done the h withering petitions. It has really worked a tional society, though nai the Illinois - bath Association. It is represented here by its mosi a ker, Hon (i P Lord, of Elgin, who will now speak. Mr Lord. Mr Chairman and honorable Senators, as a representative o: S ith A n of Illinois. I submit the following points in support weekly rest law: (i) Bv common law the Christian Sabbath, known on our calendar as Sin legal weekly rest day and jr is the only day which by common consent is a we The Supreme Court of the United Stat' 1 Satui until Monday, is constantly re-affirming the law whit • day The Constitution of the United States guara; • all men the "liberty ' and to enjoy their legal riglr - E ry man is abridged of his liberty v he is deprived of his legal rights. The Constitution further guar 'the pursuit of happiness No man can be happy while he is const prived of his rights. We regard property rights Are there not other rights which are equally sacre REMARKS BY GENERAL A. S. DIVEN*. Mr Crafts: The next speaker will be a representative of the ' . the chairman of its d< ral A S Di.. tically controlled the Erie Railway, and will the rai of the sub'. Mr DlVBN Mr Chairman, I suppose the S men or two since, when < •n of Sunday railroad traffic, having ment of railroa d s and feeling somewhat •wo articles in which 1 took tl no public ne< essity for Sunday lid not suffer in their • I took the ground, first, that tl perform a days or seven I, that the i perform all the bu it would not increase the ■ the roadi to lay u\e: on Sundav; fourth, that so far as the public is concerned, there is no necessity -justifying the running of railroad trains on Sunday on account of freights or passengers or mails. The Chairman. How do you explain that as much can be done in six days as in seven in the way of railroad traffic? Mr. Diven. I explain it in this way: The railroads have the capacity. The Chairman. Suppose the work then increases? Mr. Diven. The facilities for transportation increase in advance of the demand. The Chairman. Would it not be necessary to increase those facilities sooner than if you took the seven days to do the work? Mr. Diven. The facilities at present are more than enough to do the work in six days, and the facilities are increasing faster than the demand by the construction of additional competing lines and by improvement of the older lines. The Chairman. You attribute it, then, to the fact that the facilities are more rapidly increasing than the traffic? Mr. Diven. That is a fact. The Chairman. You do not claim that as much work can be done, with the facilities remaining the same, in six days as in seven? Mr. Diven. No; but the roads have facilities for doing enough in six days to meet all business requirements and a great deal more. The Chairman. You do not mean to say that a piece of freight could leave San Francisco and get to Boston as quickly in six days as now in seven days? Mr. Diven. No. The Chairman. Then economy of time to the public would be lacking? Mr. Diven. I claim that the difference in time between the transmission of freights from San Francisco to New York would be of no practical consequence. It is a kind of freight that, whether it arrives one day or the next in New York, it is perfectly immaterial to the trade. The Chairman. How with business men, or a minister who, starting from San Francisco on a given day, must preach in New York the next Sunday? Men want to save time. Could they get from San Francisco to New York in six days when seven are now required? Mr. Diven. There are three days in the week in which passengers can start from San Francisco and arrive in New York without encroaching upon Sunday. The Chairman. You do not claim that a passenger could make the same dis- tance in six days that he can now make in seven? Mr. Diven. No; I do not claim that. The Chairman. In other words, you do not claim that by this one day's general rest the rapidity of action would be so increased during the remaining six days, without destruction to economic principles, that the six days' work with the seventh day's rest would be as good as seven days' work without any day's rest? Mr. Diven. I will state to the committee what I would do if I were controlling a railroad line between New York and San Francisco. There would be the same number of passengers. Nobody claims that it would take one from the number of passengers from ocean to ocean, if they all had to lay over on Sunday. The same number of passengers would be carried. Therefore, the railroads would be losing nothing. The Chairman. The main question is, What would be the loss to the public? Mr. Diven. I will come to that point. If I were managing a road from New York to San Francisco, no matter what the other lines might do, this would be my programme: Starting Sunday night, there are three of the first days of the week in which passengers can go through before the next Sunday. Then I would arrange 84 inday stop-ovei t 1 hree plat e I would 1< icate tl attractive places upon the road, at win. h I would make the i I perfei i I accommodations. Then on the lay-over hum, I would give a free tickel fori ■ imodations for one day, and 1 venture to say thai any road now in oj which would adopt that system would gel the largesl trains on the lay-over ti The Chairman. Taking the year together, do you believe the public w accomplish as much business by observing the Sabbatb with reference to the ti • rtation of freight and passengers as under the existing system by the vi the Sabbath? Mr. DlVKN. I have no doubt that they would. There is jusl so much t: to be carried. There is just so much freight. The only case where travel wi be decreased would be in Sunday excursions and matters of that kind. The Chairman. You were superintendent of the Erie Railroad? Mr. DlVEN. I was vice-president for a long time of the Erie road and I have been president of other lines As to moving ordinary freights, which form the great hulk of transports furnished to railroads, the product of the forest, of the mine, of the factory, and the ht of the merchant, the mine lies idle on Sunday, the factory lies idle on Sum and all the industries that supply transportation to the companies are idle on Sunday. No freights arc brought to depots on Sunday; no freights are taken from the Sunday. None of the industries that contribute to the traffic of railroads are in tion on Sunday, and when all those industries are suspended, why it is necessary to keep their freight moving I, for the life of me, can not und< The bull the freights are of a character that are not damaged by a day'.- delay, no: market affecte 1. It is cl 1 know, that there are certain perishable freights that w< d with by Sunday rest to the disadvantage of the public A to tl "ock that is largely shipped from the valley of the Mi from the Western p! I hold it is to the advantage of the shipper as well as the railroad con hat the . should not be kept i:i cars more than I Lght hours. < hi all th< from the sources of the large supply of [j ',. to New York, il i that the stock should he taken out of tin- car- I for if they are '.or. ed throi without rest they come into the market hi a '>, exhausted state, and are Ul the butcher I know that to he the < sperien When I was in the management of the i .'ht it wise to lay over with ■ even between Buffalo and New York. That is not regarded ntial but it ■ ntial, nevertheless. The -•■>. k shipper ; y the time of ■ to his stock. k trail tation is 1 small item uj i The principal • the ca1 tered in the W< t, and *■ ■untry in the By the invention of tin- refri from the \av West Tl ' al K rried not only from K York, but to •mail, and 1 - '. nr ille ind all over thi try. N is tl i arried I ■ and I I at Chi tter than if it had been butel •i Run* With that arrangement ' I 'out deterioration the plea of ne< »n Sun 8; Another point urged by a great many is that the milk which supplies the cities must be brought in on Sunday. That I know to be unnecessary. The milk of the dairy of Saturday supplies the city of New York on Monday. No milk trains that supply our cities with milk ever reach farther from the market than ioo miles, and that hundred miles may be run in five hours. The milk of Saturday night may be brought into New York and delivered before daylight on Sunday morning. I would allow these trains to run Sunday night provided they would not encroach upon the day of Sunday. The Chairman. That is, the daylight of Sunday? Mr. DlVEN. Yes; the daylight. The Chairman. Will you not state to the committee your views as to the effect of the seven days' work without a rest day upon the condition of the employes, and as bearing also upon the safety and efficiency with which transportation is made for passengers and freight alike? Mr. Diven. This is a subject I am not well prepared to discuss. The Chairman. You must have an opinion. Mr. Diven. Certainly; but I am not prepared particularly on that point as to facts and figures. The Chairman. Please state your opinion briefly. Mr. Diven. I state most emphatically that the men who have their seventh day rest are always in better condition for railroad service than those who are com- pelled to work that extra day. The Chairman. What effect has that upon the safety of life? Mr. Diven. A wearied engineer, in my judgment, does not keep his balance as well; he can not conduct his train with so much prudence and safety. The Chairman. What is your opinion as to the effect of the present method of conducting travel (that is, largely continuing the labor of the men on the Sabbath as well as other days) upon the railroad accidents which occur in the country? Mr. Diven. In my judgment a railroad engineer to perform his duty with caution ought to have rest. He ought not to be overworked. The Chairman. Can you answer the question directly, does Sunday work increase or lessen the accidents in the country ? Mr. Diven. I think it increases them. The Chairman. Is there anything else you would like to say? Mr. Crafts. Will General Diven give his opinion as to Sunday mail trains? Mr. Diven. With regard to mail trains, I see no necessity for the distribution or movement of mails on Sunday. The mail is not resorted to now in cases of emer- gency. In all cases of emergency where rapid communication is desired, the telegraph is resorted to, since we have that there is no occasion for using the mail in case of emergency. Almost all the great business of the country for which the mails are used is suspended on Sunday. The exchanges, the banks, all offices of business are closed on Sunday, and the Sunday mails are not opened until Monday. For personal communication one day's delay in a social letter can make no difference, and if there is accident, or sickness, or any emergency, the telegraph is always resorted to now. Senator Palmer. I should like to ask you one question. I heard you remark that the adoption of refrigerator cars and their use did away with the necessity to transport live cattle on Sunday. Mr. Diven. By the use of refrigerator cars fresh meat need not be transported on Sunday. 86 nator Palmer, [ thought you wei live cattle in tl tion, and 1 was going t» - you knew thai the refrigi ent and ev< using them has to pay tribute to the owners of tl at. Mr. DlVEN. That may be the ca I Senator I'm. mi k. Thai would have a very important bearing on tl i Mr. Divbn. i ■ cars are now used a great deal more than formerly. There is ten times the quantity of meat brought to New York in tl its than comes <>n the hoof. Senator Palmer. If the transportation of cattle in the liv< • ■• • ■ ■■ ban- doned it would give those who control the refrigerator cars a monopoly of the trans- ition of beef. Mr. Divbn. That is true. Set lmf.r. That is a very material practical • n thai would come up in tl n of any proposed 1< ■ public ensitive . matter of that kind. Mr. Diven. Have not the public, through Cot ress, a right to limit the chat for the transportation of meat notwithstanding the patent? I think they have. REMARKS OF REV. T. W. COXRAD, D. D. Mr. Crafts: The next representative will be Rev. 1 W. Conrad, D. D., of Philadelphia, editor of the Lutheran Observer, who will speak in behalf of those Germans who love the Sabbath. Mr. Conrad. The Germans, as you km ly religi people, choseii by Providence to be the agents to introduce Protestantism; but I have deteriorated, as other nations have done. The Germans, who for the last live or ten years, or probably more, have I grating to this country, who are free-thinkers in their belief and S"i ialisl - in their tical views, we are told by those who understand the matter are a low, of German emigration, and they have at least thought themse'. . - and formidable that they have organized a- -is all over the country termed sonal liberty leagues, one of the essential put of which is to overthrow the laws that protect the Lord's Day, the Sunday, the Christian Sabbath. Th( have become somewhat formidable, and, having thrown themseh the deal arena, they hav< e a factor in well as in the • in America. I desire '<> speak for the • lical portion of the German emigration who are Lutherans and also Reformed Evangelical I call them. Ii to their position on the Sabbath, while they differ relatively as is on wl the Christian Sabl ath i rests, and also in regard to the manni the ath, t : rsally i". fi maintaining the S REMARKS BY REV. GEORGE ELLIOTT. Mr. Crafts: Rev. George Elliot) ndry Methodist Church, of this city, and auth Abiding Sabbath," will i Mr r. < if tin s. venth-1 1 stand are asking anything of this commitl at the last census but tv ■,. The larger porti- h fellov laws. I observe that a with their con You: Government within its jurisdiction give similar legal protection to the Sunday that is already given by nearly all the States. That ought not to be considered a large or unreasonable demand. It has already been remarked that Sunday legislation is in some sort a part of the common law of the Anglo Saxon people. It antedates what is known as statute law by great distances. It is in the old constitutions or judicial codes which are back of the time of Edward the Confessor. The code of Alfred the Great begins with the Ten Commandments, and repeatedly enacts penal- ties for violating the first day of the week, or the Lord's Day. In the codes of Athel- stan and Edgar the Peaceable, and away back even in the old days of the Saxons, when England was divided between West Saxon and Kent, there were Sunday laws. It is a part of the very constitution of all the English speaking people, a part of their laws and immemorial custom. Sunday is a non-legal day, as has already been ob- served, by the recognition of even the Constitution of the United States. The Pres- ident is not compelled by law to do any work on Sunday. He is given ten full days for the consideration of all bills. As to his executive business, I do not know that you have any way to compel him to perform it, unless he should neglect his duties on any day. He disposes of his own time; but in the only work that you can require at his hands you give him the day of rest. We only ask you to give it to all other workers as well. The President of the United States has called your attention, in his recent message, to the recommendations of the Commissioners of the District of Columbia, and the fact that the confused state of the Sunday laws in this very community, in which many of us live, require some action by Congress. I have hardly dared to speak it publicly, for fear that advantage might be taken of it by saloon men and others, but it is very uncertain whether we have any Sunday laws whatever, in this District, which can be relied upon to stand the test of judicial analysis. There is want of legislation on the subject. The only national legislation that I know of with regard to the Sunday question is the single clause in the Constitu- tion already mentioned, and I think provisions that at the naval and military schools there shall be no requirements of instruction on Sunday. We ask this legislation mainly, as far as your discretion is concerned, as an eco- nomic measure in the interest of workingman, and as a religious measure only as it protects the Christian commonwealth in its right of undisturbed worship and as it defends the rights of conscience. When you require Sunday work of public servants you incapacitate for filling public office those whom you ought most to desire to fill those offices. If I may be warranted in the suggestion, if the growing distrust of the Sunday-school man in places of trust, as cashier of a bank and other responsible positions, is significant of anything, it is that the Sunday-school man of to-day is not the Sunday-school man of Puritan times. The church of today is weakened; the power of conscience in the church and community is weakened; that power of moral conviction and high principle upon which public morals depends is weakened by the trifling with its conscience at the hands of the state and nation. Therefore, as a matter of free conscience, as a matter of our rights as citizens to hold office freely and fully, to render all public service in every way, without interference or hindrance by law, we ask for such legislation at your hands. Senator Call. The law requires certain work to be performed on Sunday, but it does not compel any man to do it who is conscientiously opposed to working on that day. You say the state is trifling with the conscience of the church. How does it do so? 8S Mr. Elliott. You make it difficult t'<>r men to hold ( not compel a man to work on Sunday; he ign his intor Call. Suppose the law authorized a man to use ose conscience would not be trifled with by work on that d Mr. Elliott. I do not ear- into fine questions of ■ ry. Senator Call. But you said the state was trifling with the conscience of the church. While we might admit everything else you say. I should like to ally in what respect the legislation of any State does ii"' in terms hut in fact, the conscience <>t the church. Our constitutional provi is t' : !S shall make no law respecting the establishment of religion. That ich man's conscience. Mr. Elliott. Certainly. rCALL. We say, who believe in the church, that it protects the conscience of the church. So it does; but it protects the const imce of everybody else. Mr. Elliott. That is true. Without doubt the existing system of Sur k is in violation of the spirit of our laws. Ser. ' \ll. That is what it was intended to do, at least. I only wai to know in what way the state is trifling with the conscience of the church. Mr. Elliott. It is evident, whatever may he the nice point of casuistry, that a man who has conscientious objections against Sunday work is placed at a great Senator Call. Suppose he could get somebody else to do the work who did not lentious scrupl. Mr. ELLIOTT. The fact that he is compelled to put somebod lace ild put him at a disadvantage. And a man of very delicate conscience would believe that what a m 3 by another he does by himself. Senator Call. How are you to avoid ii ' ttor Wilson. I suppose the man would have to re-: itor CALL. Not at all. He could work fo v hours; and that would not hurt his conscience very much. Mr. Elliott. I'. ery letter-carrier in all our ' I to 1 '>ort at t ; Sunday. r Call. Supp >se you have a provision which nviction that he oughl not to deliver a letter on Sund m that work and he authoru place at the cost of that particular service only, would not th . Mr. t. It misjht possibly ion of individual does no1 C ill. But ii .••-.!:.,•• [ument -h the of the church. Mr. ' itt. 1 do not think ii W( ' -ill mai: I Mr >rT. It would still main' C >i L. Hut Mr. i-::': • 1 of reli '■ian. What v.oul 1 become of 1 Btitute 1 the sam>- Mr. Elliott. I think it of g ■ We can not 1 Mr. Elliott. I understand that. Senator Call. You do not propose to ask us to do that? Mr. Elliott. Not at all. Senator Palmer. I understand the point the reverend gentleman makes to be that the state, by compelling these duties to be performed on Sunday, is debauch- ing the public conscience on that point. Senator Call. That is a different thing. I understood him to say that the state was trifling with the conscience of the church. Mr. Elliott. I wish to add a word on this point of conscience. The legisla- tion which we propose is not merely with regard to national service, but to such private service as is under the control of the national law. There a man can easily be dis- charged who refuses to work on Sunday, and any provision that you make for a substitute in such cases would probably be unconstitutional ab initio. You can not enter that far into the domain of private business. Senator Call. But in regard to the public business we could provide ,for in- stance, that Seventh-Day Baptists might perform the service. Mr Elliott. Certainly; but if the million men employed on the railways I can not state the number, but it is a much larger number than we have in the public service altogether) are not protected by a Sunday law of the United States you make it impossible for scrupulous Christian men to compete for such positions. The Chairman. Your position is, if I may epitomize it, that the postal and other Government employes who do public work on the Sabbath and the employes of railroad and other private corporations who perform work which is now done on the Sabbath, by the will of the employers of such laboring people, must choose between the violation of their conscience and the abandonment of their means of livelihood under the present customs and laws. Mr. Elliott. Yes, sir; as regards any constitutional question involved in a religious test, the fact that Sunday is a non-legal day in the common law, coming with the strain of our traditions and as an immemorial custom, makes its observance a part of the very organization and fiber of our society rather than a religious test. Its mention in the Constitution in the case of the President sufficiently proves that the framers of that document did not regard it a religious test. Senator Call. Do you propose that Congress shall make provision to pay the people in the employ of the Government who are exempted on Sunday for Sunday work ? Mr. Elliott. I expect you to give them an adequate compensation. Senator Call. Do you propose that the law shall provide that the same amount shall be paid for six days' work as for seven? Mr. Elliott. I do, for the reason that we believe these employes can do all the work that is to be done in six days, and if they do all the work they ought to have all the pay. Senator Call. How will that comport with private affairs? Mr. Elliott. Other gentlemen have already argued that question here at length. We believe that the State is richer and that the English-speaking peoples are richer through the centuries for having rested one day in seven. Senator Call. All that part of the proposition may be granted to you, but the simple question is, will the people of the country consent to pay for six days' work the same as for seven? Mr. Elliott. It is not a question whether they will. Senator Call. The economic proposition is whether it can possibly be done? Mr. Elliott. Whether the people will consent to it or not, is not the question. 90 Senator < The nment of th Mr : \ | they will I law . iod that in the long run the hours and I ulation <>t" I j nut affect the whole which, as an economii fixed wage fund. • Call. I grant that: bul how .lets it affeel the man who ha- i be sick on Sunday? He requires attenti kind. How d is in danger urdered or mi Mr. r. The 1 ill excepts works of mercy ami charity. Senal ill. Then it will depend entirely upon the denniti is a -.'.urk of mercy? Mr. Elliott. That is true. Y • judici; then, and there is quite a lav j of decisions I • n that point. ■ i.i. Hut the qui I to an employe of tin- I ent or 1 an emj tablish a stand; thai kind? Mr. Elliott. As , in tin i [ employmenl in all the productive industries, there is absolute re Sunday. m.l. T eminent requires cerl i in the railway mail servi Sup] ise the Government says that service shall not be r ruled which re-i.': ry the employment of those men on t; day"' H( ■ dllion men en • ■ Here are thi corporations who . men. By what law and what \ u ■ an you ■ compel those cor; ^orations I • y their ■ price for six days' work that they now pay for seven? Mr. Elliott. Conj n not compel them. Th< so by an < Sena-' - I ' ill. I" Y,'. king about a national law. The Chairman. Let me suggest thai I ■ far as the ] LL. Hut the i oint is, how is thi these employ* - ; That is the proposition 1 not whether eight hour lard. '! iw this i to make th< individuals ■ for Mr. Elliott. E uart Mill ii b in which he is t — The operatives an right in thinking I S. Mis. 43 4 • in the foil y. • Call. Then yi »u di Mr. Elliott W< If. Allow me ti -red to are unwillir. ing, Sunday work. Probably many would welcome a law which would bear equally upon all parties REMARKS BY DR. HERRICK JOHNSON. Mr. Crafts: Dr. Herrick Johnson, of Chicago, will be the next speaker. Mr. Johnson. We all agree that one day should be set apart for rest in the interest of the community. The great body of the people — an inconsiderable frac- tion to the contrary — believe that Sunday is the day set apart for that purpose. It would be impossible to set two days apart. It is now half past 10 in Chicago. It is half hast i t here. If one of the Seventh- day Baptists should start west from Chicago to go around the world, always keeping each seventh successive day, when he got back to Chicago he would be keeping Fri- day instead of Saturday, as the Sabbath; and another Seventh-day Baptist who went the other way around the world would be keeping Sunday instead of Saturday for the Sabbath when he got back. That is what comes of making a fetich of the letter. REMARKS BY REV. BYRON SUNDERLAND, D. D. Mr. Crafts: The Rev. Dr. Sunderland, of this city, will now address the com- mittee. Mr. Sunderland. Senators, we come before you as your fellow countrymen, your fellow-citizens, your fellow-patriots, and your fellow-Christians. We come here to ask of you in your high places, as the successors of the great men, the great Christians, who founded this Government and who gave us the Constitution of the nation, such legislation as shall tend to preserve the Sabbath of our forefathers, ar.d transmit it in purity and simplicity to the latest generation. We do not ask of you any novel thing. Look back to the records of a hundred years ago; look back to the action of the Congress of 1770; look back to the proclamations and orders of Washington, the utterances of such men as Franklin and Adams, and all the great Christians who have been prominent in the history of this country. You know. Senators, the record of the past, and you know that those fathers bequeathed to us the Christian Sabbath. REMARKS BY REV. C. H. PAYNE, D. D. Mr. Crafts: Rev. C. H. Payne, D. D., of New York, will speak of the "personal liberty" phase of the Sabbath question. Mr. Payne. Mr. John Stuart Mill has well said: The operatives are perfectly right in thinking that if all worked on Sunday seven days' work would have to be given for six days' wages.* That will be the outcome in this country, as it is in other countries, if our Sab- bath laws are overthrown. We claim that nothing but the protection of the law for a civil Sabbath can guard the rest day as a boon to the workingman. Amid the exactions of capital, the greed of men, and the competition of business, the rest day must inevitably go and a working day be substituted for it, unless the angel of law stands at the gate of the Sabbatic Eden with naming sword in hand to keep away the spoiler. Judge Noah Davis, in a speech in New York last year on this subject, well said. *On "Liberty," near end of Chap. IV. 02 Tin- thoul law; there can be i libertj edienci to law. And Senator Reagan, of Texas, in arguing this question with Mr. Jeffei Davis in tl compaign in that State, well said, in subsl You may search the English charter and whatever there is in the Constitul the United States concerning the rights of man. and all the bills of rights of the ral States, and you will not find a single sentence in whi< h there is any protection lor that which is injurious to the interests of society. We claim that the open bar on Sunday, and all noisy public amusements, such • arades, creating disorder, destroying the peace of the Sabbath day, are inimical tc the highest interests of society, and tend to overthrow the liberties of the majority of our people. I hold that, whether it is regarded as religious or not the ob» rvai ■ • day in the week by our forefathers and by every State in the Union, and by this whole •n throughout all its history, has elevated it to its pre-eminent place of great- and we think it an insult to be asked to abandon the policy at this late day. REMARKS BY ALOXZO T. JOXES. Mr. Jones. Mr. Chairman, we represent the organization known as the Seventh- Day Adventists. The principle upon which w< is that civil government has :ing to do with religious observances. "Render unfc I ar the- things which are Cesar's, and unto God the things that arc God's." Senator Blaik. If Ca?sar is society and the Sabbath is required f> i( ty, does not God require us t<> establish the Sabbath for the good akes a law accordingly is it not bindi Mr. Jones. It is the . iety to be Christian; it would r the 1 < i society. itor Blair. Do you not confuse this matter? A thing may be required the good of society, and for that very reason b< rdance with the will commai d. God uses his command for | he not? ■ nuands that ha ei Mr. : I deny th right of any civil povcrnn:' nt 1 ■ ly law respect- thing that pertains to man's relationship '■■ God under the first four of the Ten Commandments. Blair. Then y< this bill and all ip of mat I, and not 1 Mr. JONI - That is the principle by which other tl : - .'or Blair. Right there I found fault with your original i -ion. have ;■ stablisl -i can defeat 1 ■ v * * * ■ Blair N -if the • ily for •' ublican form i just as the t: y did r the impr. ernmei by us under the republican form, ranir • t the 1 mmen; hen the th< same subjec •-■ ^ontro! 93 society; it makes no difference which one or the other it may be. * * * Have you ever known an instance, though the sentiment in favor of a Sabbath seems to be growing constantly stronger, where any State in this Union undertook to enact a law that anybody should go to church? — which is the danger you seem to apprehend. Mr. Jones. Not yet. They are now after the first law. This will lead to that. Senator Blair. Do you understand that it is the Church or the State that is making this law? Mr. Jones. It is the State that is doing it, just as Constantine did, to satisfy the Churches. Senator Blair. It may or may not satisfy the Churches. The Churches give their reasons here, which may be right or wrong, for the establishment of the Sab- bath; for this Sunday legislation in all the States. The State, the whole people, make the law. You say that the whole people shall not make a good law because the Churches ask for it. * * * Senator Blair. You would abolish any Sabbath in human practice which shall be in the form of law unless the individual here and there sees fit to observe it ? Mr. Jones. Certainly; that is a matter between man and his God. Senator Blair. I have been all through this that the working people go through. I have been hungry when a boy. The hrst thing I can remember about was being hungry. I know how the working people feel. I have tugged along through the week and been tired out Saturday night, and I have been where I would have been compelled to work until the next Monday morning if there had been no law against it. I would not have had any chance to get that twenty-four hours' rest if the Sun- day law had not given it to me. It was a civil law under which I got it. The masses of the working people in this country would never get that twenty-four hours' rest if there had not been a law of the land that gave it to us. There is that practical fact, and we are fighting with that state of things; the tired and hungry man, woman and child all over this country who wants a chance to lie down and rest for twenty- four hours out of the whole seven days. * * * Abolish the law of rest, take it away from the working people, and leave corporations, and employers, and saloon-keepers, and everybody at perfect liberty to destroy that twenty-four hours of rest, and lawgivers and lawmakers will find out whether or not the people want it, and whether they want those lawmakers. * * * Certainly the hard working man needs rest, and the preachers, church members, and millionaires may do as they please. * * * * ***** The bill is simply an act proposing to make efficient the Sunday rest laivs of the States, and nothing else. 94 ADDITIONAL REMARKS OF MR. CRAFTS. amusements arc within I jr-resl 1 i-trict of Columbia and the Territories.] The working-men of the United States and of Europe are demanding a stricter Sabbath observance. Recent agitations to this end have origin- ated, in most instances, not in churches, but in labor organizations, and have been prosecuted, not in the name of religion, but of humanity. Socialism is leading a renaissance of Puritanism. These movements are a striking illustration of that Scripture saying about God's laws, "His commandments are not grievous." Christians tunneling from one side of the mountain for the glory of God, and workingmen tunneling from the other side for their own good, meet at the Fourth Commandment, which is found to be as fully in harmony with the nature of man and the necessities of society as any other of the Ten Commandments, on which, it should be remembered, all Christian governments rest — Justinian, Charlemagne, and Alfred having based their legal codes on the Decalogue. One reason why the Sabbath law and other Bible laws are often con- sidered burdensome by many is that they fail to understand that religion is only living in accordance with nature — conversion being like the setting of dislocated bones, restoring them to their proper place and functions. The Fourth Commandment, at least, is a "natural law in the spiritual world." A restful change one day in seven from one's usual labors and amusements is found to be required, not only by the laws of church and state, not only by the laws of the Old Testament and the New, but also bv the law of nature. Sabbath rest is good, not only for our spiritual nature, but also for animal nature in man and beast, and even for machinery. The failures and successes of workingmen in their recent efforts to secure a more restful Sabbath, point out clearly the only defensible ground of Sabbath observance, which it is all important for both Workingmen s ^ ^^ q£ Qod ^ ^ frjends q[ man tQ find amj Sunday Rest fort jf y fo show what this ground is, not by Scripture, Battles. nQt by ab5tract theorizing, but by "the philosophy that teaches by examples," is my present purpose. The efforts of workingmen on the continent of Europe and in our own country to check the rapid increase of needless Sunday work, are a practical y of the holiday Sunday. What do the facts of recent history show as to the relation of Sunday amusements to Sundav work? In 1886 the Italian 'legislators made a law requiring that children em- ployed in factories should rest one day of each week. The movement was inaugurated by a minister, but supported by the Hygienic Society and several workingmen's organizations. Note that these societies di 1 not venture to ask even this irregular one-seventh of time ; - r it for any toilers except children in factories. In 1885 Austro-IIungary. in response to the bitter cry of Sabbathless toilers, enacted a stringent Sunday law which emancipated even- printer from Sunday work— for a Sabbath or * Then Greed recaptured his fugitive slai That law. however, ser one purpose at least— it stands as that nation's confession to the world that the continental Sunday, the "holiday Sunday." is to many a day of 95 needless toil. Those who know the continental Sunday best, it will be seen, have the same opinion of it that the Quaker Lad of a bad neighbor, of whom his opinion was asked. He replied, "He would make a tip-top stranger." The reaction against the Sunday work of the continental Sunday is even stronger in Germany than in Austria or Italy. In 1886 a thousand carpenters of Berlin sent the following petition to the German chancellor for protection against Sunday work : Prince Bismarck : You have declared that you would not legally forbid Sunday work until convinced by the voice of the laborers that they demand rest on that day. Here, then, is their voice. We declare explicitly that we desire a law which will grant us protection in the enjoyment of freedom from work on Sunday. Sunday labor leads to misery, crime, and vaga- bondism." Bismarck, instead of aiding German workingmen to recover their Sab- bath rest, blockaded them, not only in Parliament, but also by his own bad example in keeping the employes in his brandy factories at work seven days in the week. The commission appointed by the German government to investigate this matter of Sunday work finds the evil very great and very general, but they find no remedy; and even conservative German papers declare that nothing can be done at present except to educate public opinion. Unless they are blind to the lessons of recent history they will begin that education with the fourth commandment. This rejected stone must become the head of the corner in any successful defense of Sabbath rest. As a permit for "beer only" always admits whisky in its shadow, so a permit for Sunday sport always includes Sunday work. In France, where many laborers are seen working in the fields and at their trades during the Sunday holiday — those not at work make it a day of riot and riots — workingmen are making demands for Sabbath rest on social- istic and selfish grounds, but with as little success as in Germany. No wonder that travelers in France see no old carpenters, no old stone- cutters, no old shoe-makers ! No wonder French ' workingmen, even while they live, do less work in seven days than Englishmen in six ! At a socialistic congress held at Ghent, in Belgium, in 1886, one of the chief demands was for Sunday rest. In Holland, also, workingmen are making a desperate effort for emancipation from Sunday work. The Independent, of February 17, 1887, says of this movement: "The meas- ures proposed in Holland are characteristic of the whole European phase of the problem. No work is to be allowed that is open Continental to public view ; no sales of any sort shall be made in pub- Reforms. li Cj with the exception of eatables ; no places of public amusement shall be open before 8 o'clock in the even- ing, nor are intoxicating drinks to be sold near churches in case worship is being conducted in them, nor anywhere before noon. The Government declares that it is impossible to forbid all work on Sundav or to close all places of amusement, as this is the only day of recreation which these laboring men can enjoy; and that the object of this legislation should be merely to prevent any disturbance of public worship." In contrast to these failures of continental workingmen in their efforts to shut out Sunday work without excluding Sunday amusements, British workingmen, in 1886, as often before, protested against England. Sunday opening of museums, and continued to favor the Sunday closing of saloons, recognizing that not only the 96 coarse Sunday amusement of the saloon but also the more civilized Sunday amusement of the museums imperil Sunday rest by secularizing the day. Even in our own West and Southwest, where the holiday Sunday pre- vails only in a varioloid form, workingmen are asking emancipation f: the ever-increasing Sunday work. For instance, in La Crosse, the N [pans formed a Law and Order League to enforce the Sabbath laws. Saloons had been suffered to keep open as a part of the holiday Sunday. Some of the dealers in better goods, unwilling to lose their share of the Saturday night's wages, claimed the same sufferance. Their competitors in the same line of goods felt it necessary to do the same in self-defense, until nearly all the retail merchants and their clerks had lost their Sabbath rest, and gained nothing in return. They were simply doing seven days' work for six days' profits. The movement of the Law and Order League was an attempt to recapture the lost rest. The liquor dealers being closed out, retaliated by enforcing the law against the horse-cars, and seem to have accomplished their purpose, as in many other places, stopping enforcement by enforcement. No Sabbath law should have any restric- tions whose enforcement can be used to nullify the whole law. I do not believe the running of horse-cars on the Sabbath is either a work of necessity or of mercy. They are "man-killers," as now managed. But until the public conscience (I do not say "public sentiment") is educated to condemn them as wronging both God and man, it would be better to be content with a "six-day law" forbidding any conductor or driver or any other employe engaged in work not prohibited on the Sabbath, except those engaged in household service and in care of the sick and of live stock, to work on more than six days per week, which could be arranged by the use of one-seventh more men, and so give back, by the law of supply and demand, a week's wages for six days' work and a seventh of time for rest, rather than to keep the law against Sunday horse-cars on the statute ks for no other use than the defense of rum-sellers and the defeat of Sabbath enforcement. That LaCrosse movement has this bearing on my main argument — it shows us of the East, as a signal to "hold the fort" of our quieter Sabbath, how a holiday Sunday soon becomes a working day even in the smaller cities of our own country, and even where it is tolerated, against statute law. only by the law of custom. In New York, workingmen have made unprecedented efforts to secure emancipation from Sunday work. Hatters, s hoe salesmen, bakers, grocers' clerks, dry goods clerks, book-keepers, barbers, all made their protest against the needless Sunday work required of them, and secured several spasms of law enforcement, chiefly useful in two ways: First, in showing that the police can enforce good laws when they will; second, that even the American Sabbath has been seriously invaded by the needless toil which has marched in on the heels of Sunday sport. Workingmen are finding that wher.; they require or allow their fell- to work on the Sabbath for their amusement, their own turn to work comes ere long. Casting out religion from the Sabbath they cast out rest. Every act of the workingmen in secularizing the Sabbath for recrea* in the expressive words of another, "rivets the collar of Sunday labor more tightly around their neck A quiet Sabbath forenoon of protected rest and worship can no more co-exist with a Sunday afternoon half-holiday, -* t>~ ■ ~ -.— » can co-exist in these United States. All efforts of workingmen to resist invasion of the Sabbath by toil, while admitting amusements, have been and must be in vain, for the ground of the holiday Sunday is indefensible. While the center of the holiday Sunday's position is weak in the lack of Divine authority, its flanks are weak in their permission, on the one side, of some public amusements, on the other, of some forms of needless labor. The labor and business which the holiday Sunday permits by law is mostly that which is supposed to be essential to public amusement. In order that others may be amused, railroad men, newspaper Sunday Pleasures men, bakers, butchers, tobacconists, confectioners, Involve Work. barbers, bootblacks, drivers, florists, and in many cases, liquor dealers, are allowed to work their employes seven days in a week. It is on the heels of the exceptions, and through the same breach in the wall, that every other form of toil comes into the Sabbath. And why shouldn't it? If a man can not buy his Sunday cigars and caramels over night, why may he not insist on having his new shoes and new hat also on Sunday morning, "hot from the griddle?" It is a fact of history that wherever a breach has been made in the wall of the Sabbath to let in Sunday concerts and the Sunday opening of museums, not only worse amusements but work also has come following after, because there is no defensible line of battle by which one public amusement (legal on other days) can be kept back while another public amusement, which stands on no higher footing before the law, though it may before the church, is permitted. Nor is it consistent to defend the Sabbath against one form of needless work for gain, while another form of needless work for gain is permitted. "Twice is he armed that hath his quarrel just." The holiday Sunday is not thus armed, for it is not impartial either in what it forbids or in what it permits. If a rich railroad corporation can use the Sabbath for works of gain, why not a poor hat-seller also? If men may sell on the Sabbath cigars, newspapers, and candies, why not purer and more useful things also? If a man cant' wait for news until Monday morning, why should he wait for shoes ? The law that allows the making and selling of newspapers on Sunday and not the making and selling of good books, lacks equity, the very heart of true and effective law. Such law is a violation of law. By the law of equitable treatment all trade, all amusements, all work (save works of necessity and charity) should be prohibited, or none. Theatres are not willing to lose Sunday gains if saloons are allowed to be open Hatters and clothiers will soon be claiming the day all over the East, as they have already generally taken it in the West, on the ground that they have as good a right to make money on Sunday as tobacconists and con- fectioners. The law should not permit me to make another man work on the day of rest, that I may be amused. I should be required to find my rest in some way that will not sacrifice another's. Only the ignorant will say in defense of Sunday trains, Sunday newspapers, Sunday mails, and Sunday sails: "The few must suffer for the good of the many." I find from carefully compiled statistics that in the United States more than two millions are in this slavery of needless Sunday work, and the number is rapidly increasing. Every day some man has to choose between his salary and his Sabbath. 98 the making and selling of newspapers or any other works not clearly w of ; ity, or of mercy or of religion, have taken a position where they are exposed I • uble enfilading fire; first, from all who wish to continue other needless work on that day; and, second, from all who wish to continue other public amusemei hat (.lay. There never \ • mnd argument for amusements; but in these days, when the movements for shorter hours of labor, and "early closing," and the Saturday half-holiday, arc everywhere multiplying the workrr. hours for week-day recreation, there is not left a plaus- Sunda y ible argument even for Sunday concerts and the Sun- Amusements, ,i av opening of museums, much less for the "hell of the Sunday boat." The Saturday half-holiday and early closing will achieve full success all the sooner if the capitalist is not able to point to Sunday as a weekly holiday. Any defen round of Sab- bath observance must include the Round Top of Sinai. We must occupy and fortify the position that God's authority, as well as man's, is back of the Sabbath, commending it not to reason only, but to conscience also. This is the work of the Christian pulpit, the Christian press, and of Christian schools — the three chief conservators of public conscience. The right wing of this defensible line of battle is a hill-top of equity — the impartial prohibtion by the State and nation of all Sunday work except works of necessity and mercy. The left wing in this denfensible line of battle is another lull-top of equity — the impartial prohibition of all public amusements. Is the position I have thus indicated as the only defensible grounds of Sabbath observance impracticable? Nay, it is not even unreal. It is \ near the position on which the only successful workingman's defense of the Sabbath has ever been conducted in Europe. While Continental working- men have vainly attempted to recapture their Sunday rest, British work: men have ssfully defended theirs by resisting- the vanguard of the S bath's invader-. It tly significant that the only country in Europe in which working- men have not to a large extent lost their Sabbath rest, is one in which public conscience recognizes the divine authority of the day. What I have described is the only defensible ground of Sabbath observ- Toronto-j a ? ce « centering in the heights of a public conscience that rec Sunday n * zes lIle l ^ a - v as ot ' divine authority, with an impartial prohibit Rest. ' r a ^ nee dless work on one flank, and of all public amusements on the other, is more perfectly realized in Toronto than in any other large city of the world, and there proves itself both practical and popular. This Queen City of the world in morals, with distances from centre to cir- cumference as great as even larger cities, has every obstacle to a strict Sab- bath observance which "modern civilization" is supposed to offer. But the ob- stacles are all overcome. The Toronto Sabbath is "The barber's Sunday," "The butchers' Sunday." The right to Sabbath rest is not tab the post-office employees and the printers of the daily papei grocers, butchers, bakers, tobacconists, confectioners, also rest. Telegraph Operators all rest, except ten at the central office. Milk dealers are free most of the day. The latter have resolved hereafter to make no delivery on the Sabbath in cold weather, as it is entirely unnecessary. Livery stables can legally be used only kness and church going. Christians of Toronto at least are considerate of their servants in th bles and at their tables. 99 It is harsh to prohibit the renting of boats to the poor while the rich man drives about in his carriage. Three ''through trains," kept up by American competition, is the most serious offense against Sabbath rest that one sees. It is out of control of the city authorities, the provincial law allowing Sun- day trains starting in the United States to go through Canada to their desti- nation. This sort of Sabbath is kept up not alone out of regard for God's law, but also because it is found to be for the best good of men. Efforts to start Sunday papers have found no popular support and utterly failed. Work- ingmen see that "the Sabbath was made for man." Druggists think ours a "horrible country" for men of their trade, in that even half of a Sabbath is not allowed them for rest. Toronto is " a city set on a hill," "a light to the world," as to what can and should be done in all large cities in regard to Sab- bath observance. If a city would not suffer from hot-boxes of socialism, let it give its workingmen, as Toronto does, early closing, Saturday half holidays, and Sabbath rest. On the issue of the battle for the Sabbath the fate of our country and of our Christianity depends. Neither evangelical Christianity nor popular liberty ever thrived in a land of holiday Sundays, which are the allies of tyranny, infidelity and superstition. A quiet Sabbath is the best school of liberty as well as of religion. Let us then hold at any cost — for it is easier to defend than to recapture — the only defensible ground of Sabbath observance — namely, that both the authority of God and the good of man require on that day the cessation of all needless work and of all public amusements. [Extracts From Senate Hearing on Blair Sunday Rest Biu-" 1 William Black Steele, in the March number of the North American Review, shows that the holiday Sunday has more work than play. Recent investigations of the German Government, which had become alarmed at the increase of Sunday work, and was receiving protests from working- men, even from socialists, in regard to this alarming increase — these in- vestigations have shown that even in the factories of Germany 57 per cent, of the employes work on Sunday, and 77 per cent, of those engaged in transportation and trade. It is this work-a-day Sunday, which the con- tinental governments are seeking to be rid of, against which we would have our Government take preventive measures, because it is easier to prevent than to repent. This movement is in harmony with the awakening American spirit, whose watchword is, "America for American institu- tions." ***** Marching is the soldier's work, and therefore he should be relieved from it. Even at the sanitariums they omit the baths on Sunday because the human system requires a change one day in the week. Of course vessels at sea we do not expect to stop for the Sabbath in mid-ocean. A naval vessel on an ocean voyage would be like other ships at sea ; but we would not have coasting vessels of the Navy perform un- necessary work on Sunday. 100 Are Sabbath Laws Consistent with Liberty ? [Extract from "The Sabbath for Man," submitted by the author, Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts, Ph. D., at hearing before Senate Committee on Education and Labor, Hon. H. \V. Blair, Chairman, Dec. 13, 1888, Senate Reception Room. 50th Congress. Senate Mis. Doc. 43. J Sabbath laws are consistent with liberty in the same way as other laws for Natio I *' le P rotec ^ on °f institutions deemed by the majority of the peo Hohda ■ ^' e nn P ortant t0 tne welfare of society, such as the setting apart y * of the Fourth of July and the Twenty-second of February for the culture of patriotism. Many of the foreign one-seventh of the population of the United States have no interest in the national holidays, and would prefer to pay their notes that come due on the Fourth of July on that day rather than on the previous one. They would also like to use the banks and courts on that day, and to be able to find public servants in their offices. But few of these guests would say that it was inconsistent with liberty for the native majority of the popula- tion to set apart these days for lessons in liberty. Most of this native majority, with a third of the foreign population added, have another institutional day whose observance they regard as essential to the preservation of the Republic — the Sabbath. Liberty forbids them to enforce upon any one the religious features of the day. Liberty allows the majority no right, and it has no disposition, to en- force its religion upon others. But inasmuch as more than three-fourths of the population of the United States are members or adherents of Christian churches, and so accustomed to set apart the first day of each week for rest and religion, and inasmuch as it is the conviction of this majority that the nation can not be preserved without religion, nor religion without the Sab- bath, nor the Sabbath without laws, therefore Sabbath laws are enacted by the right of self-preservation, not in violation of liberty, but for its protec- tion. The Sabbath laws are not Puritanical. If they were, it would nn more be a valid argument against them than it is an argument against the Ameri- can Constitution, its common schools, and its homes, that they are ot 1'untan origin. But the main features of American Sabbath laws came from the predecessors and the persecutors of the Puritans. If there was today in the United States less reading of romance and more of history, speakers would be laughed down for their ismorance whenever they quote the "Blue laws." The nineteenth century, so far from canceling, confirms the essential features of Sabbath laws by re-enacting and re-affirming them in the legislative and judicial assemblies of its most enlightened nations. The republics of Rome and Greece and Spain, and the former one in France, all died, not of wounds, but of moral cancer. The devil can not cast a republic down from its high estate by any external blow. He can only say, "Cast thyself down." If he can persuade the Dying people to adopt the holiday Sunday and put the saloon Nations. an d t ne shop in place of the home and the church; if he can stop the Sabbath's weekly diffusion of intelligence and conscientiousness, and put frivolity and greed in its place, he will at length i 1 raise up a people among whom ballots will be given in exchange for beer and bank-bills. , "Without religious sanctions," says Professor Goldwin Smith, "men have never been able to live under a government of law." And, we may add, that with them a good government may live forever. In the words of Earl Russell : "There is no necessity in the nature of things that nations should die. History points to no people which, while strong in faith, in reverence, m truthfulness, in chastity, in frugality, in the virtues of the temple and of the hearth, has sunk into atrophy and decline. We may decide, therefore, that so long as moral energy fails not, the life of the nation will not fail." General morality is one of the necessities of life to a popular government, and such morality has never yet been secured except through churches and Sabbaths. Popular government can not live by bread alone; it must have also morality and religion. "Despotism may govern without faith," said De Tocqueville, "but liberty can not." It was the conviction of this truth that forced Mirabeau, the eloquent orator of the French revolution, to exclaim, "God is as necessary as liberty to the French people." Another Frenchman, La Place, wrote : "I have lived long enough to know, what at one time I did not believe, that no society can be upheld in happiness and honor without the sentiments of religion." These utterances have doubled force coming from France, the only nation that, having received the Sabbath, has ever legally and deliberately murdered the messenger of God, and thus crushed the religious instinct of the people, which it did at the Revolution by appointing a tenth-day rest, thus bringing on the wreck of liberty in a "reign of terror." Neglect of Sabbath rest pro- duces not only personal but political insanity. De Tocqueville said to an American, when the American Sabbath was stricter than it is now, "France must have your Sabbath or she is ruined." It might be added that America must restore her Sabbath or she is ruined. The venerable historian Hon. George Bancroft, in 1884. wrote to the New York Christian Advocate his conviction of the inseparableness of liberty and religion, as follows : "Certainly our great united comn*onwealth is the child of Christianity ; it may with equal truth be asserted that modern civilization sprang into life with our religion ; and faith in its principles is the life-boat on which humanity has at divers times escaped the most threatening perils." Religion is, then, necessary to the preservation of the State: but is the Sabbath necessary to the preservation of religion ? Voltaire answers : "There is no hope of destroying the Christian religion so long as the Christian Sab- bath is acknowledged and kept by men as a sacred day." The reverse is Libert 's Safe uard a ^ S0 trUe ' ^ at t ^ iere ' s no ^°P e °* P reserv i n ^ >* m anv Reii ion* FMMon 1 community where the Sabbath is not observed. Even ^"sabbath " a clergyman, visiting- in Venice, who had lost^ his reckoning of days, found through an American friend whom he met at evening that he had unconsciously spent a Sabbath in sight- seeing, having observed no closing of shops or cessation of work or amuse- ment to suggest that it was a holy day. This gives point to Calvin's saying, that "if the Lord's day was abolished the church would be in imminent dan- ger of convulsion and ruin." At a gathering of Lutherans in Germany, Dr. Bauer, court preacher, be- gan an address with the strong assertion that though Dr. Luther had de- 102 clared the doctrine of justification bv faith to be the doctrine of a standing or falling church, he could not regard the sanctification of the Sabbath as any less a ground pillar of the church and of our whole social life." "No republic has yet perished in which intelligence was not more general and higher at its overthrow than at its founding." Free governments can not go on without morality. In the words of Franklin, "What are laws without morals?" And, we may add, whence shall we get morals except from religion ? Let Washington answer both questions. He says : "Reason and experi- ence both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle." To this agree the words of Justice McLean, of the Supreme Court of the United States : "Where there is no Christian Sab- bath, there is no Christian moralitv : and without this free institutions can not long be sustained." Hon. John Randolph Tucker, M. C, of Virginia, has ably enforced this same great truth: "Ah! my friends, break down the fence of Christianity, and liberty and law and civilization will perish with it. I wish to testify my belief that the institutional custom of our fathers, in remembering the Sabbath day to keep it holv. as he conservator of their Christian religion, is the foundation of our political system and the only hope of American freedom, progress, and glory. Just in proportion as man is governed by his sense of right and duty, or by the religious principle in some form or other, he is capable of and fitted for dutv. But. on the other hand, in proportion to his disregard of moral law or the law of conscience does the need of external power increase. Liberty must grow less, and power tend to despotism. When the constitution and laws of a country, therefore, protect religion, they conserve that internal power over the man which saves liberty and makes despotism impossible." Sir John Sinclair wrote an essay against what he then considered a too strict and Puritanical observance of the Sabbath in Scotland. His friend, Dr. Adam Smith, although himself the apologist of Hume, said to him, "Your book. Sir John, is very ably composed, but the Sabbath as a political institution is of inestimable value independentlv of its claims to divine au- thority." Let us not call the Sabbath, in legal parlance, a dies non; British and American history prove it, even as a political institution, the dav of days. "But," say some who admit that the state can not be preserved without re- ligion, nor religion without a Sabbath, "the Sabbath may be preserved with- u * ll *•_ out laws." France and Germanv answer. "No." Neither No Sabbath ... 4 , , , ... ...... . , rest nor religion can use the dav to advantage without Without Law . . . « J .... . legal protection against creed and passion. \\ here there are no Sabbath laws there is practicallv no Sabbath. As courts have often decided, these Sabbath laws are not in violation of that much misunderstood article in the American Constitution : "Cnncress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." President Charles E. Knox. D. D. in a very able paper on "The Attitude of our Foreicn Pooulation Toward the Sabbath," urges that this amendment needs to be thoroughly expounded to the foreicm population of the United States. "It should be shown to them." he savs, "that while Congress possesses no law-making power in respect to nn estab- lishment of religion, it may and does and always has passed laws which have 103 respect to religion. It may and does and always has passed laws in respect to those phases of religious conviction which have to do with the self-preser- vation of the republic. Whatever makes the best citizen, Congress has a right to prescribe. Whatever attacks the vitalities of citizenship, Congress has a right to prohibit." It should be shown to them also, that while liberty allows no state church, and can compel no worship, "Christianity is a part of the common law of the land," as the highest courts have often decided. That Christianity is inter- „,. . /»i.-!-*i— woven with the entire structure and history of the This is a Christian A • /-* « t ,■ / «« Ki.*-«-»f American Government is shown by the following Nation." - , „. ... ,■',,, . ° facts, among others : The pilgrims founded the nation through a desire for freedom to worship God, and especially for freedom to keep the Sabbath holy. The Declaration of Independence recognizes the in- alienable rights of citizens as proceeding from God. The articles of confederation of the States and the charter of the North- western Territory contained in their provisions for education and for charit- able and reformatory institutions a recognition of the laws of religion. The convention for framing the Constitution was opened with prayer. The Pres- ident annually prclaims to the entire nation a Day of Thanksgiving to God for His mercies. Upon some of the coins of the nation is engraved an ex- pression of our trust in God. Each branch of the General Government has its chaplain, and the Army and Navy are also supplied with chaplains as regularly commissioned officers. The President, members of Congress, and of the judiciary, governors of States, legislators, and other officials are sworn into office in the use of the Bible and by an appeal to the God of Christians. Witnesses before courts of law are required to make oath in the name of God that they will tell the truth. Churches and property used exclusively for places of worship are exempt from taxation. Ordained ministers of the Gospel are declared to be competent to solemnize marriage. The State pro- vides religious instruction for the convicts in its prisons and for the youth in its reform schools. Wherever public schools have been established instruc- tion in Christian morality has been enjoined. Nearly all the States prohibit secular labor, noise, and confusion on the Sabbath, and (with certain recent exceptions) have always held that all civil contracts made upon that day are void. The Federal laws of the United States also recognize the Sabbath by forbidding distilling on that day, and by intermitting the studies in the na- tional academies, and by counting out the Sabbath from the ten days allowed the President for signing an act of Congress. The Sabbath law, in the language of the Supreme Court of California "leaves a man's religious belief and practice as free as the air he breathes." Americans have already changed the plans of national houskeeping too much at the discourteous dictation of the most disorderly of foreign visitors. Let those who wish a Continental Sunday stay where it is. The United States want neither it nor its moral and political fruits. Monarchs can live, even though the masses are only animals and children, such as thoughtless Sab- baths make them, but in a republic the masses must be men, such as only quiet Sabbaths have ever been able to produce. History proves that while "a holiday Sabbath," as Hallam has said, "is the ally of despotism," a Christian Sabbath is the holy day of freedom. 104 SUNDAY CLOSING OF COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. I, July 1 1 , i a olquil y ii, ia a , and of ( July 1 - SI'EECH OF HON. J. R. HAUL: A great local agitation arose demanding that the [Centennial] exhibition be op< '1 all the arguments we hear now were made, all supposed to be in the interest of morality and purity and refinement, but culminating in the ■position, " We wish to run the exhibition on Sunday and take 50 a •e." It was asked then, " What will the poor people do, cast away over id iy in Philadelphia and left to all the attractions of vicious or doubtful pla We never heard of any trouble on that account. It was a peaceable I ity on Sunday; but if it had been opened on that day the trains I have run from Baltimore, Wilmington, Jersey City, New' York, and :lyn and all the country around bringing from thirty to fifty thousand people, and every man here knows that they would have been largely c of not the most orderly classes in society, and that city would have :i, I do not say altogether a bedlam, but it would have been what it never was before that time, and never has been since, in the matter of order and general propriety. Open the Exposition on Sunday and the flood gates are opened. Hereafter it will be forever pointed to as a precedent of high authority for opening all exhibitions and places of amusement or alleged instruction, where as up to this time there never has been a State exhibition, a State fair, a county fair, a city -. or a circus, or a show of any description opened on Sunday; nor ever a ive body that has not as a rule, except under stress of great neces ity, ourned over Sunday. There never has been a secular convention, social, political, scienf'fic, literary, or commercial that has not adjourned over Sunday. w, this is not a Christian nation in one sense. There is no union of church and state in our Constitution. In another sense it is profoundly a te. From the time of the Continental Congress down to tl day the overruling hand of a Creator, an Ah: her, has ac- 1 in every great public proceeding. I do not ask vou to do ai thi: will indicate an ;. I of any sect or any creed whatever. I . that which is of immeasurable importance in the salvation of a profound s-nse of religious ol a. You will grieve tens of people if you open the Exposition on Sum 1 It posed to compromise the question. I •'■•r instance, it is t the steam engine and the active mechanical exhibition be st< but that all exhibits shall I :\ to view. This and all other in an admission fee of 5 ami a full working f r ; 'pie enter, with them 1 me all the official guai all the who must attend I in, and inday will he as a- t day. It is a mere evasion. v of Illinois is adequate, is it not, they ask us. No; I .;.» not think it the law of Pennsylvania was 1 nd not have been but for the resolute vote of the SU] ly knows what the foundation is. It is found* lief; ai tful observance of this seventh day can just as well m the • 1 snd economical 1 ad as from • Old T :t. You may say in a certain '.hat the Ten Command] are founded upon nature and upon common tor if they had n • dis i in the Old Testament have devifl something very similar to them. The law of rest is in our nature. It i^ a mistake to say the laboring people want the Ex] on open. the 40,000,000 people whom I class as i Large ; •le. They no I it opened than do the archt they will he the people ' X n DINGLKY, M. C. Have gentlemen considered what has been the attitude of this nation toward Sunday up to the present hour? Not somucb asai us question, as a ques- n involving the best interests of the people, physically ana morally U b taken the ground that Sunday is a rest day, a day when public business is not to be transacted. The Federal Constitution even specifically excepts Sunday in the count of the days within which the President may retain a bill, bo gentlemen ,m that the framers of the Constitution and every Congress from I [inning of the Government until to-day, which has legislated to make Sunday i ! iy, has been meddling with religion ? If we appropriate the people's money to j in carrying on an Exposition which we know will open its gates to the public on Sunday if Congress imposes no condition otherwise, and refuse to imj ch a condition, we do "meddle with a moral and religious question," and medi with it to the extent of not only taking sid linst it, but of appropriating public mi >ney to make our opposition effects e. No Exposition in this country outside of one at New < >; leans, which was not a succt ss, has ever been open to the public on Sundays. More than this: Not a single Exposition has been held in Europe, are on the Continent Sunday has become very much as other days, in which the American and British exhibits hive not hern i As indicating the profound conviction of three-fourths, if not a larger pro- portion of our people, that the preservation of Sunday as a rest day is of in- estimable importance to us as a nation, I call attention to the; which have already reached this Capitol since it became known that the mat -of the proposed Exposition are proposing to open it to the public ou Sundays. There has never before been such a mighty protest. There are in the first place about 12,000,000 members of Protestant churches in this country, and these have protested by convention, association, synod, con- . or individual churches, almost in a body. The dissidence has been so iger that it has only served to emphasize the unanimity. The evidence is conclusive that the great body of the attendants of these churches also are in thy with these protest Three of the most distinguished Catholic Archbishops of the United States, Ireland, Gross, and Riordan, have united in the protest, and voice the feelings of a large proportion of the Catholic Church. tests have come up to us from every quarter indicating an overwhelming [gTient against any step that will lead to converting our Sunday into a Con- tinental Sunday. Why are they opposed? In the brief time allowed me I can only indicate some of the reasons without elaborating them : 1. Because they believe that if so conspicuous an example of the use of .-.day for carrying on a great national and international Exposition with an admission fee is set.it will break down the barrier which now prevents theaters and all forms of BO-called amusements from opening on Sum: 2. Because they believe that the opening of the day to public amusements will in due time lead to the use of the day for business and industrial pursu 1 thus destroy Sunday as the rest day of the people. I cannot conceive a gre lamity than the addition each week of another day of work and worry he already overburdened people. 3. Because the opening of the Exposition on Sunday will make it necessary .st army of employes, attendants, watchmen and exhibitors of . 1 the employes of railroads, which will run excursion trains Sundays from all vithin a hundred miles, to work OU Sundays. Bee rase they believe that the preservation <>f a rest day— one day in seven — i ntial to the physical health of man. All experience shows that the man who rests one d iy in seven maintains better health, lasts longer, and ire than those who disregard this law of health. The Divine c L to re- member the S ibbath day rests on the phj 1 »f man. s. B • they believe that the sei day in seven from the other six-, an«l the keeping of it as a day 1 I I dom from worldly ] tends to that thoughtful ness and introspection which elevates manhood and m ikes men better citizens. The great peril of oui I to day is the increasing engn ment of our people in pursuit of selfish o' I ed is overcoming manlim •11I av is the one day that stands in the way of the triumph of greed and un- scrupulous!'.- 6. Lastly, but first of all in the estimation of million*, tlu* Divine injund to "Remember the Sabbath day and keep it holy ' 1 a command of the Creator, to be obeyed as a religious duty, as well njunction which is 107 based on the physical, moral, and spiritual necessities of our nature. And any action by the Government which should trample upon this religious conviction of so large a proportion of our people would be an unnecessary and inexcusable outrage. So overwhelming are the reasons for preserving Sunday as a day set apart from other days, that the friends of Sunday opening have concluded not to an- tagonize the Senate Sunday closing amendment directly, but with what they call a compromise substitute. The engines that move the machinery are to be shut down and the men who run them relieved from Sunday duty, while the remainder of the Exposition is to be open to the public, and a religious flavor given to it by having a hall constructed and opened for preaching services alternately by representatives of all denominations. I am curious to know whether my friend from Alabama, who opposes the Senate proposition because it touches a religious question, will support a substitute which proposes to use public money to con- struct a place of worship and maintain religious exercises. But seriously consider what the proposed substitute would do. It proposes to run the entire Exposition except the machinery. This will relieve but few of the vast army of superintendents, attendants, and employes from Sunday work. It will still impose upon all the exhibitors the necessity of looking after and explaining their exhibits. It will still invite the running of Sunday trains from points in every direction within ioo miles or more, and compel Sunday work by railroad employes. It would throw into Chicago an immense crowd of Sunday excursionists, composed usually of by no means the most orderly portions of the community. But there would be religious services on the grounds to give a Sunday flavor to the opening ! When it is remembered that sixteen years ago the daily attend- ance on the Centennial Exposition reached some days 270,000, and that the daily attendance may reach 400,000 or even 500,000 at Chicago, and when it is con- sidered that the human voice cannot reach an audience of over 8,000, the absurdity of a proposition to give a religious flavor to a Sunday crowd of half a million by preaching to 8,000 becomes apparent. It would be like the effort to excuse a Sunday theater by designating a half dozen perso?is to hold a prayer meeting in one of the anterooms. The most specious plea for Sunday opening is that unless the Exposition shall be opened the crowds in the city will be driven to frequent Sunday grog- shops. The same argument would serve for opening a Sunday theater or circus. But my friend forgets that the programme is to have liquor sold on the Exposition grounds as well as in the city. Liquor sold on the grounds will do the same evil work as liquor sold outside. There is still another excuse for Sunday opening of the Exposition, which presents the idea that the workingmen need it in order to obviate the necessity of losing a day's work. A few labor organizations have petitioned for it, notwithstanding it is obvious that no workingman who resided a hundred miles from Chicago could avail him- self of Sunday to visit the Exposition ; but the great body of the laborers who have spoken have protested against it. The Glass Workers, and other labor organizations have formally protested against Sunday opening. And well they may ; for if there is any class of our citizens who should unitedly condemn any scheme that would lead to an overthrow of Sunday as a day of rest and make it a day of toil, it is the workingman. To my mind any settlement of this question which results in the Sunday opening of the Exposition at Chicago will be marked in tbe future as an evil day in the history of this country. Nothing could be done which would so deeply grieve the Christian men and women of the United States, the backbone of the nation, as this. And it would be all the more grievous because the national Congress, representing the nation, would be responsible for it. You mistake popular sentiment if you suppose that only members of Christian churches would be grieved. Outside of the membership of Christian churches, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the Great Lakes to the Gulf, in the South as well as in the North, in the West as well as in the East, there is a large and influential body of the" solid men and true women of the land, who believe that to the influence of the Anglo-Saxon Sunday, the Christian Sabbath, is largely due the sterling character of our people, and that man- liness, independence, self-restraint, and respect for law and order which has made "a government of the people, by the people, and for the people " pos- sible in this grand land of ours. 108 SENATOR PETTIGREW ON SUNDAY CLOSING OF COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. [ From Speei h in U. S. Senate | I have re. ul about everything thai lias been published on this matter, and I fail ee why the Fair should be opened on Sunday--. This is a Christian i and so long as it remains so the sanctity of the Sabbath musl be When we legislate in opposition to one of the commandments, our title to the po m of Christianity will be difficult of mainl This is not a question of I Sabbath. We are called upon to ask ourselves whether we desire to drift from our moorings and abandon all the moral and physical good which comes with Sunday. To me it is far men.' a question of civilization than a matter of religion. No one can claini that keeping the Fair closed on one day in the week will be an infringe] ■ ersonal liberty or direction as to what any person may do. It is urged that an opportunity should be given the laboring man to visit the Fair. There is no man of sober habits who will not have money enough to take his family to the Fair, i if he had to lose a day's wages. If the object of those who want the Fair open on Sundays is to keep the working classes from going to worse places on Sunday, let me intimate that such a reformation could not take place during the six months in which the Fair will be open. Let us be equitable in this matt it. Let us take into consideration the thousands of persons who will be employed within the Fair grounds, and the thousands of employes of the transportation companies, all of whom would have to toil if the gates were thrown open on Sunday. It may be said of those peo- ple that if not busy on Sunday they, too, would spend their time in saloons and other bad places. That argument would require men to work seven days a week all the year round and would apply to everybody. If the Fair was opened on Sunday the railroads would bring from surrounding towns immense crowds of people; the day would be a holiday and we, as a Christian nation, would be a party to the abandon- ment of the Sabbath as a day of rest and meditation. The economical point of view must not be overlooked. Since the issue has been raised and the question deb.v I am satisfied that more people — two to one — will stay away from the Fair if it is opened on Sunday, than the additional people who would attend on Sunday only. A Sunday Fair means decreased gate receipts. CONGRESSMAN LIVINGSTON ON WORLDS FAIR SUNDAY CLOSING. [Speech in House of Representatives.] I am in favor of the provision as it comes from the Senate for the closing of this tion on Sunday. I can no; with my friend from Alabama [Mr. Wheeler]. This is not a : ■ on; it is not a matter that has anything to do with Baptists, the Methodists, the Presbyterians, or any other religious denomination. This is a question of morals, as much so as the principle of morality inculcated in the seventh commandment or the eighth. There is no difference. "Thou shalt not steal" is no more binding on a man, whether he be a Christian or ristian, than the other commandment, "Remember tin- Sabbath day to keep it 1 We, members of th< of a great country, coming from I 'itTercnt localities, where this kind of morality is not only taught but enforced — we propose as national legislat violate a fundamental principle underlying our ■ ment, recognized at our homes and in our res] and - the nati Mr. Dickerso!i. That being th< willing ' provision in force in Chicago with reference trol this matter? 109 Mr. Livingston. No, sir; and I will give you the reason why. Mr. Dickerson. Then you are ready to deprive the State of Illinois of the ex- ercise of a right which you accord to every other. Mr. Livingston. No, sir: I am not. Gentlemen can not intimidate this House by such a proposition as that. Here are the facts of the case. The Government of the United States has appropriated $1,500,000 to aid this Exposition, and is to put within its limits her own buildings and her own exhibits. If the doors are left open, it is the United States Government that does it; if they are closed the United States Government must do it. I admit that if the United States had no buildings or exhibits there — if this Exposition were not in any way under the sanction of the Government — it would be, in my opinion, not only un-Democratic, but altogether wrong to meddle with this business. Mr. Dickerson. As the Government has its own seperate buildings, if the gentle- man proposes to apply the principle he advocates, why not close the doors of the Government buildings and let the local authorities, if they choose, leave the doors of the rest open? Mr. Livingston. Because, as the gentleman knows, we can not divide the responsibility that way. CONGRESSMAN PATTISON, OF OHIO, ON WORLD'S FAIR SUNDAY CLOSING It is not only our right but also our duty to state our feeling and judgment upon this subject before this appropriation is made, and we should do it now. If there are persons preparing to make exhibits at the World's Exposition with the idea of getting seven days instead of six, then they have the right to know it. and they have the right to know it now. On the other hand, the people of this great country — and I do not only include the Christian people, but all the people — have a right to know whether or not the Exposition is going to be open or closed on Sunday; and we as representatives of the people have the right and it is our duty to say whether or not this Exposition is to be opened or closed on Sunday. The United States is a peculiar country. The Sabbath of our country is a peculiar Sabbath. It is known as the American Sabbath all over the wide world; and if there is to be a World's Fair maintained and originated in this great country of ours it is due to the people we represent that we should take advantage of this opportunity and say to the peo- ple of the United States that this World's Exposition shall not be open on Sunday, but that the American Sabbath shall be respected. All the Christian churches of every name and denomination are a unit in favor of closing the Fair on Sunday. Not only these, but a very large proportion of all the people of the United States, without regard to party, sect, or creed, are a unit in demanding that the Sabbath day shall not be desecrated by opening the gates of this great Exposition on the Sab- bath day. The Sabbath day is recognized in some way by every civilized nation of the world, but the Sabbath, as we understand it, is peculiar to the United States alone, and hence we can very properly call it the American Sabbath. To us the Sabbath day was a part of our very being. It came with the Mayflower; it came with almost every band of Pilgrims; it was the corner-stone of every State. It was in the web and woof of every State constitution, its spirit permeates every article of the Con- federation of States, and when the Constitution was adopted the American Sabbath was as firmly established in the hearts of the American people as was the spirit of liberty itself, and we but voice the sentiment of the many millions of Christian peo- ple and also of at least nine-tenths of the American people in all sections of the country when we declare in favor of the American Sabbath, and by our votes say that the World's Fair shall not be open on the Sabbath day. no DR. WILBUR F. CRAFTS ON PROPOSED REPEAL OF LAW CLOSING CHICAGO FAIR ON SUNDAY. Before the World-s Fair Committee, House of Representatives, Jan. 10-13, 1893. in insull take up thi without iented when the matter wasdi I and ad of the »rs of the committee SOI opening ement in anticipation of this hearing, and so say we. 1 .of proof is on the advocates of Sunday opening who are bound to show- there is new evidence of importance to warrant a new trial of its claims, which ilready had a lion's share of the time of this Congress, and there is no ground for crowding them in again when immigration and quarantine and gi 1 liquor law for the Capital and hundreds of other important measures I the little time that remains. I propose to put before this committee, in con- tabulated form, documentary evidence, chiefly from the C01 »nal Record July 13-20, to prove that the new petitions and re is in behalf Sunday opening contain no new proposals or arguments, but only repeat tl have already been considered by this Congress, and rejected. The compromise •ill machinery and a Government meeting house for all denoml ; the buga- boos about "state rights" and a "union of church and state"; the hiding of money motives under pleas for the "poor workingman" and "pure religion": the proposal itors from Chicago's illegal Sunday saloons not by enforcing the saloon nationally breaking the Sabbath law of Illinois; the provision that at- ants shall work but six days; the proposal to trust the whole matter to the "good intentions" of the management, which last is the only proposition you are likely to be asked to report — all these are rejected dishes, "warmed over" and off anew, as is proved by citations below, which might be multiplied a hun- Ifold. DR. HERRICK JOHNSON'S REPLY TO CHICAGO'S MAYOR. Iress at the World's Fair Hearing Before House Commit • For the past year and a half meetings have been held in all sections of Chicago in the interest of Sunday closing, the assemblages numbering anywhere from one hundred to five thousand, and in almost every instance a unanimous vote was taken protesting against the repeal of the recent action of Congress closing the gates on Sunday. I claim, therefore, that I have behind me tter authorization of the opinion of Chicago as expressed by this vote than anything that is behind the I Council. Now let me attend to the arguments of Mayor W;i.shburne, for whom I have a great respect, but tor whose arguments I have no 1 His first point is this: "People from variou d from all over the world are invited by US I F nr We should I :th with all these." But how do reak faith with them by '^s have already been held in this country and in ad with :i Sunday, and the nations now know that this is the custom. tin, the Expos:' hia on Sunday, and what nations who came here e- plained reach of hospitality, ami since when di 1 it become a social law that a host must sacrifice a principle on the altar of The Mayor further says " People will come from the countries of Europe where no particular sacre to Sun It we ought to have regard for tl feelr But press this argument I I 1 1 People will come from countries where no peculiar sacredness attaches to the family. We ought to have regard for their feelings and retire the Christian family as we are asked to retire the Christian Sabbath. The second point of the Mayor: "This is not a Christian nation." Here the Mayor of Chicago and the United States Supreme Court differ, the Supreme Court having decided last February in express terms that this is a Christian nation. The Mayor might give us points for running a municipal government, but on a question of constitutional law we prefer the Supreme Court. * * * The Mayor's third point: "The great majority of our people demand Sunday opening." Where is the proof? We have vouchers of over twelve millions of church members in favor of closed gates. Has any such vote been polled on the other side? ********* The Mayor's fourth point: "The laboring men of the country demand it." But there are laborers and laborers, foreign and home, city and country, wage savers and wage wasters. We must make a distinction. They were wage workers who advocated socialism and anarchism at Chicago three or four years ago. Mr. Coffin yesterday represented the farmers, the yeomanry of the country, a great body of laboring men who furnish the bone and sinew of the productive in- dustry of the country, unanimously for Sunday closing. Also the body of locomotive engineers, also a large association of trainmen, all having voted unanimously for Sunday closing. The labor vote is divided on this question, but it would be well nigh unanimous if the true interest of the laboring man were properly placed before them. The Mayor's fifth point: "Look at the financial side of the question as respects the laboring man." He can see the Fair and get back to his labor on Monday morning and not be compelled to lose the wages of a day. So can all the laborers by going on some other day, whose wages are paid by the week or the month or the year. A large portion of the industrial class of Chicago will have a dozen half holidays given them for this purpose by those who have them in their employ, and one day at least will be given without reduction of wages by employers of laborers outside of the city who are within a reasonable distance. The Mayor's sixth point: "These well dressed gentlemen favoring Sunday clos- ing are not the people." But are these well-dressed Directors the people? Are these well-dressed City Councilmen? In proportion to their entire number there are more poor people in the churches than there are rich people in proportion to their number. The Mayor's seventh point: "These common people are the men to whom we must give answer, who, by their votes, will speak to you if you deprive them of their right to see the Exposition." This is the appeal of the demagogue, assuming first that it is the laborer's right that he is to be robbed of, and assuming secondly that his votes are to be used as a menace. The gates were closed at the Exposition in Phila- delphia, but who ever heard of the laborers menacing the management by their votes because of it? Mayor's eighth point: "Remember, the Fair is designed for the common people, not for the rich." This, also, is demagogic. It is an appeal to the class feeling. The Fair is designed for all — rich and poor, high and low, educated and ignorant. Mayor's ninth point: "These people take their recreation on Sunday in the park. They think it no sin to hear birds and see green grass on Sunday." So we all think it is no sin to wash one's face and. comb one's hair and eat one's breakfast on Sunday, but what has that to do with the question? The public park is not the Fair. The conditions are entirely different. The park means a quiet Sabbath — no crowds, no restaurants, no drinking, no excursion trains, no prodigious amount of labor. The Fair means all this and vastly more. 112 Sunday Closing of St. Louis Fair '.- • • Appro] Vet, in 1 r H. M, Teller As a condition precedent to the payment of this appropriation the directors shall contract to close the gates on Sunday during the whole duration of the fair. Same law voted by Senate for Buffalo and Charleston fairs, but appropriations thus conditioned killed in conference. SUNDAY OPENING FOR PORTLAND FAIR CONSIDERED BY CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE -NOT APPROVED. Statement of Rev. A. S. Fiske, D. D. m Hearing, January 14, 1904, before House Committee on Industrial Arts and Expositions, on Lewis and Clark Exposition.] Mr. Fiske. Mr. Chairman, I have watched closely the discussion here this morning and I am most profoundly in sympathy with the object of these gentlemen from Ore- gon in their exposition. I did ten years of work on the Pacific coast and became very familiar with it from the south to the north. The Chairman. Arc you associated with Mr. Craf; Mk. FlSKE. I have the honor to be on the hoard of director- of that organization. My attention was not called to this hearing until about an hour before it- opened, and I have therefore made no preparation to -peak on the matter. I wish to direct attention, however, to the last clause of the bill. I see that clause is not in the House bill. I observed it, I think, in the Senate bill : was it n< The Chairman. Yes; it is a Senate committee amendment. Mk. Fiskk. I was not aware of the history of it, but I supposed it would come up re this committee for consideration, and while I have no extended remark make upon it. I have this to say: Of course you are all aware that this matter I fought out in Conpre-s three or four times in the past under propositions very much like that which ha- been appended to the bill by the Senate committee. It ha- always been decided that the exposition, under the approval of the United author should not be open on the Lord's Day. Ultimately, in the conduct of one •he body in immediate control opened it- gates on the Sabbath, but became finally satisfied that that was not a politic matter and endeavored | se them, but there came legal obstructions which prevented their closing the gal It is well for the committee and for I remember that there are in the I'm? it and Catholic Christians in the membership of these chur numbering fully jX.ooo.ooo persons in the actual membership; that there an 19.000.000 mem nit churches called Evangelical. Now, absolutely with- out exception, the moral and religi nvictions of this preat ma-- of people will be opp' • the opening on the Lord'- Day, and especiall tin, of t! exposition in which the G< vernmenl of the Unit rued; f this amendment that it i- proposed that an entr the \j rd's Day, and that there is to be Mk. W'vnn. Pardon me: w: find tl n? Mk. Fiskk. In the last secti e bill a Tin". Chairman. There is no pr Mk. W'vnn. It doe- not pr n admi interrupting you. Mr. Fiske I took that for granted. I did not think th< :ld be tl pen an adn 113 Mr. Wynn. You are only supposing that. It is not in the bill. Mr. Fiske. I thought it was in the amendment proposed, but I suppose there is provision that for the opening of the gates there shall be the usual admission fee. The Chairman. If this exposition is given under State authority, you should appear before the legislature of the State of Oregon. Mr. Fiske. Exactly, but I supposed the propositon was to secure the organization of the United States Government and of Congress, and it is to that point I am speak- ing. The substance of what I want to say is this, that there is a very large mass of the American people who are in hearty sympathy with the Christian church, both Protes- tant and Catholic, and the authorities of both churches, Protestant and Catholic, have spoken emphatically on questions like this heretofore; that these actual members of the church, which number, as I have said, just about 28,000.000 in the United States, have a large constituency outside of their own number who are with them in sympathy, with them in moral and in religious convictions, and who will be solidly opposed to the participation of the United States Government in any exposition which throws open its gates on the Lord's day. Mr. BartlETT. May I ask you a question? Mr. Fiske. Certainly. Mr. BartlETT. Would it be a violation of anything moral to have the exposition gates simply open, when there is also a provision that devotional exercises and sacred concerts shall be held on the grounds? It strikes me that would aid both those who are outsiders and those who are employed in the grounds, and that it ought to meet approval instead of objection. Mr. Fiske. The opening of the gates on the Lord's day would require all those who are in charge of the exposition and of the objects on exhibition to be in attendance. It would encourage the coming in of excursion trains from all quarters accompanied by crowds that are, as all of you from the West know, often noisy and confused. The Chairman. That was not the experience in Chicago, however, was it? Mr. Hamlin. Would you not get an opportunity to preach to them then if they did that? Mr. Fiske. I would as soon try to preach to a circus. Mr. BartlETT. I am not asking it in a spirit of levity or criticism, but I merely want to know whether, in fact, when this section provides that no machinery shall be oper- ated on the grounds of the exposition, and that places of amusement shall be closed, and when provision is made for devotional exercises and sacred concerts, it would not rather aid those who are there in attending devotional exercises and religious services, instead of being an objection? Mr. Williamson. And whether it would not be a benefit to laborers who could not attend on week days. Mr. BartlETT. I am speaking absolutely seriously. It occurs to me that the pro- vision in this bill upon that line would be more in aid of those who are in favor of having people reached by religious influence. The Chairman. They would probably reach more people that way than they would in their churches. Mr. Fiske. I suppose if this exposition is a success, there will be 40,000 or 50,000 people a day, and especially on Sundays, coming into that inclosure. The Chairman. Of course you are here in Washington looking after this class of legislation, and are familiar with it. Let me ask you whether it is not a fact that the opening of the exposition on Sunday at Chicago was a failure, that the crowds did not 114 I, and that they did not i gate receipl everything ? Mk. Fiske. It,v decided failure, and the managers de ng the -. but they found themselves in such a tix. having opened them, that they could ■ them. The Chairman. Thou there is no great danger from the large crowds Mr. Fiske. It is not that. It is that we are going hack on the English and the American doctrine of the Lord's day— going dead hack on it. The Chairman. You were putting it on the ground of the great crowds thai assemble there. Mk. Fiskk. No; that was in answer to the suggestion that we should hold rel t services there. A crowd that has come on an excursion from a distance on a rail: train to see an exposition is not going to church servic Mr. Hamlin. It" this bill should become a law they would Understand they would see nothing but devotional exercis Mr. Fiske. Oh, dear me; oh, no. There is nothing in the wide world in that. Everything is to be open except the machinery is to be stopped. The Chairman. Everything is to be closed under that amendment, putting it the other way. except places where religious and devotional exercises are to be held and - where the exhibits can be seen which are educational. Is there anything wrong about that? Mr. Fiske. Here is the section: "No machinery shall be operated on said exposition grounds on Sundaj purpose of display, and all places of amusement within the inci t the ex- shall be closed on every Sunday during the period that such be held. " v. the whole exposition is to I* opened. Your machinery is not to run. Y a engines are not to furnish force for the various specimen- of manufacl industry that may be carried on on the grounds. Everything else is open. All the takers of all the property that is to be exhibited there are exhibits are to be in constant display. All the officials, the police thing else on the grounds, are to be there on hand to look after the crowd, as a m -e. It says: "Provision shall be made for the holding of devotional exerc The Christian publi sidering that matter, will not hold that this provision, n which may he -"rt or another at the option of th chance to be in control, are anything hut a makeshift. Mr. WynN. In asking you these <] 1 wailt to nav « it und I that I heartily in t utiments that j I am religiously incl myself and I believe in observing th.- - h : but ther IIS why this amend- ment was put into the bill. They say there tl m the Lord and pt to believe in the Lord! 1 which you have not mentioned The main objection which you ad-. ■ would • from *? In other word uld ma'. ment ins rship. M The main reason in my mind and immand lnth cular and • "hip and H Mr. WyNH '• ■ what the W "5 Mr. FiskE. I know it thoroughly, sir. Mr. Wynn. I understand the purpose of this amendment is to give an opportunity to the working classes, who have no chance to attend the exposition on week days, ex- cept by the loss of time and k-bor. They are paid by the day for their work, and it would give them an opportunity to at least see more of the exposition than they ever could see if they had to lay off to do so. I may be wrong — and I will stand corrected if I am wrong — but it seems to me that if the exposition grounds are closed on Sunday mornings, thereby giving to those who may reside there or who may be there for the time being an opportunity to attend church services, there would be no harm in opening the exposition in the afternoon, in order that the working classes might spend a few hours there. I am willing to assist and do my part in living up to the Sabbath Day, but I do believe that the working classes of the West — and you know their conditions as well as I do, if you have been there — should have an opportunity, with as little ex- pense to them as possible, to see this exposition as frequently as they can. Mr. FiskE. That, of course, is a familiar and is the only argument that I can con- ceive that makes for the propriety of the provision. The same argument is made as to other things. It is made in favor of throwing open the golf links of a golf club here on Sunday, for the baseball game, for every other form of amusement on Sunday, because the working people can not get a chance at them except on the Lord's Day, and therefore it is best to throw down the commandment. The Chairman. But the amendment proposes to close all places of amusement. Mr. Fiske. The whole outfit is a place of amusement. Mr. Chairman. It is principally a place for education, is it not? Mr. Fiske. Yes ; education — amusement and education. Mr. Porter. Educaton and trade, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Fiske. Education and trade. Mr. Porter. One of the principal grounds for holding an exposition is for trade. Mr. Fiske. I did not come here to make any argument. I came simply to say that the question has been fought out in Congress on various occasions, and the public opinion of the United States has manifested itself so determinedly on the side of the sacredness of the Lord's Day that it has never accomplished its purpose, and it never will. Such a provision as that in this bill will throw the great majority of the people of the United States into dead antagonism to the whole enterprise; and it does not seem to me that these gentlemen from Oregon and from the western coast, whose in- terests are as dear to me as the interests of the East are at least, are wise in pressing that matter. Indeed, I asked one of the representatives from Oregon a little while ago whether they were set on that provision, and he said they were not at all. I really be- lieve the delegation coming from Oregon, when it considers the matter maturely, when it reflects upon it, will not desire to have that amendment carried in the bill. I have nothing further to say. Mr. Porter. Mr. Chairman, permit me to say just a word. It does not seem to me we want discussion at this time in regard to such a matter. I am very glad the matter has been presented and I shall hope that a courteous hearing shall be given to any American citizen at any time in a matter of that kind, in the expressing of his opinions. When the proper time comes for discussion, I shall be very glad to speak upon this point. I think the statement is well made at this time. I believe it would be of the greatest benefit to this exposition or any other exposition in which the United States takes part, and for the good of the exposition itself, that the doors shall be closed on the Sabbath Day. 116 Mr. Bartlett, I : mean to -ay that t was in favor ning them I merely called the attention of the gentleman to the provision ai d him ii not think it would be a benefit to reach people l>v religious instruction, the bill. Mk. Fiske. I started to answer that when I was interrupted by what the chairman had to say. It a set of people go to an exposition to see an exposition they S"i' - down into a corner somewhere and attend a prayer meeting. If they went there to attend a prayer meeting they would shut their eye- to the exposition at: t<> tlie prayer meeting. It they went to hear a sermon, they would shut their • everything else and go and hear the sermon; hut after they come from Chi Springfield or down from Seattle on Sunday to see the exposition, they are not u to hear preaching. Mk. BoiSE. Is it not a fact that in recent year- there ha- been an interpretation by the different ministers, many Protestant- and almost universally in the Catholic faith. that after people attend one service upon that day they may then look around • servation and education, and that they claim that is not intended to In- prohibited by the commandment- ? Mk. Fiskk. Yes; that is the continental idea. Mr. Boisk. To-day there is one very eminent Episcopal minister in Chicag innounced that doctrine: that if they attend divine service they may look around, not to indulge in riotous things, hut for the purpose, as Mr. Tawney suggested, of information and education, such as looking at those exhibits. Mk. Fiskk. The continental Sabbath i< that which the relij eople of this coun- re more afraid of than anything el-e in the world. Three of the chief pr< the Catholic Church in this country have pronounced themselves most decidedly I gainst any opening of these expositions on the Lord's Day. One of them i- Ireland. I do not remember the name- of the others, hut three of the most eminent Catholic prelate- of the Roman Catholic Church in this country have pronounced them- selves on that point, and every ecclesiastical body of any sort that ha- spoken of the matter at all has pronounced itself in this way. I doubt if there i- a member of the 2S.000.000 men the Protestant and Cath- olic churches in this country who would consent on any term- to give hi- sand I I an .n which would open it- doors on tin- Lord's Day. Mk. Fiski:. I do not believe this committee or the Com:- the United St will violate it: hut still I thought it was wise without having any di-tr mittee or of Congress dl the attention of the committee this morning to the matter. T am very much obliged for the opportunity to addr thereupon ad' I ! SENATE ACT FOR PROTECTION OF GIRLS UNDER EIGHTEEN. "Pritchard bill," amended by Senator Hoar to apply to Territories, passed Senate, April 22, 1898. A bill to raise the age of protection for girls in the District of Columbia or in any Territory of the United States to eighteen years. Be it enacted, etc., That if any person shall carnally know any female between the ages of sixteen and eighteen years, out of wedlock, in the District of Columbia or in any Territory of the United States, such carnal knowledge shall be deemed a misdemeanor, and the offender, being convicted thereof, shall be punished by imprisonment for a term not exceeding eleven months and twenty-nine days, or fined not exceeding two hundred dollars, or may be punished by both such fine and imprisonment. Sec. 2. That this act shall not be construed as repealing or modifying any statute relating to rape. Broderick Seduction Act, see p. 37, substituted for above in House ; approved March 3- 1899. 118 HILLS, ACTS AND DOCUMENTS ON DIVORCE MORMONISM PROTECTION OF GIRLS OBSCENE LITERATURE 119 IMPORTATION AND EXPORTATION OF OBSCENE MATTER. 58th Congress, 3d Session, approved by President Roosevelt, 1905. Be it enacted, etc. That the Act of February eighth, eighteen hundred and ninety- seven, entitled "An Act to prevent the carrying of obscene literature and articles de- signed for indecent and immoral use from one State or Territory into another State or Territory," be, and hereby is, amended so as to read : "It shall be unlawful for any person to deposit with any express company or other common carrier for carriage from one State or Territory of the United States or the District of Columbia into any other State or Territory of the United States or the District of Columbia, or from any place in or subject to the jurisdiction of the United States to a foreign country, or from any place in or subject to the jurisdiction of the United States through a foreign country to any place in or subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, or who shall cause to be brought into any place in or subject to the jurisdiction of the United States from any foreign country, any obscene, lewd, or lascivious book, pamphlet, picture, paper, letter, writing, print, or other matter of indecent character, or any article or thing designed or intended for the prevention of conception, or procuring of abortion, or any written or printed card, letter, circular, book, pamphlet, advertisement, or notice of any kind giving information, directly or indirectly, where, how, or of whom, or by what means any of the hereinbefore-men- tioned articles, matters, or things may be obtained or made ; and any person who shall knowingly deposit, or cause to be deposited, with any express company or other com- mon carrier for carriage from one State or Territory of the United States or the District of Columbia to any other State or Territory of the United States, or for car- riage from any place in or subject to the jurisdiction of the United States to a foreign country, or from any place in or subject to the jurisdiction of the United States through any foreign country, to any place in or subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, or who shall take from such express company or other common carrier with intent to sell, distribute, or circulate any matter or thing herein forbidden to be deposited for carriage shall for each offense, upon conviction thereof, be fined not more than five thousand dollars or imprisoned at hard labor not more than five years, or both, at the discretion of the court." Pending Bill to amend section thirty-eight hundred and ninety-three of the Revised Statutes. Be it enacted, etc., that section thirty-eight hundred and ninety-three of the Revised Statutes be, and the same is hereby, amended by adding "And when any issue of any periodical has been declared nonmailable by the Post-Office Department, the periodical may be excluded from second-class mail privileges, at the discretion of the Postmaster-General." In committees on Post-Offices and Post-Roads. 1 20 Gillett (F. N.) Divorce Act, Approved May 25, 1896: .No divorce shall be granted in any Territory unless the party applying for the divorce shall have resided continuously in the Territory for one year next pre- ceding the aoDlication. DIVORCE LAW FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 56th Congress. 2d Session, Senate Document No. 174. presented by Sena- tor Kyle, February 19, 1901, to Accompany Amendment of District Divorce Law. The present divorce law for the District of Columbia, as given in the sections of the code which the second amendment would displace, the justices of the District supreme ■; and the United Stale- attorney have unanimously condemned as too lax, in the wing written statements: I think the divorce statutes of this District can be much improved by amendment. E. F. BirtGHAM. I concur in the above. Henry M. Clabaugh. I think that the divorce statutes of the District of Columbia need amendment and modification. A. C. Bradley. 1 concur with Justice Bradley in thinking it a matter of importance that the divorce statute of this District should be amended. Job BARNARD. I concur in the necessity and propriety of a radical change in the divorce laws this District. Chas E. I fully concur in the above suggestions. T. H. Anders [ have repeatedly expressed my conviction that the divorce statutes in force have I d amendment. • most important change would he to treat the proceeding a- a triangular or three-sided contest, in which the State should appear in behalf of it- citizens and of the 1 il mora!-, ami see that the parties -hall not obtain their divorce through collusion or by mean- of false testimony. This i- especially requisite where the • ex parte one. h is the law in several of the State-, a- in Indiana and Kentucky. The app ance of the State'- attorney should be entered in every case by the clerk, who -1, have a legal allowance made for hi- -ervices. "The time of desertion" should be at least "four year-" in pi "two yeai -.n the existing law. The: several other point- that might be indicated where reform- are nee \. B Hacner. •ice Bradley has felt con-trained to say in hi- court (Washington Post, July 31, ■ Washington appear- to be rapidly developing into a div 1 inter. There w filed in the supreme court of the District of Columbia jjj divorce mi the year ending Jun< « 19. In response to this demand for a more stringent divorce law. a bill was introduced in both H H. R. 1-^.41 > which i- now presented a- an amendment to the ■ le, and which in its main provisions i- the same a- the New York law. allowing divorce for only one laration from bed ami board for t' three causes. This bill wa< approved by the attorney of the District, with light verbal changes which are incorporated in the amendment, which i- in Un- approved by him except the words in bracket-, which have 1 j : April 3, 1900. Gentlemen: I have duly considered the bill (S. 2533, Fifty-sixth Congress, first session) to restrict the grounds of divorce and improve the procedure in the District of Columbia and the Territories, etc., which you referred to me. Divorce from the bond of marriage in the District of Columbia is regulated by sec- tion 738 of the Revised Statutes relating to the District of Columbia, which provides seven grounds for such divorce. Divorce from bed and board is regulated by section 739 of the Revised Statutes re- lating to the District of Columbia, which provides two grounds for such divorce. The present bill proposes to amend section 738, authorizing divorce from the bond of marriage only where one of the parties has committed adultery during the mar- riage. It then authorizes the marriage contract to be declared void in those cases wherein section 738 authorizes a divorce from the bond of marriage, except in cases of habitual drunkenness for a period of three years, cruel treatment, endangering life and health, and willful desertion and abandonment for two years. It also provides that legal separation from bed and board may be granted for drunkenness, cruelty, or desertion. I am satisfied that the law regulating divorce in the District of Columbia should be amended. The way to and through the divorce court is entirely too easy in this District. Existing law puts a premium on conduct which destroys the foundation of the State; the home and the family are not sufficiently safeguarded. The bill is one which in my judgment should receive your favorable report to Congress. I have to suggest, however, that the phraseology of the bill needs amendment. Line 3 should read : "That section 738 of the Revised Statutes relating to the District of Columbia be, and hereby is, amended, etc. ;" and there seems to be some little incon- gruity in amending a section of the Revised Statutes relating to the District of Colum- bia so as to read "in the District of Columbia and the Territories, a divorce," etc. ; section 2 should be amended so as to read : "That the clerk of the court in which any such proceeding for divorce shall be instituted shall immediately notify the United States attorney of the institution of such proceeding, and it shall be the duty of said attorney to enter his appearance therein in order to prevent collusion and to protect public morals." The papers are herewith returned. Very respectfully, A. B. Duvall, Attorney District of Columbia. The Commissioners of the District of Columbia. The changes suggested, as has been stated, are incorporated in the amendment. The judges and lawyers of the country are increasingly favoring such restrictions of divorce, and the following letters in behalf of such legislation have been received from bishops and college presidents: Oberlin College, President's Office, Oberlin, Ohio, January 77, 7900. My Dear Mr. Crafts : I have received your letter of January 8. I hope you will push the Ray anti-divorce bill. Your backing is magnificent. Anything I can do to aid will be gladly done. I hope our Congressman, Mr. Burton, trustee of Oberlin College and a graduate of our college, will be found, as I know he will, active in the good cause. Perhaps you would better see him. Yours, faithfully, John Henry Barrows. 122 II CoLLEl Northampton, Mass.. Jan \k Sir: You are at liberty to use my name as in favor "f the Kay antidiv bill, and 1 sincerely hope it may be enacted by Congr< Yours, truly, Rev. W. !•'. Crai rs, Ph. D. L. C. Seelye. Cleveland, Ohio, January so, i> \: Do all in your power to accomplish legislation that will stop th( struction of the very foundations of society and morals in this country. Tush this bill I raining divorce, except on the ground of adultery, and yon will be eng; in a work that means the purification of our general life. You have my earnest and ipport. William A. Leonard, Bishop of 0) Trenton, X. J., January tg, igoo. My Dear Sir: 1 am heartily in favor of a general antidivorce law that will forbid the remarriage of any divorced person during the life of the other party. The pi bill for the District of Columbia and the Territories will be a great gain over the present loose legislation on the subject; but the scandal of remarriage of divorced per- come intolerable and most shocking. I am in favor of any law that will diminish or cure this great social evil. Yours, etc.. The Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts. John Scarboroi-ch. Bishop of New Jen ALBANY, X. Y., January 2". T\ My Dear Mr. Crafts: I most cordially give my name and will lend my influence : - proposed action, which is a most cheerful hope to me. the first civil step in the right direction that has been taken, and a M.rt of dawning of a better day. I am thank- ful that the example should he set to the States in the very central part of the country and in those portions where legislation is rather in progress than in any condition of final settlement; where some of the worst evils now exist, and which, if they can only set right in their present condition, will stay right when they are hardened into I will gladly call attention to this in the church paper and do everything in my power to further it- adoption. You are quite at liberty to use this Utter. I am only too glad of the opportunity to help on the good cause. Wry sincerely, your friend. Wm. Croswell Doane. Bishop of Albany I Fargo, X. I>\k.. February X. iooo. DEAR Sik: Yonr favor inclosing COpy <■( Ray divorce hill i- received. I have no to improvement to offer, a- it seems to me perfect a- it stands. 1 only that it may speedily he passed, and that as the next step its provisions maj come the law of every State in the Union. Very truly, your-, Sam >ri. i*cm,k EdSALL, Bishop of North Ipiscopal Chu wafts. Washington, I' Guthrie, < )kla . January 4, \K DR. CRAFTS: I have your letter of December 20. I -hall do all I can • I inclose my own petition in due form. Wry truly. F K Phoenix, Ariz., January 17 My Dear Dr nd I am giving 123 it attention as early as possible. I am writing to our clergy in New Mexico and Ari- zona asking them to write to their Congressmen, and also to send a petition, as you suggest, to each House of Congress. I trust that this will do some good. With best wishes for all the work of the reform bureau. Faithfully, yours. The Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts, J. M. Kendrick. Bishop Daniel S. Tuttle. of Missouri, and Bishop H. Y. Satterlee, of Washington. also filed petitions for this amendment as previously embodied in the Ray-Piatt bill. Cardinal Gibbons supports it in the following letter : I lc hester, Md., December 22, 1899. Dear Sir: His eminence the Cardinal directs me to say that whilst the laws so far proposed do not fully stamp out the evil of divorce, he nevertheless cheerfully ap- preciates every step taken in this direction, and hopes that eventually society will come to recognize the lofty standard of which the Catholic Church has ever been an expon- ent on the subject of divorce. Respectfully, The Rev. W. F. Crafts. Albert J. Stein, Secretary. There are petitions on file also signed by leading laymen of Washington, and by various preachers' meetings and other associations. The amendment is intended to bring the divorce laws that Congress has enacted for the District of Columbia up to the highest grade found in State laws, namely, to that of New York, where absolute divorce is allowed only in cases of adultery. Legal separation is allowed there, as in this bill, for other causes, but without the dangerous permission to remarry. This bill is desired not only for the moral and social benefit it would confer on the District of Columbia, but also as a preparation for, and install- ment of, the uniform law on marriage and divorce for States also, to be obtained by constitutional amendment, which an increasing number of citizens of this country desire, but are unwilling that the best State law should be sacrificed unless the general law is to be of the same high grade, of which the passage of this bill, in response to a public sentiment calling for it, would be abundant assurance. PRESENT DISTRICT DIVORCE LAW, PASSED IN RESPONSE TO FOREGOING. For District Divorce Law Approved March 3, 1901, see p. 36. From Senate Document No. 305, 59th Congress, 1st Session, Presented by Senator Wellington, April 15, 1905. The Bar Association of the District of Columbia has petitioned for the repeal of this new divorce law and the substantial restoration of the old law. allowing absolute divorce for four causes — desertion, drunkenness, cruelty, and adultery — while the clergy of the District and others, have petitioned that the present regulation, so far as absolute divorce is concerned, shall not be changed. See also President Roosevelt on divorce, p. 1. 124 MORMONISM riON OF BRIGHAM II. ROBERTS, MORMON CONGRESSMAN- ELECT. From House Report, 85 Part 1, 56th Congress, i-t S< — ion, presented Jan. 20, 1 bj Hon. R. W. Tayler, M. C. We find that Brigham II. Roberts was elected as a Representative to the Fifty-sixth gress from the Stair of Utah and was at the date of his election above th< I 25 years; that he had been for more than seven years a naturalized citizen of the United States and was an inhabitant of the State of Utah. We further find that about [878 he married Louisa Smith, his first and lawful w with whom he has ever since lived as such, and who since their marriage has borne him six children. That about 1885 he married a- his plural wife Celia Dibble, with whom he has 1 since lived as such, and wh<> since such marriage has borne him six children, of whom the last were twin-, horn August 11, 1N07. That some years after his -aid marriage to Celia Dibble he contracted another plural marriage with Margaret C. Ship]), witii whom he has ever -nice lived in the hahit and repute of marriage. Your committee is unable to ti\ the exact date of this man It does not appear that he held her out a- hi- wife before January. 1S07. or that she before that date held him out as her husband, or that before that date they were re- puted to l>e husband and wife. That these facts were generally known in Utah, publicly charged against him during his campaign for election, and were not denied by him. That the testimony hearing on these fact- wa- taken in the presence of Mr. Roberts, and that he fully cross-examined the witnesses,but declined t" place himself upon the witness stand. The committee is unanimous in its belief that Mr. Roberts ought not to remain a member of the House of Representatives. A majority are of the opinion that he ought not to he permitted to become a member; that the House has the right to ex- clude him. A minority are of the opinion that the proper course of procedure i- to permit him to he sworn in and then expel him by a two-third- vote tinder tin- consti- tutional provision providing for expulsion. Upon the facts stated, the majority of the committee assert that the claimant ought to he permitted to take a -eat in the House of Representatives, and that tin- -eat to which he wa- elected ought t<> he declared vacant. Three distinct grounds qualification are asserted againsl Roberts. I. By reason of hi- violation of the Edmunds law. II. By reason of hi- notorious ami defiant violation of the law of the land, of the decisions of the Supreme Court, ami of the proclamations of the Presidents, holding himself above the law and nut amenable to it. No government could possibly exist in the face of such pracl lie i- in oj war against the laws and institutions of the country wh< nter. Such an idea i- intolerable. It is upon the principl* erted in this ground that all cases of exclusion have been based. III. His election a- Representative is an explicit and offensive violation of the understanding by which Utah wa- admitted ! St ite. Anti-Polygamy Amendment Pendinc in Concr "I. Polygamy i- declared to he an off. \n<\ the United State-, ami : prohibited within them, or in any pla to their jurisdiction; and 125 engaged in the practice thereof shall hold any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United States Or any state. 2. Congress shall have power to provide for the punish- ment of said offense and to otherwise enforce this article by appropriate legislation." Protest in the matter of Reed Smoot, Mormon Senator-elect from Utah, 1904-5- [From three vols, of Senate Hearings, beginning Jan. 16, 1904, before Committee on Privileges and Elections. Protest signed by W. M. Paden and others.] To the President and Members of the Senate of the United States: We, the undersigned, resident citizens and qualified electors of the State of Utah, do hereby most respectfully protest : That Apostle Reed Smoot, Senator-elect from the State of Utah, ought not to be permitted to qualify by taking the oath of office or to sit as a member of the United States Senate, for reasons affecting the honor and dignity of the United States and their Senators in Congress. We protest as above upon the ground and for the reason that he is one of a self- perpetuating body of fifteen men who, constituting the ruling authorities of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, or "Mormon" Church, claim, and by their fol lowers are accorded the right to claim, supreme authority, divinely sanctioned, to shape the belief and control the conduct of those under them in all matters whatsoever, civil and religious, temporal and spiritual, and who thus, uniting in themselves authority in church and state, do so exercise the same as to inculcate and encourage a belief in polygamy and polygamous cohabitation ; who countenance and connive at violations of the laws of the State prohibiting the same regardless of pledges made for the purpose of obtaining statehood and of covenants made with the people of the United States, and who by all the means in their power protect and honor those who with themselves violate the laws of the land and are guilty of practices destructive of the family. However broad the grant by Federal enactments to the State of Utah or its citizens, the enjoyment of the privileges of statehood must depend upon the observance of the sacred compact upon which statehood was secured. The rights thereby granted are not thereby inalienable, and we do insist that he is and ever must be unfitted to make laws who shows himself unalterably opposed to that which underlies all law. We submit that however formal and regular may be Apostle Smoot's credentials or his qualifications by way of citizenship, whatever his protestations of patriotism and loyalty, it is clear that the obligations of any official oath which he may subscribe are and of necessity must be as threads of tow compared with the covenants which bind his intellect, his will, and his affections, and which hold him forever in accord with and subject to the will of a defiant and lawbreaking apostolate. We ask in behalf of ourselves, and, as we firmly believe, in behalf of thousands of the members of his faith, that the high honor of a Senatorship be not accorded this man. Testimony of Joseph F. Smith, Mar. 2, 3, IQ04. Mr. Tayler. According to the doctrine of your church, you have become the suc- cessor of your several predecessors as the head of the church? Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. Mr. Tayler. And are supposed to be endowed with all the powers that they were possessed of? Mr. Smith. That is my understanding. Mr. Tayler. What is your business? 1 26 Smith. Mk. Tayi.kr. Mr. Smith. Mk. Tayi.kr. Mr. Smith. Mk. Tayi.kk. Mk. Smith. Mk. Tayi.kk. Mr. Smith. Mk. Tayi.kk. Mk. Smith. Mk. Tayi.kk. Mr. Smith. Mr. Tayi.kk. Mr. Smith. Mr. Taylkr. Mr. Smith. Mr. Tayi.kr. Mr. Smith. i president of Zion's Cooperative Mercantile 1 [as it a Clint. il Stock? It I How large I think it is a little over a million. Of what other corporations are you an I am president of the State Bank of Utah, another instituti What else? Zion Savings Bank and Trust Company. What else? I am president of the Utah Sugar Company. What else? Mr. Smith. I am president of the Consolidated Wagon a: npany. Mk. Tayi.kk. What el re are several other small institutions with which I am Are you associated with the Utah Light -npany? I am. In what capacity? I am a director and president of the A director and the president? Yes, sir. Mk. Tayi.kr. Had you that in mind when you cl ill con- cert Mr. Smith. No, sir; I had not that in mind. Mr. Tayi.kr. That is a large concern? Mr. Smith. That is a large concern. Mr, Tayi.kr. Are you an officer of the Salt Lai pany ? Mr. Smith. Mr. Tayi.kr. Mr. Smith. Mr. Tayi.kr. Mr. Smith. Mr. Tayi.kr. Mr. Smith. Mr. Tayi.kr. :;>any ? Mk. Smith. That is the same institution that you 1 —the C lated Light ami Power Company. Tha lated. It is the ; ■ht and Railroad Company now. Mk. Tayi.kr. Do those corpi irnish tl tion in the city of Salt Lake? Mr. Smith. Y Altogether? lieve they d What relation do you su I am a director of that companj he Inland Cl 3al iny ? •ion thet The Salt I am. What? dent and director. Of what else are you president? I am president of the Salt Air Beach Compa The Salt Air Beach Company? What relation n to th I Light ver Mr. Tayi.kr. Mr. Smith. Tayi.kr. Mr. Smith. Mr. Tayler. Mr. Smith. Mr. Tayi.kr. Mr. Smith. I am president of that and also a director. Mr. Tayler. Are you president of any other corporation there? Mr. Smith. I do not know. Perhaps you can tell me. I do not remember any more just now. Mr. Tayler. It would seem that the number has grown so large that it would be an undue tax upon your memory to charge you with naming them all. What relation do you sustain to the Salt Lake Knitting Company? Did I ask you about it? Mr. Smith. No, sir; you did not. The Salt Lake Knitting Company? I am president of it, and also a director. The Union Pacific Railway Company? I am a director. Are you an official of any mining companies? Yes, sir. What? I am the vice-president of the Bullion, Beck and Champion Mining Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Tayler. Smith. Tayler. Smith. Mr. Tayler. Mr. Smith. Mr. Tayler. Mr. Smith. Company. Mr. Tayler. What relation, if any, do you sustain to any newspaper or publishing house or company? Mr. Smith. I am the editor of the Young Men's Mutual Improvement Association, a periodical ; the Improvement Era, and also the Juvenile Instructor. Mr. Tayler. I want to ask you a few questions, because it will enable us to get along more rapidly, and because you can speak concisely upon the subject, and we will understand where we are so much the better. I do not want to limit you. except that we do not want to take a great deal of time about it. You will understand, therefore, the purpose of the questions as I put them, as separated from the independent char- acter of the question itself. I do not want to put words into your mouth respecting it. As I understand, the Mormon Church was started by Joseph Smith, jr.? Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. Mr. Tayler. Was he a relative of yours? Mr. Smith. He was my uncle. Mr. Tayler. And it was he who found, or through him that the plates were found, upon which were recorded what was afterwards translated and published in the form of the Book of Mormon? Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. Mr. Tayler. Now, that occurred about seventy-five years ago, did it not? Mr. Smith. Yes, sir ; or a little more. Mr. Tayler. Later Joseph Smith, from time to time, received revelations? Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. Mr. Tayler. And he himself died in 1844? Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. Mr. Tayler. To his power and authority in the church Brigham Young, as you have stated, succeeded? Mr. Smith. Yes, sir; that is right. What are the standards of authority in the Mormon Church? Do you mean the books? Yes; the written standards. The Bible, the Book of Mormon, the Doctrine and Covenants, and the Mr. Tayler. Mr. Smith. Mr. Tayler. Mr. Smith. Pearl of Great Price. Mr. Worthincton. What is the last one? 128 !. The Pearl of Great Price. The Chairman. Will you repeat that last answer? Mr. Smith. 1 am asked what are tl lard works i i I The Chairman. Y< s. Mr. Smith. 1 answered: The Bible, King James's translation; the Book oi '■'■ men. the Book of Doctrine ami Covenants, and the Pearl oi Great Prior. .Mk. Taylkr. Those arc all the written books which arc authoritative and controlling upon the body of the church, arc they? Mr. Smith. They arc the only books which I know of that have been accepted by the church in general assembly as the standard work-- of the church. Mk. Tavi.ik. [s the cohabitation with one who is claimed to be a plural wife a vio- lation of the law or rule of the church, as well as of the law of the land? Mk. Smith. That was the case, and is the case, even to-day. Mk. Tavi.k.k. What was the case; what you are about to say? Mk. Smith. That it is contrary to the rule of the church and contrary as well to the law of the land for a man to cohahit with his wives. But I was placed in this position. I had a plural family, if you please: that i-. my first wife was married to me over thirty-eight years ago. my last wife was married to me over twenty years ago. and with these wives I had children, and I simply took my chances, preferring to meet the consequences of the law rather than to abandon my children and their mothers; and I have cohabited with my wives — not openly, that is, not in a manner that I thought would be offensive to my neighbors — hut I have ac- knowledged them: I have visited them. They have borne me children since iS, and I have done it. knowing the responsihility and knowing that I was amenable to the law. Since the admission of the State there has been a sentiment existing and prevalent in Utah that these old marriages would be in a measure condoned. They were not ed upon as offensive, as really violative of law; they were, in other word-, regarded as an existing fact, and if they saw any wrong in it they simply winked at it. In other words. Mr. Chairman, the people of Utah, as a rule, as well as the people of this nation. are broad-minded and liberal-minded people, and they have rather condoned than other- wise, I presume, my offense against the law. 1 have never been disturbed. Nobody has ever called me in question, that I know of. and if I had. I was there to answer to the charges or any charge that might have been made against me, and I would have- been willing to suhmit to the penalty of the law, whatever it might have been. Mr. Tayi.fr. You have not in any respect changed your relations to these wives since the manifesto or since the passage of this law of the State of Utah. I am not. meaning to he unfair in the question, but only to understand yon. What I mean is, have been holding your several wives out as wives, not offensively, as you say. ■ have furnished them home-. You have given them ciety. You have taken care of the children that they hore you, and you have caused them to hear you new children — all of them. Mk. Smith. That i : r. Mk. Tayi.kr. That is correct? Mr. Smith. Y Mr. Tayi.f.r. Now, -incc that was a violation of the law. why hav ' >ne it? Mk. Smith. For the reason I have I pref i ce the penalties of the law to abandoning my family. Mk. Tayi nsider it an abandonment of your family I - with your wives except that of occupying •' Mk. Smith. T do not wish to he impertinent, but I should like the gentleman I any woman, who is a wife, that question. 120, Senati r Foraker. 1 do not sec how investigation along that line is going to give us any light. What we want are facts. Mr. Tayler. It strikes me that an explanation from this man who is the spiritual head of the church, the immediate superior of Senator Smoot, the man who receives divine revelations respecting the duty and conduct of the whole body of the church, as to why he thus defiantly violates that law, is pertinent and important. The Chairman. Mr. Smith, I understood you, in response to a question of counsel, to state that you married your first wife at such a time, and the second wife at such a time, both before 1890? Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. The Chairman. The last wife, I mean. Were there any intermediate marriages? Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. The Chairman. How many? Mr. Smith. There were three besides the first and the last. The Chairman. Then you have five wives? Mr. Smith. I have. The Chairman. Mr. Tayler, what is your question? Mr. Tayler. My question is. How many children have been born to him by these wives since 1890? The Chairman. The chair thinks that question is competent. Mr. Smith. I have had 11 children born since 1890. Mr. Tayler. Were those children by all of your wives; that is, did all of your wives bear children? Mr. Smith. All of my wives bore children. Mr. Tayler. Since 1890? Mr. Smith. That is correct. The Chairman. I understand, since 1890. Mr. Smith. Since 1890. I said that I have had born to me 11 children since 1890, each of my wives being the mother of from 1 to 2 of those children. Mr. Tayler. You said you were not sure but that one might have borne you three children. Mr. Smith. T rather think she has. Mr. Tayler. You rather think? Mr. Smith. Yes. T could tell you a little later by referring. I can not say that I remember the dates of births of my children — all of them. 130 BILLS, ACTS AND DOCUMENTS OX LIQUORS IX GOVERNMENT BUILDINGS HEPBURN-DOLLIVER BILL PROTECTION OF NATIVE RACES DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA LIQUOR LAW- ALASKA LIQUOR LAW ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF LIQUOR QUESTION STUDY OF LOCAL PROHIBITION i>i SENATOR DOLPH ON LIQUOR SELLING IN CHICAGO FAIR. Certainly, if we are to -make an appropriation for the Exposition we can make the appropriation upon condition, that it shall be closed on Sunday and that the sale of intoxicating liquors on the grounds be prohibited. I hope that may be done. More than a j'ear ago I expressed myself publicly in favor of closing the grounds on Sunday in a letter which was published in one of the leading religious papers of the country. I now desire to say, that I think the prohibition of the sale of liquor upon the grounds would conduce to the good order of the Exposition, to the comfort of visitors, and be an example which would be worthy to be followed by the nations of the earth. CONGRESSMAN BABBITT ON EXCLUDING LIQUORS FROM CHICAGO FAIR. I favor the exclusion of liquor from the Fair grounds at Chicago from a financial point of view. You can not make as much money by running a liquor institution on the Fair grounds as you can by running a temperance Fair. I know that to be so, provided the managers of the Columbian Exposition understand how to manage it and advertise; and I think I will take the liberty right here of saying that I went to work in Wisconsin and got the consent of ministers to read the programme of a temperance Fair in our State, and nearly 45,000 nocked daily to see us, and there was not a single solitary drop of liquor drank upon that ground. Ministers adver- tised it in this way: "You children, you mothers, you daughters, you fathers, may all go to the Fair, and you will be sure that you will be treated courteously and elegant- ly, and you will have no occasion to regret it . " The cars were full to overflowing. You ought to have seen the thousands and thousands of picnics that came up from all over that section of country. I have always voted in favor of license myself, but talk about cranks as much as you please, there is no greater set of cranks on the face of God's earth than those who claim that whiskey can save a Fair from financial ruin, a city from grass-growing in its streets, or save the United States of America, or make us respectable in the eyes of foreign nations or in the eyes of the people of this Republic. I understand what I am doing when I stand on this floor here and advocate this principle, for many in my district think otherwise. I have a very large German element there. But in behalf of the prosperity of the National Fair at Chicago, in behalf of the great interest which it represents, in behalf of the American people, in behalf of the honor of the whole State of Wisconsin, and the honor of all the States of the Union, and in behalf of the American people and the reputation of this Congress, I am willing to stand here and tell the truth at this time, and I say to you gentlemen if you want a prosperous Fair, worthy of the respect of citizens and foreigners alike, inaugurate the great principles which have made this nation what it is. 132 Ellis Bill to Forbid Liquor Selling in Government Buildings. I Favorably June 28, 1898, S5t! mimittee on Al Liqu >r Traffic A bill to prohibit the iting liq n any reservation or in anj under the United S Government, and for other pur] That hereafter it shall be unlawful for any pe- otherwise dispose of any kind of intoxicating liquors on any n ration under control oi. or in any building owned or controlled by, the United States \ eminent. That any violation of this Act shall be deemed a misdemeanor, and m shall, for each separate >e, be punished by a hue not exceeding 1 dollars. 3. That the Federal courts shall have jurisdiction of all violations of this Act. KRom HOUSE REPORT. "But few hills before the present congress have had the under consideration. Your committee, after giving the matter earnest and reached the unanimous conclusion that but few if any reasons exi-t why the I rnment should engage in the liquor traffic, even to the extent >>f leg permitting the sale of intoxicants within its immigrant statioi mil- or any other buildings under its control, including the Capitol tnent buildings within the District of Columbia, or any reservation upon wl any of said buildings are situated. It is not n< put into this report the many arguments made by th< bill in its behalf. Suffice it to say that of the many petitions presented many arguments made before, the committee, not one protest was received nor inst th I this measure. ■tr commit- r having given th tched the unanimous conclusion that the hill as amended, if law It in much good. We therefore recommend that it do pa Anti-Canteen Law of 55th Congress. Approved March 4, 1899. 11 he detailed to sell intoxicating drinks, as a any post exchang other pers iptnent m any pi r military pi by the Un and t! I War i ry to carry the pr >:t. "Grout Bill." 56th Congress. Introduced. by Hon. W. W. Grout. M. C. December 5, 1899. it enac- ' That I it shall he unlawful to sell 1" in any . -' home, or immigrant ■ r each separa: hunt. K. S Woodson ...... Hunt, Battery D, Pennsylvania. Lieut. A. K. T Regular Army .ice Magazine. T< > •!•• dded tl canteens, making ioo in all. b< in the n crc- tary of War, that weigh heavy by intrinsic valu*- « f their statements, especially under the peculiar conditions of their witnessing: Naval officers: Secretary John D. Lone;, Rear-/\dmrals Sampson, Kimberley, Barker; Commodore I. H. Gibbs; Captains Folger, Higginson, Crowinshield, Bradford. The following ?.re samples Irom anticanteen utterances of the officers named: General Miles has been quoted elsewhere. Maj. Gen. William H. Shafter: I have always been strongly opposed to the can- teen system or the sale of intoxicating drinks of any kind on military reservations, and have opposed it until absolutely overruled and required to establish a canteen at my post. I regard it demoralizing to the men, besides impairing seriously their efficiency. There are always, in every regiment, a number of men that will under any circumstances get and drink liquor, but the great majority are temperate, ab- stemious men; and it is to those that the evil effects of the post-exchange system work the greatest injury, as young men who would not think of going away from the post for liquor will, when it is placed before them and every inducement offered them to purchase, do so, and thus gradually acquire habits of intemperance. The plea that it furnishes a large sum, which it does, to improve the table fare of the men is, in my opinion, a very poor one, as the Government of the United States is perfectly able to feed its men without any assistance from the profits of rum sell- ing. I have absolutely prohibited the sale of liquor or the opening of saloons in the city of Santiago, and have refused permission for cargoes of beer to come from the States here. [Letter from Santiago de Cuba, dated July 30, 1898.] Maj. Gen. Joseph Wheeler: I am a thorough believer in temperance in all things, and am utterly opposed to soldiers being sold intoxicating liquors, and I believe that every effort should be exercised to remove the temptation of such dissipation from them. — [In letter from Camp Wikoff, Montauk Point, Long Island, dated September 20, 1898.] Maj. Gen. H. V. Boynton (asked if each regiment had a sutler. General Boynton replied): They had something worse than a sutler, each one had a canteen. He said that 372 carloads of beer had been sold in the camp under discussion. He de- precated the fact that army regulations permitted the canteen system. — [Testimony before the war investigation committee as reported by the New York Tribune.] Bvt. Maj. Gen. O. B. Wilcox (retired): It is my opinion that the public good, as well as personal character of those concerned, would be enhanced very much by the exclusion of liquor from the rank and file of the Army, except under due medi- cal prescription. Gen. E. Carr: I have always opposed the "canteen" which encourages soldiers to drink beer when otherwise they might not be exposed to temptation. Brig. Gen. D. S. Stanley: It is my deliberate opinion that our Army, now enter- ing upon a campaign in a hot climate, would be immensely better off if all alcoholic drinks were prohibited. Brig. Gen. William B. Rochester (retired): There is no doubt that the drink habit works very great injury to the Army. It has been shown over and over again that those who endure the greatest fatigue and exposure are the men wdio do not drink. 140 Brig Gen. William R. Carl in (retired): It has alwaj . inci I was old enough to have an opinion, been my conviction that the public g I would be enhanced by exclusion of liquor from all circles. It does no g 1 anywhere, and countl evils everywhere. It is useless to discriminate between the Army and other ; Liquor is .-i nuisance and an evil, and no greater blessing to mankind could come to it than the total prohibition of its manufacture, sale and use. It is important also to observe that the Secretary of War's report (December, ioooi contained the statements of 35 officers who declare thai the canteen h; detrimental to the morality of the enlisted men; that 40 declare it to 1"- prejudicial to discipline; that 20 assert that it has increased drunkenness, and that 36 declare in favor of the absolute prohibition of the canteen. Till-. ANTI-CANTEEN LAW. '1 1 i Senator Jacob 11. Gallinger, M. D., Congressional Record, Jan. n, [901. I am not going to argue that the preponderance of opinion among army officers is either for or against the army canteen. Opinions are divided. Many leading officers have pronounced against the canteen. — men like Generals Howard, Lud- low. Shafter, Wheeler, Henry, Carlin. and others of equal note. Colonels of the following regiments had no canteen: T st. 3d Nebraska; 1st Texas; i^t Wisconsin; 2d, 4th. 6th, and 8th Ohio; 5th. 8th, [2th, and 13th Pennsylvania: 2d and 5th Missouri; 25th Kansas; I57th, 159th, and 160th Indiana; i-t. 3d, 4th. 5th. and oth Illinois; i-t. 2d, 3d, and 4th Kentucky; District of Columbia regiment; i-t and 2d Mississippi; 1st New Hampshire; 5th and 8th Massachusetts; ist Wash- ington; 15th Minnesota; 1st and _'d Arkansas; 49th, 50th. and sjd Iowa; 1st South Dakota; 2d Virginia; 2d South Carolina, and 2d Louisiana. Genera] Ludlow says: "The use of intoxicating drinks of any kind in the tropics conduces effectively to attacks from diseases. It is believed by this department that absolute prohibition is imperative. In almost every case of yellow fever ng American tro,,|>> in Cuba it has been found that the patient was in the habit of drinking. It is particularly important, where a large proportion of the troops recruits, that nothing he officially done to create in them the habit of using in- toxicants. To establish canteens in the tropin j s to render the temptation of soci- ability and companionship practically irresistable, and the habit of drinking is read- ily acquired." Harper's Bazaar, June <>. i commended to the young man just from the restraining influences of home, weakest period in his life, as his club. Here are games, amusements, reading n and library, to draw him, and place him under its influence. '"To propose such a scheme in the communities from which recruits are dr ild call out universal protest from all good people. It is based on the doctrine that the temperance homes of the country, from which the government prefers to draw its recruit-, the churches and young people.' societies to which the country owes so much, and the public schools which inculcate total abstinence on grounds of health. — have all been in error; and that the right way i- to establish young men's clubs, 50 run ■ keep the young men in their own saloon rather than run the risk of their going ruin in some other saloon. What community would consider such a proposition a moment? "The government canteen lowers the conscience standard of both officers and r It inculcates tolerance of the vice of drinking. It hold, up the idea of the temperate drink as against total abstinence. It- ideal- are opposed to those <>f the best ciety. "The "nly way T can account for the interruption at the funeral, and the late recom- mendation of officers in favor of the canteen is that the canteen modifies the views of :rs as well as men. and produces a toleration of, rather than a repugnance for, the wicked I This government canteen doctrine is dangerous to inculcate into the mind- of hundred- of thousands of young men destined to return to citizenship, and be I of children of the future republic. It will result in undoing the k of these day-. The business success of these canteen- gain- the adherenc many who do not -eriou-ly consider their moral influenc "The sound p< ' ivernment on thi- question i-. in my opinion, i I put it-elf athwart the doctrine- of the churche- and the home-, and undo the cher: work of parents and Christian worker-, hut to buttress in every way possible the 'aing- of it- best citizens and endeavor to return their -on- to societj 'idly temperate a- when they enlisted. Thi- i- possible. ORVILLE .1. NAVE t Chaplain, U. S. .In Our army is in Cuba, China, and the Philippines, ex| I i the dangers ami of a tropical climate. It i- our duty to do what we cm to preserve theil health. to that end to protect them a- far a- possible from strong drink. '1 not do. if we legalize in their mid-t places where inl tamed. We ought ' imple to the p iba and the Philipptl Ket the torial from the li ib ina Post, J answer : 143 "A DISGRACEFUL OCCASION." "It was a source of disappointment to a large assemblage of American citizens who gathered to witness the Vedado field sports of the soldiers stationed there, that the army canteen to the right and in front of the grand stand gave visitors, American and Cuban, an enforced opportunity to witness the disgraceful spectacle of perhaps a hun- dred drunken soldiers, many of whom were violently disorderly, even to engaging in fist fights and general brawls in the presence of, and apparently under the supervision of the officers of the batteries. "It is doubtful if such a disgusting and disgraceful spectacle has ever before been offered the people of Cuba at a public celebration. Certainly not within the experience of a large portion of the civilian visitors, who went expecting high-class sports con- ducted in an orderly and truly American manner, have there ever been witnessed such scenes of drunkenness, disorderliness, and general confusion. "So noticeable was the debauchery that some one closed the place two hours; but it was reopened at one, and till the exercises closed was the rendezvous for the army toughs; fight after fight following as men lost their heads under the influence of a broiling tropical sun. It was a repulsive sight for the ladies, hundreds of whom were compelled to view it from the grand stand; equally disgusting for the sterner sex, who love their natal day, and would have been glad to have seen it observed in decency. "Some one is to blame for the disgrace to the United States and its flag. How can we censure Spaniards and Cubans for displaying it upside down, when we admit to places of amusement disorderly canteens to make our soldiers indulge in rowdyism that belonged to the Bowery of other days?" 144 SCIENTIFIC TESTIMONY R. bby Senator J. H. Gallinger, M. I » I Record, January 9,1901, or: The alarm: lusi' many who consider tl • linking is an effe< tive of aiding to ut the demon rum, impelled th< •o a number of the leading pi - sal damage which indulgence in malt liquors does the ■ of : not only a ian of the highest personal cha: m whose professional abilities 1 : the he hig] .llful physicians are not ti ind any of known b -ice principles. Whal .y of b ing for . but is the col :ice of men of know whereof they speak. A BEER DRINKING CITY. Toledo is essentially a beer drinking city. The German population is very large. Five of the largest breweries in the country are he: ibably more drank, in proportion to the population, than in any other city in the United States. The e physicians is, therefore, largely among beer drinkers, and they have had abundant opportunities to know exactly its bearings on health and disease. Every one bears testimony that no man can drink beer safely, that it is an injury to any one who uses it in any quantity, and that its effect on the general health of the country has been even worse than that of whiskey. The indictment they with one accord present against beer drinking is simply terrible. The devilfish crushing a man in his lor ling arms, and sucking !ood from his mangled body, is not so frightful an a I as thi ly but u enemy, which fastens itself upon its victim, and daily becomes more" and more the hed man's master, and finally dragging him to hi a time when other men are in their prime of mental and bodily vigor. BEER KILLS QUICKER THAN* OTHER LIQIOR. Dr. S. IF. Burgen, a practitioner 35 years, 2S in Toledo, says: "I think beer kills quicker than any other liquor. My attention v. its insidious eff< when I began examining for life insurance. I pa unusually good risks five German -g business men — who seemed in the best health, and to have sir constitutions. In a few years I was amazed to see the whole five drop off, one . another, with what ought to have been mild and 1 arable diseases. On < paring my experience with that of other physicians I found th< all having similar luck with confirmed beer drink* since has heaped firmatinn on confirmation. "The first organ to be attack the kidneys; the liver soon sympathizes, and then comes, most frequently, dropsy or Brigl certain fatally. an. who cai I dee the time, will mong the suits of beer drinking are loekja that tl drinker incapable of 1 enng from mild d nd injui il usually • a grave character. Pneumonia, pleui on him, which they foreclose remor in early opportunity. BEER WORSE THAN WHISK "The beer drinker is much worse off than the whiskey drinker, wl S to have moi tremens; but after the fit is gone you will sometimes fin material to work upon. Good management may bring him around all rigl ' drinker gets into trouble it seems almost as if you have to • ing for him. I have talked this for years, and hi- ace of living instances around me to support mv opil BEER DRINKING SHORTENS LIFE. Dr. S. S. Lungren. a leading homeopathic | jeon, has practiced in Toledo 25 yeai difficult to find any part of the confirmed beer drink 145 machinery that is doing its work as it should. This is why their life cords snap off like glass rods when disease or accident gives them a little blow. Beer drinking shortens life. This is not a mere opinion; it is a well settled, recognized fact. Physi- cians and insurance companies accept this as unquestionably as any other undisputed fact of science. The great English physicians decide that the heart's action is in- creased 13 per cent, in its efforts to throw off alcohol introduced into the circulation. The result is easily figured out. The natural pulse-beat is, say 76 per minute. If we multiply this by 60 minutes in an hour, and 24 hours in a day, and add 13 per cent., we find that the heart has been compelled to do an extra work during that time in throwing off the burden of a few drinks (4.8 ounces of alcohol) equal to 15.5 tons lifted one foot high." LIFE INSURANCE COMPANIES. "The life insurance companies make a business of estimating men's lives, and can only make money by making correct estimates of whatever influences life. Here is a table they use in calculating how long a normal, healthy man will probably live after a given age: Age, 20 years; expectation, 41.5 years. Age, 50 years; expectation, 20.2 years. Age, 30 years; expectation, 34.4 years. Age, 60 years; expectation 13.8 years. Age, 40 years; expectation, 28.3 years. Age, 65 years; expectation, n years. "Now they expect a man otherwise healthy, who is addicted to beer, will have his life shortened from 40 to 60 per cent. For instance, if he is 20 years old and does not drink beer, he may reasonably expect to reach the age of 61. If he is a beer drinker, he will probably not live to be over 40 or 45, and so on." BEER DRINKING AND LONGEVITY. The President of the Connecticut Mutual Life Insurance Company — one of the oldest in the country — has for years been investigating the relation of beer drinking to longevity; or otherwise, whether beer drinkers are desirable risks to a life insur- ance company. He declared, as the result of a series of observations carried on among a selected group of persons who were habitual drinkers of beer, that although for two or three years there was nothing remarkable, yet presently death began to strike, and then the mortality became astounding and uniform in its manifestations. There was no mistaking it; the history was almost invariable; robust, apparent health, full muscles, a fair outside, increasing weight, florid faces; then a touch of cold or a sniff of malaria, and instantly some acute disease, with almost invariable typhoid symptoms, was in violent action, and ten days or less ended it. It was as if the system had been kept fair on the outside, while within it was eaten to a shell, and at the first touch of disease there was utter collapse, every fiber was poisoned and weak. And this in its main features, varving in degree, has been his observation in beer drinking everywhere. It is peculiarly deceptive at first; it is thoroughly destructive at the last. BEER DRINKERS UNPROMISING PATIENTS. Dr. J. T. Woods: "That confirmed beer drinkers are especially unpromising patients, practical surgeons agree." Dr. S. S. Lungren: "Alcohol invites attacks of disease, and makes recovery from any attack or injury difficult." Dr. C. A. Kirkley: "Sickness is always more fatal in beer drinkers, and serious accidents are usually fatal to them." Dr. S. H. Burgen: "Beer drinkers are absolutely the most dangerous class of subjects a surgeon can operate on. Insignificant scratches are liable to develop a long train of dangerous troubles. Sometimes delirium tremens results from a small hurt. It is dangerous for a beer drinker to even cut his finger. All surgeons hesitate to perform operations on a beer drinker that they would undertake with the greatest confidence on anyone else." "A LITTLE CIRCLE OF DOCTORS." Dr. S. S. Throne: " If you could drop into a little circle of doctors, when they are having a quiet, professional chat, you would hear enough in a few minutes to terrify you as to the work of beer. One will say, 'What's become of So-and-So? I haven't seen him around lately?' 'Oh, he's dead.' 'Dead! What was the matter?' 'Beer.' Another will sav. 'I've just come from Blank's. I am afraid it's about mv last call on him, poor fellow.' 'What's the trouble?' 'Oh, he's been a regular beer drinker for years.' A third will remark how has just gone out like a candle in a draft of wind. 146 son given. And so on, till half .1 dozer p1 ■ apparent] should be in their prii r drinkers is suffi m." BEER DRINKING PRODUCES RHBUMAT1 Dr. W. T. Ridenour: "Beerdrinl con-^ md ulti as ! labored as it would be to run a clock, the wheels of which were cov- with dirt and gum." LIABLE TO DIE OP PNEUMONIA. Dr. W. T. Ridenour: "Beer drinkers are peculiarly liable to die of pneumonia. Their vital power, their power of resistance, is so lowere y are liable to drop off fr«- n of acute disease, such as fevers, pneumonia, etc. As a rule when a beer drinker takes pneumonia, he dies. "Mv first patient was a saloon keep ■• • ever '-11 buil it thirty-five, witl mus< »ped. He had an attack of ph< rig)-- 1 case, which In D are confident of saving nil out of t the eve surprise he sai tly, 'He'll die.' I thinl irinkcr,' ick on • ked the other lun 1 " DROPS i ED BY BFiER DRINKI' Dr. M II Parmal surgeon tw< maji ■ 1 a minute. 1 . : drinkers than any other cl •V.R DK' • r^ren: "Th( irri' that many brain d (linking I A Kirklcv: "Under 'i v c than t! hardly fully in the 1 causes that ma bricht's di Dr W. T. Ridcnn-ir "I largely due to beer drinking. 1 victim to the German beer that he pi 1 highly. He died of Bright 147 50, when he should have lived, with his constitution, to a ripe old age. He went just as beer drinkers are going all the time and everywhere." Dr. C. A. Kirkley: "I believe that forty-nine out of fifty cases of chronic Bright's disease are directly produced by it. I have never met with a case in which the patient has not been intemperate to a greater or less degree. The proportion may be too high, but that is certainly my experience. Mr. Christian, a celebrated author, states that three-fourths to four-fifths of the cases met with in Edinburgh were in habitual drunkards." AN ARTIFICIAL PROP. Dr. C. A. Kirkley, in constant practice in Toledo 15 years, says : " I do not believe the healthy organism needs an artificial prop to sustain it. Depression below the standard of health always follows just in proportion as the system is sitmulat- ed above that standard. Every physician is familiar with cases in which nervous wear and tear in an active life has been kept up by stimulants without apparent loss of power for years. Bodily and mental vigor, however, suddenly fail. The repeated application of the stimulus that the exertion might be prolonged has really eated application of the stimulus that the exertion might be prolonged has really expended the power of the nervous system, and prepared him for more complete prostration. The temporary advantage was purchased at a great cost. The greater the expenditure of nervous power by the use of stimulants, the more complete the exhaustion." CHILDREN OF DRUNKARDS IDIOTS. Dr. C. A. Kirkley: "Plutarch says, 'One drunkard begets another;' and Aris- totle, 'Drunken women bring forth children like unto themselves.' A report was made to the legislature of Massachusetts, I think by Dr. Howe, on idiocy. He had learned the habits of the parents of 300 idiots, and 145, nearly half, are reported as known to be habitual drunkards, showing the enfeebled constitution of the children of drunkards. I have in mind an instance where children born to the mother, begot- ten when the father was intoxicated, all died within eight months of birth. They would have recovered, had they not had the enfeebled constitution inherited from their intemperate father. Instances are recorded where both parents were intoxi- cated at the time of conception, and the result was an idiot. There is not a doubt but that inebriety not only makes more destructive whatever taint may exist, but impairs the health and natural vigor for remote generations." "a crop of lunatics." Dr. A. McFarland: "That 'the iniquities of the fathers are visited upon the chil- dren;' that 'the fathers have eaten sour grapes and the children's teeth are set on edge,' are truths that no Scripture is needed to teach. In other words, he who sins through physical excess does not do half the harm to himself that he does to the inheritors of his blood. The penalty must be paid as sure as there is seed time and harvest. "It is your stout old hero, who goes to bed every night with liquor enough under his belt to fuddle the brains of a half dozen ordinary men, and yet lives out his three-score and ten, that will be found at the head of the stock that pour into the world, generation after generation, such a crop of lunatics, epileptics, eccentrics, and inebriates as we often see. The impunity with which one so constituted will violate all physical law gets its set-off in a succeeding generation, when the great harvest begins." ONLY ONE SAFE COURSE. Dr. J. T. Woods: "That beer is foreign to nature's demand is plainly evident. The whole organism at once sets about its removal. Every channel through which it can be got rid of is brought into play, and does not cease till the last trace is gone. Reach- ing a certain end depends only on the frequency of the repetition. The whole is made up of the parts; every drink counts one. These 'ones' added together make the wreck; to secure this result it is only necessary to make the single numbers sufficient. Each leaves its footprints in one way or another; and the idea that, because you stop be- fore you stagger, the system takes no note of the damaging material you put into it is a ruinous delusion." Dr. S. H. Burgen: "I have told you the frozen truth — cold, calm, scientific facts, such as the profession everywhere recognizes as absolute truths. I do not re- gard beer drinking as safe for any one. It is a dangerous, aggressive evil that no one can tamper with with any safety to himself. There is only one safe course, and that is to let it alone entirely." 148 Social Features of the Post Exchange, 56th Congress, 2nd Session, Sen- ate Document No. 182, Presented by Senator J. H. Gallinger, on Feb. 22, 1901. REGULATIONS OF THE BRITISH army IN INDIA ESTABLISHING THE TEMPER [From Indian Army Regulations, vol. 1 91.] \ separate room shall invariably be allotted in the barrai the Army Temperance Association, of sufficient accommodation for the numbers using It should be made as comfortable and attractive ible, and oi immanding hould arrange that a separate bar for light refreshments be established in it. The room will form a part of the institute and he under the general superintended the institute committee, but the management of the l>ar sin mid he in the hand- of a committee of the Army ,Temperan< ciation, with one of their number as barman, to the control and supervision of the commanding ■ whom the bar Id he laid monthly. Tea. e hould as far as possible he provided by the regimental or battery coffee shop and charged for at cost price. Mineral waters will he supplied from the regimental soda-water and charged for at the sam - as the w; int.) the refreshment room. Under no circumstances is a double profit to he made Whether thus obtained or purchased elsewhere, 15 per cent of the profits on the sale of the same, or a fixed sum, must he paid monthly from the temperance bar into the ral refreshment account of the corps. In corps where the number of temperance men is small, and the profits tl: nil. commanding officers -hould make such grants from other funds, for the benefit of the Army Temperance Association room, a- are proportionately just, having regard other claims and interests, with a view to encouraging the much-desired object the^e rooms, viz. temperance in the Army. ORnr.R PROVIDING FURNITURE AT GOVERNMENT EXPENSE FOR THE TEMPERANCE CANTEEN IV INDIA. [Order from the secretary of the Government of India to the military department, No. 2779, M. \V.. dated Octoher 30, iSyo.] In reply to your letter. \*o. 3044?.. dated September To. 1890, T am directed to state for the information of His Excellency the Commander in Chief, that the government <t been abolished, but it is a fact that this work among British soldiers on the part of the Government has been so successful that it is being extended as rapidly as possible. About the I Si n.] TEMPERANCE CONDITIONS tN U S. ARMY AND NAVY. Extracts from official reports concerning discipline, health, and efficiency of our soldiers and sailoi THE ANTICANTEEN LAW SUSTAINED. In reply to the charges of insubordination and physical degeneracy so widely urged by the advocates of the canteen against the soldiers of the United States Army, the following official statements merit close attention: [Report of the Judge-Advocate-General.] War Department, Judge-Advocate-General's Office, Washington, D. C, September 28, 1904. Hon. Wm. II. Taft, Secretary of War. Sir: I have the honor to submit the annual report of the Judge-Advocate- General's Department for the year ending June 30, 1904. The following data are compiled from the records received at this office of trials completed and published during the year covered by this report: Commissioned officers tried by general court-martial: Convicted (sentence disapproved in 2 cases) 30 .V quitted 7 Cadets tried by general court-martial (convicted) 4 Enlisted men tried by general court-martial (including a few cases of discharged enlisted men serving as general prisoner Convicted (sentences disapproved in 46 cases) 3.897 Acquitted 3x1 Total trials by general court-martial 4.249 (Being 1,026 less than in the preceding year.) On this state of things the Judge-Advo eneral remarks (p. 6): The marked diminution m the number of trials by general court-martial, which amounts to nearly 20 per cent of the number of cases tried in the year ending June 30, 1903, is very gratifying, as indicating that the conditio] of the military service are now such as to It t to court-martial procedure in order to maintain discipline in the military establishment. [Report of the Surgeon-General, 1904, p. 52.] The admission rate in the United States per thousand for disease and in- jury was 1,206.89 and death rate 5.94, compared with 1,343.77 and 7.83 in 1902. Of this rate 981.50 men per thousand were admitted and 4.12 died from disease, and 245.39 admitted and 1.82 died from external causes. These rates compare most favorably with those of 1901 and 1902. The admission rate per thousand of strength of the whole Army for dis- ease and injury during the last calendar year shows an improvemet over that of 1902, the rates being 1,451.13 and 1,716.51, respectively. This re- duction in the prevalence of disease and injury serves to further show the gradual improvement in the condition of the troops which has been noted since sanitary matters have been given the attention due them. [Report of the Secretary of War, 1904, p. 6.] Continuance of the gradual but decided improvement in the condition of troops which has been noted since sanitary matters have received the attention due them is shown by the lower rate of admission to sick report per thousand of strength of the whole Army for disease and injury during the last calendar year, as compared with 1902. Notwithstanding the fact that a mean strength of 25,379 troops were on foreign service during the year, only 629 deaths occurred from all causes in the entire Army — American and native troops — equal to a rate of 9.30 per thousand as compared with 15.49 for the previous year. Of this death rate more than 15 per cent was due to cholera in the Philip- pines — an accidental and temporary condition. The significance of these figures becomes more apparent when it is known that the census of the United States for 1890 gives an average death rate of 8.95 per 1,000 for adult males of the military ages, 20 to 45 years. [Report of Rear- Admiral Barker.] The Navy is to be congratulated that the Department has remained firm in excluding wine and beer from the canteen of ships. The tendency of the times is toward total abstinence. Railroad companies do not employ men who drink intoxicating liquor because of the increased danger of accidents and consequent claims for damages. Manufacturing concerns are yearly becoming more strict in this regard. How much greater the necessity for absolute sobriety on a battle ship. Tons of explosives are confined in the vessel, fires burn with intense heat in the furnaces, electricity is generated in currents of sufficient strength to run 1,000 lamps and move turrets weighing hundreds of tons, while within the ship closely housed over this dormant hell are more than 700 human beings. The majori of enlisted men come from good homes and are temperate. Is it therefore not better to weed out the few intemperate ? 154 LIQUOR SELLING IN IMMIGRANT STATIONS. From a Hearing before Senate Committee on Immigration, April 23, 1902, on Government liquor selling at U. S. Immigrant Stations and in Soldiers' Homes. Rev. Wilbur P. Crafts, Ph. I>., of Washington, D. C, Superinti of The International Reform Bureau, in charge of the hearing, inti vho would corroborate and supplement his statements, must of tl the foUowin entatives of national v. O. R. Miller, Field Secretary of the Hure.m already named; Mrs. Margaret Dye Ellis, N. W. C. T. U. Superinti of Legislation; Mrs Ella M. Thacher, Superintendent of Soldiers and Sailors De- partment in same; Hon. S. E. Nicholson, Secretary of the National Anti-Saloon which Joshua L. Baily, President of the National Temperance So- ciety, sent a prepared s at. Dr. Crafts said: The immigrants who seek this country as "the land of the free," meet Uncle t as a quarantine officer, and in the very shadow of the statue of Lib< learn the wholesome lesson that American liberty does not mean liberty to do harm. Another lesson in liberty is given them at the immigration station on Ellis Island. There every immigrant must undergo a full examination, even to his purse, and if he is likely to become a pauper or criminal he is sent back. Then, presto, Uncle Sam assumes the role of a liquor seller, and invites the immigrant to begin or con- tinue the verv habit that more than anything else promotes pauperism and crime. In order to get at the facts I made a special trip to Ellis Island on Monday, April 21. On the official ferry-boat from New York nothing was carried for cargo •it 120 dozen bottles of lager beer. I found that in two outside restaurants, used by visitors, one might have milk or tea or coffee instead of beer, if he would, but at the only lunch counters accessible to hundreds of the detained immigrants there was no milk, tea or coffee to be had, but beer in abundance. This is an innova- tion of only a I its' standing, ordered by a subordinate officer of the Treasury and never approved by Congress, but legal until forbidden by Executi r or by law. When in some city the list of men who rent buildings to liquor selle: published it is regarded neither by the men so advertised, nor by the public as a roll of honor. Surely, then, our public buildings, in whose ownership all Christian izens share, should not be rented for a business which most of them < : When Congress was informed that young soldiers were forced to be bartenders in canteens, the whole system was swept out of the army. When the American people and 1 gress realize that the whole nation is involved in the supreme shame of selling liquor to immigrants, we are assured that this bill, or at least so much of it as would abolish liquor selling on Ellis Island, will be speedily passed. The newspaper charge that immigrants are "herded" with hard words and sticks is true, but worst of all is the corralling of them at the beer stands. As for liquor selling in other Government buildings, it is already illegal under the District of Culumbia law to sell liquors in any public building in Washingl the anti-canteen law forbids liquor selling in all national buildings "used for mil:' purposes," which surely includes old soldiers' homes, as 1 intiir repeatedly. We shall ask the P' hal1 continue to ask Congress, through anoth id liquor Belling in any building owned or controlled by the Uni I in the groun ling to the same, which was the gist of the Ellis bill, now re ill — .ore people than any other bill in th< 1 the Hon Bowersock amendment to Immigration Act of 57th Congress: No intoxicating liquors shall be sold in such [United States] immigrant stations. Landis amendment, same. 155 PENDING McCUMBER-SPERRY BILL, TO FORBID LIQUOR SELLING IN SOLDIERS' HOMES AND OTHER GOVERNMENT BUILDINGS AND SHIPS. Be it enacted, etc. That hereafter it shall be unlawful to sell^intoxicating liquors on any ship or in any building or on any grounds owned or used by the United States Government. Sec. 2. That any violation of this act shall be deemed a misdemeanor, and shall be punished by a fine not exceeding five hundred dollars. [From Senate Document, 57th Congress, 1st Session, No. 379.] DR. CRAFTS. The anti-canteen law is applied only to young soldiers in the Army. I agree with the opinion of General Sewell, that the law should be enforced against canteens in the old Soldiers' Homes also. In a letter to a constituent, which I have, and in a speech in the Senate January 10, Mr. Sewell interpreted the words "premises used for military purposes by the United States" (on all of which liquor selling is for- bidden) as applying to Soldiers' Homes, which are in reality only hospitals for vet- erans. But the war department interprets the anti-canteen law as applying only to young soldiers in the Army. The bill now before us is the same in substance as the Ellis bill, reported favorably in the Fifty-fifth Congress after a very thorough consideration. There were more petitions for it than in behalf of any other measure coming before that Congress. I wish to call attention to a weighty statement in the House report on that bill, whxh was reiterated substantially in another House report, namely: "The United States Govern- ment should not in any sense be connected with the liquor traffic." This repeated declaration has unquestionably been the weightiest consideration in all the anticanteen legislation. Few drinking men would defend Government liquor selling. The bill before us applies to all the buildings owned by the United States Government, whether used for military purposes or for any other purpose. It is already illegal to sell intoxi- cants anywhere at army posts, but the law is not fully enforced, and this law would help by a a civil penalty that any citizen could apply when army officers neglected 156 their duty. It is also illegal to sell in In the main this bill socks to sup- telling at National It may be qm 1 wheth ( >n I tent of l I ■ Soldier ' I [ome al I ) lyton, qui in the Senate January 8, rc-OI, 1".' Utial man in the management of the Sol an not I. It i r the control of th 1 of In ;' law, then about t. horn "It (the Soldi< G rnnaent institution. It is sup: an:::■' ti envir . which could be duplicated fro:- Home with a cai The Home that 1- ^t outside dives is the one at Marion, Ind. Tl inteen. It is illegal for liquor to be sold at Soldi' rs" II- mes in aid in Maine, prohibition States, and ought to be stopj Mr. Joshua L. Rally's statement that he has seen old soldiers again and again after drinking in line at the canteen go out and join the i rid of the line for another round of drinks, to which there is no limit but ability to pay. will bear repeating. other point 1 wish to emphasize, namely, that at the Homes which have no can- teens the soldiers are in the best condition morally, physically, and financially. On the point of physical condition, here is the testimony of Inspector-General Brecken- king of the reviews of the old soldiers on the occasion of his visits, he gives first honors to the Marion Home, where there is no canteen, of which he says in his report of 1900: "The ceremony of review was exceedingly well conducted, and was the een at any of the branch There are some State Homes where they have no canteen, showing it is not at all There is one in Waupaca, Wis., where there is no drinking. A man from Maine has charge of it. That may explain why they have no drinking there. There is another at Marshalltown, Iowa, where the sentiment of th- may have had some effect. At these Homes the benefits of the no-canteen | re marked. Then there is the Home here in the capital. I ible to understand why Congress permits the sale of liquors in the Soldiers' Homes of the volunteer Army, svhen it has ■ a law that there shall not be any liquor sold within a mile of the Soldiers' Home here in the city. The contrast between this Home and those we have >een in Dayton and Hampton is a very wholesome t< ice lesson. STATEMENT OF MRS. ELLA M. THACHER, W. C T. U. SUPT. FOR SOLDIERS AND SAILORS. We found in Marion no saloons. In the other H01 -t of the men looked like paupers and many of them like drunkards, which they really are. They ought to n an in< mi. They should not be mixed up with the better of men. As to the claim that a 1 inside drives tl mtheoutsid but 12 saloons about the Marion canl . while there are 07 that besiege iampton Home, which has put a cant' nish them. Many wives write me that the] 1 their husbands a" and mothers wril lat their children I while the hi md father squanders his pension money, sometimes every dime of it, at t: rn- ment canteen. Prom Sundry Civil Appr '■ part of this appropri- a shall be apporti maintaii .:• or banteen where intoxicating liquors are sold." nate al ted: "No bar or canteen wftere intoxicating liquors are sold shall be maintained in any branch of the National Soldiers' home."i Failed in cont 1 157 HEPBURN-DOLLIVER ACT. INTERSTATE COMMERCE IN INTOXICATING LIQUORS Act passed House Jan. 27, 1903, 57th Congress; not acted on by Senate. Re- ported House, 58th Congress. All fermented, distilled, or other intoxicating liquors or liquids transported into any State or Territory for delivery therein, or remaining therein for use, con- sumption, sale, or storage therein, shall, upon arrival within the boundary of such State or Territory,. before and after delivery, be subject to the operation and effect of the laws of such State or Territory enacted in the exercise of its police powers to the same extent and in the same manner as though such liquids or liquors had been produced in such State or Territory, and shall not be exempt therefrom by reason of being introduced therein in original packages or otherwise. Sec. 2. That all corporations and persons engaged in interstate commerce, shall, as to any shipment or transportation of fermented, distilled, or other intoxicat- ing liquors or liquids, be subject to all laws and police regulations with reference to such liquors or liquids, or the shipment or the transportation thereof, of the State in which the place of destination is situated, and shall not be exempt therefrom by reason of such liquors or liquids being introduced therein in original packages or otherwise; but nothing in this Act shall be construed to authorize a State to control or in any wise interfere with the transportation of liquors intended for ship- ment entirely through such a State and not intended for delivery therein. [House Report, 57th Congress, 2nd Session, No. 3377.] Nearly all of the States have passed laws, as police regulations, differing to some extent in their provisions, for the prohibition, regulation, or control of intoxicat- ing liquors within their respective boundaries. In the case of Leisy v. Hardin (135 U. S. 100) the Supreme Court held that any citizen of a State had the right under the Constitution of the United States to import any intoxicating liquors into another State, and that in the absence of Congressional permission the State into which such liquors were imported had no power, in the exercise of its authority of police regulations, to enact laws to prohibit or regulate the sale of such liquors while they remained in the original packages. The effect of this decision of the Supreme Court was to deny to the States all power to control or prohibit the sale of intoxicating liquors transported from one State into another while they remained in the original packages. To remove the effect of this decision, and to authorize the several States, in the exercise of their police powers, to prohibit or control the sale of intoxicating liquors, the act of August 8, 1890, was passed. That act provided "that all fermented, distilled, or other intoxicating liquors or liquids transported into any State or Terri- tory or remaining therein for use, consumption, sale, or storage therein, shall upon arrival in such State or Territory be subject to the operation and effect of the laws of such State or Territory enacted in the exercise of its police powers, to the same extent, and in the same manner, as though such liquids or liquors had been produced in such State or Territory, and shall not be exempt therefrom by reason of being introduced therein in original packages or otherwise." In the case of Rahrer (140 U. S., 545) the Supreme Court of the United States held that this act was constitutional and valid, and conferred upon the States the powers enumerated therein. But in the case of Rhodes v. Iowa (170 U. S., 415) a question arising under this act again came before the Supreme Court, and, in de6n- 158 ing the scope and meaning of the act, the court held that under its provisions liquors transported from one State into another remained under tl >n of tl state commerce laws until tlv ed to the consignee, and that tl law was inoperative to reach them until they were delivered by the common carrier to the | to whom they were consigned. The effect of this decision was practically to nullify the act of 1800 & the transportation and delivery of intoxicating liquors within the State was to; Under the law, as thus construed, d< 1 intoxicating liquors located in some of the States sent out their soliciting agents and established agencies in other States, who traveled over and canvassed the country and solicited sales and took orders for intoxicating liquors to be shipped in by the principal, consigned to the subscribers — sometimes to be sent to them direct, and in other cases to be sent to them in care of the soliciting agent. By this method regular business of dealing in intoxicating liquors by the foreign dealer ha been kept up in many of the States with im] unity. Under this system the States ae entirely powerless either to prohibit such sales or to e.\ con rol or regulation over them. They can not even impose a license or any restrictions whatever on the business carried on in this manner. It is the purpose of this bill to correct this evil and to subject intoxicating liquors imported from one State into another to the jurisdiction of the laws of the States into which they are imported on the arrival of such liquors within the bound. of such State. [Congressional Record, Jan. 27, 1903.] HENRY D. Clayton, of Alabama: I will say to those who believe in the doctrine — once so largely believed by many, now, as we eonstan" but which is still cherished by some of us, whatever is left of it, the doctrine of State rights — that there is nothing here to militate against our ideas on that subject. On the contrary, this is a proposition to surrender back to the trol which was •. the comnu- of which power has, according to th< nullified the police regulations of the States. In other tore to the States in this matter full and am; r poli' inst the sale of intoxicating liquors. That is I m W P. II '.-.of Iowa: The this bill, tub WILL I AND, ASn :->s, "before and after delivery." Tl ill. Tlx held that the la until "aft 1 Lot , of Iowa: The only pur: *his bill is' law an! • intoxicating 1: as soon line. 1 tion . it does n with tl of controlling the liq with tl r r I Smith, of . held that "arrival" nv practice has grown up in lov. nch a non- into the State to himself, and then 1 iring nr^ "ing these liquors a - in the town, ar ing on the retail Hqtif • in 1 h it n in violation of the the ma- jority of the people, and using the express office as a retail liquor pla e. 159 Speech of Dr. Wilbur F. Crafts, Superintendent of the International Reform Bureau of Washington, D. C, at hearing, February 13, 1903, before Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce. I speak as the representative of The International Reform Bu- reau, which is in touch, by membership and literature, with every city, borough and village in the United States. Almost half our population is under prohibition, including the numerous and in- creasing "no license" towns. The President of the Brewers' Association has told you that the area of State prohibitory laws is decreasing, as if this act would protect only such States — surely a State should be allowed to enforce its laws unhindered by outside parties — but he has wisely ignored the fact that local prohibition is the rule in the South, and is becoming increasingly so in the North. He knows all too well that when Congress has by this bill refused to be made an ally of nullifiers, and has called off its " in- terstate " dogs, prohibition, both state and local, will become so much more worth having that its area will increase. But this act is not to protect prohibitory states and no license towns alone. As Senator Tillman has shown, South Carolina wants it to defend its dispensary law against outsiders who would nullify it. The brewers' advocate has wasted words on the old plea of " personal liberty." It was in reply to such a plea that Senator Colquit said: " It is all the liberty of the lawbreaker, it is the liberty of the im- moral, it is the liberty of the debauchee, that is claimed." In this case it is indeed "the liberty of the lawbreaker" that is set against the liberty of a State to carry out its laws unhindered by outsiders who invoke the power of interstate commerce to carry on a traffic forbidden to its own citizens. The brewers dare not state their real case. They assume to be anxious lest a private citizen may be pre- vented from importing a case of beer for his own home. They know that such an importation is nowhere forbidden. It is not the buying but the selling of liquors that is forbidden in no license towns and states. Let them speak out and say it is their "speak- easy trade " they are fighting for. Nothing else would this act cut 160 off. Their silence reminds me of the burglar whose movements in the cellar were interrupted by the cry from the owner ol the house at the top of the stairs, " Who's there ?" Silence. "Why don't you speak ?" " Because I don't know what to say." These brewers who have burglarized prohibition states and towns dare not come out and deiend that — the only thing at stake — and so they fall back on the cry made against every law that bears the Gladstone test, "making it harder to do wrong, and easier to do right," and shout, " Unconstitutional!" I feel sure that no Sen- ator needs any proofs that the power of Congress over interstate commerce goes much further than this negative act. The Con- stitution says: "Congress shall have power to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several states." Two Sena- tors in this Committee have intimated that the power to " regu- late " is " not power to destroy." The Supreme Court has held that the power to " regulate " includes the power to prohibit. There can be no doubt that if dynamite should be used for a wholesale slaughter of Senators and other public men, Congress would wholly exclude it from interstate commerce. Much more can Congress control and regulate interstate commerce, as in this bill provided, to the negative degree necessary to leave states in full control of the drink evil in their own borders. This law would not interfere with goods passing through a prohibition or dispensary state to some state beyond. On another point the Committee asks specific information, namely, as to cases where the law has been nullified, and how. In fourteen years' travel I have come on these "interstate" tricks i i many forms. In Washington, Pa., for example, an express company, I was informed, brings single bottles into that no license borough addressed over and over again to persons who have once ordered a bottle, who are made aware that whenever a thirst is on them they can find another bottle waiting C. O. D. in the express office. In Evanston, III., I found what was prac- tically a street peddling of liquors by many bogus "express" wagons. Iowa Congressmen in the House told how a liquor dealer outside would consign many jugs to himself and the agent would transfer the bill of lading to anyone who came with money to pay the C. O. D. charge. Such frauds should no longer be allowed to hide under our national shield, feeding "blind tigers" in no license towns, that destroy youth and trample on the law, and answering the charge of lawlessness by crying, "The Con- stitution! The Constitution!" 161 STATEMENT OF REV. EDWIN C. DINWIDDIE, LEGISLATIVE SUPERIN- TENDENT OF THE AMERICAN ANTISALOON LEAGUE. Hearing before House Judiciary Committee, Mar. 2, 1904. Mr. Dinwiddie. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, we are here this morning in support of the Hepburn-Dolliver bill. This proposed law is designed to supplement what was known as the Wilson law, approved August 8, 1890, and by which undoubtedly Congress and the people expected that the entire control of the liquor traffic within their own borders should be left in the hands of the people in the several States. A few facts relative to the necessity for that legislation, as well as for this proposed, will be entirely in place. Immediately after a decision by the Supreme Court in 1890, in the case of Leisy vs. Hardin (135 U. S. 100), in which it was held that "The State had no power, without Congressional permission to do so, to interfere by seizure, or by any other action, in the prohibition of importation and sale by a foreign or nonresident importer of liquors in unbroken original packages," there sprung up in several of the States under the pro- hibitory policy great numbers of what were called "original package" saloons. The proprietors would buy their liquors without the State and have them sent in and sell them in the unbroken original packages, although the law of the State or the commun- ity in which they did business forbade the traffic in intoxicating liquors. This created widespread indignation and gave rise to a stern demand from all over the country for redress from these unbearable conditions. Congress responded, as it had been suggested in the opinion of the court in the case just referred to it could do, by passing the Wilson law, which is given in the House Committee report submitted by Mr. Clayton, of Alabama (H. Rept. 3377, to accompany H. R. 15331, 58th Cong., 2d sess.), and which, by the courtesy of the committee, I shall append to this state- ment for the printed hearings. This report in itself is one of the clearest and most concise statements of what this bill is and will accomplish that could be made. (Exhbit A.) However, in view of the mistaken ideas that appear to prevail among certain classes as to the scope of the measure, it seems entirely appropriate that some further facts be stated. In construing the W'ilson law, after having passed upon its constitutionality in Rahrer's case (140 U. S., 545) the court held in the subsequent case, namely, Rhodes vs. Iowa (170 U. S., 412), that the effect of the law was to forbid the sale by a con- signee of liquors imported from another State, but that the language of the Wilson law in the words, "arrival in such State," etc., contemplated their delivery to the consignee before State jurisdiction should attach. It is in consequence of this decision that the remedial legislation proposed in House bill 4072 has been pressed for passage. It is true that the "original package" saloons, as they were known thirteen years ago. are not in operation, but the ingenious violators of laws — brewers, distillers, wholesale liquor dealers, retail venders, and others — have invented a number of subterfuges by the employment of interstate transportation agen- cies for the violation of law. It should be borne in mind that the bill before the com- mittee is not in any sense a prohibition law per se, nor will its passage affect only those States having a prohibitory policy. The conditions it is designed to remove can exist in States having the license or dispensary policy, and do so exist to the extent of rendering even regulatory legislation of this character to a greater or less extent 162 nil they exist in aggravated form in States having prohibitory or I option la We base our request for the passage of the law upon the broad principle that C - should by law, as we believe it to be fully empowered t" do under tl titu- . remove tl. t" the successful carrying nut of the interna] policy of the ■ on this >n. whatever that policy may he. Nor can it he truthfully declared that an inconsiderable portion of our territory i- affected by the conditions which the decision of the Supreme Court on the Wilson law. in the case of Rhodes vs. [owa rutted to spring up ami flourish in many sections. I think il that not '•s of the Union have prohibitory or local-option laws in -Mint- ;' or another, ami in many of these State- ' reas, including I townships, . are under the operation of local-option laws. Ami it i- impossible for them full fruitage i law-, enac we believe, in the pn • of their police powers, uniformly held by the court t" ! t" tin- v it the remedial legislation asked, and which undoubtedly i led to grant by the Wilson Act, approved August 8, 1890. We are asking for no more than is fair and right under tl tutiona] powers of >s when we a-k that C all so legislate upon the subject as that the States will have complete jurisdiction over the subject within their own borders; and iat a nonresident of a State, with the connivam atives of inter transportati . will not he permitted t" do wha) tin- State properly, in the exerci-e of its judgment on this question, has n citizen- to do. This :i very carefully canvassed by many miliar with the 1 in the law. and \' 1 now pi 1 is beli approach cl • per solution 1 f the qui . ilhin the prob- I the certainty, of the constitutional | In this connection I feel it is only m that I think it is true beyond any that tit' 3l never inter ler — nor in my judgment d ler — their right I protect the health, property, morals, and li their !e under their police power-, nor do I think that any a •' the rnment, whether it commission, by which the rtive exerci-e of t! the S' * ry. will he acquiesced in by the pe Statement of Rev. 0. R. Miller, Field Secretary of the International Reform Bureau, same hearing, Mar. 4, 1904. I am not here to discuss the 1 which may throw light upon the ev ler says " If you flood a rat hole with 1 1 spoil so I ■ that if a floo | ; ;t can be thrown upon the evil . iuced or made possible by the weakness of on e law in reference to the liquor I Hepburn bill, which will spoil I for rumsellcrs' purpos- wit cretary of the Reform B over the country, speaking in many diff ob- the conditions which make this bill n fore, a few fa to show you why we urge the passag Last summer I made a tour through the State of West Virginia, speaking every night for a month in all parts of the State, especially in the interest of this Hepburn bill; and I have done the same in several other States, and Dr. Crafts, superintendent of the Reform Bureau, in his addresses all over the country this past year, has also spoken in behalf of this bill. A MODEL ANTI C. O. D. LIQUOR LAW. "When on my trip through West Virginia last summer I found that the temper- ance people of that State everywhere were sorely grieved at the failure of the last Congress to pass this bill. In anticipation that the last Congress would pass this bill the temperance people of West Virginia, pressed for and secured the pas- sage of a strong anti C. O. D. liquor law to forbid any person, firm, or corporation of that State shipping liquor C. O. D. to any illegal liquor dealer in any no-license territory in that State. It is a model law, a similar law to which ought to be passed by every State in the Union. The Hepburn interstate liquor law will be of value only to those States which back it up by some such State legislation . This law is very liberal. It effects only illegal liquor dealers. It specifically provides that liquor may be shipped into any no-license town or county of that State to a private individual " who has in good faith ordered the same for ms per- sonal use; " but if the same individual in a no-license town or county of that State was receiving one hundred or more jugs of whisky every week by express or freight, then any honest court would doubtless hold that the railroad or express company delivering it and the person receiving it were evidently violating the law, and would impose penalty accordingly. If a town or county votes out the liquor traffic, the State should assume that the people of that town or county want what they voted for, and hence should pro- tect the will of the majority of the people by providing that so far as the State is concerned the traffic in that town or county shall cease, and so the State should pro- vide that when any subdivision of its territory votes out the saloons no railroad or express company or individual should be allowed to send liquor to anyone in that no-license territory which was evidently intended for sale. WEAKNESS OF THE PRESENT INTERSTATE COMMERCE LAW. But now, under protection of the interstate commerce law, liquor dealers outside West Virginia can do what liquor dealers in the State can not do. The liquor dealers and the common carriers in the State are forbidden to ship liquor to illegal dealers in no-license towns and counties of that State, but outside liquor dealers and common carriers can ship liquor in the original packages into any part of the State, whether license or no license, for according to the interpretation of our present in- terstate commerce law by the United States Supreme Court, liquor dealers in one State can ship liquor in the original packages into another State, and such liquor does not become subject to the law of the State into which it is shipped until after it is delivered to the consignee ; which simply means that it can not be seized or molested by the local officers until after it is delivered to the consignee; and this helps to nullify the prohibitory and no-license laws of many States. It was this unfair discrimination against liquor dealers of their own State which caused prominent men of West Virginia to say to me when on my trip through that State last summer that had they not been assured that the Hepburn bill would pass in the last Congress, the last West Virginia legislature would not have passed their present anti C. O. D. liquor law. It is therefore the very evident duty of the Na- tional Congress to back up the action of the State legislatures in all such matters. In many places in no-license territory, the shipping in of liquor from outside of the State, has practically nullified the will of the majority of the people. 164 A bill to remedy this evil was first brought from Iowa by Mr. S-. I i in the House by Congressman Hepburn, of I nch of Congress on January ?-, 1903, but it proved too late in the se to get it through the Senate. This was a hill in the right direction, but still it some serious defects which might have jeopardized its constitutionality. But i' been improved in the present llephurn-Dolliver bill. The Reform Bureau has 1 trying to arouse a great interest in this measure, urging the this bill everywhere to appeal to their Senators and Congressmen at once in its behalf. ORIGINAL PACKAGE NUISANCE I .V NEBRASKA. When on a long tour through the West last year I met a minister from Nebraska who told me that several years ago the people had voted out and driven out the saloons from every town in his county. But the outside rumsellers, under protec- tion of the interstate commerce law, began to ship in liquor in the original packages to illegal liquor dealers in such large quantities that finally the temperance people, realizing their helplessness, became discouraged and disgusted, and so voted back the saloons all over the county, simply because the United States Government, instead of siding with the great majority of the people of that county against the lawbreakers, practically sided with the local illegal liquor dealers and outlaws against the expressed will of the majority of the people. It is the duty of the National Government to back up rather than to break down State laws. EXPRESS OFFICE BECOMES THE TOWN RUM SHOP. In many nodicense places in many States, under the present interstate commerce laws, the local express company's agent becomes the illegal liquor dealer of the town. When liquor is sold by the express agent it is usually done as follows: The soliciting agent of the wholesale liquor firm goes to the express agent and gets the names of all the old bums in town and consigns to each of them C. O. D. one or more bottles of liquor in the " original package." The bum knows that there is always a package of liquor at the express office for him which he can get at any time he wants it, and often liquor is consigned to fictitious names, and such liquor can be taken out by anyone who will pay the C. O. D. charges and sign the fictitious name to whom it is sent. The agent of the liquor firm arranges this with the express agent, who gets a certain •ent of all liquor thus delivered. I have found these conditions in several THE MAIN POINT OF THIS HEPBURN-DOLLI VE R BILL. I say it is a grievous wi irning shame, an unpardonable outrage, that the United States Gov at should make it so v icult for a State to enforce her own laws. Now, if this Hepburn bill passes, for which we plead, it will greatly sim- plify the problem of prohibition in Maine. The main point of t! 1 bill is that liquor shipped from one State to another shall become su soon as it passes the State line, which would mean that the sheriff of Cum County, Me., or his deputies, would not ha%-e to wait until a load of liquor was deliv- ered, but liquor evidently intended for sale could be seized in the freipht car or :ht office, or in the express office, or on the ex: igon, and conf. SEIZIN IN TRANSIT " When I was at Skowhcgan. Me . last fall. I calle ratio sheriff of Somerset Coun'v ibition so grandlv in that county. He said to me: " Mr. Miller. I hope that The Reform Bureau will press the Hepburn interstate liquor bill before Congress with all possible haste. We greatly need it in the enforcement of the prohibitory law of this State, as under the present laws we are not allowed to seize liquor ' in transit.' I have a lawsuit on my hands now for seizing in transit a big consignment of liquor evidently intended for sale. I ought not to have seized it till after it was delivered to the consignee; but then it is usually so much harder to find and seize liquor after it gets into the hands of the consignee; that is, the illegal liquor dealer. I hope your Bureau will rush the Hepburn bill." I received the same earnest appeal in substance from prohibition sheriffs and temperance workers all over the State when on my tour there last fall. Rev. Herbert N. Pringle, secretary ot the Maine Civic League, said to me that this bill was so important to the State of Maine that he would come to Washington and speak at the hearing, if possible. WHY MINISTERS SHOULD FAVOR THIS BILL. The opponents of this bill brought on several German ministers from New York and elsewhere to testify at this hearing, who denounced prohibition and advocated beer drinking. We are ashamed of the ministerial profession when we find any repre- sentative of it marshaled on the side of the illegal rumseller. Every minister of the Gospel in the United States ought to favor the Hepburn-Dolliver bill, and from wide travel and observation I believe that nine-tenths of them do favor it. Many of these same Germans who oppose this bill come from New York, where they are making a great cry for home rule as to opening the saloons on Sunday. This Hepburn bill is distinctly a home-rule bill, a bill to let the different States manage the liquor traffic as they please. Why should the Germans demand home rule for New York and oppose home-rule for Iowa or Maine? If they are really honest in their cry for home-rule in New York, why do they oppose the Hepburn-Dolliver bill, which will give home-rule to every State in the Union on the liquor question ? The general interest being manifested in this measure by its friends and foes can be seen by the many news items being sent out over the country from Washington concerning it. Here is a sample of such news items: " More brewers, agents of distillers, and wholesalers of wines and liquors are arriv- ing in Washington to urge the defeat of the Hepburn bill, which aims to give States with local option and prohibition laws complete jurisdiction over wines and liquors shipped from other States, regardless of whether they are shipped in original packages or in bulk. The brewers and liquor men are thoroughly alarmed. They are ascer- taining from Senators that the temperance societies of the country are flooding them with letters, telegrams, and petitions which urge the immediate passage of the bill." SOLICITING SALES FROM HOUSE TO HOUSE. Sometimes the arrangement between the wholesaler and the express agent is made by mail. Another method employed for violating the law is this : A wholesale liquor dealer in one State will ship to one of his agents in some prohibition territory in an- other State a large number of original packages of liquor — beer, wine, and whiskey — and send a different bill of lading for each to his agent, who will canvass the town, explain the superior quality of the different kinds of liquor consigned to him, and sell the bills of lading to whoever desires the whiskey, saying that he does not dare to take this liquor from the freight office and deliver it to them lest he be arrested for selling liquor, but that they can take the bill of lading and get the package which the bill of lading calls for, and no officer would seize the liquor when in their pos- session, knowing that they wanted it for their own use. By this method business is drummed up and people are encouraged to buy who would not otherwise have gone to the trouble to order liquor, and the will of the majority of the people is broken down. 166 R l •..:•. I \ r WASHINGT< IN, i Probablv the this kind which I have found anywhere in my tra '.'.' bington, Pa., a no-license town of about 25,000 population — where one of the local express companies has quantities of liquor all the time in its office. There were boxes of liquor piled 1 than a man's head, and thei 1 all around the office with hundreds of bottles, or " original packages," waiting for the consignee to get dry, or for the pocket peddler to call for it. The express company had a team to deliver other goods, but there did not seem to be any effort being made to find the owners or consignees of the great quantity of liquor on hand and del the same. It seemed to be a mutual understanding with the express agent — the town rumseller — and his patrons that the liquor was not to be delivered, but " to be called for " as needed. One of the most prominent and wealthy men of that city compla bitterly 01' the scandalous work of that express agent, and asked if something could not be done to stop it. I went into that express office two or three times and exam- ined conditions, and boldly charged the express agent with violating the law, but he insisted that he was living within the limits of the law. But if Congress will pass this Hepburn- Dolliver bill, and Pennsylvania will back it up with some good State law like the West Virginia anti C. O. D. law, that express agent, and otheis like him in no-license towns in that State, will have to go out of the rum business, or go to jail. ORIGINAL PACKAGE NUISANCE IN MAINE. When on a lecture tour " way down East," in the State of Maine, last fall, I saw there the great need for the passage of this bill. As I have said, the present interstate liquor law protects liquor " in transit,' 1 or until it is delivered to the consignee. When at Portland, Me., they told me of the difficulties met with by the late Sheriff Samuel F. Pearson in his noble and heroic efforts to enforce the prohibitory law in Portland and Cumberland County. I was told that sometimes who! mor dealers in Bos- ton and other places outside of the State of Maine would ship a large quantity of liquor in the original packages to some illegal liquor dealer in Portland. The express company would load up a wagon full of this liquor and start out to deliver it t consignee, and two of Sheriff Pearson's deputies would follow the express team, deter- mined to seize the liquor the moment it was delivered to the the illegal rumseller. But as soon as the express company's driver saw that he was being foil two deputies, he would whip up his horse and rush down one street, up ano' across another, and through an alley, etc.. trying to get away from the deputies. It he succeeded, he delivered his liquor to the low dive keeper. But sometimes, being followed by the deputies for several hours and found no opportunity to sec deliver his goods, the driver would take his load of liquor back to the express office and unload it, and wait until 2 o'clock in the morning, or some other unseemly hour, when, under cover of darkness, he woul ip his liquor again and quietly away and ' it to the consignee, the proprietor of the " low the "8] easy," the " blind tiger," or whatever ot .all the illegal rum shop. ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM Lodge Amen d ppropriation Hill. M The Commissio- t ults ther : pro r the regu! nations ma artmenl A STUDY IN LOCAL PROHIBITION. From Rev. O. R. Miller's Speech, Hearing on Hepburn Bill, Judiciary Committee, March 1-4, 1904. Results of License and No-License in Two New York Villages. Delhi, N. Y. January 7, 1899. — I have been spending the day in this village, which is one of the most interesting and beautiful in the State, and have been studying a con- trast that is presented between this and the neighboring village, Walton, something less than 20 miles down the Delaware. Some twenty-five or thirty years ago the village of Walton adopted no-license, which policy has been generally followed by the village and the township ever since, the law being better enforced year by year, and expecially well during the last ten years. Shortly after the adoption of no-license in Walton, Delhi, in 1874, adopted no-license, but after a year or two abandoned the policy, and has nearly always voted license since. At the time of the adoption of no-license by Walton it was confidently predicted that it would prove the ruin of the village, and many business men of Delhi supported license on the ground that the business interests of the village demanded it. In Walton there have been one or two short periods of license, and in Delhi similar periods of no-license, while at times at Walton the enforcement of the law has been slack; but the two villages and the townships stand as examples of the comparative re- sults of the two policies followed for a considerable term of years. Before Riving results in detail I ought to indicate the comparative advantages pos- sessed by the two villages. Walton, situated on the main line of the Ontario and Western Railroad, has better railroad facilities than Delhi, which is situatad on a branch road; but this is more than counterbalanced by the fact that Delhi is the base of supplies and the shipping centre of five or six surrounding townships that constitute one of the rich- est dairy regions in the whole country. Delhi, too, has had the advantage of being the home of a large number of wealthy and influential families, is the county seat, and con- sequently the place of residence of well-paid county officials, and the court centre to which comes, almost monthly, a small army of attorneys, witnesses, and jurors, all of whom pay tribute to the business of the village. Delhi is also a summer resort of con- siderable popularity, and annually receives thousands of dollars from that source. The difference in the type of population, so far as the two places differ, is in Delhi's favor, her inhabitants being very largely of sturdy Scotch descent. The two villages have been rivals, and, as far as I can discover, Walton's one real advantage has been freedom from the legalized liquor traffic. The outcome of their rivalry is as follows: POPULATION'. Delhi: (License) In 1870, 1223; in 1S80, 1384; in 1890, 1564; in 1S97, 1932. Walton: (No License) In 1970, 866; in 1880, 1389; in 1890, 2290; in 1S97, 30S4. In 27 years, gain in population of license village, 57.9 per cent. ; gain in no-license village, 256.1 percent. Outside the villages, the population of this whole section of the State is decreasing; but in the 20 years from the census of 1870 to that of iS 90 the rural population of Walton township (not the village), which was under no-license during nearly the whole period, decreased only 4.5 per cent, while in Delhi township, under license nearly aJ the time, the decrease was 20. 7 per cent. BUSINESS PROSPERITY. Twenty years ago Walton was noted for its lack of business enterprise, and a good deal of the business that is usually considered local "went out of town," while Delln' was the centre of a large trade. To-day according to the reports of the commercial agencies, 168 Delhi has business capital invested to the amount of about S300, 000, while Wall investments in home business amount to about S500, 000. ng to a statement which I have upon authority of a Delhi business m and which I have verified as far as it is possibe to do so in the absence of systematic • the business failures of Delhi have, during a little over twenty years past, amoun • - ed to $1,000,000 of unpaid liabilities, or more than three times the present invested capital. In Walton 1 was unable to learn of a singie failure of any importance for ten years past, while I am assured, by those who have h ad the bestof opportunity to know, that the total of unpaid liabilities of the failures in Walton for twenty years back not exceed $100,000. Ten years ago Delhi still held its position as the money c?ntre of the countv. and all large transactions were adjusted there. To-day it is conceded to rank below not only Walton, but two or three other villages of the county It is a worthy of mention that of the eight in c jrporated banks here in Delaware County, six are situated in no license towns. BUSINESS AND MORALS. "Even though there have been years," said a Walton business man to me yester- day, "when the law has been very poorly enforced in Walton and a good deal of liquor has been sold, one benefit of no license has always existed— the business has been under the ban. and both selling and drinking have been looked down upon. As a result, our young men have grown up sober, and a drinking man among Walton's business men is hard to find. One of the results of this has been that we have no business crashes by gambling houses, and another is that there has been, so far as I can recall, omy one de- falcation in the village during the past ten years." The testimony regarding Delhi is in marked contrast. Xot only selling, but drink- ing, has had the sanction of respectability here. A representative of one of the la- business interests in the United States, a man who has had opportunity to know Delhi I ' 1 financially and socially, said a few days ago: "Conditions in bu Delhi are almost beyond belief. I know of no other town where drinkir. ambling are so common among business men." Another life-long resident of the r me sadly : " I have seen more than a score of young men in business in this villa- to financial and moral ruin through drink and its attending vices. Many of them have been of the best families and among our brightest and most promisii Defalcations have been numerous, and some of them very grave Th< ank in the village is to-day in a receivers hands, and the leading manufacturing industi o irregular transactions that ' not re the direct result of drunkenne g on the part of officers of the bank and members of I aufacturing company. BMC HEALTH. is at first disinclined to believe that license or no licen results in the public health of * but an examination «• in the offices of the town clerks of the two to shows that for the township of Walton for the 1 un- less than the probable rural death rat. the average death rate for the township of Delhi during the same ten years I 1 7 - - r > per thousand, or 1.26 above. LIQUOR K h of the towns had a bonded debt, a and Oswego Midland Railroad, some twenty igo I »• Ihi or about Si to each $4.50 of taxable property in the town at the time the debt was as- sumed. Walton's debt is $138,000, or about $1 to every $5.60 of property at the date of assumption. Keeping this in mind, the following fact is worthy of consideration. The tax rate of the towrzhip of Delhi, the town that has regularly received liquor-li- cense revenue, has for the past ten years averaged $20.10 per thousand, while the avarage rate in Walton, where there has been no license, has been $15.19 per thousand. INCREASE OF PROPERTY VALUES. It is worthy of notice that the assessed valuation of the town of Walton has in the ten years past risen from $846,911 to $1,420,290, an increase of 67.6 per oent, while Delhi 's valuation has increased only from $1,094,448 in 1899 to $1,214,062 in 1898, or 9. 1 per cent. Delhi has built only one business building of any importance on her main business street in ten years. Walton has erected half a dozen substantial and valuable brick business places within the same time. Delhi furnishes for the school children a public school building that would not be worth $3,000. Walton has for years maintained a union free school, for which it has built and furnished within the past few years a splendid building at a cost of nearly $50,000. Walton, during the past twelve years, has expended, as nearly as I am able to learn about $45,000 in building churches. Delhi has built no new churches, and $10,000 would be a liberal estimate of all the money spent in church repairs during that period. DRUNKENNESS AND CRIME. It ought also to be added that in Walton there has been only one arrest for drunk- enness in sixteen months, and that the criminal expenses of the village have been con- stantly reduced. A few years ago justice fees in criminal cases averaged from $450 to $500 per year, while now a police justice attends to all criminal business and receives a salary of $125 per year for work that at the old work of fees would not amount to $100. In Delhi drunkenness and petty crime are common, and criminal expenses show no decrease. It may not be true that all of Walton's greater prosperity has been due to no license; but though I have examined conditions here with the utmost care, I am unable to find any reason why Delhi with her many natural advantages, with her naturally progressive and industrious citizens, and with her splendid local history, should have been so outstripped by her rival, save that she has paid to the liquor traf- fic a constant tribute from the wealth of her people and the manhood of her citizens. KKl'LY TO THE PHYSIOLOGICAL SUBCOMMITTEE Ob THE COMMITTEE OF FIFTY. Mary II. Hunt, World and National Superintendenl of Deparl mperence Instruction, Woman's Chri remperance Union. [Abridged from Sen t< D tcument No. 171. 58th Cor -''1 Session, introduced by Senator J. II. Gallinger, M. D.] ted and approved by the text-book committee of the advisory board of the bureau of scientific temperance investigation and departmi 1 ientific temperanca instruction in schools and colleges of the world and National W 's Christine Temperance Union: T. D. Crothers, M D., Professor of d ^ of the brain nervous system, New York School of Clinical Medicine, Hartford, Conn.; George W. Web ter, M. D.,Presiden1 Illinois rd of health, Chicago, 111.; L. I). Mason, M. D . Brooklyn, X. Y.; John Madden, M. D., Milwaukee, Wis.; (diaries II. Shepard, M. D.. Brooklyn, X. Y.; A. H. Plumb, I). D., Pastor of Walnut Avenue Congrega- tional Church, Boston, Mass.; Daniel Dorchester, D. D., ex-Superintendent of Indian schools, West Roxbury, Mass.; William A. Mowry, Ph. D., President of Marti Vineyard Summer Institute, Hyde Park, Mass.; Mrs. Mary II. Hunt, Boston, Mass. In 1893 a company oi ntl< men organized under the name of "The Committee the Liquor Problem," from which subcommitte< chosen to consider different phases of the question. In June. 1903, after ten years of inves- tigation, the physiological subcommittee published two • "The Physiological Aspects of the Liquor Problem." The first sentence on page xix of Volume I says the object which the committee had in view Wi ••'I'.. ascertain the effects of the oci J or habitual use of a moderate quantity of wine, beer, or spirits upon the health and working p I man." withstanding this avowed purpose to investigate the physiological efl of moderate drinking, the first paper in the report, covering a third of the first volu is devoted to a ion of our national >1 study <'i plr and hy hieh includes the nature and effects of alcoholic drinks and other narcotics upon the human system; a study which is now mandatory in the public schools of 1 in the United States and in all schools undi ral COn1 This fir by Dr. II. P. Bowditch and Prof. C. F. Hodge. There are threi d points at which the subcommil system of scientifii temperance instruction in the public r. They 1 t to instruction being given to all pupils in all schools confined to the older pupils, illy those in the high 2. They objeel to it as "frankly and criticism tfc Icohol is no; a foo The report of the ph\ al sub idently ii.' for the overthri hildren. SECRKI R < condition and in unt acial to the healthy body. Whether alcohol can act beneficially under morbid conditions of the body I do not r proved." Professor Dogiel, of Kasan, Ru rid: "Ethyl alcohol can be regarded neitheras a useful stimulant nor as a food material. * * * The effort to check the propen if alcohol, to ro -ion •ink. is rn^st assuredly no Utopian project. It lies within the limits of possibi The inner consciousness provides the only means to this end — a firm will, a strong character — and is maintained only through a correctly guided education from earliest' childhood. * * * An intelligent teaching of the injurious effect of alcohol introduced in the schools would be very desirable and extremely advantageous; indeed, therein lies the only way by which the development of the inclination for the use of alcohol can be combated." Doctor Baer, of Berlin, Germany, wrote: " I can not regard it as an argument against this sort of instruction that the child, when thus taught in the school, may come into conflict with the lives of his parents. rding to this pedagogical principle, one must not teach in the schools the funda- mental doctrines of morality, * * * because unfortunately in many families t' are actually and openly sinned against. Many children are said, as you allege, to be led to a liking for alcoholic drinks through this instruction. If such is actually the case, it is caused, in my opinion, only by a bad sort of instruction and by a very un- fortunate method which the teacher himself chooses to employ." Professor Schafer wrote: "To assume the possibility ot" such instruction increasing their [alcoholic drinks] abu - to indicate a very definite belief in the asinine qualities of human nat- Professor von Bunge, of Basle, sa "It is important to overcome ding prejudices before it is too late — th: before the young people have become slaves to alcoh Professor Bunge also made a y to the objec >o much ti- based on the misrepresentation <1 promotes; but this opinion does not harmonize with the • ents of Professor Chittei or those of other experimenters whose work the latter rev- On this point Dr. P. A. Levene, of New York, say X experiments on alcohol and its influence on digestion (Chittenden and V del, for instance) have ever disclosed any beneficial effect of it [alcohol]. tainly the subcommittee should not condemn the school text-books for teach- ings which their own experimental findings confirm. The last "standard medical text-book" quoted in support of calling alcoh food, in contrast with the opposite teaching in the public schools, was published fourteen years ago, 1889. It was written by Professor Konig. This German author sees in "the strong craving for brandy on the part of the laboring class whose food consists of difficulty digested materials (potatoes, bread, etc.)" an evidence that alcohol in the form of brandy is an aid to digestion. "A strong craving for bra- is a pretty sure symptom of the abnormal craving popularly I koholic appetite," which is one evidence of alcohol poisoning. Apology for the school t< books because they do not harmonize with Professor Konig's illogical and undemon- st rated opinion on this point is needless. THE PARALLEL COLUMN COMPARISON. Doctors Bowditch and Hodge next proceed to comp columns, statements from the indorsed school physiologies to the effect that alcohol and not a food, with statements from tl " which set forth opinions supposed to contradict the public-school b- these three quotations agrees with the indorsed of acquiring the alcoholic habit. The second is old and untenable. Thj thir contra later ii itions. The first of these quotations is from ! and is the rather equivoc. tion that "it n id with mall quantities it [alcohol] is ben< firing an alcohol h il while in it is directly injui to the various tissues." "The danger of acquiring the alcot the use of "small quantities" which the tex- in mentioning this dai r in harmony with them. I Howell twice emphasizes this point in 1 A' >out the fact that those v. danger of becoming victims t. vise there can " iffereno * * * Most men will admit that * * * he wh IT.; The admission of this danger is an admission that even in small quantities alcoholic liquors are capable of poisoning, for the alcoholic craving is evidence of an inherent power to harm, which is the distinctive characteristic of a poison. The second quotation cited against the school text-books in these parallel columns is from Fothergill's Practitioner's Handbook of Treatment, the author of which has been dead fifteen years. The passage quoted was written twenty-three years ago and stands now just as the author left it, although the book bears on its title page the date of 1897. It says: 'If alcohol is oxidized in the body it is therefore a food." Many modern physiologists, some of whom are quoted by the subcommittee, hold that oxidation does not prove a substance a food, because many known poisons may be oxidized in the system and injure at the same time. Professor Abel, one of the committee's own investigators, says: "Oxidizability can not be made the measure of usefulness in regard to this sub- stance." Prof. C. von Voit says: "A substance may be consumed bythe body and liberate energy and yet be harm- ful." Prof. W. Kuhne, Heidelberg, says: "To my view the oxidation of a substance in the animal body does not determine its injurious or its useful effects." Professor Gruber, president of the Royal Institute of Hygiene, Munich, says in a recent article : "Does alcohol truly deserve to be called a food substance? Obviously, only such substances can be called food material, or be employed for food, as, like albumen, fat, and sugar, exert nonpoisonous influence in the amounts in which they reach the blood and must circulate in it in order to nourish. * * * Although alcohol con- tributes energy it diminishes working ability. We are not able to find that its energy is turned to account for nerve and muscle work. Very small amounts, whose food value is insignificant, show an injurious effect upon the nervous system." A passage from Wood's Therapeutics is the third one quoted by Professors Bow- ditch and Hodge to show lack of agreement between the medical and public school physiologies. The latter teach that alcohol is a poison. As opposed to that, the following statement from Wood is cited : "The habitual use of moderate amounts of alcohol does not directly and of neces- sity do harm; to a certain extent it is capable of replacing ordinary food." But Professor Wood can not prove that the habitual use of "moderate amounts" will not lead to a craving for immoderate amounts that will destroy the user. The power to create that craving is evidence of the poisonous character of alcohol. THE COMMITTEE'S APPEAL TO PHYSIOLOGISTS. The physiological subcommittee, in this effort to contradict the statement of the public school physiologies that alcohol is not a food but a poison, included also in their letters addressed to physiologists in this country and Europe questions as to their opinions on the food value of alcohol and its classification as a poison. Forty-five of the 117 letters sent out were addressed to European physiologists, only 13 of whom replied. Of these 13, 7 objected to calling alcohol a food and 2 do not appear to have expressed an opinion. This must have been discouraging to the subcommittee, but they tried again. The next year, September, 1898, Doctor Bowditch and other members of the physiological subcommittee attended the International Physiological Congress in 176 Cambridge, England. There .1 Btatemenl concerning alcohol as a food or a p< was drawn up and signatures were solicited. THK CAMBRIDGE STATEMENT. This Btatemenl was as follows: The physiological effects of alcohol, taken in diluted form, in small (lost- indicated by the popular phrase "moderate use of alcohol," in spite of the continued study of past years, have not as yet been clearly and completely made out. \ much remains to be done, but thus far the results of careful experiments show that alcohol so taken [a] is oxidized within the body and so supplies energy like common articles of food, and [b] that it is physiologically incorrect 1. 1 designate it as a poison — that is, a substance which can only do harm and never good to the body. Briefly, [c] none of the exact results hitherto gained can be appealed to as contradicting, from a purely physiological point of view, the conclusions which some persons have drawn from their daily common experience, that alcohol, so used, may be beneficial to their health. The subcommittee have previously charged that "much of the methods and substance of the so-called scientific temperance instruction in the public schools is unscientific and undesirable," that "it is not in accord with the opinions of a large majority of the leading physiologists of Europe as shown by the statement print* page 1 8," which is the above Cambridge statement. Does that statement prove the teaching of the indorsed text-books to be in- accurate is thus the pivotal question, for their attack upon the text-books, according to their own words just quoted, rests on the difference between the Cambridge state- ment and the teachings of the indorsed text-books. The Cambridge statement consists of three points which are to be compared with the teachings of the indorsed books. These points are designated by the in- serted letters a, b, and c. The Cambridge statement contains a definition of a poison which is both un- justifiable and absurd, as will be seen from the following parallel columns. This definition is apparently used to represent the teaching of the indorsed text-books No such definition of a poison is to be found in those books. Thus the teaching of these books as to what a poison is, is misrepresented, and then the verdict "un- scientific" is pronounced upon the misrepresentation. In some cases explanations like the following are added: When we use the word poison we are likely to think of a substance, such as strychnine or arsenic, that causes or may cause death in a very short time. But there are many poisons that work very slowly, sometimes requiring many years to cause death or a serious disabling of the system. Painters are sometimes aff< with lead poisoning, due to small quantities <>f lead absorbed day by day for >■ If a man were to take a considerable quantity of the poison at once, it might cause death in a few hours or days. Arsenic may be taken in very small doses day after day for many years without causing death, but it is no less a poison because it does its damage slowly. The italicized definition of a poison quoted above from the indoi oka is quite in harmony with the standard definitions of attth Calling alcohol a poison according to such definition is very different from what theCambridj ment says "is physiologically incorrect Alcohol and many other poisons are prescribed by phys&i ians as medicine*. Whether in such instances they "do harm" or "good" is for medical colleges, not the public schools to decide. 177 When two things are to be compared, all the facts about the points in com- parison should be truthfully stated. To imply that the books teach what they do not teach and then to condemn them on that false representation is at least bad ethics. The Cambridge definition seems to have been manufactured for the occasion. According to that definition there would be very few poisons. For instance, arsenic is often given as a medicine with results that are claimed to be good, but no one there- fore wants it taken off the list of poisons. Professor Pye-Smith, London, one of the physicians who signed this statement, said: The definition of a poison is not quite satisfactory. Arsenic and strychnine would be excluded, for they sometimes do good. As will be seen from the above quotations, the school books teach that alcohol may be oxidized and liberate energy and injure at the same time, hence that oxidation does not prove a substance to be a food. This teaching of the school text-books, as we have seen, is the teaching of Pro- fessor Abel, of Professor von Voit, of Professor Kuhne, in the committee's report, and of Professors Schafer and Gruber and many others in current medical literature. Professor von Yoit, who was appealed to by the subcommittee, refused to sign the Cambridge statement, but wrote concerning the last sentence [c] that he would not object to signing it if it said: Judging from a purely physiological point no exact result can be mentioned which would oppose the views which many persons have drawn from their daily experience, namely, that alcohol consumed in the aforesaid manner injures their health. (Italics ours.) That some persons have concluded from their own experience that alcohol is "beneficial" is not sufficient evidence for generalization. The individual's personal judgment concerning the effects of alcohol, which acts as a depressant upon the brain, is untrustworthy. Professor Gruber and others have shown that some few persons are comparatively unsusceptible to alcohol, but whether or not one is susceptible can not be foretold. "He finds out only by playing a game of chance with his life, which is a dangerous- experiment." AUTHORITIES WHO DIFFER FROM THE CAMBRIDGE STATEMENT. Some of the physiologists who attended the International Congress in 1898 signed the Cambridge statement as it was presented to them. Others either refused to sign it or made changes in it before doing so. The changes made by some of the latter before signing are interesting as show- ing that those physiologists saw the weak places in it. Prof. Hans Meyer, of Marburg, struck out the words "like common articles of food;" also the word "poison" and the three words following it. Thus this gentleman refuses to call alcohol a food and refuses to deny that it is a poison. His changes made that part of the statement as signed by him read: Very much remains to be done, but thus far the results of careful experiments show that alcohol, so taken, is oxidized within the body and so can supply energy, and that it is physiologically incorrect to designate it as a substance that can only do harm and never good to the body. 178 Remembering thai the above is the vie* of a physician, who naturally thinks of the possibility of using alcohol as :i medicine, and remembering thai I hool text-books treat only the berverage us.- of alcohol, it will be seen thai Profi Meyer's .'pinion offers nothing with which to contradict the school physiolog A- the Antialcohol Congress held in Vienna, njor, Professor Meyer said: "On account of its injurious action it [alcohol] can not suitably tx <>d." Professor von Voit, of Munich, who was among the European physiologists appealed to in 1S97, but who did not reply and did not sign the Cambridge state- ment, was, it appears, appealed t a about it. for in December, 1898, he wrote the letter the first sentence of which we have already quoted. Prof. W. Kuhne, of Heidelberg, who did not sign the Cambridge statement, said: Indeed I consider the second paragraph [sentence] dangerous, as you will be understood to consider alcohol as a food and to recommend it as such. Prof. J. Rich Ewald, of Strassburg, who also did not sign, sai I would gladly have pleased you by signing it if I were not on principle in favor of the most stringent restrictions upon alcohol drinking. To summarize briefly, therefore, the report of Professors Bowditch and Hodge claims that the scientific temperance instructions in the public schools "is not in accord with the opinions of a large majority of the leading physiologists of Europe as shown by the statement printed on page 18 [the Cambridge statement]." Examination of this statement has shown that — 1. The Cambridge declaration that alcohol is oxidized in the body and so supplies energy does not prove the school text-books inaccurate. As has been shown, some of the subcommittee's own experimenters and some of the physiologists quoted by them testify that the mere fact of oxidation does not prove a substance a food. This is exactly what the indorsed books teach. 2. The declaration of the Cambridge statement as to alcohol a poison is based on an unreasonable and absurd definition of a poison which floes not accura represent the definition of a poison given in the indorsed physiologies, and therefore constitutes no proof that these books are unscientific in teaching that alcohol is a poison according to standard definitions of a poison. 3. An individual's personal judgment concerning the effects upon hi- of alcohol, which acts as a depressant upon the brain, is untrustworthy, and the personal experience of a few people concerning tl can not be made a guide for the many, because, as I .ruber says, wi people may seem comparatively un tible, no one can tell whether or belongs to that class without incurring the risk of forming the alcohol habit The Cambridge statement brings forward no proof that such 1 to the alcohol habit, and tl not prove the indorsed text-books ina. curate in teaching that there is no danger in even the mo One of the earliest changes against thi that the were written by mere collaborators, not by persons having suil scholarship. Are Professors Bowditch ai I H silent about I Century and other lately indorsed books be unit th< books they must also admit that the> were written Hewes, M. D., instructor in physiological ch< in Harvard Med Boston. Mass., and Winfield S. Hall. M. D tern University Medical School, Chicago, 111.? RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE COMMITTEE. The physiological subcommittee nowhere show their imperfect knowledge of the education which they condemn more than when they attempt to advise as to what ought to be done. They say, in their conclusions, as though it were an entirely new suggestion : This teaching [regarding alcoholic drinks and other narcotics] should not be made a special isolated matter, but should be a part of some elementary instruction in physiology and hygiene. Is it possible that after ten years of investigation the sub-committee does not know that this special instruction is and always has been a part of physiology and hygiene? The final recommendation of the subcommittee is thus stated: It should not be taught that the drinking of one or two glasses of beer or wine by a grown-up person is very dangerous, for it is not true. Can this subcommittee prove that it is not true? Can they pick out the persons for whom it will not be "very dangerous?" Until they can we must so teach. For every one in that mournful precession that every year goes down to a drunkard's grave there was a time when "one or two glasses of wine or beer was very dangerous," but he did not know it. He had never been taught it. How soon anv moderate drinker may come to that hour no one can tell until it is too late. The physicians on the committee would not advise withholding from the people the knowledge that typhoid fever germs in a town's water supply are "very dangerous." But the destruction that might follow an outbreak of typhoid fever would bear no comparison to the harvest of death that might result from the universal teaching that the drink- ing of one or two glasses of wine is not "very dangerous." Professors Bowditch and Hodge charge that this requirement of the people that their children shall have this instruction "is frankly and honestly the total abstinence reform." Is this the reason why they oppose it? They have produced no evidence which disproves the fact that modern science supports total abstinence teaching. The relation of moderate drinking to the alcohol question is well stated by Doctor Forel, who says: As long as one drinks even just one glass a month one feels the irresistible need of excusing and defending that glass, and unconsciously one becomes an advocate of the alcohol habit. Professor Bunge says: It is a fatal mistake to suppose that slaves to alcohol are only those who lie in the gutters. There are numberless men who always drink one moderate glass. To this moderate glass, however, they cling quite as inveterately as the morphinist to his syringe. These men are, and remain, the unrelenting enemies of the abstinence movement. 1 80 SALE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA Hearing before House Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic, Hon. Elijah A. Morse, Chairman, April jo, 1896, House Report 1813. 54th Congress, 1st Session. A largo delegation ol persons representing the Anti-Saloon League of the District of Columbia appeared before the committee, through Mr. James L. Ewin, president said league. STATEMENT OF MR. JAMES L. EWIN. The act ol Congress approved March 3. 1893, is the foundation of our present liquor law. A great many of us think that the law has not suitable penalties, and that such penalties might well be substituted: but we are not here to present that view this morn- ing. We are not here to speak in favor of high license or low license, but to discuss the bill before you which consists of ten amendments to the present liquor law of the District, and which are in the nature and to the effect of making the law more clear and more easily enforced, and of freeing it from what seems to be glaring injustices. The law. as passed in 1893, was framed, as is generally understood, by the representatives of the liquor sellers, and introduced in their interest, in order to secure for them some advantages which the previous law did not give them. Mr. Chairman. Mr. Crafts is with us this morning by invitation from the committee on legislation. STATEMENT OF REV. WILBUR F. CRAFTS. Mr. Chairman and GENTLEMEN of the COMMITTEE: This bill is simply an effort to make a law of Congress enforceable. I am not in favor of low license or high license, but of low prohibition or high prohibition, the higher the better. We are not here this morning, however, as prohibitionists, but as law-enforcers to ask Congress to protect it- self against contempt When Congress has passed a law requiring anyone to do certain thing ight to perfect the phraseology if it be found that through its defects those things are not done. We arc here this morning to ask Congress to perfect its own law. so that it can not be treated with contempt. As has been stated, the law to which this bill proposes amendments was drawn by the attorney of the liquor dealers. It was not intended to be effective. But Congress is bound to make it mean what it says. This is an exceedingly mild law as compared with laws recently enacted in New York. Indiana, and Texas in the matter of restrict- ing the liquor traffic, which the most conservative men everywhere de-ire. Most States- men and Christian men. even those who do r r prohibition, desire that the liquor traffic shall not increase. The evil is great enough as it is. and all interested in the general welfare agree it should not be allowed to grow. In 1887 we consumed, as sta- tistics show « in the United States, and this was a large increase over the years just previous, when it was 2 gallons and a fraction. The : I con- sumption went up steadily until 1K93. when it « 08; and the chief cause of the slight decline since then has been, not law. but the hard times. One reason why the laws have not prevented even the increase of liq' umption and its dreadful con- sequent-- imperfect enforcement, and one cause of that imperfect enforcement is the fact that the laws are commonly so drawn a- to be difficult of enforcement, through ambiguity or otherwise. 181 Let me call your attention to the difference between this law and the Raines law in New York, and the laws in Indiana and Texas. The Raines liquor law, passed by the New York legislature at its last session, although by no means satisfactory to temper- ance men, is much more strict than this. It imposes a license fee upon all clubs, and puts them under the same restrictions as saloons. This provision in the amended bill before you, I regret to say, does not do that but gives clubs extra privileges. At balls in New York State liquors can not be sold later than 12 o'clock, the hour — all too late — for saloon closing; but here, in case of balls, they may sell later than 12 o'clock by special permission of the authorities. The Raines law provides that no new license shall be granted to any saloon within 200 feet of a school or church, nor within 200 feet of residences without the written consent of two-thirds of the owners thereof. The amended bill before us does not go that far. Its protection extends to 400 feet, but that is more than offset by the requirement that there shall be the consent of only a majority of the owners of adjacent residences. The Raines law provides for revoking license on application to the court with proof that the licensee is unfit to retain such license. There is a similar provision in this law. The Raines law provides that any person who forfeits his license or violates the excise law shall not have another license within five years. This law excludes the violator for only two years, so that the New York law is two and a half times as strict in that respect as the amended bill now under consideration. The Raines law requires that saloon blinds shall be drawn and the interior clearly exposed to view from the outside during closed hours. The bill before you does the same, as do many recent laws. The Raines law forbids free lunches in licensed saloons. There is no such restric- tion in the bill before you, which should be amended in that respect. The Raines law forbids restaurants to serve drinks with meals on Sundays. Even bona fide restaurants are not allowed to sell it, because of the danger of evasion. In that respect also the Raines law is stricter than the bill before you. The Raines law forbids apartment hotels to serve drinks to guests in their rooms week days or Sundays. This law permits it both on Sundays and week days. Here a company of men may go into a hotel room on Sunday and may have a great carousal. The Raines law imposes six months to one year imprisonment and a fine of twice the regular license fee upon anyone found guilty of selling liquor without a certificate. Here it is fine or imprisonment. The New York law is much more strict with its fine and imprisonment. Under the provisions of the Raines law there is no distinction between the sale of distilled and of fermented liquors, which is the implication of the bill before you as well. I refer to that to show the present trend of public sentiment that all intoxicating liquors should be treated alike. In the Nicholson law of Indiana the first section provides that no license shall be granted to any other than a male person over 21 years of age and of good moral char- acter. A woman can not be the proprietor of a saloon. This does more than veto the custom of having barmaids ; not even the proprietor can be a woman. This provision was made because much corruption has grown up in connection with barmaids, and public sentiment is against that foreign innovation. The Indiana law also provides that saloons shall be conducted by "persons of good moral character," a provision which, if enforced, would result in prohibition. The Chairman. A saloon conducted by a man of "good moral character" would be "holy hell, or white blackbird." 182 Mr. Crafts. Indeed it would. Section 2 of the Indiana law provides that the business shall be conducted in a room separate from any other business and that no devices for amusement or music of any kind shall be allowed. Section 3 of the Indiana law provides that the room shall be so arranged as to be securely closed or locked and all persons excluded therefrom upon all days and hours when sale is prohibited by law. It is made unlawful for the saloon keeper to permit any person other than his family to go into the room upon days and hours when the sale of liquor is prohibited, and the fact of any such person being permitted to enter the room at such times shall be taken as prima facie evidence of a violation of law. i remember that in the House recently a bill in reference to liquor dealers in the District of Columbia was passed. I do not know the title of the bill, but a majority of the House voted that liquor and billiards shall each stand upon its own merits or demerits, the theory being that if a man wants to drink he ought to go to a drinking place and should not be lured there by amusements in the same room. It is to be hoped the Senate will not ask the House to change that reasonable provision. The re- quirement that amusements shall be separated from bars is the tendency of all modern restrictive legislation. The Indiana law forbids minors from even loitering in saloons, which this milder bill before you fails to do. The difficulty of proving violations of the law where only drinking by minors is for- bidden has been great, and the presence of minors in saloons ought to be prima facie evidence of violation of the law. I wish that the bill before you might be amended in that respect. But my main purpose in speaking of other laws is to emphasize the fact that this bill is a very conservative one, and should rather be strengthened than weak- ened or rejected. The Indiana law provides that the saloons shall be situated upon the ground floor or in the basement of the building and shall front on the street, and shall be so arranged with glass windows or glass doors that the whole interior of the saloon shall be plainly seen from the street, and no blinds or screens of any kind shall be erected or placed so as to prevent a full view of the interior from the street on all days and hours when the sale of liquor is forbidden by law. The Texas liquor law holds that the payment of the United States tax by a seller of intoxicating liquors shall be held to be prima facie evidence that the person paying such tax is engaged in selling liquors, and that fact can be proven by going to the United States internal-revenue office and ascertaining the fact, without the expensive work of overhauling speakeasies. The highest courts have just pronounced this pro- ■n of the law valid, and every liquor law should now embody a like provision. The other point which I was going to make I will simply mention, because I do not think it necessary nor is there time to go into it. Beer and wine are often mentioned as less harmful than distilled liquors, and there arc many who think wine and beer drinking should be treated more leniently by the law than whisky drinking. But in France, which is the great wine-drinking country, the Society for the Advancement of Science has become alarmed at the increase of intemperance there and is asking for such restrictions as those contained in the Raines and Nicholson laws. A- to beer drinking, I have brought with me a chart which I have hung up on the wall which shows the fallacies of the bter advocates. Take 6 pounds of barley, and after it has been subjected to pr by the brewer, it leaves only 10 ounces of solid matter, which has not been worked away and wasted in the process at a time when thousands can not get enough to eat. 183 It is supposed that the farmer has some interest in the continuance of brewing as making a market for grain ; but only 3 per cent of the grain which the farmer raises is used for liquors, less than would be needed to feed the hungry if the money that should buy them bread was not wasted in beer. Even if beer were not harmful because of its alcohol, it would be because its use inclines to an excessive watering of the human system. Therefore the use of beer has a dropsical tendency and also promotes kidney troubles. I believe in water cure. Most people drink too little water. Thirteen is a lucky number if it apply to daily glasses of pure water and milk. But the water which the brewers use is often impure. I am told that one famous brewer gets water from a mud puddle where dead cats are thrown, because it gives more "body" to the beer. If the solid matter in beer, the barley sediment, 10 ounces to the gallon, were not indi- gestible and worse than useless— if it were the best flour, getting a barrel of it out of 313 gallons would mean, at 5 cents per glass, two glasses to the pint, $250.40 per barrel for what is called "the poor man's bread." Beer is really the most dangerous drink of all. In one of the inebriate asylums, the Christian Home for Intemperate Men in New York City, 80 per cent of the inmates told me, in writing, that they began with beer the course which ended in the gutter. The two bridges that lead to intemperance are wine and beer, the first the bridge of the rich, the other of the poor, traversed by 80 per cent, and so calling for chief attention from those who seek to prevent intemper- ance whether by law or persuasion. If we can but close the beer bridge we have three- fourths settled the darkest problem of our times. ON SUBSTITUTING HIGH LICENSE FOR PROHIBITION IN ALASKA. Hearing Before Senate Committee on Territories, Jan. 25, 1899. Present, Senators Shoup (chairman), Carter, Sewell, Kyle, Heitfeld, and Bate. Governor Brady, of Alaska, and Hon. Vespasian Warner, Representative from the State of Illinois (chairman of the Committee on the Revision of the Laws), were also present. REMARKS OF REV. WILBUR F. CRAFTS, Ph. D. Congress should refuse to start an era of expansion by a surrender to lawbreakers. I speak my own convictions, but not in my own behalf alone. The Christians of Alaska have sent me the official petition of the Presbytery asking that the present liquor law be continued and enforced. I voice also the like petition of the National Christian Citizenship Convention, recently held in this city, which was composed of the officials and official delegates of twenty-one great societies that fairly represent the sen- timents of the 25,000,000 of church members in this country, 8.000,000 of whom are voters. This Christian vote, larger than the "liquor vote" or the "labor vote," has had less consideration than even the letter-carriers' vote, partly because it has not been organ- ized, and so could give little account of itself, except in the landslides. But this Chris- tian vote is now organizing on two lines. One of the societies represented in the con- vention named, the National Anti-Saloon League, has forty eloquent lecturers organ- izing voters all over the country for nonpartisan anti-saloon work at the ballot box. And only a week ago a "voters' league," which had started in Rochester, reached New York City in full vigor, and a body of representative men of all parties, presided over by Gen. O. O. Howard, vowed together as voters, "In the name of Christ, the King, the saloon must die." 184 I we raise today a much more modest issue. If you should maintain the present prohibitory law m Alaska, you would not declare any opinion a- to the relative merits of high license and prohibition as a general policy. The present liquor law of Alaska wa< not enacted by prohibitionists. The reasons that led Congress to pass this law remain. Congress acted on the prin- ciple that led all civilized nations to unite in excluding liquors from the Congo Free State— the same reason that has recently led Genera] Kitchener to enact prohibition in the Soudan. Those who think communities of white men may be trusted with drink are agreed it should be kept from the native races who fall before it like gra-s b< I a prairie fire. To repeal prohibition in Alaska would be to put ourselves out of civili- zation. But the advocates of repeal urge that liquor is sold now as freely as it could be in any case. Nay : it was declared in the House hearing by Dr. Sheldon Jackson, thirty years a missionary in Alaska, that in the Indian country the law is fairly well enforced. The advocates of repeal admitted in House debates that while white offenders escaped the law because of public sentiment, the Indians usually get the full penalty. It is thoughtless to urge that Indians always have a drink of their own quite as bad as the white man brings. Why. then, doe- the Indian fail to show the awful effects in demoralization and death before the whisky of civilization arriv It is idle. also, to urge that the new high-license law forbids sales to native races. Three considerations show the worthlessness of the provision: i. When lawlessness has been rewarded with licenses there is small reason to ex- pect strict obedience. 2 The license law. as passed by the House, would allow the local judge to grant a license for a saloon in the very midst of Indian-, if a majority of the three or four white traders in a 2-mile radius so petitioned. 3. The courts have decided that there are no "Indians." in the legal sense, in Alaska, since the native races came to us from Russia, not as tribes, but as individual citizens. It is unlikely the courts would deny to civilized natives, members of the k Church, any so-called privilege allowed the Episcopalian rector who has asked for licensed liquors. For the sake of the native races let the Senate refuse to con- summate this ••act.'" which would prolong our "century of dishonor." In the coasts of the white settlements there is much smuggling. But it is not true that there i- no legal check upon it in the way of law enforcement. I myself received an Alaska paper a few days ago containing more than a column of seizures recently made by Collector Ivey. I was not surprised to see shortly after that he was arrested on some charge of dander, and that this bill wa- pushed here with extraordinary activ- ity. In my opinion, it is because the smugglers, at least, find the law is not a r" that this high-license law is here. I have the threefold testimony of President Jordan, Dr. Sheldon Jackson, and Governor Brady that if the Secretary of the Treas- ury would send one or two steam launches, often asked for in vain by Government officers in Alaska, the smuggling would be largely suppressed It 1- sophistry to talk of the many miles of coast. The approaches to the chief potts, Dr. McClelland, of Sitka, reminds us. are few, and the smuggling is done chiefly, not by -mall pirates, but by the employe- of the -teamship companies. Mr. Tongue, Of I hregon, in his speech in the House on January 4. toll- how it is done. But surely it is an amazing proposition that a nation that has 'ink the whole Spanish navy should haul down its flag to the smuggler- of Alaska. We urge rather that General Wood, disturbed in his g*>d work at Santiago, where he has suppressed 185 bullfights, lotteries, duels, and Sunday saloons, shall be made governor of Alaska, and supported, in lieu of launches, by Commander Wainwright and his swift-firing yacht. Then you will hear no more about inability to enforce law. To my mind the issue here today is not so much a question of law as of law and order. To condone the anarchy of perjured officers and reward the defiant rebellion of habitual lawbreakers in Alaska would be a strange prelude to our projected campaigns of law and order in our new islands. The lawlessness cited by the opponents of the present law in Alaska, instead of being an argument for repeal, is an argument for a Senatorial investigation, not alone of drunken, perjured officers in Alaska. Here are some of the undisputed records of un- punished official anarchy in Alaska that challenge inquiry. Mr. Tongue, in introducing the high-license amendment to this bill, said (Record, p. 442, January 4) : In every little port there are indications of the smuggling of liquors. It is the prin- cipal business, the most paying business, and one of the most respectable businesses in the estimation of the Alaskans themselves that is being conducted in Alaska. If the collector of revenue or his deputies should attempt to enforce this law, as some of them are attempting to enforce it, they are ostracised from society. The present collector of customs has been bullied, threatened, attempted to be beaten, and finally injured, be- cause he says there is corruption in Alaska, with reference to the importation and sale of liquor, involving the officers. The deputy collectors who do not attempt to enforce the law are lionized, have passports to the best society, and are treated like gentlemen. The people who enforce the law are ostracised and driven out, if possible. In the ves- sel in which I went the carpenter was arrested for throwing out barrels along after we left Juneau. Whenever we left any particular port you could see ships and boat- men all around, and, if you watched, after a while barrels went over. This, I would have you notice, was one of the great lines of steamers. Senator Seweu.. Is that an insinuation that this bill is got up by the steamboat people? Mr. Crafts. No. I formerly so thought, but I have had a conversation with Senator Perkins, and he says he is not now in that business. Rev. J. H. Condit, pastor of the Presbyterian Church of Juneau, who does not join his brethren in protesting against repeal only because he believes that officials will con- tinue to neglect the law (Record, January 11, p 665), says: The government does not enforce the law. Spasmodic and pyrotechnical seizures do not offset the fact that breweries are operated, etc. * * * Past experience would lead one to believe that the attitude of the Government toward Alaska under existing political conditions will not change. Rev. H. Beer, rector of Trinity Church, Juneau, the only other preacher quoted on the license side, shows that he is also there because hopeless of official fidelity. He says "the present laws, or their administration, are an utter failure." And then he brings before us the lawless liquor sellers who expect to be rewarded with licenses : They would prefer to pay license and keep the law rather than break the law, as they now do. Licensed places will perhaps be more orderly. 186 Governor Knapp in i Sc x > said: "'I am not aware of any attempl to secure convic- rions." Mr. Warner, of Illinois, in the same debate, January n, in which above were quoted, said also, bul with reference to the present: "There ; - no attempl to obtain a conviction against any one of the persons engaged in the illegal manufacture or traffic." In the National Christian Citizenship Convention, recently held in this city, Dr. Shel- don Jackson spoke of numerous drunken officers and of judges and attorneys when en- gaged in trying saloon cases patronizing those very places in the recesses of the court. There is time only for a quotation from the article in the Atlantic Monthly of Novem- ber, 1898, by President David Starr Jordan, who had made his observations when in Alaska as a special Government commissioner iin the seal question. He says (p. 583) : The demands of the spoils system have often sent unfit men to Alaska. * * * A few i'i these men have been utterly unworthy, intemperate, and immoral, and occa- sionally one in his stay in Alaska earns that "perfect right to be hung" which John Brown assigned to the "border ruffian." In another place (p. 578) President Jordan says: For an object lesson illustrating methods to be avoided in the rule of our future colonies we have not far to seek. Most forms of governmental pathology are illus- trated in the history of Alaska. Shall wc climax this disgraceful record by a worse act than any before it — the repeal of the prohibitory law of Alaska, which I here quote? The importation, manufacture, and sale of intoxicating liquor in said district, except for medicinal, mechanical, and scientific purposes, is hereby prohibited, under the pen- alties which are provided in section 1955 of the Revised Statutes for the wrongful im- portation of distilled spirits. And the President of the United States shall make such regulations as are necessary to carry out the provisions of this section. As f'T the cities of Alaska, Juneau is in chronic rebellion, just as Bangor is in Maine: but Maine finds no reason in that for repealing a law that is beneficial to the State as a whole. Sitka habitually breaks the prohibitory law, just as New York City every Sunday breaks its license law; but New York State does not on that account de- prive the whole State of the benefits of the law. for the talk about public sentiment, there is not a moral law in the Decalogue that could 1 d in a city of Alaska by popular vote. The marriage law is broken almosl as commonly as the liquor law. knok BRADY. I deny that statement. Mr. CRAFTS. Better elements are coming in. and we owe it to them to hold up the standard. Why does Congress pass this code if the test is to be present local senti- ment in Alaska? Why not turn over both Alaska bills in Congress to the so-called business association of Juneau, whose opinion is given BO much weight on the liquor problem? Why docs Congress make laws for any of the Territories, and even C nant with Utah as a State on the question of polygamy, if local sentiment is the uni- versal arbiter of law? The official utterance of the best sentiment of Alaska, as expressed in the official resolutions r cases on information, without the action of grand juries, and a con- scientious judge and a determined attorney would make it exceedingly uncomfortable for lawbreakers without the aid of that body. In view of these facts it may be safely asserted that if the United States district judge, attorney, and collector of customs, unitedly and with conscientious determina- tion, were to make persistent and judicious efforts to prevent the smuggling of intoxi- cating liquors into the Territory under its present laws, and were properly backed by the National Government, they could bring the supply of illegally introduced intoxi- cants to a minimum; and if they unitedly endeavored to check illegal sales by prose- cutions against the venders of liquors the laws would be more thoroughly enforced than the laws against larceny in any State L>f the Union. Rev. M. D. McClelland, of Sitka, in a letter, says of the prohibitory law : That it is difficult to enforce we concede but that it would be leis difficult to enforce a license law we deny. There would be no attempt to enforce the license law outside the large towns. In these it would lessen the number of places at which liquor would be sold, but not decrease the consumption. Alaska would be the most difficult country in the world to enforce a high-license law. For an indefinite period large towns will be limited in number, while comparatively isolated miners', prospectors', fishermen's, and lumbermen's camps will be innumerable; and a license law means for all these free whisky. Xobody will pay a license for trafficing in it. Some one asks. Do they not already secure liquor at these places? Yes; but there is some restraint, and there might be much more. The waterways traversable by vessels of any size in approaching the most thickly settled portions of the coast are at present comparatively few. Give us an executive, judicious customs service, and police force united in their efforts to uphold the law, and in addition one or two small vessels to patrol the waters as a guard against smugglers, and for the present we will have not a perfect but a wholesome enforcement of the prohibitory law. In his letter Dr. McClelland inclosed the following action of the chief religious body of Alaska, the Presbytery : Whereas the use of intoxicating liquors works untold injury to the physical and moral welfare of any community, it must be especially calamitous in a frontier region like Alaska, where at the various towns, mining camps, and fishing stations are con- gregated many who would desire to habitually and excessively indulge in the use of intoxicants, and among them a greater or a less number of the natives of Alaska, whose inherited weakness makes them peculiarly liable to gross indulgence, and especially in the gold regions where are so many of the most vicious characters ; and Whereas such strenuous efforts are being made for the repeal of the United States prohibiting liquor law for the district of Alaska, Therefore, we. as a presbytery, desire to enter our most emphatic protest against the repeal of said law. and beseech rather tha* ? u most, if not all. of those disrupted compacts, it may well be -aid that they should not have been entered into, hut that can not he said of this promise of protection against the Indians' worst enemy. It was a proper promise — a promise prompted by imperative duty. GALLINGER AMENDMENT PROYIIMXC. 21 YEARS' PROHIBITION FOR NEW STATE of OKLAHOMA, INCLUDING INDIAN TERRITORY. SPEECH OF SENATOR J. C. SPOOXER. There i> no doubt of the fitness of Oklahoma to come into the Union as a St there is n<> doubt about the fitness of the great mass of the people of the Indian Terri- to come into the Union as a State with Oklahoma: hut the situation i- a peculiar one. It seems to be one calling for a condition somewhat unique, and which w not have been thought of hitherto as lo any State. The power of Con. conditions has been many times, in one way or another, exercised. The ConstitU of the United States recognized slavery, but. in some instance- were adm n condition that the constitution which they adopted should contain a provision against slavery, or involuntary servitude. This whole trouble— not all of it. but part f it— is. a- has been stated by the Senator from T< xas [Mr. Bailey], due. 1 think, to the absolutely improvident policy of Congress in dealing with the Indian-. So long as the tribal relations were preserved, so long as the Indian remained a ward of the G ernment. it needed no reservation in a constitution nor in an organic act to authorize the Government of the United with the subject of the barter and intoxicating liquors to Indians within a State: but when I ted the pnli. making every Indian, the moment he received an allotment of land in severalty, a citi- zen of the Unit' I Si S and a citizen of the State, the situation changed, and the n< shies of it. so far as this legislation is concerned, changed. There are. I am told by my friend from Indiana [Mr. BevERIDGE], 80.000 Indians in the Indian Territory. No man need- to be told that in the interesl of the Indian- and in the int( f the white | pie among whom the Indian is found, SO far a- it i- possible, intoxicating drink must be kept from his lips. Tl in Indian reservation, I think, in Oklahoma. Mr. BEVERIDGE. There a: Mr. SPOONER. There a- rvations, the Senator 1 as a' ments are made to those Indian-, if any are to be made, their tribal relation probably •ul they become citizens of the United The proviso which I find on page 5 i- a- follows: Provided. That the sale, barter, or giving away, except for mechanical, medicinal, or scientific pur] of intoxicating liquors within that part of .aid Sta-- known as the Indian Territory or other Indian reservations within hibited for a period of ten years from thi I admission - '"tc. The line between the two parts of the new State will be an imaginary line. It i- an 10: impossibility to protect the Indians in part of a State not a reservation any longer and not under the control of the Government of the United States any longer from this dangerous and inevitable indulgence. To make the sale of liquor free in one part of the State and prohibit it in another part of the State is a vain attempt to secure the object which alone can justify either of these propositions. So I can see but one way to protect the Indians and to protect the white people in the State of Oklahoma from the free use by Indians of intoxicating drink and the violence and outrages which often follow, and that is for a time to prohibit its manu- facture, barter, and sale among the whole people of that Commonwealth. If it were forever prohibited, I would not vote for it. It is with difficulty that one can tolerate the notion that one State in this Union shall be for any period inferior in State sover- eignty — I mean in the exercise of the powers confessedly within the sovereignty of a State— to all the other States in the Union ; but at the expiration of this period this amendment leaves it free to the people of Oklahoma to change their constitution and to remove this restriction. Under the circumstances, yielding only to a situation which seems to demand it if these people are to be admitted into the Union at all, I shall vote for the amendment. Gallinger Amendment, adopted by Senate, 52 to 17, Feb. 7, lost in conference: The manufacture, sale, barter, or giving away of intoxicating liquors within that part of this State heretofore known as the Indian Territory, and in all the several other parts of this State known as Indian reservations at the time of the adoption of this con- stitution, is hereby prohibited for a period of twenty-one years after the date of the ad- mission of this State into the Union, and thereafter until the people of this State shall otherwise provide by amendment of this constitution in the manner prescribed therein ; and the legislature shall provide suitable laws with adequate penalties for carrying the provisions of this section into full force and effect, said laws to be effective from and after the termination of the Federal jurisdiction hereinafter provided for; and the Fed- eral laws relative to intoxicating liquors now in force in Indian Territory and in the said Indian reservations, respectively, shall continue in force for a period of twenty-one years from and after the admission of this State into the Union, said subject-matter being and remaining under and subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States for said period: and this State and the people of this State do, by the adoption of this provision in this constitution, hereby expressly consent to the continuation of such exclusive jurisdiction by the United States. LITTLEFIELD BILL TO PROTECT ALL PACIFIC ISLANDS. [No action taken by Congress.] A bill to prohibit the sale of firearms, opium, and intoxicants to aboriginal tribes and native races in the Pacific Islands. Be it enacted, etc.. That if any American citizen sells, gives, or otherwise supplies to any aboriginal native of any island in the Pacific Ocean any wine, spirits, or any other intoxicating liquor he shall, on conviction thereof, be liable to a penalty not exceeding fifty dollars, and, in default of payment, shall be liable to imprisonment for a period not exceeding one month, and for any offense subsequent to the first conviction the offender shall be liable to a doubled fine of one hundred dollars, with imprisonment for not less than one month nor more than eleven months. Sec. 2. That commanders of all naval vessels and revenue cutters are hereby appointed justices of the peace for the trial of such cases whenever permanent courts can not conveniently be availed of. SEC 3. That if it shall appear to the court that such wine or spirits have been given bona fide for medical purposes it shall be lawful for the court to dismiss the charge. 198 [From hearing on foregoing bill, Dec 6, 1900, before Committee on Insular Affairs.] REMARKS OF REV. WILBUR F. CRAFTS. The Chairman, How is the geographical field over which that law operates defined? Mr. Crafts. The term "Pacific islands" is defined thus: "Pacific islands" means and includes any islands lying within the twentieth parallel of north latitude and the fortieth parallel of south latitude and the one hundred and twentieth meridian of longitude west and the one hundred and twentieth meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, and not being in the possession or under the protection of any civilized power. There are quite a numher of uncivilized islands that have no government that can be recognized as a government. Dr. John G. Paton, for forty-two years a missionary in the Xew Hebrides, has made a tremendous impression on this country in regard to what he has said about liquor, explosive-, and firearms being sold by American traders to those cannibals. They are under no protectorate, and I suppose the American there is like a man on the high sea-. When he is not under any other government he is un- der American government The British say in the Xew Hebrides, "No British subject shall sell firearms, explosives, ammunition, or intoxicating liquors to any of these aboriginal natives." Mr. Loin. I would like you to define what an aboriginal native i-. Mr. Crafts. It is just as it is in Alaska. There are five tribes there. They are not all of the same blood, but they are all treated the same in the bill that was passed last year. Mr. Lorn. Where would you draw the line? It seems to me that you are drawing a line that is impossible to trace when you use the words "aboriginal native." Mr. Crafts. This has been traced. Mk. Loud, Where? Mr. Crafts. The British Government has been enforcing this kind of a law since [867. We have it in the Indian Territory. The cultivated native is -till only a culti- vated child. There is not an island to which this refers where the cultivated native is not a child, although he is cultivated, like the colored nun of the South. GILLETT-LODGE ACT TO PROTECT PACIFIC ISLANDS. Introduced Dec. 6, 1900; Approved Feb. 15, 1902. Any person subject to the authority of the United States who -hall give, sell or otherwise supply, any arm-, ammunition, explosive substance, intoxicating liquor, or opium to any aboriginal native in any of tin- Pacific 1 -lands lying within twenty de- N'orth latitude and forty mth latitude, and the 120th meridian of longi- tude We-t and the 120th meridian of longitude Easl of Greenwich, not being in the ion or under the protection of any civilized : hall he punishable by im- prisonment not exceeding three month-, with or without hard labor, or by a fine not exceeding fifty dollar- or by both. And in addition to such punishment all artich a similar nature to those in respect t<> which an has been committed found in the possession of the offender, may he declared forfeited. Sec. 2. If it -hall appear to the Court that such opium, wine -r spirits have been given ''.'»m fide for medical purposes it -hall be lawful for the Court to di-niiss the charpe. Six .}. All offenses apain-t this n *i any of -aid i-1 the adjacent thei ommitted on the high s C as on hoard a merchant ship the United and the c ;' the United S ''.all have jurisdiction accordingly. [99 PROTECTION OF UNCIVILIZED RACES. From Senate Documents, No. 73, 56th Congress, No. 200, 57th Congress, Introduced by Senator Money, Feb. 27, 1901. INTERNATIONAL TREATIES NOW IN FORCE. Treatyof Seventeen Nations, 18 go, for Congo Region: Act. XC. Being justly anxious concerning the moral and material consequences to which the abuse of spirituous liquors subjects the native population, the signatory powers have agreed [that] in the districts of this zone where it shall be ascertained that either on account of religious belief or from some other causes, the use of distilled liquors does not exist or has not been developed, the powers shall prohibit their importation. The manufacture of distilled liquors shall also be prohibited there. Article XCII provides for a progressively increasing tax on distilled liquors for six years in all parts of the zone to which the above prohibition does not apply as an experiment on which to determine a minimum tax that will be prohibitory to natives. The list of nations included in this convention, given in the order in which they ratified the treaty, is as follows: Germany, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, the indepen- dent States of the Congo, Great Britain, Italy, the Netherlands, Persia, Sweden and Norway, Zanzibar, Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Porte, the French Republic, United States, Portugal. The testimony of missionaries is that the treaty was to a good degree effective in the Congo region, and that the work of civilization within the "zone de prohibi- tion," as it was called on official maps, went on more rapidly than in adjoining terri- tory not so protected. Treatyof 1899, ratified by United States, December 14. 1900. By this treaty, in which the same nations joined (except Zanzibar, which has been absorbed,) with Russia added, the tax on distilled liquors in the entire zone described in Article XC of the treaty of 1890 was raised from 10 to 52 cents a gallon, which, by experiment provided for in the treaty of 1890, had been determined to be a prohibitory tax for the native races. As the portions of Africa north of this zone are Mohammedan countries, whose native races are abstainers from all intoxi- cants by the requirement of their religion, and as the portions south of this zone are mostly protected, so far as the natives are concerned, by the new British policy of prohibitory liquor selling among native tribes in protection of trade, as well as^ for other reasons, this second treaty aims to complete the protection of African natives against distilled liquors without restricting its use by the whites, so far as they are able to pay the increased price. Declaration of British Colonial Secretary. When the extra heavy tax was imposed on foreign spirits imported into West Africa, the region recently purchased by the English Government from the Royal Niger Company, the traders complained that these heavy dues interfered with the trade. The Colonial Secretary, the Right Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, replied that it was the intention of the Government to discourage the drink traffic, as it ultimately destroyed all trade by destroying the population. 2CO Prohibition for Sudan Natives. Foreign Office, December 10, 1900. Sir: Lord Cromer states that Lord Kitchener, when governor-general of the Sudan, instructed the moodirs to see that no liquor was sold to natives, but that no written orders under the ordinance have been published. License holders are under police supervision and are fully aware of the prohibition of sale to natives. The question does not really arise in practice, as the liquors imported are too expensive for the natives to purchase. Recently the importation in small quantities of mastic, a cheaper kind of liquor, has been sanctioned under the express condition that it is only for the consumption of the Greeks. I am, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, T. H. Sanderson. Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts, Washington, D. C. Gradual Prohibition of Opium in Burma. India Office, Whitehall, S. W., September 13, 1900. Sir: With reference to your letter of July 18, 1900, to the secretary of state for the colonies, which has been forwarded to this office, I am directed by Lord George Hamilton to forward an extract containing a description of the rules regarding culti- vation, manufacture and sale of opium and the registration system applied to opium consumption in Burma. Owing to the great prevalence of opium smuggling in the province some modifica- tions of this system are in contemplation, but the particulars have not yet been pub- lished by the government of Burma. I am, sir, your obedient servant, Horace Walpole Wilbur F. Crafts, Esq., Reform Bureau, Washington, D. C. (Extract from Rules, 81.) The system of registering Burmans was introduced in the beginning of 1893. It was then decided to extend the prohibition of the use of opium (except for medicinal purposes) by Burmans, which had always been enforced in Upper Burma, to Lower Burma. In order to avoid inflicting hardship on Burmans who had become habitu- ated to the use of the drug, notices were issued on March, 1893, to the effect that after the new system had been introduced no Burmans except such as had registered themselves would be permitted so possess opium, except for medicinal purposes; that all Burmans of 25 years and upward who desired to continue the use of opium must register themselves; and that Burmans under 25 years of age were not permitted to register themselves. declarations of presidents and ex-presidents of the united states. [From message of President Grover Cleveland, December 4, 1893.] By Aritcle XII of the general act of Brussels, signed July 2, 1S90, f..r the suppression of the slave trade and the restriction of certain injurious commerce in the independent State of the Kongo and in the adjacent zone of Central Africa, the United States and the other signatory powers agreed to adopt the appropriate means for the punish- ment of persons selling arms and ammunition to the natives and for the confiscation of the inhibited articles. It being the plain duty of this government to aid in sup- pressing the nefarious traffic, impairing as it does the praiseworthy and civilizing 201 efforts now in progress in that region, I recommend that an act be passed prohibiting the sale of arms and intoxicants to natives in the regulated zone by our citizens. [From message of President William McKinley, December 3, 1900.] We have been urgently solicited by Belgium to ratify the International Con- vention of June, 1899, amendatory of the previous Convention of 1890, in relation to the regulation of the liquor trade in Africa. Compliance was necessarily with- held, in the absence of the advice and consent of the Senate thereto. The principle involved has the cordial sympathy of this Government, which in the re visionary negotiations advocated more drastic measures, and I would gladly see its extension, by international argeement to the restriction of the liquor traffic with all uncivilized peoples, especially in the Western Pacific. [Letter from Ex-President Harrison.] In response to a request from the Reform Bureau for the support of the Lodge resolution declaring for additional treaties and laws to protect uncivilized races against intoxicants, opium, firearms, and the Gillett New Hebrides bill, which pro- vides an installment of such protection for all Pacific islands not under the govern- ment of any civilized power, the following letter has been received from ex-President Harrison : January 1, 1901. My Dear Sir: I have received your letter of the 28th ultimo, and in reply I beg to say that I have made it a rule not to sign petitions or appeals to members of Congress for legislation. I have expressed myself upon the subject in a public ad- dress in the paragraph to which your letter refers. It does seem to me as if the Christian nations of the world ought to be able to make their contact with the weaker peoples of the earth beneficent and not destructive, and I give to your efforts to secure helpful legislation my warmest sympathy. Very truly, yours, Benj. Harrison. Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts, Washington, D. C. The public utterance referred to in the letter is the following from ex-President Harrison's address as Honorary President of the Ecumenical Missionary Conference which met in New York last spring: "The men who, like Paul, have gone to heathen lands with the message, 'We seek not yours but you,' have been hindered by those who coming after have reversed the message. Rum and other corrupting agencies come in with our boasted civiliza- tion, and the feeble races wither before the hot breath of the white man's vices." The Reform Bureau also presented a petition in support of Lodge resolution and Gillett New Hebrides bill, not for these bills specifically, nor for the United States alone, for it asks all the governments that have twice united, in treaties of 1890 and 1899, in protecting natives of Africa against intoxicants, to take further action separately and together to so protect all uncivilized races, as recommended by the President. The petition is to be withdrawn and carried by a deputation to all the prominent governments of the world. [From message of President Theodore Roosevelt, December 2, 1901.] In dealing with the aboriginal races few things are more important than to preserve them from the terrific physical and moral degradation resulting from the liquor traffic. We are doing all we can to save our own Indian tribes from this evil. 202 Whenever by international agreemenl this same end can be attained as regards 1 where we do not possess exclusive control, every effort should be made to bring it atx nit PROPOSED UNIVERSAL TREATY INITIATED BY UNITED STATES GOVBRNME] [Senate Resolution, agreed to Jan. 4, igoi.] Mr. Lodge submitted the following restitution: Resolved, That in the opinion of this body the time has come when the principle, twice affirmed in international treaties for Central Africa, that native races should be protected against the destructive traffic in intoxicants should be extended to all uncivilized peoples by the enactment of such laws and the making of such treaties as will effectually prohibit the sale by the signatory powers to aboriginal tribes and uncivilized races of opium and intoxicating beverages. Passed January 4, 1901. Attest: — Charles G. Bennett, Secretary. Secretary John Hay, U. S. State Department, (in letter of Dec. 11, 1901, replying to Chairman of Native Races Deputation): Your suggestion that I call the attentit ■ the nations concerned to the Resolution of the Senate, adopted Jan. 4, igoi, as likely to have influen< e by indicating the concurrent opinion of the two branches of the treaty milking power, the Senate and the Executive, has my cordial acquiescence, hi of the circumstance that the former representations to the other powers were made by the British Government as well as byour own, I shall initiate renewed overtures i>i the proposed sense by communicating the Senate Resolution to the British Government, with the sugges- tion that it be made the basis of concurrently reopening the question with the po ing infltt in the Western Pa ifu . or in any other uncivilized quarter tlutary principle of liquor restriction could be practically applied through the ral enactment of similar laws by the several countries or through a conventional agreement between them. THE PEOPLE'S VON < >n Dec. 6, 1 00 1. 461 petitions from 36 States were presented to the State Depart- ment, all in sub tance as follows: / I, That this meeting earnestly petitions all civilized governments for laws and treaties to protect native races against in1 cants and opium, and the presiding officer is hereby authorized to so attest. Additional petitions are coming in, and philanthropic citizens are beginning to write Secretary Hay in support of his greal proposal, previously quoted; and in other Ian and philanthropists are writing each to his own go\ em- inent, urging co-operation with this gr< humane movements. MIVI 203 THREE RELATED CRUSADES FOR PROTECTION OF NATIVE RACES AGAINST THE WHITE MAN'S RUM AND OPIUM. From Senate Document, No. 135, 58th Congress, 3d Session, Feb. 3, 1905. The International Reform Bureau is promoting three distinct crusades against the sale of intoxicants and opium among native races: First, to protect uncivilized races outside our own country by laws and treaties ; second, to protect the natives of the Philippines and other islands under the jurisdiction of the United States; third, to emancipate China from opium. In these the following victories and encouragements are reported up to February 1, 1905 : 1. A treaty of 17 nations, begun in 1890, by which "zone de prohibition" was written across the Kongo Free State. This was for distilled liquors, and partly in the interest of trade, since the liquor traffic among child races "kills buying power and then the buyers themselves." 2. In 1899 the natives of practically the whole of Africa were protected by an increase of tax and price intended to be prohibitive for all but whites. 3. The United States having ratified these treaties last of the first-class powers, has taken the lead since the International Reform Bureau aroused American public senti- ment, and January 4, 1901, invited all nations to prohibit by treaty the sale of all intox- icants and opium to all uncivilized races. 4. At the opening of the same year our Philippine government forbade the saloons there to sell to natives. 5. Our Navy Department that same year suppressed liquor selling in Tutuila. 6. In 1902 Congress forbade American traders to sell liquors in Pacific islands hav- ing no civilized government. 7. At the same time there was before the British Government a request (not yet accepted) to join us in submitting treaty above proposed to other nations. 8. This proposal was in 1904 seconded by Australia's premier and lieutenant- governor. 9. The treaty proposal had been previously approved by King Oscar of Sweden. 10. The Japanese minister at Washington has twice forwarded documents to his Government, first with reference to child races and also with reference to China. 11. The first proposal of a private monopoly of opium in the Philippines was de- feated after second reading by an appeal to public sentiment in the United States ; and a bill for gradual prohibition of opium, satisfactory to the missionaries, was in 1904 drafted by an opium commission and was expected to become a law in 1905. 12. Secretary Hay gave favorable hearing November 10, 1904, to petition that our Government should use its good offices to get China released from British opium. 13. Japan's minister to the United States about same time forwarded like proposal to his Government. INTOXICATING LIQUORS IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Hearing Mar. 30, 1900, 56th Congress, 1st Session, Before House Com- mittee on Insular Affairs. The Chairman (Hon. Henry A. Cooper). Gentlemen of the committee, we have up for our consideration this morning House bill No. 9151, introduced by Mr. Gillett, of. Massachusetts — a bill to regulate the sale of intoxicating liquors in the Philippine Islands. It is as follows: 204 A BILL TO REGULATE THE SALE 0* INTOXICATING I.IOUORS IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That no person shall, in the Philippine Islands, sell, except for medicinal purposes, on the prescription of a regularly practicing physician, any distilled and intoxicating liquor in quantity less than twenty gallons. SEC. 2. That whoever, by himself, his clerk, servant, or agent, commits any viola- tion of this act. shall be punished for the first offense by a fine of ten dollars, or im- prisonment for not more than ten days, or by both; for any subsequent offense, by a fine of not less than fifty or more than a thousand dollars, or by imprisonment for not more than six months, or by both. C, 3. That whoever owns or keeps any distilled and intoxicating liquor, with intent to sell the same contrary to the provisions of this act, shall be punished by fine not exceeding a thousand dollars, or by imprisonment not exceeding six months, or both, and such liquor shall be confiscated to the United States. The Chairman (continuing). ^ Ir - Crafts, I think we will leave to you the division of time and the order in which the speakers shall be heard. STATEMENT OF REV. WILBUR F. CRAFTS, PH. D. Mr. Chairman and MEMBERS of the Committee: The societies appearing here are The Reform Bureau. The National Women's Christian Temperance Union, and the National Antisaloon League. I think we may fairly claim to represent the senti- ments not only of temperance societies, but also of 27.000,000 of church members, with 9.000.000 voters — that is, the predominant sentiment; not that everybody agrees with us — and we think we shall represent this great constituency in asking two amendments to this bill. In the first place, that it shall apply to all the islands, not to the Philip- pines alone ; and that it shall apply to all intoxicating liquors, and not to distilled liquors alone. Practically, it was established in 1892, by the concurrence of sixteen nations, that it is against civilization to bring liquors to the frontiers, where the white savages of civilization come in contact with the native races, childlike, simple-hearted people. The difficulties are great enough in the contact of a trained race with a native race ; but when liquors come in, quarrels multiply, and the native race is swept off as before a whirlwind. We claim that the spirit of that treaty would lead us to shut liquor out of Hawaii and the Philippines especially, because they are chiefly populated by native races. Mr. SlBLEY. Now. why do you not propose the same lav to Rico, where we do contr ' the Philippine Archipelago, forbidding not only the sale of intoxi- cating liquors but also giving them away, as in the law that appl OUT North American Indian-? You do not provide against the gift of liquor in this proposed bill. Mr. Crafts. I think you might improve it that way. Mr. Maddox. Why do you not apply to the President and have him issue an order suppressing immediately this sale of liquor in the islands we obtained from Spain ? Mr. Crafts. We are asking both the President and Congress; we have two strings to our bow. Mr. Maddox. The President has it in his hands to do it. 205 Mr. Crafts. But since this Committee on Insular Affairs has been established it is evident that Congress also has power to deal with these islands. We have asked the President to take action and he has not done so: and as Congress is in session and is legislating for these islands, we think it is only proper to turn to Congress. Mr. Maddox. You do not suppose we can teach the people in the Philippine Islands anything about drinking intoxicating liquors; they have been at it a good deal longer than we have. Mr. Crafts. I will tell you about that later ; I have some figures here in reference to that. This committee has the power to draw a bill that would apply to all the islands that have recently come into our possession. There is no question about that. The President could act, or the Secretary of War could act under his direction; but this committee can also act. We still hope the President will act, but when Congress is in session we think, perhaps, he may look to Congress to take up this matter. I want to call your attention, now, to another document showing that when our first military occupation occurred in the Spanish war, that of Santiago, General Shafter, who was the military governor, adopted the very policy we are speaking of, even in the West Indies. He said, in a letter dated Santiago de Cuba, July 30, 1898: I have always been strongly opposed to the canteen system or the sale of intoxi- cating drinks of any kind on military reservations, and have opposed it until abso- lutely overruled and required to establish a canteen at my post. * * * I have absolutely prohibited the sale of liquor or the opening of saloons in the city of San- tiago, and have refused permission for cargoes of beer to come from the States here. We would like very much to have this committee ascertain how that policy, which we are informed General Wood also endeavored to carry out, was overruled ; by what influence the policy of those two wise generals, who were on the spot — General Shafter not a "temperance fanatic," and General Wood certainly not being unbalanced on the question of temperance — was set aside. Here is our whole case stated in resolutions that were unanimously voted by the Methodist and United Presbyterian preachers' meetings of Pittsburg, and have since been adopted by other bodies. Whereas, civilized nations generally united in 1892 in a treaty to ex- clude liquors from a large part of Africa in protection of native races, a policy our own country and Canada had previously adopted in Indian territories, and which Great Britain has recently followed in the Soudan ; Therefore, RESOLVED, That we condemn, as backward steps and crimes against civilization, our Government's permission of the sale of liquors in Alaska, through the repeal of prohibition; and in Hawaii, for pro- hibition, in which its leading citizens have petitioned; and in the Phil- ippines, Puerto Rico, and Cuba, whose people, before we came into pos- session, commonly used only very light wines, and those very sparingly ; and we call the attention of our Government to the fact, of which we are assured by such unimpeachable witnesses as President Schurman, that the people we essayed to civilize are being brutalized, and especially our young soldiers at the very time when the men at the head of the British army, Generals Wolseley, Roberts, and Kitchener, instead of assuming that soldiers must drink, have demonstrated by successful total absti- 206 nence campaigns and other experiments and statistics, that the regimen of the regiment in this respect should be that of the athlete, in the in- terest of health, order, and efficiency. RESOLVED, FURTHER, That in view of the foregoing facts we hereby authorize the officers of this meeting to join in the Presbyterian Assembly's petition to the President, as the present military ruler of all our islands, to "right this great wrong," and we also petition Congress to forbid the importation into these islands, and the sale in them, of all intoxicating drinks, and to reenact the nullified anticanteen law. Mi;. PAYNE. Are you the author of that? Mk. Crafts. Yes, sir. Mr. Payns. Where did you get that statement that those islands are using only very light wines and those very sparingly? Mk. Crafts, I am going to give you some facts as to that. Mr. Hitt. I desire information as to what authority you have for saying that before annexation Hawaii was practically under prohibition, and that since annexation there has been a change in that respect. I wish to call your attention to the fact that not a line of the laws of Hawaii have been changed by the United States, nor has the ad- ministration of those laws been changed. Mk. CRAFTS. They have not been changed, but whisky shops have multiplied in Hawaii since our occupation. After Hawaii was Christianized its native population, which was being killed off rapidly by the white man's drink, and vices that go with it, was protected for many years by prohibition. This had been relaxed in recent years, but when we took possession the traffic was small. Saloons in Hawaii sold chiefly light drink-, under great restriction, but immediately on our occupation whisky was increasingly introduced. Over the door of one whisky shop there was placed a picture of Uncle Sam. in his usual costume, pointing to a whisky bottle anil saying, *'It is pure, for it was bottled in my warehou There was a change of policy immediately on our occupation. Mk. Hitt. A change of policy how? Mk. Crafts. I mean permissibly; not necessarily that any orders were given to anybody; but the American whisky dealer- at once rushed in, and no one prevented them from doing -<>. They went into Manila witli a whisky drummer at the head of the army. Mk Hitt. I am speaking of Hawaii. There has been no change in the laws or the admini-tration of the la Mk. Crafts. There may have been no change in the law-, but there i- a change in the admission "f whisky, both in quality and quantity. Mk. Hitt. There is a change in the trade, the commer Mk. Crafts. I do not mean that any official has ordered these changes, but that the whisky distillers and the beer brewers have been permitted to pour inl islands a greatly increased quantity of alcoholic liqu The Chairman. Permit me right there. I have been informed, or at least I i always understood, that there has been no change of th< eminent or the laws in Hawaii. Mr. CRAFTS. The statement has come fr>>m there that the | nment since annexation, pending the adoption of the Hawaiian bill. 1 finite and uncertain that the authorit il with the plag Mr. Payne. Have you some record of the importation of alcoholic liquors into those islands? Mr. Crafts. We have; statistics I obtained directly from the Treasury Bureau of Statistics, and they show our whisky exports are rapidly increasing. Again I wish to say that it is easy to make figures lie, but the positive testimony of President Schurman and others we shall quote, that saloons and drunkenness have greatly in- creased, can not be juggled away. President Schurman says that when we took Manila there were three or four cafes, selling light wines mostly, and that now there are 500 American saloons there. The President of this Philippine Commission goes there and examines the situation and makes that report. President Schurman is not our only authority for declaring that the liquor traffic has increased in the Philippines since our flag was raised. Bishop Thoburn gives testimony to the same effect, as do also Bishop Doane's agent, Mr. Peyton, and Mr. Irving Hancock, the correspondent of Leslie's Weekly, all of them declaring that the traffic in alcoholic liquors has in- creased immensely. Mr. Maddox. We have sent about 100,000 soldiers down there to help drink it. Mr. Crafts. No doubt more of our soldiers are killed by intoxicating drinks than by the Filipinos. Now, I desire to give you the statement of Mr. O. E. Edwards, who lived in Manila for twenty-four years, first as consul, then as merchant, and has been consulted by both Philippine commissions, and also by Cabinet officers and the Presi- dent. There is hardly a man in this country who knows more than he about the Philippines. Mr. Payne. Do you make the same statement in regard to Puerto Rico, as to the change since American occupation? Mr. Crafts. There has been a recent slight falling off in the exports of liquors since we began to call our soldiers home. Mr. Payne. No; but since the occupation. Do you make the same assertion about the difference in the number of saloons and the increased consumption in the case of Puerto Rico? Mr. Crafts. I have statements here in regard to the drinking habits of the Cubans and the Puerto Ricans, and also the statement of Mr. Edwards in regard to the Philippines. First, about the Philippines. I had a long interview with Mr. Edwards, once United States consul. Mr. Hitt. Where was he consul ? Mr. Crafts. At Manila. This is what he tells me about the drinking habits of the Filipinos: He says that Spaniards and Filipinos were almost never intoxicated; that they had their little cafes, where a little wine was drunk, more as punctuation to conversation than anything else. He said that he had almost never seen a drunken Filipino in the islands ; that a Spaniard is more offended or insulted to be called a drunkard than to be called a liar, and that the use of distilled liquors there was very exceptional. President Schurman, from a shorter observation, gives the same testi- mony. The Chairman. Where did President Schurman say that? Mr. Crafts. In a speech at Buffalo, to the Liberal Club, he said: "Even what you gentlemen are taking tonight would be considered excessive there." The statement would be true in a general way of the Cubans and the Puerto Ricans also. Here is what is said by Mary C. Francis, a reliable correspondent, in regard to Cuba: 208 "During my stay in Cuba I found the Cubans extremely temperate in their habits with regard to both food and drink. Distilled liquors, whisky, brandy, nun. and gin arc but little used." We could bring a great deal of testimony to the same effect. One of our soldi told me that in one of the most popular simps of Puerto Rico the favorite refresh- ments before we came were pretzels and milk until our soldiers came in. but On our arrival all these gave place to American beer. Mr. Hut. Do you -ay that the American- coming in have made a change in the habits and tastes of the native-? Mr. CRAFTS. That change is coming gradually. Most of the drinking in all thi place- l- at first done by our soldiers; hut the native- are influenced by American •in-, iu-t as the Indian- have been and the negroes; JUSl as the people of Africa have been influenced by the habits of civilized people-. The natives have changed •heir habits hut little as yet, and prompt action will save them from the fate that has so often come to native races who have been "civilized" off the face of the earth by the white man's drink. Mr. Payne. The statistics show that in Puerto Rico they consumed 1.500,000 gal- lons of rum a year on the islands, and that the importation of liquor was greater tinder Spanish rule than it has been under American rule. Mr. CRAFTS. I do not question that such a statement has come to your notice, but I do question its accuracy. We should get into a great controversy if we went into statistics Mr. Payne. I know that is a fact, and I do not think statements ought to lie made unless they are founded on facts well authenticated. Not that 1 am opposed to a re- striction of the sale of liquors; but I think any law that will stand on its own merit ought to. Mr. CRAFTS. That is certainly true. The testimony of President Schurman, of Bishop Thoburn. of Irving Hancock, of Mr. McCutcheon, of the Chicago Record; of Peter McQueen, of Mr. Peyton, of Chaplain Well-, all declaring as eyewitnesses that there has been a very great increase in the number of places where liquor is sold in the Philippine- . »t h crude and prepared, with a proviso authorizing the Philippine Commission to prohibit the importation of the drug altogether or to make such restrictions as may seem wise. Under the Spanish regime the opium traffic was licensed so far as Chinamen were concerned, but with respect to the Filipinos it was absolutely prohibited, and the Filipino quit using the drug, and any- one furnishing him the drug f- begin work upon arrival: official relations bad to be established with due formality, interv ranged for and various preliminaries attended to. The difficulties of language wei tacle, especially in Japan and China. Though records and other official documents in the former country were at once thrown open to the committee and translations made with expedition', the amount of literature was great that five months elapsed re the completion of the translator's work Again, in other places laws were un- dergoing a change, as. e. g. in the Straits Settlements and Burma, and the committee v ere unable to secure Copies until their return to Manila. But whatever impediments were nut with grew out of the nature of things. In e instance foreign officials and representatives of American Government extended 11 ':. prompt, and efficient aid It is largely due to them that this report has that measure of value which it has attained. The same may be said ,,f all the Filipino offi- cials in the different provinces, whose response to the re.pu-st of the committee for in- formation and statistical aid was uniformly serviceable and court We regret that this was not SO of the Chinese in Manila. Only two. one a professional man and the Other a merchant. | 1 thenis.lv mmittee to give testimony, though the opportunity was given others to represent their views of tin' case. The Chinese 21 3 Chamber of Commerce, which was asked to give aid by expressing its mind, declined to do so except under conditions such as no Government committee could accept. In arranging interviews the utmost impartiality was observed. Of course there were conditions in which the committee had but little choice; in the limited time at their dis- posal they were compelled to secure the testimony at hand. Otherwise such persons were interviewed as seemed to be best equipped by reason of length of residence, of oc- cupation, or of force of character to give accurate and useful information. No evidence has been suppressed; even that which is obviously of little or no scientific value stands in the report as it was given. In one instance it seemed to the committee that the tes- timony given was contributed in such a way as to make any effort to reproduce it for publication a breach of manners. As far as the committee has knowledge this is the first time in which any attempt has been made to collate the opium legislation of a number of countries where the use of the drug is dealt with as a matter of large concern ; though it ought to be added that time and means are lacking to digest and arrange in an orderly manner the information and facts obtained so as to be easily available to an individual. The report of the royal commission to Her British Majesty in 1895 was chiefly a study of the Indian problem in response to the following resolution of the House of Commons: Having regard to the strong objections urged on moral grounds to the system by which the Indian opium revenue is raised, this House presses on the government of India to continue their policy of greatly diminishing the cultivation of the poppy and the production and sale of opium, and desires that an humble address be presented to Her Majesty, praying Her Majesty to appoint a royal commission to report as to: I. Whether the growth of the poppy and the manufacture and sale of opium in British India should be prohibited except for medical purposes, and whether this pro- hibition could be extended to the native States. II. The nature of the existing arrangements with the native States in respect of the transit of opium through British territory, and on what terms, if any, these arrange- ments could be with justice terminated. III. The effect on the finances of India of the prohibition of the sale and export of opium, taking into consideration (a) the compensation payable, (b) the cost of the necessary preventive measures, (c) the loss of revenue. IV. Whether any change short of total prohibition should be made in the system at present followed for regulating and restricting the opium traffic, and for raising a rev- enue therefrom. V. The consumption of opium by the different races and in the different districts in India, and the effect of such consumption on the moral and physical condition of the people. V 1. The disposition of the people of India in regard to (a) the use of opium for nonmedicinal purposes, and their willingness to bear, in whole or in part, the cost of prohibitive measures. Furthermore, the British report did not close, on the contrary, it only opened, in- vestigation regarding a subject in which history, observation, and the progress of scientific methods and knowledge all have a part to play. The Philippine Committee feel that in however small a degree, yet at least in some measure, they have made a contribution to what is one of the gravest, if not the grav- est, moral problem of the Orient. While the instructions of the governor to the com- mittee were to conduct an investigation for a local purpose, the committee could not help being conscious of the wider aspect of the question, and they hope that this work may be the starting point of a new investigation in other countries, especially an in- vestigation along approved scientific lines relative to the effects of opium on man when taken as it is in oriental countries. The committee found that wherever they went, though there had been much desultory observation and most men had an opinion formed by everyday experience or by personal prepossessions, facts established by scientific methods were few and far between. The committee, according to instructions, confined their efforts to securing infor- mation useful in framing regulations "for reducing and restraining the use of opium by the" Filipinos. Indeed it is too well known that opium is a prolific source of revenue to require any demonstration, and any one of several methods could be adopted ex anime to the financial benefit of the government exchequer. Consequently the moral 214 and social problem was left free of any parallel or side issues. It perhaps, generally known that in the only instance where America has mack- official uttei ances relative to the use of opium in the Bast, she has spoken with no uncertain voice. Bj treaty with China in t88o, and again in 1903, no American bottoms are allowed to carry opium in Chinese waters. It may be said that this is partly due to the fact that the American Government is in this u.iv showing respect to an Imperial edict of nearly three-quartei of a century an edict long since dishonored, though not officially revoked, by China herself — but it is also duo tip a recognition that the use of opium is an evil for which no finan- cial gain can compensate and which America will not allow her citizens to eiicom even passively. The official attitude of the Government at Washington, while not determining the conclusions and recommendations of the committee, has had some weight in their deliberations and is a support to them now thai they have reached their ision. The conclusions of the committee are unanimous, though the members started from varying view points, and in the course of the investigation almost the whole gamut of opinion was run. In the end the conclusions may be said to have shaped themselves slowly and natur- ally out of the data in the hands of the committee, so that the recommendations here- with offered are made with conviction. Though cumulative testimony and longer ob- servation would have made this report of more value to the public, the committee are of the opinion that in the main their conclusions would have fieen unaltered. Their re- commendations, if carried out. are. in their judgment, the most likely to "reduce and restrain the use of opium" in the Philippine Islands, the most in accord with the of- ficial attitude of the American ( '.overnment to the opium question in the Orient, and the most humane of any that could be adopted. JAPAN. The opium law of Japan is. in the words of a Government official of Tokyo, "pi bibitive and effective." This is not an ex parte assertion. Among the foreigners resi- dent in Japan, as well as among the Japanese themselves, there is hut the one verdict, thus admirably expressed in Mr. Kumagai's terse phrase. Neither in formal inter- views nor in any of the frequent conversations on the subject which the various mem- of the committee held with people of all classes was a dissenting opinion heard. The opium law of Japan forbids the importation, the possession, and the use of the drug except as a medicine: and it is kept to, the letter in a population of 47.OOO.OOO. of whom S.ooo are Chinese. So rigid are the provisions of the law that it is sometimes, dly in interior ns, almost impossible to secure opium or its alkaloids in cases of medical necessity. Not that the Japanese are ignorant of the medicinal qualities of the drug, for they are abreast with the foremost in their scientific knowledge, and the medical profession of Japan is as worthy of admiration as is that of America or England, hut the Govern- ment is determined to keep the opium hal.it strictly confined to what they deem to be its legitimate use, which use even they seem to think is dangerous enough to require special safeguarding. first the committee was inclined to 1m- somewhat skeptical of the efficiency of the law so far as it touches the Chinese, especially as ti;, tied chiefly in the coast towns where their well-known ingenuity in smuggling and the ease with which the Commodity can be conveyed secretly into the country, afford facilities for evasion. But apparently the vigilance of the police 1- 3tich that even when opium is successfully smuggled in it can not !»■ smoked without detection. The pungent fumes of cooked opium are unmistakable ami betray the user aim itably. In the judgment of the committer ould secure no information to the rary — the Chinese residents in Japan are for the most part non-smokers. Oo lly a culprit is discovered and visited with severe punishment; hut when we sider that the last Chinese conviction was three years nd that during that period we have no record of a Japanese having been brought into the court for against the opium law. it i- safe to conclude that we are in the preset tive station. Even in Formosa, where the Japanese are surrounded by an Opium- smoking population, no tendency has been observed among them to yield to the evil them. There is an instance on record where a couple of Japanese lads in north Formosa experimented with opium just for a lark; and though they were : 1 ; guilty only on this occasion, they were detected, arrested, and punished. Mr. Ande, who was in Hawaii for three and one-half years, considered the Japanese practically proof against the vice. An instance was brought to our attention of a Chinese compradore who, because he was unable to secure opium in Kobe, resigned his lucrative and responsible position and returned to China. Our experience leads us to consider that legislation which minimizes offenses is entirely satisfactory ; it is seldom our good fortune to meet with a law that practically shuts the door completely against transgression. But such is the case with the opium law of Japan. It would be easy to jump to conclusions and to commit the folly of generalizing from a single instance, but in order to estimate the intrinsic value of this chapter of Japanese legislation it is necessary to make a careful study of the national conditions which prevail. d) In the first place the Japanese to a man fear opium as we fear the cobra or the rattlesnake, and they despise its victims. There has been no moment in the nation's history when the people have wavered in their uncompromising attitude toward the drug and its use, so that an instinctive hatred of it possesses them. China's curse has been Japan's warning, and a warning heeded. No surer testimony to the reality of the evil effects of opium can be found than the horror with which China's next-door neighbor views it. In the days of the Tekugawa dynasty, when the gates of Japan were barred to the world, there was small opportunity for good, let alone bad, com- modities to gain entrance into the land. But when the bars were let down and for- eign products flowed in with a rush, the spear point was lowered against opium and its alkaloids. Added to the fear of the effects of opium there is that powerful moral lever which society holds in its hands of ostracizing those who disregard its conception of pro- pi iety. An opium user in Japan would be socially as a leper. A Japanese may get drunk every night in the week on sake without losing caste, but woe betide him if he resort to the seductions of opium. (2) The law, then, is not an injunction superimposed on the people by the will of despotic authorities, nor is it the fruits of a victory of the majority over the minority, as in the case of some of our American States where a prohibition liquor law is found on the statute books; but it is crystalized public opinion. The people not merely obey the law. but they are proud of it. They would not have it altered if they could. It is the law of the Government, but it is the law of the people also. This being the case, one of the main difficulties which would confront any other nation that pursued the same course, especially a nation with as extended a coast line as that of Japan, does not enter into their reckoning to any appreciable degree — that is to say, smuggling and illicit traffic in the commodity. There being no demand for opium beyond what comes from a very limited number of Chinese, there is no inducement to import it secretly ; in short, the game is not worth the candle. Though it can not be determined with certainty, it is a fair inference to conclude that the Chinese in Japan are chiefly men who have not acquired the opium habit. Knowing the impossibility of getting a supply of the drug in Japan, persons under the control of the vice would naturally hesitate before going there to live. The official opinion is that Chinese immigration is unaffected by the prohibitive opium law, except so far as it tends to exclude an undesirable class of immigrants. (3) Prohibition was applied not as a cure, but as a preventive. Neither the desire for opium nor its vicious use has ever existed in Japan. But with a nation notorious for its abandonment to the habit but a few miles away, guided by wise foresight the Japanese took every precaution possible to avoid contamination. The value of prohi- bition rises and falls according to the degree of culpability among those whom the legislation affects. Whatever it may do in a community dominated by the vice, it can not rise to the height of effectiveness which it is capable of in conditions where its function is to act as a prophylactic against possible disease in a sound community. (4) The conspicuous loyalty of the. Japanese makes them in a peculiar way a law- abiding people. They have a reverence for law which insures a high measure of suc- 'cess in its enforcement. As illustrative of this, it is worth mentioning that observing citizens noted that cigarette smoking was spreading with alarming rapidity among boys, and a law was forthwith passed forbidding the practice to lads under 19. To quote again the phrase of Mr. Kumagai. the law thus enacted was "'prohibitive and effective," and that among those who were at the reckless, restless, experimental age of life. 216 I The police force are a superior sel of men. They belong to the ancient samurai or knight rank, and inherit .1 standing and a code "f honor winch put them above the temptations that ordinarily beset the guardians of the law. Their military lineagi .1 source of efficiency— a noblesse oblige. Their intelligence, their training, their pride of profession, and their integrity make them formidable to the would I"- transgressor. The Government has confidence in them, a confidence which appears to be wisely be- • ed. I The Chinese, the only people in Japan who might l>e suspected of leaning to- ward the use of Opium, are a very small portion of the population, SO that they have the deterrent that comes from the overwhelming pressure of public opinion. Not only are they under surveillance of an efficient police, hut. one might say, under that of the whole Japanese nation, who in their strenuous efforts toward self-preservation would ii. »t spare an unfortunate Chinese who was discovered to be an offender. Mr. Kumagai was asked whether, in his judgment, the law would work if the proportion of Chinese to Japanese were that of Chinese to Filipinos in the Philippine Islands. His answer was given with promptness and confidence: "It would make no difference how< many there were." In the circumstances doubtless this would he true, provided that they remained in the minority. The fact that they are chiefly in three cities— Yoko- hama. Kobe, and Nagasaki— makes it easier for the authorities to observe special vigi- lance regarding their habits. 17) The opium question in Japan is viewed solely as a moral problem, and legisla- tion is enacted without the distraction of commercial motives and interests. The single-mindedness of this view point carries with it the force of concentration, a force that is lacking in countries where opium is reckoned with as a source of revenue. It is worthy of more than passing attention that Japan, which is a non-Christian country, is the only country visited by the committee where the opium question is dealt with in it* purely moral and social aspect. The conditions are unique and favor this attitude, it is true: hut the forceful and wise way in which the matter is handled indicates unex- ploited possibilities even in fields less suited to drastic legislative measures. Trior to the enactment in 1S97 of the laws and regulations pertaining to opium the penal code, together with an ordinance governing the s a ] c - and manufacture of Opium foi medical purposes held the ground. The present law is not only a more specific application of the principles which have always prevailed, it is drawn with exactitude and thoroughness. Punishment for negligence is not overlooked in the provision of heavy penalties for flagrant offenses. Unlike our own law. an unconsummated offense is liable to penalty. Also, a person may he punished not merely for smuggling opium, but for smoking <>r eating it. Certain persons are authorized hy the head official of each district to manufacture and prepare opium for medicinal purposes. All that is thus manufactured and pre- pared is submitted to a legal test that determines its quality. That which is up to the required standard is sold to the Government, and that which falls short is destroyed. The accepted opium is sealed in proper receptacles and sold to a selected number of wholesale dealers (apothecaries), who in turn provide physicians and retail dealers with the drug for medicinal uses only. It can reach the patient for whose relief it is desired only through the prescription of the attending physician. The records of those who thus use opium in any of its various forms must In- preserved for ten y< This the "prohibitive and effective" law of Japan. FOI ' The island of Taiwan (Formosa) « '1 hy China to Japan on June 3, 1895, in to the inflexible demand of the conquering nation. I'm it was not until the summer of |S~i the island has never before known, even temporarily. Not hast in the Japanese campaign ^i progress has been tie attemot to grapple with the opium problem sob. fir a- it touches Formosan life. In or.' ppreciate the magnitud the task undertaken, it will be necessary to state certain fa. . rding the I -•7 mosans and their conditions, as well as to say something of the form of government which now obtains. The bulk of the population is Chinese, consisting chiefly of the Hakles, who origin- ally came from the province of Fukien, and who number more than 2,000,000, and the Hakkas, who came from the province of Kwantung, and who number about half a mil- lion. Both the Hakles and the Hakkas inhabit the coast chiefly, though the latter are more courageous than the former, laboring fearlessly in the camphor camps and carry- ing on trade with the intractable savages who live in the interior. In addition to the above-mentioned, there are 40,000 Japanese residents of Formosa ; the head-hunting aborigines, who number about 113,569, infest the mountain districts inland, and the Pepeheans, who represent a group of savages living in the lowlands and who have be- come more or less domesticated and speak the Chinese language. The Hakles and the Hakkas alone are consumers of opium. Prior to the Japanese occupation, the Formosans (this term applies to the islanders living in Formosa when it became Japanese territory in 1895) were not restricted in their importation and use of the drug. It was a commercial matter only. "The nearness of Formosa to the main- land of China, the constant moving to and fro of the Chinese, and the fact that the mass of the population had their home affiliations in Fukien, where the opium vice is rampant, tended to create a population addicted to the habit in the "beautiful island." When the Japanese appeared on the scene it was estimated that 7 per cent of the entire population were smokers of opium. The present government of Formosa has at its head a governor-general, who must be of high military or naval rank, over whom the home Diet has no authority, as he is directly responsible to the Emperor. He is aided by a council consisting of the chief of the civil administration, the chief of the financial department, the chief of the mili- tary staff, and the chief of the naval staff. The governor-general is given a free hand in his administration and in the appointment of subordinates. The Japanese consti- tution is supposed to have followed the flag, at any rate as far as it can be applied to the peculiar conditions which there exist. Upon the inauguration of the new Formosan government little time was lost in grappling with the opium question. There is every evidence to indicate that from the first it was viewed from the same standpoint as in Japan. A prohibitive law_ was never enacted, but the wisdom of extending the Japanese law to Formosa was serious- ly considered. When action was eventually taken in 1897, the law that was put into effect took the shape of a regulative system, looking toward the gradual suppression of the use of opium. It might be termed progressive prohibition, and stands unique among all the laws that came under the observation of the committee. The system is one of Government monopoly. The drug is handled and the traffic and sale controlled solely by the Government. A large plant in '1 aiheku prepares all the opium consumed in the island, it being imported in the raw state. The cultivation of the poppy in Formosa is forbidden, though the Government has made some experi- ments in growing it. The opium paste for smoking is in three grades, and goes into the hands of the wholesale dealers in sealed cans through a Government agent. The possession of the instruments used in opium smoking is forbidden any but physicians, apothecaries, druggists, pharmacists, persons licensed to open shops for the consump- tion of opium, and licensed smokers. It is necessary to get a license from the district authority in order to open a shop. Excepting in cases where a physician prescribes opium in some form as a medicine, no one is allowed to purchase or use opium, unless he is licensed to do so as a chronic morphemanian on the certificate of a physician designated by the district authority, for which he pays a small fee, and which is good for the Calendar year only and must be renewed annually. Graduated penalties are visited upon transgressors of the law. After November, 1900, the notice having been given as early as 1898, no licenses were issued to new applicants, although those who had licenses prior to this date had the privilege of renewal each year as long as they desired. No Japanese under any con- dition, except upon medical order in sickness, is allowed the use of opium; and as far as we could ascertain the savages had not learnt the habit. Tt was partly considerateness and partly policy that determined the course of the Formosan government relating to opium. The suffering caused by immediate prohibi- tion would have been great, and, moreover, such action would have been unintelligible to Chinese consumers, among whom the use of opium has become a traditional cus- tom. In view of the sensitive condition of the islanders, who loved their conquerors 218 as little as any otiu-r subjugated people, especially as in their case the conquerors ■ hereditary enemies, and who had only just been chastised into submission, the Govern- ment felt that a prohibitive measure would be construed as oppressive and would tend xcite disturbance. Added to this, the smuggling problem made drastic measures seem impracticable. (2) The Japanese Government did not abandon the prohibitive principle in adopt- ing the Formosan system in their newly acquired possessions. They attempted to m it progressive instead of categorical in its application. Their purpose was and is the complete extirpation of the vice at the earliest moment possible — in, perhaps, thirty years — with a minimum of suffering and friction. At fir-t sight 6 or 7 per cent does not seem to he a very large proportion to be victims of the habit, or to make it neces- sary to conciliate. Rut when we take into consideration the fact that smokers are almost altogether confined to male adults and that women and children have to be left out of tile consideration, as well as the savage tribes, the situation is revealed in its true proportions. Some doubt has been cast on the motives of the Government in the establishment of the opium monopoly. \ man of judicial mind and eminent in public affairs in Japan hinted at this fear. though he had no evidence to adduce on the subject, and said he was loath to impute sordid motives. The committee, however, discovered no grounds for believing that financial interests play any part but a subsidiary and momentary one in the opium laws and regulati »ns of Formosa, (a) The Japanese hold that the nonmedicinal use of opium is always and everywhere a vice, (b) The original desire of the Government to enforce a prohibitive law. (c) Their ultimate purpose now is to achieve this end. and all the methods adopted have it in view. The revenue from opium, which is now considerable (3.000.000 yen in 1902), is bound to decrease under the provisions of the system until it fails to meet the running expenses of the monopoly. (3) Side by side with the equipment wherewith to satisfy the craving of opium smokers is a department which uses every means practicable to cure victim-. By re- ig to give new licenses to the rising generation the increase of habitues is checked - source and the company of smokers confined to those who were addicted to the use of the drug prior to 1900. Death, removal, and reform will gradually do away with these. But the Japanese are not hopeless of working a moral cure among a class of men who are, perhaps, more nearly hopeless than the victims of any other habits. Tlie law does not leave the morphomaniac to his fate, but puts in his way encourage- ments to break ofi the habit. Any victim can receive treatment in om- of the ten Gov- ernment hospital- of Formosa; medical care is provided for those outside of the pitals, and pamphlets indicating home treatment are placed in their hand-. 14* In the public schools instruction is given the children on the evils of opium and its effects on the human body. Specimens of literature used for this purpose are appended to this report. The example set by the Japanese in their hatred of the vice is ■ we r ful educative factor. They follow out their own teaching, and as Japanese and tnosan children by side in the same school-, it is easy to see how the virtue of the former would impress it-elf upon the latti jtimony received in Singapore indicated that the use of opium among "Babas," or Straits-born Chinese, who are edu- cated under British influence and imbibe British idea-, i- there reduced to a minimum. In tlie case of the Fori- similar results may be looked for It is always difficult to measure accurately th< vess achieved by a tly effective law illy if the law is still young and at an experimental -tage in it- history. That the Formosan system i- not an unqualified is obvious. But the testimony seems to prove that it i< more effective in sing the •' opium than any other system which the committee has of among a people where morphomania is a common vice. ( (i » Smupplinp still continues. Propinquity t > China and the joy that c the Chinese heart when opportunity is offered to make the narrow margin of profit aggravate the illegal practice. With commendable shrewdness the Formosan tern puts the Government opium at a minimum price, SO that there will be a- little in- centive as may be to the smmrtrler. SomrtinK nun Id be -old for, on aa levied in China: although at othi it may be slightly in advance of the mar! 5l would seem to ;t to a in smuggling. More than this can n id. (b) Decrease in registered smokers, decrease in imports, decrease in revenue, all indicate progress. While not leaning too havily on statistics, it is well to bear two things in mind: (i) The Japanese are remarkable for the minute information they acquire and for the pains at which they are to give accurate statistical tables. (2) The bulk of testimony gathered from independent sources bore witness to satisfactory pro- gress. One of the leading Christian ministers in Formosa declined to give an opinion on the results of the system, on the ground that if he were in search of information on the subject he would apply himself to the Government records, which he considered to be accurate. The criticisms against laxity in the enforcement of the law exceed those against the law itself Almost all who were interrogated agreed in commending the system as hu- mane and apt. CHINA. Tt may be well to recall a few general facts bearing on Chinese character and life before passing to the consideration and the weighing of the testimony secured by the committee in Shanghai, Hongkong, and other places in China. (1) The Chinese on the whole are a moral, law-abiding, industrious, and frugal people. How comes it, then, that they are addicted, more, perhaps, than any other race, to opium and gambling, whose effects lead certainly to wastefulness and laziness, and generally to law breaking and immorality? If this question may be answered — in other words, if the cause producing these deleterious effects may be found — we shall have solved one problem connected with the use of opium in China. (2) Why is it that, in spite of the well-worded edicts, letters, petitions, and liter- ature condemnatory of opium we find no governmental action taken to prohibit or limit its use? It may be safely held that the Chinese government officials understand the members of their race and the denizens of their country better than foreigners do or can. and it is not condeivable that all or even a majority of the ruling class in China willfully and deliberately encourage a custom which they all agree is condemning. And yet we find the opium vice, fulminated against by priest and illuminatus, condemned and villified by merchant and laborer, steadily increasing and spreading more and more widely. Perhaps the answering of these two questions is too difficult, too complicated with incomprehensibles and imponderables for any non-Chineses mind to deal with ; and yet a comprehension of these conditions would certainly be most useful in deriding on what course to pursue in regard to opium in the Philippines, and is doubtless neces- sary in arranging and digesting the testimony of Chinese bearing on opium. There seems to be in China neither a public opinion which controls nor a national life which welds and consolidates a people. There is no Chinese individual of impor- tance only as an aliquot part of that unit. Hence arise many virtues, filial piety es- pecially, and respect for the past of the family, for ancestors as representing all that is noblest and best. Hence also arise iron-bound conservatism, opposition to change of all kind, and particularly a kind of family selfishness, so to speak, a desire to benefit and aggrandize the family regardless of the injury done to others or other families. This selfishness, which embraces not only the self — the ego, but the family — the alter- ego, acts as a positive force in urging men to sell opium to others of a different family or clan, for it is no matter how many persons are debauched, provided only those of the debaucher's family are not harmed, but benefited. When any person, or his own conscience, accuses a Chinese of wrongdoing in traf- ficking in opium, he has not only the stock answers that our liquor dealer has, but he adds to them this one, that his duty is first and only to his family; that not only is he not his brother's keeper, but it is also his highest and paramount duty to benefit his family, even though it be by destroying morally and physically others not connected with his family. To him the injury of the many for the benefit of the few may be a righteous duty, provided the few are his family and the many not. This peculiar al- truistic selfishness is not confined to the Chinese, but as a general effective cause it pervades their life, their thought, and their action. In it are found the roots of their frugality, patience, laboriousness, and well-recognized commercial honesty ; and it may not be denied that this characteristic is often, if not generally, a great power for good. It is well known that there are many able, conscientious. Chinese rulers, and many Chinese whom broad charity and uprightness make worthy of profound respect and admiration. 220 It may be said that all peoples crave a stimulant the American Indian hia tiswain, tlu Caucasian his alcohol, the Arab his coffee, and the Chinese his opium. But is there no other craving common to mankind? Are there not cravings for amusements, cravings for food? And what people on earth are so poorly provided with 1 1 as the indigent Chinese, or so destitute of amusement as all Chinese, both rich and p There arc no outdoor games in China, <>r, indeed, any games except in a gambling Absolute dullness and dreariness seem to prevail everywhere. A- these two (lemons drive the Caucasian to drink, so they drive the Chinese t<> opium. As an in- dividual may by habitual toil and attention to business become incapable of amusement, so a race of almost incredible antiquity, which has toiled for milleniums, may likew reach a pomt in its development where the faculty of being amused may have atropl and disappeared, so that all that remains of that desire is to spend leisure in placidity. And nothing contributes to tins so much as opium. In Formosa the merry Japanese hoys are teaching the phuid Chinese lads to play tennis, football, polo, vaulting, etc., with a view — the Japanese teachers say- -of im- proving them physically and also of developing in them a love of s]>,>rts which will prevent them from wishing to spend their leisure indoors smoking opium. And the poor who have no leisure? They often have no food or so little that any drug which removes first the pangs of hunger and later the healthy cravings of appetite seeim a to them. Add to this the feeling of peace and well-being that often accompanies the smoking of opium, and it is not difficult to see why the indigent Chinese use it We administer morphine to relieve pain. The life of the indigent Chinese cooly is pain, caused by privation. The opium sot is an object of pity rather than of contempt. If the Chit :em more easily to contract habits than other nations, and more the slaves of them, is not that due to the dullness of the lives of the well-to-do and to the painful squalor of the indigent? Chinese are said to be victims of the opium habit, of the morphia, the co- caine, and even the cigarette habit; and in Shanghai the question has been gravely raised as to whether a certain brand of cheap and exceedingly poor American cigar- ettes contain opium, as the coolies spend their last penny to secure a few of them, just as others do to procure opium. As opium is far more expensive, weight for weight, than tobacco, there would hardly seem to be any possibility of such sophistication as above indicated in these very cheap cigarettes, nevertheless the habit is acquired, for the cigarette employs the leisure, relieves the pangs of hunger, and destroys the appe- tite. This habit is hardly more senseless than the eating "• common candies or the devouring of cheap pickles to take away an insistent and expensive appetite. Are the Chinese in earnest in denouncing the use of opium? Are their statements regarding its injurious effects and debasing tendencies to be accepted at their I value? On the whole, perhaps the benefit of the doubt should be given them, and unquestionably all are in earnest when members of their own clan or family are con- cerned. Yet we should remember that like the rest of mankind the Chinese are likely ly one thing and do another, to "save their face" by tine speeches. Their mental and ethical training teaches them not only to appreciate high moral standards, but also how to express those standards in the most beautiful and elegant words. The attitude of the government in China may be under I | from the following de- scription of the examination of the government godowns for opium and of the meth- ods used by the government in handling opium at Shanghai: Most of the opium imported comes from India- -Benares, Malwa, and Fatna consti- tuting the larger part of that imported. A small quantity of Persian opium is also imported, but practically none from any other country. When a shipment of opium arrives m the harbor the consignee places it in certain hulks or floating warehouses under bond. From there it is taken to the government ■wn. where it is weighed and labeled, and permits for its transfer issued on the payment of a duty of IIO Haikwan taels per too caddies. This sum includes both duty and liken tax; and after its payment the opium may be transferred at will. Tin; native opium pays a departure duty of 40 Haikwan taels per 100 caddies at its destination. Leaving China from the port of Lungchow, native opium pays an export dutj of 20 Haikwan taels, and should it be returned to China it pays an import duty of no Haik- wan taels It will be seen, then-fore, that the Chinese government, at Shanghai at any rate, does nothing more than place a somewhat heavy duty and tax on opium So far as the committee was able to determine, 110 special measure to discourage or limit the use of opium exists at Shanghai. 22 I In connection with the attitude of the government of China towards opium, we should consider the attitude of the American government toward the trade in that drug in China and in Chinese waters. The following is an excerpt from A Century of American Diplomacy, by John W. Foster : "From the beginning of our political intercourse with that country (China) we have discouraged all efforts on the part of Americans to engage in the opium trade, so injurious to its people and forbidden by its laws. As early as 1843 participation in that trade by an American consul was made a cause for his dismissal. Our ministers were instructed to inform the Chinese government that citizens of the United States would not be sustained by their government in any attempts to violate the laws of China respecting the trade ; and by the treaty of 1880 our citizens are prohibited to buy or sell opium in China, or to import it into that country. "It is gratifying to record that the United States government from the beginning has sought to discountenance the traffic. In the first treaty with China, that of 1844, it was provided that 'citizens of the United States * * * who shall trade in opium or any other contraband article of commerce shall be subject to be dealt with by the Chinese government without being entitled to any countenance or protection from that of the United States.' "When Mr. Reed was sent out to negotiate the treaty of 1858, he was instructed to say to the Chinese government that its 'effort to prevent the importation and consump- tion of opium was a praiseworthy measure,' and that 'the United States would not seek for its citizens the legal establishment of the opium trade, nor would it uphold them in any attempts to violate the laws of China by the introduction of that article into the country.' " The same points are again insisted on in the treaty of 1903 between the United States and China, and restrictions against morphia are also added. There are unquestionably diverse views in China in regard to the methods of legis- lation to be recommended for opium, but the common concensus of opinion, as the com- mittee obtained it, was condemnatory of its use in any quantity whatsoever, for it was asserted by all persons who were questioned that a man who uses habitually even a small quantity of opium becomes as thoroughly dependent on the drug as if he used it to excess, and that he is as miserable, useless, and hopeless when deprived of his usual dose of opium as he would be in such cases were he a user of considerable quantities of the drug. It is true, however, that the habit is more easily overcome when small quantities are used, as the period of suffering is shorter. While it may not be neces- sary to demonstrate the injurious effects which opium may exert on the prosperity of a community, the following extract from the North China Daily News of April 25, 1900, may be worth considering: "Messrs. Rochet and Hippisley have both, in the Shanghai Trade Reports, given itas their opinion that the s^le of morphia ought to be especially restricted. During nine years the use of this preparation from opium by the Chinese has spread with remark- able rapidity. For the first time morphia appeared in the Trade Reports as a separate item among foreign sundries in the year 1891. Before this it was only covered up under the general title of medicines in the Annual Returns of Trade, which are published by the imperial customs. The annual import amounts now to about 150,000 ounces, while in 1891 the value stated by the Amoy Trade Report is 1,079 taels. This represents from 400 to 750 ounces. Two years later the Amoy import reached 2,632 ounces. In 1898 the amount stated is 11,810 ounces. "The commissioner remarks that the morphia habit is making continual and rapid progress. An increasing number of shops, both at Amoy and in the interior, advertise morphia pills as a cure for the opium habit ; generally it is taken in the form of pills, but subcutaneous injection is rapidly coming into favor. He adds that the use of morphia is more injurious than the opium habit, as it is the most harmful of the nar- cotic alkaloids contained in opium and cheaper, and, being more convenient for use, a greater number of persons are able to indulge in the habit ; the retail price of an ounce bottle is $3 to $3.20. The rapid increase in the use of morphia at Amoy is accompanied by a diminution of the opium habit. In 1897 Amoy purchased 4*3°6 piculs of foreign opium, and in 1898 the quantity was 3,790 piculs, which was less by 13 per cent. At the same time poppy crops go on increasing in area every year. "The total production of native opium was, in 1897, valued at $2,400,000 for the dis- trict in which Amoy is situated ; native opium bought at Amoy amounted to 1,000 piculs 222 in 1898. This was brought from Yunan and Szechuan. It' we compare these figures with those of 1882, wh< ntire import of opium at Amoy was 8,000 piculs, thei a probability that the disastrous opium habit is still increasing in a part of China where it has existed for about oik- hundred and seventy years. This is, unhappily, a picture of all China. The people will, against all remonstrances, injure themselves by this habit. They expend the capital made by their labors in the purchase "t' a distinctly injurious article. This prevents the use of the same capital in productive indust This very pernicious etlect of the opium habit is very clearly seen in the trade in rts at Amoy. "In 1898 the Amoy exports of tobacco, tea, paper, sugar, boots, shoes, Chinaware, brie' shu, umbrellas, fishing net-, garlic, and vermicelli amounted to 2,550,000 In [882 they amounted to 4.805.000 taels. The opium habit, through the misem- l capital, has caused the exports to decline one-half in sixteen years. From an economical point of view it i that the opium habit is far and away the greatest hindrance existing to the industrial productiveness of Chinese labor; the falling off oc- curs in sugar, tea. and paper. The sugar export fell from the value of 937,000 taels to 716,000 taels. The export of paper fell during the same sixteen years from the value 316,000 taels to the value 286,000 taels. The tea export ha- fallen from a value of 2,- 000.000 taels to 147,000 taels. Opium i- the bane of Amoy, and it cost the people 2,- 300.000 taels in 1882 and 2.370.000 taels in 1898. "At Swatow, the next-door neighbor of Amoy. the sugar export has risen during the same interval of sixteen years from a value of 5,000,000 taels to 6,000,000 taels. The entire expoi .vatow amounted to 7.000.000 taels in 1882 and to 13.000.000 taels in 1898. Morphia is not mentioned in the imports, and it is probably still unknown there. The foreign opium imported had dropped from 10.000 piculs in 1879 to 4.500 piculs in 1898. Native opium paid duty on 489 piculs in 1898. It may be concluded, therefore, that because there is less devotion to the opium habit in is a greater de- velopment of the industries which produce wealth. As additional evidence on this I it may be mentioned that in the trade reports for 1S95 Mr. Simpson stated that the small area devoted to the cultivation of the poppy ne - not increase. "The demand for opium must be less than it was to account for this fact. The ex- ts become, in this view, of special interest. The nio-t valuable are: Sugar, (1.000.000 taels; tobacco, 914.000 taels; paper. 900.000 taels; native cotton cloth. ojX.000 taels; - cloth. 580.000 taels; indigo. 196,000 taels. The superiority of Swatow to Amoy in industries is very remarkable. The industries are much the same, but the quantil exp' five or six times greater a' w than at Amoy. Industry at Amoy is paralyzed by the opium habit. At Swatow there is less opium and no morphia, and a diminution in opium smoking leads to a great increase in the products of native in- dustry. "Morphia follows closely in the footsteps of opium. Wherever the paralyzing effect of the opium habit is felt morphia receives an invitation to enter. In 1892 it appeared only in two trade reports — those of Amoy and Shanghai. In [895 it occurs in that of Canton for the first time, and also in that of Fuchau. In [896 morphia went up the Yangtse River to Kiukiang. In 1897 it reached Chiukiang, and in [898 Hatikau. It in that year in seven trade report- only. We may predict that it will follow c-. where the opium scourge. Recourse is had to morphia when the tyranny of the opium habr verely felt. Morphia in the form of pills i- a ch< r >pium inc. and this accounts for its rapid extension. The subcutaneous injection will not be preferred by many to pills. The disfigurement of the skin by ugly -cars is too inconvenient to become a widespread custom. I low is it in Kiangsi? If Kiukiang ex- pended 856,000 taels in Inlying opium in [882 and 1.500.000 ta he injurious article in 1898, the people have now less capital to extend their Industrie! rdingly find that the value of the tea export has fallen from 6.700,000 taels in ; 1. 496.000 taels in 1898. There ha- hern a large ina paper, porcelain, gl cloth and vegetable tallow. Notwithstanding this fact, the f morphia forewarning of evil to come in the province of Kiang The opinion prevails among some Europeans that the moderate me persons who are robust and well fed does little or no injury; and the insurance com- panies do not seem to regard the moderate use of the drug — say, not more than 2 mace. or two-tenths ounce apothecar :ght, per diem — as harmful. Special blanks are prepared for applicants for insurance wh< mm. and if an;. evil effects are evident the applicant is either reje> • remium is charged. Here, as clse- where, no statistics exist, and none will ever exist so long as Chinese life proceeds along its present lines. Perhaps the Chinese Government may itself collect statistics from its army and navy in regard to the effects of opium, be they good or bad, on its subjects. In the dearth of trustworthy statistics the opinions, views, and experiences of persons living among the Chinese and familiar with their lives and habits, and par- ticularly of the Chinese themselves, must be considered. It should be stated that con- clusions based on such testimony may be logical and satisfactory, but statistics are necessary to make them mathematically accurate and exhaustive. It is generally conceded (i) that the user of opium commonly increases his dose; (2) that he is worthless and unfit for work when deprived of his customary dose, whether it be large or small ; (3) that the effects of the drug are practically the same in kind on Chinese and Europeans, and (4) that the excessive use of opium is in all ways deleterious, leading to unthrift, theft, and occasionally to arson and other crimes, but generally to crimes against self or those dependent on the criminal rather than against the public. Nevertheless the sales of wives and children are frequently made in order to secure opium. On the whole, this vice seems to be more insidious and more difficult to overcome than the alcohol vice, even though not so productive of crimes of violence. No evidence was gathered proving that the Chinese Government is making or ever has made in modern times any earnest effort to diminish the use of opium. Certain of the high officials who wrote the most eloquent letters condemnatory of the opium traffic and appealing to foreign nations to prevent its introduction into China, are believed to have steadily increased the areas under opium cultivation in their own domains. It is alleged that the purpose was to grow opium to such an extent as to supply the demand, undersell the foreigner, drive him out of business, and afterwards by edict prohibit the use of opium. Very little testimony bearing on this point was secured, and the matter, to say the least, rests on very slender foundations. In the meantime, opium culture occupies more and more land. The use of the drug is spreading. The old edicts against its use have fallen into desuetude, and the home and the foreign supply together are not now equal to the demand. Information was secured indicating that in certain provinces opium is used as a medium of exchange, being more valuable, weight for weight, than silver, and far more so than ordinary copper or brass subsidiary coin — the cash. The weight of testimony seems to be to the effect that Chinese firms prefer not to employ opium users in positions of trust. There is, however, testimony to the con- trary. The demoralization of the Chinese army and navy is attributed by more than one witness to the use of opium by the officers. One witness asserted that the police courts of Shanghai showed that the use of opium and crime are intimately associated in that city. He also stated that it is cus- tomary to advise the destruction of opium-smoking apparatus when its owner dies, in order to prevent his children or members of his family from smoking. The physiolog- ical effects of the drug were described as being mainly on the nervous system, though loss of appetite, constipation, etc., were also mentioned. Physicians in China, as well as elsewhere, do not observe any marked diminution in the power of resistance to dis- ease or to surgical operations in those who use opium moderately ; on the other hand, the sudden stopping of opium, when a patient who is an habitue of it comes into the hospital, may induce a condition resembling delirium tremens. It is found that there is a demand for opium cures throughout China. As opium and morphia are generally ingredients of these cures little is to be hoped from them. A well-known business man of high position in Shanghai talked very freely with members of the committee, but in such circumstances that it might be a breach of con- fidence to go into detail, and stated that he believed that opium in moderation does no harm to Chinese, but that on the whole its influence, when not used to excess, seems to benefit the user. Doctor Macleod did not believe that the fact that a man uses opium moderately mili- tates against his obtaining work. He also stated that the Chinese may use opium in moderation for a lifetime without any bad results. From an interview with certain Chinese merchants and taotais the views of the natives of the better class may be had. There is discontent with the present system, and there is also a tendency to hold the Imperial Government accountable for the present unsatisfactory conditions. The gentlemen favored a Government monopoly as being the only way in which the use of opium may be controlled. They also recom- 224 mended a gradual reduction of the dose as the best method of diminishing and finally of eradicating the habit. Mention was made of the edict of the Emperor Tao Kwang (1836-1840) imposing a heavy penalty on the use of opium. This edict lias not been repealed, but is not obeyed. The views of these gentlemen shown in their testimony and in their written statement are worthy of the closest and most respectful considera- tion. They state clearly that no man can smoke opium for a long time without harm to himself. On the whole, they do not seem sanguine, and assert that the producing of opium is more profitable than the producing of cereals, and that while this is true farmers and others will continue to produce opium in spite of laws to the contrary, even if effort were made to enforce such laws. It is to be regretted that a system of rewards and social distinctions, as suggested by them, can not be devised to reward nonconsumers ; for if it were practicable to reward the law-abiding as well as to pun- ish the lawbreakers, our system of jurisprudence would be more efficacious. One witness, entitled to great respect, stated that a large number of Chinese use opium as moderately as we use tea or coffee. He stated also that as a rule inquiries are not made as to whether a man is or is not a moderate user of opium when he seeks employment. The difficulty and even danger of leaving off the opium habit suddenly, when one has become an habitue, is generally acknowdedged, as is also the tendency to increase the quantity used. The custom of smoking opium on market days alone in certain districts of the inter- ibr was also brought to the notice of the committee. The statement was made that in the western provinces of China from 80 to 90 per cent of the people use opium. The fact that the withdrawal and export of silver is the main reason why the Chinese of- ficials now object to the import of opium was also mentioned. Reasons were given why the provincial authorities could do nothing, unless by the central Government. One provincial official who endeavored to forbid the use of opium in his province was removed by the Imperial Government. The possibility of carrying out prohibitive measures in China does not seem likely. There appears to be little reason to believe that the Chinese would resort to alaohol her stimulant in case they should abandon opium. The point has no more than an academic interest, however, as the abandonment of opium by the Chinese is hardly to be expected so shortly. It is to be observed that there are certain towns and communities in China where opium is not used, and the inhabitants seem rather proud of the fact. Doctor Pearon, the first secretary of the Anti-Opium League. Soochow, believes 'ute prohibition would entail extreme suffering among the victims of the opium habit. She recommended gradual abandonment of the practice. Another witness, Rev. J. X. Hayes, present secretary of the Anti-Opium League at Soochow. favor> prohibition and has no faith in a gradual stopping of the habit. D .- of Honolulu, stated that an act for its prohibition (except for medical purposes) was passed in Honolulu, but that it was not then and never had - it simply encouraged smuggling and was made a source of blackmail. This was *aid to have been true also in Java. One witness strongly condemnatory of the opium habit concludes his testimony with the statement that "prevention is the only cur [For Hongkong, Straits Sett' and Java, see full rep tiik PHILIPPINES. In trying to present the recommendati t suitable to combatting the use of opium, as based upon the practice observed in the colonies visited by the committee, the question naturally arises whether absolute prohibition is practicable in the Philip- pine Island answer thi tion it will l>e sufficient to give a general analysis of the conditions affecting t!. m in the Philippit In a general way we may say that t : ditions are somewhat similar to those of Java. In the Philippine Islands the practice -ic one. im- ported by the Chinese since time immemorial. The number of Chinese inhabitants in the Philippine Islands is about 70.000. distributed in varying numbers throughout all the provinces of the archipelago, the g 'art beincc found in the larpe ' -uch a- Manila, where there are about 40.000. From 1S43 to 1898 the farming system was in vogue in the Philippines, its purpose being to raise revenue and to check the opium vice among the Filipinos, prohibition being considered an impossible Utopia. Although this system prohibited the sale of opium to Filipinos and forbade their entering public smoking shops, they were con- taminated by the vice in all the provinces, though only to a small degree. From the statistics which we have secured and which accompany this report it is clearly seen that the provinces in which the vice is the most widely spread are Negros Oriental, Negros Occidental, Capiz, Surigao, Cagayan, and Isabela, there being many pueblos in which the vice is unknown among the natives, owing to the lack of social contact with the Chinese. The swallowing of pills is exceptional among those who abandon them- selves to the vice and hypodermic injections are unknown. The average number of smokers in the pueblos varies between and . Filipino women rarely use opium and the drug is never administered to children. As an exception to this rule may be mentioned the pueblo of Tayasan, in Negros Oriental, where the vice has taken hold of entire families. We may place the number of Filipinos addicted to this vice at approximately . From this analysis of the conditions affecting the use of opium in the Philippines it is easy to see that absolute and immediate prohibition would not prohibit, an opinion confirmed by its failure to do so in certain districts of Java, where it is in effect. The medical criterion, the supreme tribunal to which we must appeal in this prob- lem, explains to us why the prohibitive system is a failure in the places where the vice exists. A superficial analysis of the physiological processes entering into the opium habit shows us that in all inveterate habitues three phenomena are present: (i) The irrepressible craving for opium ; (2) the gradual increase of the dosage, and (3) in- toxication. These three phenomena constitute the physiologic picture of the opium habitue — they pursue him as the shadow does his body. The external evidence of in- toxication appears after a longer or shorter period, varying according to the suscepti- bility of the individual. ( 1 ) The irrepressible craving for opium. — This phenomena forms one of the most noticeable characteristics of the opium habitue. At regular hours of the day he is seized in a manner well-nigh fatal by an indefinable sensation as imperious as the sense of hunger. This craving, which constitutes a passion, is a veritable mania (the morphiumsucht of the Germans). A phenomenon often observed is the necessity of causing infants newly born of opium-smoking mothers to inhale the smoke of opium in order to revive them. This craving, therefore, is not a fitful phenomenon subject to the caprice of the will, but is one of vital permanency. What we have just said is not a mere theory. Medico-legal statutes admit as an in- disputable fact the irresponsibility of the habitue during periods of abstinence. In the Philippines this vital demand forced upon the smoker is known as "guian," a word which has but one meaning wherever used, whether in Vidayas or in Luzon, and which describes that irresistible craving which seizes the opium smoker at regular hours, forcing him to yield to the vice, and when unable to do so, seeming to place his life in suspense. It may therefore be said to be a fact generally admitted that the opium habitue, when seized by this maniacal craving, is irresponsible, a fact confirmed by the many instances in which such habitues have committed criminal acts as a result of being deprived of the drug. (2) The gradual increase of the dosage. — The story is told that in ancient times King Mithridates, fearful of being poisoned, was so cautious that he used regularly to take certain poisons in small doses, in order to inure himself to them, so that when maliciously administered to him by an enemy their effects might not prove mortal. This is how the practice has originated of giving the name "a law of habit" or "mith- ridatism" to the properties which certain poisonous drugs, such as morphine and arsenic, have of inducing an attenuation of their effects when regularly administered to persons. In order to obtain the desired effects the smoker finds himself obliged period- ically to increase his dose of opium, the amount of increase depending upon the eco- nomic resources which the habitue has for continuing the practice, and also to a greater or less degree upon his will power. This explains the statement that the consumption of opium increases or decreases according to the fall or rise of commercial prosperity, and that the Malays, who as a rule possess less self-control than the Chinese, are more harmed by the effects of opium than the latter. (3) Intoxication. — Daily observation shows that the phenomenon of intoxication is not apparent at the beginning; on the contrary, for some time the smoker enjoys excel- lent health, the ailments which led him to contract the vice disappear, and even his mental and reproductive functions seem improved. But after a longer or shorter 2 26 period, varying according to the susceptibility of the individual, the phenomena poisoning arc not slow to appear; the brief period of good health is followed by that of intoxication with all its digestive disorders and emaciation; the moral and mental audition becomes clouded, the sexual desires arc dulled, and the end is reached in a physical, mental, and moral degeneration. As corollary to what we have said on the physiology of the inveterate habitue, the following may be added as general principle-.: i i ) The impossibility of obtaining a spontaneous cure of the inveterate habitue. hi- en-lavement to the vice being the rule. (2) The fatal tendency of passing from the use to the al I opium. Recalling the Is of an eminent physiologist regarding the alcohol vice, it must he said that men must become angel S before the opium habit will lose its danger. Manifest a- 1- the impossibility of adopting absolute and immediate prohibition in the Philippine Islands, we may now proceed to discus the policy which shall be the most suitable and the most practicable in protecting the inhabitants of the Philippines from the inroads of this social evil. The first thing that we should bear in mind in discussing this question is that at the present time the use of opium fortunately does not constitute as grave a social calamity in the Philippines as it does in the neighboring territories As we have already ob- served, the proportion of Filipino smokers to the entire population of the islands is insignificant, save in three or four pueblos. The danger, therefore, lies in the tend- ency of the vice to grow and spread until the number of victim-, now inconsiderable, may at some future time reach a point where it shall constitute an alarming evil. As long as the present Chinese exclusion act continues in force there can be no influx of opium smoker- from without, and with a steady effort of the Government to prevent an increase in the number of proselytes to the vice within, the habit will be confined to those who are already it- In connection with what has been suggested, we would recommend as a general policv. the measures tried with so large a degree of success in Formosa and Java, so modifying them as to make their provisions ;» efficacious and as nearly conformable to the peculiar conditions of these islands as possible. We would recommend the adoption of a -ystem of exclusive Government monopoly. limiting the right of importation, wholesale and retail, of opium to the Government. The exei this governmental function should be intrusted to upright, intelligent, honorable, and well-recommended per-on-. following the practi ierved in Java with the object of eliminating from SO responsible a trust all personal and commercial intere-ts which would tend to extend the sale of the drug. It is understood that this em of monopoly shall be replaced as soon as practicable by one of absolute prohi- bition. ... ... . I ji We would recommend the adoption of a system of rcm-tration and licensing tor all chronic smokers, limiting the right to procure opium in definite quantities to them. ( j) As a corrective and educative measure, we would recommend the promu law depriving all Filipino opium habitue- of the right of franchise and making them ineligible to all public offices, municipal, provincial, and insular. (41 We would recommend the adoption of a measure providing for the gratuil treatment of all habitue- wishing themselves from the opium vice. FINDINGS anm RECOMMENDATIONS. Definition.— In the following findings and recommendations the word "opium" em- brac im (raw or cooked), chandoo, morphia, codeia, the other soporific alkaloids pium and their -alt-, and all othei ">• of these >ul>- nces and commonly used I ice the -am- opium. The committei lered the following systems or method gulating the traffic in opium and its u 1. High tariff or high license. — It ha That the • pium has increased under high tariff in these islands, and there app «, except an it why high I any diminishii than tl by high I I That ling prevails, and would probably in license were h \t any rate there are I >ng that it would thereby be diminished That the matl ' ,ar,ff ,>r m S" llC1 lld ex " •it to misapprel 2. Local option. — This method does not seem suitable in anyway to the opium traffic. 3. Farming. — To this system there exist the following objections: (a) The farmer endeavors to increase his profits by extending his business, and so the use of opium is increased. (b) Extensive smuggling also exists under this system, as found in those countries visited by the committee. (<:) The same objections as in 1 exist under this system to the revenue derived from farming. (rf) And it is hardly moral to delegate to an individual, not a representative of the people, such authority in the way of supervising, detecting, and policing as the farmer usually exercises. To exercise such authority is a function of government only. 4. Prohibition. — Prohibition may be either immediate and complete or progressive. Immediate prohibition is likely to produce extreme suffering among those who are al- ready habitues of opium, as it is exceedingly difficult for any one to discontinue the use of the drug at once. The investigation of the committee leads it to believe that imme- diate prohibition is practicable only as a preventive measure in communities where opium smoking has never obtained. In those communities where opium is used and prohibition has been tried it has been found a source of blackmail. Progressive prohi- bition is considered under the head of "Government monopoly." 5. Government monopoly. — A Government monopoly seems, on the whole, to be the most desirable, as a more nearly complete control may thus be had of the use of opium and the traffic therein. (a) The agents of sale or dispensers of opium must be salaried officials, whose in- comes shall in no way be influenced by the sales they make. (b) Smuggling would undoubtedly exist; but it is a constant factor in all the meth- ods considered, and it is not believed that smuggling would be greater under the Gov- ernment monopoly system than under another. (c) The proceeds of the Government monopoly should be so regulated that the in- come derived from that source should no more than meet the expenses therewith con- nected, in order to demonstrate that this method aims solely at control, repression, and abolition of the use of opium and the traffic therein and is not a revenue method. It is therefore recommended : (1) That opium and the traffic therein be made a strict government monopoly im- mediately. (2) That three years after that shall have been done no opium shall be imported, bought, or introduced into these islands except by the government and for medical pur- poses only. (The time necessary to enable one accustomed to the use of the drug to discontinue the habit has been estimated at from six months to twenty years. It has seemed necessary to the committee to state a definite period, after which the use of opium shall be prohibited, because the force of any law or ordinance depends largely upon the exactness of the time at which it may be enforced. If a longer period than this were allowed, the time at which the habitue would begin to disaccustom himself to the use of the drug would be postponed indefinitely. Three years would seem to be a period of sufficient length. At the expiration of this time the government will be in a position to determine what is wisest and best to be done. (3) That the use of opium shall be prohibited to all inhabitants of these islands who are not males over 21 years of age. (4) That only those males over 21 years of age who have licenses to use opium shall be permitted to use the drug. (.5) That licenses shall be issued to males over 21 years of age by the Government only when it is shown by sufficient evidence that said males are habitual users of opium and would be injured by being compelled to discontinue its use suddenly. (It is to be noted that no distinction has been made among the various nationalities which reside in these islands, as it is believed that the interests of equity and justice are thus best subserved.) (6) That no person who is known to be an habitual user of opium shall be author- ized to exercise the franchise or hold office under the government of the Philippine islands. (7) That in case a native of these islands (not a Chinese) violate any of the laws, regulations, or rules against the use of opium he (or she) shall be punished for the first and second offenses by fine and imprisonment, or by both, and for the third offense by being deprived of his (or her) right to exercise the franchise or hold office under the government of the Philippine Islands. 228 (8) That in case a Chinese or other normative violate any of the laws, regulations, or rules against t ho use of opium he shall be punished for the first and second by fine or imprisonment, or by both, and for the third offense by deportation from t ; island^, said deportation to lasl for at leasl five years. (9) That the pupils in the public schools of the Philippine Islands shall he taught the evil and debasing results of the opium habit, and that a primer of hygiene contain- ing this information (and such other as the honorable the secretary of public instruc- tion may deem tit) he prepared and used a- a text-book in said schools. (That part of the primer containing the information relative to the use of opium might he translated into Chinese ami distributed among the Chinese or published in the Chinese newspapers.) (10) That all persons win* are opium hahitues and desire to he cured of the opium habit he admitted into hospitals, where they may he treated for the same; and that when such hospitals are under the control of the government a fee shall not be charged in the case of indigent persons who voluntarily enter the hospital for the purpose of receiving treatment for the opium habit; provided that nothing in this section shall pre- vent any person from entering any hospital, refuge, or other institution not under the control of the government, which he may choose. ( 11 ) That, as the committee is of the opinion that public places for the smoking of opium ( fumatories) exercise a pernicious influence on the public, no fumatories he allowed in the Philippine Islands. 1 u) That the written statement of the licensee and of two trustworthy persons, one of whom shall, when nracticahle. he a regular licensed physician, shall he considered sufficient evidence on which to grant a license. t [3) That the cultivation of the poppy for the purpose of producing opium shall be made illegal in the Philippine Islands. If these findings and recommendations should he approved, it would seem advisable that opium already prepared for smoking, provided there be a demand for it. should be purchased and imported, as the establishment of the plant necessary to prepare the ed opium < chandoo | 1- costly and would be an unprofitable investment for the gov- ernment provided that prohibition should go into effect after three year-. The plan outlined is briefly as follow-: ( t ) Immediate government monopoly, to become — 1 j 1 Prohibition, except for medicinal purposes, after three years. (3) Only lie who shall be males and over 21 years of age, shall be allowed to u-e opium until prohibition g"es into effect. nders or dispensers of opium, except for medical purposes, shall be sal- aried officials of the government. ■ Every effort shall be made (a) to deter the young from contracting the habit by pointing out its evil effects and by legislation, 1 aid in caring for and curing those who manifest a desire to give up the habit, and (r) to punish and, if necessary, t" remove from the islands, incorrigible offender- In working out the details of the plan the committee recommend-: ill A head office or depot in Manila where opium may be supplied to licensed con- sumers in Manila and to suboffices (entrepots) in such places as the commission may select. (2) These entrepots will supply the licet timers in their viciniti< \ system of entry, registration, and ho. .keeping should be devised to keep accu- account of the quantity of opium sold each I : habitue, so that it may be de- tected in case he is buying for others or increasing his own dosage. In that case the quantity sold should he diminished. 14) The licen-ee should he licensed to OT entrepot only, and should lx- required to show the vender his license, a copy of which, together with a photograph of said licensee, should be furnished to the said vender. The committee desires again to call attention to the fact that its work has been much hindered by circumstances over which it had lifficulty of securing sufficient clerical assistance, by the shortness of the time given within which to prepare the report, and by the fact that each meml the committee was obligi I I ittend to other important matters at the time the report was preparing. If the efforts, views, conclusions, and recommendatii 1 I he committer in even a small degree, serve to open a $ion of legislation concerning opium, they will not be in vain. It is expected that they will encounter opposition and disapprobation; but they are at least honest. 22Q OPIUM LAW IN PHILIPPINE TARIFF ACT, 1905. As reported from House Committee on Ways and Means, Feb. 13, 1905. The duty on opium has been increased from $3 to $4 and this important paragraph added : "Provided, however. That the Philippine Commission or any subsequent Philippine legislature shall have the power to enact legislation to prohibit absolutely the importa- tion or sale of opium, or to limit or restrict its importation and sale, or adopt such other measures as may be required for the suppression of the evils resulting from the sale and use of the drug." Amended in House by Hon. W. I. Smith, Mar. 1, 1905, by adding "But no license system shall be established with a view to the deriva- tion of revenue from the traffic in said drug, and no license fees or taxes, except duties on imports, shall in any event be higher than deemed nec- essary to cover the expenses of administration of any legislation licensing the traffic in said drug." AMENDMENT SUGGESTED IN SENATE COMMITTEE ON PHILIPPINES. From Congressional Record, Mar. 1, 1905, p. 3872. Senator Long. What have you to say, Mr. Secretary, in regard to a provision like this, to be added to the House bill : "Provided further, That opium shall be sold only on specific, prescrip- tion of a regular physician, except that Chinese above 21 years of age, who are certified by a regular physician to be confirmed "opium sots" and are so registered by themselves, may have certain limited doses of the drug at specified times and places during three years only from the date of the approval of this act, after which the importation and sale of opium except for medicinal purposes, is hereby prohibited." Secretary Taft. Well, I think the Commission will doubtless adopt some such form as that; but just exactly what form ought to be adopted, they are much better able to tell on the ground than we are here. Senator Long. You would leave it to the Commission to determine that? Secretary Taet. For the three years. Then I would stop it finally. But what I am anxious to try to secure for the Commission is discretion for three years in dealing with the matter. Senator Long. You would think, then, that this would not be a wise provision to insert? Secretary Taft. I think it is too restrictive. It limits the discretion of the Com- mission too much. Senator Proctor. The Commission would have the power to stop it in one year, if they chose? Secretary Taft. Yes. There is a temptation — and there is no use denying it — when you are running a government, and running pretty close in the matter of ex- 230 penditures, to continue a system which brings in revenue. Now then, if you take the matter away fn>m the Commission at the end of the three years, as recommended here by the opium commission (which had no purpose to continue revenue at all), you elim- inate all temptation and you give that period <>f three years for the preparation for a complete prohibition. The opium business has permeated and corrupted all the oriental governments, Eng- lish. Dutch, and French, that have had to do with it. There is no doubt about that. They have grown to become more and more dependent on the revenues from opium, BO that now they USC all sorts of arguments that have no foundation at all to justify the government not only in continuing this system, hut in rather encouraging its use. The income from opium in Hongkong and Shanghai and Singapore has increased by leaps and bounds becau-e of the encouragement of it- use among Chinamen and other-. I deem it important, even though this is a restriction on the War Department and on the Commission, that they should be restricted by something that can not give them the power to continue tin- system after a certain time. I do not think, however, that within the three years the Commission ought to have the discretion to gradually ap- proach the point of absolute prohibition. I would leave to the Commissi, > n whether they follow out exactly the recommendations of this opium committee or whether they put on a high license instead of a monopoly. Personally I do not see why we should not have such income as may come from high license. * * * There is no reason why we should not make such money out of it as the traffic will stand. Substitute for House Amendment, approved March 3. 1905. "And provided further. That after March 1. 1908, it shall he unlawful to import into the Philippine I -lands opium, in whatever form, except by the government and for medicinal purposes only; and it shall be unlawful at any time to sell opium for other than medicinal purposes to the natives of the islands." Graham Bill to Extend Laws Enacted by Congress for the Territories to Our New Islands. Be it enacted, etc., That all Art- of Congress applying wholly or partly to the Ter- ritories relating to bigamy, fornication, divorce, hull fights, prize fights, scientific tem- perance education, and the transmi--ion of ol.-eene and gambling matter by mail and interstate commerce are hereby extended, 50 far a- applicable, to Hawaii. Puerto R ('.nam. Tuteila. and the Philippines. [No action taken.] 231 OPIUM IN CHINA. Senate Document, No. 135, 58th Congress, 3d Session, Presented by Senator S. M. Cullom, Feb. 3, 1905. — Enlarged Feb. 25. Report of Hearing at State Department on Petitions to the President to Use His Good Offices for the Release of China From Treaty Compulsion to Tolerate the Opium Traffic, With Additional Papers. A FRIENDLY CAMPAIGN AGAINST BRITISH OPIUM IN CHINA — SHALL THE OPIUM QUESTION BE INCLUDED IN THE CHINESE SETTLEMENT? During the Boxer outbreak of 1900 in China, two alert ex-missionaries, Misses Mary and Margaret W. Leitch, saw that when the insurrection should be suppressed by the united action of the great powers, all international questions as to China would natur- ally be reopened, and so a strategic opportunity would be afforded to bring international pressure to bear upon Great Britain to withdraw the treaty by which the opium traffic has been forced upon China since the opium war of 1840. These missionaries therefore prepared, circulated, and presented the following petition, which was then ineffective, partly because the Boer war made it seem inexpedient for a friendly nation to press the case at such a time. In September, 1904, when it had become evident that Port Arthur was likely to fall before the end of the year (as it did), which would, if not end the war in Manchuria, at least raise the question, "What shall be done for China when the war is over?" the International Reform Bureau began a new campaign for China's release from opium by arranging for a new hearing on the old petition before the State Department, and by addressing letters on the subject to the officials of Great Britain, Japan, and China, as shown in exhibits following the petition : "To the President of the United States. "Sir : The undersigned, official representatives of missionary societies engaged in work in China, and representatives of other religious, philanthropic, commercial, and educational institutions, are deeply impressed that the negotiations to be carried on be- tween the allied powers and the Chinese Government present an opportune time for our Government to assist in bringing to an end the opium traffic in that Empire. This traffic has been a terrible curse among all classes of the Chinese people, has brought desola- tion and sorrow into many thousands of homes, and its victims are multiplying with every added year. "The position of our Government is most favorable for taking the initiative in this matter. Our own treaty, concluded with China in 1884, absolutely prohibiting all American citizens from engaging in the traffic and all American vessels from carrying opium to or between the ports of China, expressing as it does the sentiment of the American people, and our cordial good will toward China in helping to relieve her of this traffic, gives us strong vantage ground for asking the other nations to join in this commendable purpose. "As foreign nations will be urging a great extension of commercial privileges at this time, including the abolition of internal duties, and these privileges are necessary for the increase of commerce, they can most happily reciprocate what may be granted by China in this respect by giving her their powerful help in delivering her from the mul- tiplied evils of the opium traffic. 232 "While objections will doubtless be made by some interested parties to the great de- crease of trade which will be occasioned by the interdiction of traffic in opium, it ought to be borne in mind that this traffic is one of the greatest obstacles to all legitimate trade, absorbing, as it does, more than the whole amount of the value of the export trade in tea, and impoverishing the people so that they can not expend, as they other- wise would, large sums for the products and legitimate manufactures of other countries. "The Chinese Government has repeatedly declared its willingness and desire to sternly prohibit the cultivation of the poppy as soon as foreign countries consent to the prohibition of the traffic. "Such an act of humanity and justice on the part of our Government at this time will greatly tend to increase good feeling among the Chinese officials and the vast multi- tudes of Chinese people. "No one thing could have greater effect in overcoming the revengeful feelings aroused especially in those regions of the country which have suffered most during the late troubles, and its whole influence throughout the land would be most beneficial. "It would be a most happy inauguration of the first new treaties of the twentieth century between western nations and China to carry out so humane and beneficial a purpose in the revision of treaties with that Empire. "We therefore respectfully and earnestly urge upon our Government to take the initiative in this important matter, and use its influence with the other nations con- cerned to bring about so desirable a result." The foregoing memorial has been signed by the following representatives of mission boards : For the missionary society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, H. K. Carroll, first assistant corresponding secretary; S. L. Baldwin, acting assistant corresponding secre- tary. For the board of foreign missions of the Reformed Church in America, Henry N. Cobb, corresponding secretary; James L. Ammerran, financial secretary. For the board of foreign missions of the Presbyterian Church, United States of America, Frank Ellinwood, corresponding secretary ; Robert E. Speer, corresponding secretary. For the American Baptist Home Mission Society, T. J. Morgan, corresponding sec- retary ; II. I.. Moorehouse, field secretary. For the board of commissioners for foreign missions of the Reformed Church in the United States. S. N. Callender, secretary, Mechanicsburg, Pa. For the foreign mission board of the Mennonite Church of North America. A. B. Shelly, secretary. For the board of foreign missions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, General Synod, George Scholl, secretary. For the Missionary Society of the Wesleyan Methodist Connection, A. W. Hall, financial secretary. A. F. Jennings, president of the same. For the H. F. F. ML Society (Missionary Society United Brethren in Christ), M. M Bell, corresponding secretary. L. G. Jordan, secretary National Baptist Foreign Mission, Louisville, Ky. (Miss) N. H. Burroughs, Woman's Auxiliary of the National Baptist Convention, Louisville, Ky. J. H. Miller, secretary Cumberland Presbyterian Board of Missions and Church Erection, St. Louis, Mo. A. B. Simpson, president Christian and Missionary Alliance; K. A. Funk, general secretary of the same. 233 J. C. Jensson Roseland, secretary United Norwegian Lutheran Church. W. R. Lambuth, corresponding secretary board of missions Methodist Episcopal Church South, Nashville. H. S. Parks, secretary missions of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, Bible House, New York. Prof. G. Syerdrup, secretary Lutheran Board of Missions, Minneapolis, Minn. Charles E. Hurlburt, president Philadelphia's Missionary Council, Philadelphia, Pa. J. G. Bishop, corresponding secretary mission board of the Christian church. Arthur Given, corresponding secretary for the General Conference Free Baptists. William W. Rand and George L. Shearer, secretaries American Tract Society. Paul de Schwinitz, secretary missions of the Moravian Church. W. W. Barr, corresponding secretary United Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions. R. M. Somerville, corresponding secretary board of foreign missions R. P. Church. A. O. Oppergaard, president, and Chr. O. Brohaugh, secretary, China mission of the Lutheran Synod. Benjamin Winget, secretary, and S. K. J. Gubro, treasurer, general mission board of the Free Methodist Church of North America. D. Nyvall, secretary Swedish Evangelical Mission Covenant of America. Henry Collins Woodruff, president of the Foreign Sunday School Association of the United States of America, Brooklyn, N. Y. William C. Doane, vice president and chairman of the Domestic and Foreign Mis- sionary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America; Arthur S. Lloyd, general secretary of the same. For the American Board of Foreign Missions: Samuel B. Capen, president; Judson Smith, secretary for China; Albert H. Plumb, chairman of the committee; C. H. Daniels, secretary of the committee. For the American Baptist Missionary Union : Henry M. King, chairman of the exec- utive committee ; Henry C. Mabie, Thomas S. Barbour, corresponding secretaries. Rev. Paul A. Menzel, secretary German Evangelical Mission, Washington, D. C. The petition was also signed by many presidents of colleges, by authorized represen- tatives of chambers of commerce, etc. The following briefer form of petition is submitted, by way of suggestion, that churches and chambers of commerce may promptly support this renewed movement : To the honorable the Secretary of State, Hon. John Hay, Washington, D. C: Undersigned societies and individuals earnestly petition you to use your great influ- ence to induce Great Britain to withdraw from China the treaty which compels tolera- tion of the opium traffic, to the great moral injury of the people, and to the serious detriment of all legitimate commerce through the pauperizing of one hundred millions of people in the families of Chinese opium sots. The above was adopted by on — < , and undersigned was authorized to so attest. Letter to Secretary of State requesting hearing. International Reform Bureau, Washington, D. C , September 27, 1904. DEAR Sir : The undersigned and four other resident trustees of this bureau — Gen. John Eaton, Rev. J. G. Butler, D. D., Rev. F. D. Power, D. D., Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts, Ph. D., and Rev. A. S. Fiske, D. D. — have been appointed a committee to present to 234 you anew the petition of 33 missionary societies, representing more than half the popu- lation of the United States in their constituency, asking that you will use friendly 1 sure upon Great Britain to relieve China of the compulsory sale of opium, enforced by British treaty. This matter was presented ti> you at the time when the Boxer outbreak reopened Chinese q uesti o ns, but probably the Boer war made it seem inopportun press such matters upon England when in such serious trouble. When the close of the present war shall again reopen all Chinese questions, it seems to us that the most fa- vorable moment will have arrived for friendly nations like the United States and Japan to urge this act of justice to China in the interest nol alone of humanity and the golden rule, but also in the interest of commerce, which can not but suffer seriously by the pauperizing > British prime minister. International Reform Buri Washington, I ' er /-'. 1 Rt. Hon. Arthur James Balfour, M. P., P. C F R S. I> I.. 10 Downing Street, S. IV., /. DEAR Sir: Before the Boer war T was m correspondence with four member- Lord Salisbury's cabinet in regard to the protection of nati\- against intoxicants and opium, in which threat Britain has taken a leading part in the int< rade as well as morals, which this bureau has recognized in public addresses and printed docu- ment. We are much disappointed that the proposition made by Secretary Hay in be- half of our President and Senate, that England should join us in submitting a universal treaty on this subject, such as England submitted in 1884, in vain, to various nations, has not been acted upon by your Government, which is doubtless largely due to the diversion of governmental effort to the Boer war. It is because of this war also prob- ably that Secretary Hay has not strongly urged upon your Government the petition signed by all the missionary societies of North America asking that in the settlement of this Chinese situation at the close of the Boxer outbreak China should be released from treaty obligations to tolerate the sale of opium. When the whole Chinese ques- tion is again reopened at the close of the present war I feel sure that not only the United States, but Japan, especially, will strongly urge upon your Government the withdrawal of this treaty, which the world at large considers out of keeping with the otherwise ennobling influence of the British Government. Just before the Japanese war the premier sent to our bureau for literature on this subject, and two members of the cabinet, approached by our representatives among the missionaries, showed very great interest in the matter. I write to ask in behalf of our bureau, which has just voted to send a deputation to Secretary Hay to urge him to take up this question when the war shall be concluded, before we shall approach Secretary Hay, that the British Government shall on its own motion cancel this dishonorable treaty. You doubtless know that the opium revenue from China is diminishing toward a vanishing point, and this would seem to be from every point of view the strategic time to create a favorable impression on international public opinion, before the cry shall be raised that China, having been delivered from the paw of the bear must be delivered from the more destructive paw of the lion. Missionaries said to us before the war that their work was more fruitful in Manchuria because Russia repressed the opium traffic than in other parts of China, where the British had forded opium upon the people. This letter is prompted by my very high opinion of the British Government in the hope that without international interposition England will give long-delayed justice to China. I was assured by Wu Ting Fang, Chinese minister to the United States, that although China now raises much opium, because otherwise it must have it from out- side, the entire business would be swiftly suppressed if Great Britain would give the Chinese a free hand. I send you an inclosure showing the action taken by the lieuten- ant governor and premier of Australia desiring the Imperial Government to take up the question of liquors and opium among native races. Numerous petitions to the same effect were passed in Canada a year or two since during the government of your predecessor. In another wrapper I send you other documents on this subject, which I hope you may carefully examine, bearing upon the greatest thing before the world that can be done — the delivery of the tinted races from the white man's rum and opium. Respectfully, Wilbur F. Crafts. This letter was duly acknowledged with more than formal assurance that the above "letter will receive careful consideration." The following document was forwarded by the Japanese minister in Washington to his Government : 236 [Fr.>in preface of new edition of Intoxicants and Opium in All Lands and Times.] WHEN THE WAR IS OVER. When Japan has delivered China from the paw of the bear we may expect her to deliver China from the more deadly paw of the lion— that is. from British opium, forced on China by the wickedest of wars, and continued by the wickedest of treaties, despite earnest opposition <>f the best citizens of the British Empire. This forced opium traffic has done China more harm than Russia's land hunger. Shortly before Japan went to war with Russia the Japanese premier, through the Japanese legation at Washington, requested the International Reform Bureau to send him all literature bearing on its crusade against the sale of intoxicants and opium to native races. And statesmen mis- sionaries at the bureau's prompting, had favorable interviews with the members of the Japanese cabinet to whose department this matter naturally belonged. War broke off these negotiations, but when Japan has concluded, with greatly increased prestige, a war whose victories were partly tine to her own successful prohibition of opium sales, except for well-guarded medical prescriptions, and partly due also to the kindred pro- hibition of tobacco for all under twenty years, and for all students in all schools and universities, even though above that age, and partly also to general abstinence from in- toxicants, there is little doubt she will seize the opportunity, when all international question- about China are reopened in a conference of nations, to press her friend. Great Britain, to withdraw her most dishonorable treaty, by which China has been hindered not only from prohibiting, but so late as 1904 even from restricting the opium traffic, which to China h.is proved worse than war. pestilence, and famine. ry Hay. the golden-rule diplomatist unexcelled, perhaps unequaled in inter- national influence, may be expected to second the proposal in the name of the American people, whose missionary societies of all denominations have asked him to present the same proposal to the British Government. It was hoped he would do so when Chinese questions were internationally reopened at the close of the Boxer outbreak, but the Boer war made it seem inopportune to press this matter upon troubled England at that time. The International Reform Bureau has appointed a strong committee to ask Secre- tary present this matter when any questions about China come up at the close e war on her soil, and there is now no good reason why this proposal should not be urged by him upon Great Britain, with Russia as well as Japan cooperating in our Before the war Danish missionaries wrote to the Reform Bureau that they were able to work more satisfactorily in Manchuria than in other parts of China, be- 1 repressed the sale of opium, while its forced sale by the British in all other p China debauched one-fourth of tin- families and pr< I all ag Christianity. The Japanese minister in Washington, Mr. Kogoro Takahira, in September sent the foregoing statement, with other related pape the Japanese Government. Public timent in the United States, in the British Empire, and in Japan should at one- ex- press itself to the several governments — and to the missionary - also — by reso- lution-petitions of conferences and public meetings by personal letters, and by deputa- tions and personal interviews for the righting of this great done by white and professedly Christian nations to the tinted races. Let no one doubt that China would again prohibit the opium traffic, I mcrly. if allowed to do so, though her own people are now extensively raising the drug since they must have it land otherwise. Mr. W11 Ting Fang, when Chinese minister to the United . as- sured the writer that the domestic production would not prevent prohibition, which is desired by all the viceroys to save the nation from its greatest peril. China should in any case be as free to deal with this evil as is Japan, whose approved example she would doubtless follow. Will you help the Reform Bureau to call the world's leaders to this crusade by a swift circulation of literature in all lands? The people of the British Empire especially should press their Government to release China honorably before it is constrained to do so by the powers, and before the rapidly diminishing revenue from the opium traffic in China takes away the last chance to re- move this blot from Britain's honor. And there is a larger matter closely related to this before the British Government, on which British people should speak out. The Australian government, through its lieu- tenant-governor and premier, early in 1904 urged the Imperial Government to respond favorably to the request of the American Government that it should join America in submitting a treaty to all civilized nations to prohibit the sale of all intoxicants and opium among the uncivilized races of the world. Many cities in Canada, by resolution- petitions at public meetings held by the International Reform Bureau, have made the same request. By the infamous bill introduced in Parliament in 1904 by the British Government for "compensating" liquor dealers, who would be instantly bankrupt if first required to render compensation for the financial (not to mention moral) damage they have done, shows that temperance sentiment in the British Empire, Hindoo. Budd- hist, Mohammedan, and Christian, must more strongly express itself through the mail- box ballot, in which every British subject might participate, before we can expect the British Government to withdraw the Chinese treaty or take up the world treaty. There is only one wrong to the weaker races in sight that threatens to match Eng- land's opium sin in India and China, and that is the unparalleled exportation of Amer- ican beer to countries in which intemperance had prevously been very rare. In 1904 the American consul-general at Berlin reported that Germany had yielded the first place in the production of beer to America, her output last year being 132,085,230 gal- lons less than that of American breweries. As the people of America consume but half as much beer per capita as the people of Germany, and the population of the two coun- tries is nearly equal, this increase means that German brewers in America for some reason find greater facilities for exporting their harmful product, perhaps because American consuls are acting as beer drummers, devoting much of the time for which all the people pay to ingenious efforts to induce the Spanish nations, the most temperate of all white races, and such abstinent nations as China, to adopt this alleged "temper- ance drink." In twenty-five years American beer will be doing China as great harm as British opium, unless the Christian people interpose. The following is a sample of what abounds in consular reports published by the American State Department, which might be headed "Another war with Spain :" [From Consular Reports No. 358, United States State Department.] Mr. Kertens, in charge of the United States consular agency at Grao, Spain, writes upon date of January 27, 1899 : "The consumption of beer in this country is yearly increasing: and our American brewers, who can well hold their own against any beer makers in the world, should try to secure this country for a market, introducing the kind that will suit the Spanish taste. I would suggest that for an easy introduction a Spanish brand or label in the Spanish language, with an appropriate sign to attract attention might be chosen. Nothing can be said against the enterprising American way of advertising the article of home industry in different languages and by illustrations the world over; but in countries like this it requires a more imposing means to attract the attention of the 238 public, and the Style which several Ktiropean countries have successfully adopted should be tried by our American manufacturers, viz., exhibition on a small scale of sample deposits, either in a certain important commercial place or on Steamers touch- ing fr.un port to port and soliciting Orders on their exhibits " HEARING BEFORE SECRETARY HAY ON RELEASE OF CHINA FROM OPIUM. State Department, Washington, I). C, November w — // a. m. Secretary Hay. in behalf of the President, gave a hearing to representatives of the Internationa] Reform Bureau and missionary and temperance societies — chambers of commerce also— on a petition asking the President to direct that diplomatic efforts shall be made through the State Department to induce Great Britain to release China from treaty compulsion to tolerate the opium traffic. Hon. Charles Lyman, president of the Reform Bureau, introduced the hearing by submitting the following summary of the case : "To His Excellency the President of the United States: "In behalf of the International Reform Bureau and numerous missionary and tem- perance societies and many colleges — also of chambers of commerce and other business associations — I present anew to you, through your honored Secretary of State, a peti- tion previously presented when the Boxer outbreak reopened international questions in regard to China, which we anticipate the present war will do again, so affording strategic opportunity for a diplomatic effort to induce Great Britain to release China from the enforced opium traffic, which wc believe to be contrary to the sentiment of British people and to the real interests of British commerce, as it is inconsistent with the usual beneficent influence of British power, and which seems to us to be so harm- ful to the world's commerce through the pauperizing of 100,000,000 of people in the homes of Chinese opium sots as to afford solid commercial ground for international intervention, in which as friends of Great Britain we hope that the most friendly pow- ers, the United States and Japan, may lead. "We need not recall in detail that China prohibited the sale of opium, except as a medicine, until the sale was forced upon that country by Great Britain in the opium war of 1S40. Abundant testimony of statesmen, doctors, travelers, and mission.:: gathered recently by the Reform Bureau, shows that this opium traffic has not only enslaved and impoverished its individual victims, but has also intensified ill'' antifor- eign feeling, to the further detriment of foreign commerce. The superiority of Japan in energy and | has been attributed in part to Japan's Successful prohibition of opium, and this has it China's desire to return to her own prohibitory policy. Mr. Wu Ting-fang, recently the popular Chines,- minister to the United St. ired the superintendent of the Reform Bureau that although China now raisi-s an inct ing proportion of the opium used there, the Government would quickly prohibit the traffic, as before, if allowed a free hand, which in any . should have in the re- straint of any vice. Only a few • ry slight restriction attempted by Chinese authorities wa i by the opium merchants through appeal to the British treaty. VV< :iize that in this matter Russia will second antiopium eft missionaries testify that Chinese territory about Porl Arthur while under Russian 23 Q control was more favorable for missionary work because of Russia's antiopium attitude than parts of the country where the British opium treaty had full sway — a comparison that will have weight with the British Government. "These and many other favoring circumstances incline us to believe that this effort to protect the 'integrity' of China in the profoundest sense of that word will succeed if the new and mighty force of international public opinion swiftly supports this move- ment, and if it can have the leadership of our own Secretary of State, who, because of the unique position of our Government today and because of his own unexcelled position in the world of diplomacy, is especially adapted to carry through this greatest thing before the world that can be done." Remarks by Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts, Ph. D., Superintendent of the International Reform Bureau. This morning's paper reports a British cabinet officer, Lord Lansdowne, proposing peace in the Orient. That is the signal for considering what shall be done with China after the war is over. We expect Japan and the United States to guard its geograph- ical "integrity." Shall they not also unite to prevent its disintegration by opium? "Because of moral and material injury wrought"— these words from a treaty of seventeen nations, including Great Britain and the United States, for the emancipation of a zone in central Africa from the curse of distilled liquors, afford one of many pre- cedents for our proposal that "because of the moral and material injury wrought" by British opium in China the United States shall diplomatically constrain Great Britain to restore to China its sovereign right to make its own police regulations, especially as despoiling China of that right has despoiled the commerce of all nations by impoverish- ing and disturbing the largest market in the world. Worse than temporary massacres of Jews and Armenians has been the persistent poisoning of the Chinese people by compulsory opium sales for more than threescore years. Red Cross regulations in war are not so urgently required by humanitarian sentiment as a stay of this wholesale destruction of the Chinese people. When the victor at the close of the Crimean war demanded of the conquered more than could be granted without great harm to the world at large, other nations interposed, as often at the close of other wars. If England, as we believe, exacted from conquered China in 1842 and 1858 what was inconsistent with the general sentiment and interest of nations, certainly it is not improper for other nations to proffer their diplomatic good offices to revise the settlement. Let me recall some facts bearing on this case preliminary to fresh testimony from these missionaries as to present conditions in China that call out for interposition in the name of conscience and of commerce : 1. Rev. James S. Dennis, D. D., the foremost cyclopedist of missions, in his book, Christian Missions and Social Progress, says of opium in China (p. 80) : Prior to the introduction of the drug by foreigners, the Chinese were not ignorant of its existence and medicinal properties, but there is not a particle of evidence to show that it was smoked or abused in any other way in those days. 2. The Encyclopaedia Britannica relates that the vicious use of opium in China was chiefly due to Portuguese and British smugglers, and that the Chinese rulers persist- ently prohibited its sale, and that it was the great success of this prohibition, resulting in the seizure and destruction of smuggled British opium valued at $6,000,000, that 240 brought on the opium war. by which for the firsl tunc m history a police regulation of one independent nan. mi. enacted in the interest of morals, was canceled by cannon in the interest of lawbreaking traders of the attacking nation, which act has proved a detriment to all other business except thai of the stmi^lu , In destroying the buying power of increasing million- for more than sixty years. The treaty of [842 did not legalize opium sales, but as the preceding war had been in defense of smuggling that crime was allowed to go on unhindered until, in 1858, at the close of another war, these deadly lines were inserted: Opium will henceforth pay 30 taels per picul import duty. The importer will sell it only at the port. 3. Tin Chinese Government, I was assured by Mr. VVu Ting Fang, recently Chinese minister to the United States, i- a- much opposed to the opium traffic as ever, although it is now largely produced by its own people, since they must have it. He says the Chinese Government would again use all legal means to suppress it if left free in its police regulations, as every nation clearly should be in any case. 4. Many, if not most of the British people, are opposed to the forcing of opium upon China, and are maintaining a persistent agitation for China's release — a London meeting in that interest being announced for December, at which the Bishop of Dur ham will preside. The British Society for the Suppression of the Opium Traffic has expressed great gratification that we are bringing international public opinion to its aid. 5. The British Parliament itself, in 1891, declared the course of the British Gov- ernment with reference to opium revenue in Asia was "morally indefensible,'' and the Government itself has recently enacted gradual prohibition of the use of the drug in Burma, seeking to evade any seeming concession to Christian agitation at home by saying : The use of opium is condemned by the Buddhist religion, and the Government be- lieving the condemnation to be right, intends the use of opium by persons of the Bur- mese race shall forever cease. Undoubtedly this act is a result of. and so an encouragement to, agitation, and cer- tainly the Government can not long refuse to apply the same principle and policy in India and China. 6. Another encouragement to agitation is that the British revenue from opium sold to China is steadily decreasing and will ultimately disappear through the steady in- crease of domestic production. But meantime unspeakable "moral and material in- jury" will result if the Chinese are not allowed to repress it. as they were this year forbidden to do even in a small way. 7. Another encouragement to expect success is that Russia's antiopium attitude in Manchuria, and Japan's successful prohibition of opium, to which that nation', progl is partly attributed, i- in many way- set in contrast with Great Britain's contrary pol- icy, to the detriment of the latter in the public opinion of China and of the world. The British Government must again, a- in the days of the Declaration of Independ- ence, be called to "a decent regard for the opinion of mankind." 8. But the fact that afford- the strongest ground for a-king the United and .1 ipan and other power- to use diplomatic elTorts to induce England to release China from treaty compulsion to tolerate the opium traffic is that the legitimate trade of 24] every commercial nation has been seriously curtailed by the pauperizing of more than one-fourth of the world's most populous nation. Seventy-five million dollars a year is worse than wasted by the Chinese in the pur- chase of what brings no useful return and decreases both the producing and the buy- ing power of more than one hundred millions of people, who are further shut out of the markets of the white races by the bitter hatred of all white faces that the com- pulsory leprosy of opium has created. The world awaits Port Arthur's fall. More important for China and the world is the fall of the British opium treaty. Many na- tions marched together to relieve the beleaguered legations at Peking. Let the nations unite again, this time for the relief of opium-cursed China. Remarks of Rev. Frank D. Gamewell, twenty years missionary in China, officially Re- presenting Methodist Episcopal Missionary Board. The use of opium is universally condemned by the Chinese. It is not necessary to develop a sentiment against it. I have never heard a word spoken in its favor in China, for the people everywhere regard its use as bad, and only bad. This fact is based on the havoc wrought by the opium habit. The Government of China resisted its introduction into China, and refused to accept a revenue from opium until 1858, when opium was practically forced upon them. At Tsunhua Chou, a city 100 miles east from Peking, where the North China mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church has a station, the official went out in his official chair with his attendants and had the growing poppy torn up by the roots. The prosperity of the nation, which involves its commercial welfare, depends upon good government. It is a well-known fact that the officials and all those connected with them are much given to the use of opium, it being estimated that 80 per cent of the official class smoke it. In 1886 in Szechuen, west China, a riot occurred in which all foreign property of both merchants and missionaries in the city of Chungking was destroyed. The magistrate said to me in person, in reply to a question as to why he had not checked the trouble when I had warned him that it was impending: "Upon whom can I rely for help? I have over 100 men here, and they are all opium smokers and are not to be depended upon." The political corruption and military weakness of China may be traced in consider- able degree to the use of opium. One of the best-known medical men of New York City, knowing that I had been in China, spoke to me some years ago of a Doctor Suvoong, a Chinese who had received his medical education in the United States, and whom he regarded as one of the most remarkable men he had met. This Doctof Suvoong says : Opium is a moral poison and is largely responsible for the decay of the Empire. The development of China means the development of commerce with China ; the decay of China, the decay of commerce with China. The Chinese are noted for industry and thrift and for a certain business honesty, which has been the foundation of their marked success in commercial life. Opium strikes a blow fatal to these characteristics. The opium smoker is proverbially unreli- able. He loses energy and ambition, and disregards all obligations of business, home and society. The masses in China do not distinguish between foreigners, who in the Mandarin dialect are commonly designated as "yang jen" — "ocean men," that is, the men that 242 come from beyond the sea. The same term, "yang," is used in designating opium, which is called "yang yen," "the foreign toba< Thus the United States shares in the opprobrium attaching to the importation of opium into China. It is true, however, that the official class and the more intelligent of the masses arc learning to distinguish fon-ign nation-, ami in the settlement of the difficulties arising in 1000 the United States gained much prestige on account of the considerate and masterly handling of affairs by the Secretary of State. This condition can Ik- enhanced by friendly intervention with England to relieve China from compulsory treaty obligations to tolerate the opium traffic, for there i- reason to believe if the foreign supply i- cut off the central govern- ment will take active steps against an evil that threaten- the very exi-tence of the Empire. Even if there were not weightier moral considerations, commercial interests alone should prompt this intervention. Remarks by Rev. William Ashmore, IK P.. fifty-four years a missionary in China, offi- cially representing the Baptist Missionary Union. I will express briefly some of the sentiments that prompted Doctor Mabie and other officers of the American Missionary Union to ask me to support this appeal for dip- lomatic aid to release China from British opium: I. They think it right to entreat the British Government to take at this time the action desired through "a decent respect for the opinions of mankind." This appeal to international public opinion was found first in our Declaration of Independence. It marked the introduction of a new force in political administration. Tt has been gaining in recognition and force ever since and has attained the dignity of a place in the com- mon law of nations. To-day all nations are obliged to allow its legitimacy. We think it not amiss to appeal to Great Britain on behalf of a down-trodden people out of re- gard to the enlightened sentiment of mankind. It is the right of anyone to speak out on behalf of anyone who is being wronged. II. We think that the removal of such a wrong as i- the enforcement of the opium traffic in China would he a right and a righteous thing in the eyes of the Governor of all nations. We ar-e in Hi- hands and to Him we must answer. We are not | that in former times our own merchants aided in fastening this yoke on the Chinese people, and therefore our voices are not out of place in asking our sister nation for the excising of opium provisions in their future treaties, a- they have been excised out of ours. III. We think that the excision of British opium provisions from a future treaty with China, soon to be made presumably, will be the beginning of the rectification great wrong of more than a hundred year- duration, from which many millions have -uttered, and from which, including smoker- and their suffering families, more than a hundred millions are now suffering. The present opportunity is a rare one and may not come again in a generation. IV. We believe that the expulsion of opium would result in the speedy rise of China to a position of power and influence in the family of nation-. This i- what pie all de-ire and for this our statesmen have recently exerted themselves with marked success. Add this crowning achievement, and then, with h- ;g nun emancipated from this en-laving vice, there will be such an increment of her force as will help her stand on her feet to be her own protector, and make her a valuable addi- tion to the world's aggregate of resources which make for peace and prosperity. V. We believe China's release from enl Opium WOttld be an enormous advan- tage to the general commerce of the nations. With such enormous sums spent for *43 opium, and such poverty and pinching want, such inability to produce and such inability to buy, trade is seriously hindered. The British get a revenue for India, but British merchants lose with others in the injury to trade. VI. We believe that our Government can well afford to voice herself on such a sub- ject as this for the reason that she is to-day one of the great world powers — has always been, but is such now more than ever before. It is not our armies and our fleets that have given us predominance, though as society is made up to-day these can not be dis- pensed with, any more than policemen, till the millenium corner but it is the influence of our splendid success in self-government. No nation can do so much and so gra- ciously to induce Great Britain to release China as the United States, and in doing this we shall benefit not only China, but England and the world. Remarks of Rev. W . L. Beard, eight years a missionary in China, official representative at the hearing of the American board (Congregational) and now under appointment to go to China for the Young Men's Christian Association. Among the 10,000,000 Chinese people of Fukien Province more money is spent for opium than for rice, which is the food of the people. In spite of sentiment against it an increasing acreage is used yearly for the growing of the drug. It is conceded on all sides that this use of the land not only withdraws it from the production of food, but also that the raising of poppies impoverishes the land much more than the raising of food. The feeling is, however, that so long as opium is forced on China there is little use in trying to stop the raising of it by Chinese themselves. The effect of the drug on the individual is to ruin him morally, mentally, physically, and financially. It first in- capacitates him for business, then begins to eat up his capital, and does not halt until it robs him of all his property. He sells his house piece by piece, until only enough is left to shelter his family. Then the daughters are sold, next the sons, and last of all the wife, and then the man himself goes into his coffin. It is impossible to walk for half a day, even in the country districts, without meeting men whose faces and dress bear evidence of the blasting effect of opium. I have never met with any form of dis- sipation that so completely unmans its victim, nor any that fastens itself with such deadly grip upon men of all ages and classes. When the habit is once fixed nothing but superhuman power can dislodge it. This is one of the greatest obstacles of the mis- sionary. Let me speak of the commercial aspect of this subject. One of the most striking evi- dences of the coming of the new China is the presence of articles of household use pur- chased from other countries that one sees everywhere. Kerosene oil is in every small village. This is always imported, and it means in most instances that the lamp in which it is burned is also imported. But the man who is spending his money for opium uses the native candle or the native oil. He buys neither oil nor lamp. Soap is always im- ported, but the opium smoker uses none. Various articles of wearing apparel are now imported, and go into the smaller and more remote villages. But the opium smoker uses the cheapest native clothing. American wheat flour was on sale in a city 300 miles back from the coast in North Fukien for the first time in December, 1901. American missionaries had resided in this county seat for twenty-five years, and were the advance agents who introduced this product. But it is sold to people who do not use opium, because they are the people who have the money with which to buy the better articles of food made from the American flour. The same might be said of cotton cloth, clocks, watches, and of every imported article. The man who uses opium buys only one article of import, and that is opium. Many of the district magistrates and the majority of the 244 petty officials of North Fukien use opium. It is scarcely necessary t • > add that such men do not take the initiative as promoters of the importation of foreign goods One more fact should be stated. Whenever I have met these "opium devil-," as they are universally called, and have spoken t<> them of the habit, the almost universal re- sponse is, "You've nothing to say, you force it upon us from a foreign country." The Chinese in North Fukien almost to a man know that England compel-. China to admit opium, and it is difficult for the Chinese to distinguish between the Englishman and the American. Remarks of Mrs. S. L. Baldwin, President of New York Branch Methodist Woman's reign Missionary Society. My observation in many years of residence and wide travel in China confirm all that has been said — first, from the widespread and extreme suffering from thi< deadly opium traffic. In our medical work for China's women and children I saw the shocking work of opium-cursed insane husbands and fathers in the bruised and mangled mothers and little ones who came to us for healing. Traveling in the sedan chair in the interior, where the foreign face had not been seen, we often found great establishments, family estates, going to wreck, where once there had been an income of thousands, all hecause of the foreigner's greed and the opium curse. Shall we blame them for an antiforeign sentiment, widespread and most just, when from one end of the land to the other the foreigner - opium has been forced upon them at the mouth of the cannon and the point of the sword, and when almost every family in some of it- branches i- mourning wrecked homes and ruined loved ones? How could there be other than antiforeign sentiment? We missionaries find this opium traffic a more deadly obstacle to the up- lifting of the people than all their idolatry and superstition, for all foreigner- repp Christianity to them just as they represent heatheni-m to us. Now a- to the commercial injury wrought by opium. Missionaries are truly the ad- vance guard of commerce, for educate and Christianize a people and immediately we multiply their wants and open the door for our western product- When I went to China in iSo_> this opium curse chiefly affected the rich and official classes. But under the English Government's skilled nourishment of the terrible trade. I -aw it r< down to the middle and working classes, until the very hearer- of my sedan chair were emaciated victim-. The very bone and sinew of the great nation has been weakened and demoralized by it. When the workingman is demoralized then indeed i- the nation in danger. China is the great future market of the world. Her hanker- and great merchant- are SO honest that China to-day lead- the world, a- -he ha- for year- commercial integrity. What Hrad-treet and Dun do in representing the commercial integrity of men in our country The Merchant-' Year Book, of London, does for na- tion-. In telling the Bank of England to what countries -he can most safely make her great loan- for year- that hook ha- placed Chinese commercial establishmei I - p< r cent, while our own Christian country is rated fourth, at 3 May I say a word of hope even for China'- million and more of opium 5H I have learned from an expert student of th< pium that, unlike other at ics, it does not usually affect the brain beyond restoration. Thi- is confirmed by my own lot . [n one cl in China where we had but 23 members, 17 had been confirmed smokers. One. a man has used it for thirty year-. All of them cut it off at once ami were saved by God's help, and we had no more intelligent > within the bout- ur church. Even confirmed opium victim- may h<- transformed into producers and mer — aye. more, into manly men. 24- Mr. Secretary, you have stood successfully for the "solidarity" of China as a great world market, but what is to be hoped from such a market with only a degraded, de- moralized, impoverished people, from officials to working men ; strength sapped, will broken, wants minimized, all desire or means to purchase gone ? We need a great mar- ket, China needs our commodities. Have we not a right then to act even from and for our own interests? But, asks one, does not China herself raise the poppy? Never, until England forced her to admit the India drug, and then as some sort of self-defense. Her officials then said, "If we must have it we will let our people raise it until we can lessen or drive out the foreign drug, and then we will cut off the heads of any of our people who have any- thing to do with it !" The United States has been recognized by China as her best friend in spite of our unrighteous, discriminating exclusion laws. Now let America take the initiative in relieving China from this compulsory opium traffic and the United States will become the favored nation in China's great market, and this Administration will go down into history as having accomplished the greatest good for the greatest nation and for the uplifting of the world by rescuing China from what a great English writer termed, "the crime of the twentieth century." Following Mrs. Baldwin, Rev. J. F. Hill, secretary of Presbyterian General Assem- bly's permanent temperance committee, presented its petition for release of China from opium, and read from a letter of Rev. J. Walter Lowrie, D. D., for twenty years mis- sionary in China for the Presbyterian board, which had officially requested him to rep- resent it : i. My observation attests that the habitual use of opium among at least nine-tenths of those addicted to it is an unmitigated evil. 2. I have never heard any Chinese defend the habitual use of it, but have heard many excuse themselves for it, and many curse it. 3. The student and ruler class are peculiarly addicted to the insidious narcotic, and as one of the essentials of the perpetuation of the self-government of China, in my judgment, the habitual use of opium by the student and mandarin class must cease. 4. I have invariably heard intelligent men denounce the foreigners who, as they be- lieve, forced China to permit the importation of the drug. 5. I commonly hear intelligent Chinese declare the futility of fighting opium within the Chinese empire so long as they are prohibited from forbidding its importation. Rev. E. Huber, representing the German Evangelical Synod, expressed briefly, by request of its missionary secretary, its great desire for the emancipation of China. Mrs. W. E. De Riemer, for ten years an American board missionary in China, as offi- cial representative of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, happily expressed the great desire of Chinese women, and therefore of American women also, for the release of China from opium. There were also present Joshua Levering, esq., of Baltimore; Mrs. Ellen M. Watson, of Pittsburg, and Doctors Power and Prettyman, of Washington. Dr. H. H. Russell, who had expected to represent the Antisaloon League, was detained by its annual con- ference of superintendents. Mr. Joshua Baily, invited to represent the National Tem- perance Society, also sent regrets. Numerous petitions were presented from missionary and reform societies and chambers of commerce. Secretary Hay, in responding cordially to the addresses, promised to present the whole case to President Roosevelt, and significantly intimated that the mightiest force for this crusade was wrapped up in the watchword previously quoted, "A decent regard for the opinions of mankind." 246 world's COMMERCE AGAINST BRITISH OPIUM TREATY WITH CHINA. ADDRESS BY DR. WILBUR F. CRAFTS AT THE NATIONAL BOARD OF TRADE. WASHINGTON. D. C. JANUARY 19. 1905. There are two reasons why your antiopium resolution (see below) comes from your committee on international arbitration. One is that it is like the question of arbitration, in which chambers of commerce have shown such an effective interest, in that it has both humanitarian and commercial sides, both moral and material aspects. The other reason 1- that it was l>y what Gladstone characterized as the wickedest war in history that a police regulation of the great Empire of China, forbidding the sale of opium ex- c pt for medicinal prescriptions, was canceled by cannon, an act which the majority of the Brit ish people have never approved, and which they are now more earnestly than •ever asking to have corrected. There were really two opium war-, and it was not until the close of the second, in 1858, that China reluctantly consented, in her helplessness, to legalize the vicious use of opium. The directors of the Pittsburg Chamher of Commerce and the boards of trade of Baltimore and Jacksonville have unanimously asked President Roosevelt to use his I offices, when the present war shall reopen all Chinese questions, to induce Great Britain to release China from this moral and material curse, for China's own sake and • ■ the benefit of the world's commerce. The resolution adopted by the Baltimore anards. The action of the Pittsburg Chamber mraerce directors -tat.-, the case a little more fully, a- follow- : The Pittsburg Chamher of Commerce, recalling the repeated recommendations President McKinley, renewed by IV -It. that Congress should appoint a commission to study the industrial and commercial conditions in the Chinese Empire, and to report the opportunities for and the - to the enlargements of mar- in China, and recognizing that the pauperizing of more than one hundred millions «>f it- people by opium and the antiforeign feeling which ha- been part!;. ! by the • Great Britain in compelling China to repeal it- prohibition of this most harmful drug, i- one of the great velopmetH of that largest market in the world, hereby join with others in petitioning President Roosevelt to use his office-." througl tary Hay. to induct I Britain to re! una from the treaty provision which compels it to tolerate this traffic which i- working great material a- well a- moral injury The thi -on- given by the directors of the Pittsburg Chamber of Commerce. which has taken thi- action, at -47 i. It seems only right and just that China or any country should be relieved frors; any obligation which would force an evil or injury upon her people contrary to her will. 2. Every government, so long as it retains its sovereignty, ought to have the unre- stricted authority to regulate its own internal affairs. 3. The opium traffic, by pauperizing and demoralizing the people, will be a great obstacle to the enlargement and development of the foreign commerce of China, in which our own country is already largely interested, and to which it looks forward with great expectation. Now. what exactly are the ways in which the world's commerce is hindered by the enforced opium traffic in China? How does it become the business of American com- mercial bodies, and of the Government that speaks for them, to interpose in this mat- ter? First of all, there are one hundred and twenty millions in the families of opium sots who, through this enforced traffic, have become so pauperized that they can buy no foreign products, but eke out a miserable existence in borrowed rags. But com- merce is even more injured by "the antiforeign feeling"' which the opium wars, more than anything else, have promoted. These unjust wars have created a prejudice against all white faces that interferes quite as much with American merchants as with American missionaries. In the words of a British officer in China, the opium traffic is "the foe of the honest trade of every nation," and therefore the honest tradesmen of every nation have a right to ask their government to interpose to remove this obstacle. It should be noted that the case is totally different from the liquor traffic in England and the United States, or any other evil which goes on by a nation's own free consent. China is the only country in which a police regulation has been stamped out by a for- eign invading army, and since this unprecedented international wrong has lessened international trade it is clearly an international issue. It should also be noted that in this matter of opium for native races we come with comparatively clean hands, since the American people, informed by this Reform Bureau, promptly vetoed, through the President, the private opium monopoly which was in 1903 proposed by the Philippine government, and a satisfactory plan, like that of Japan in Formosa, is now contem- plated. Probably every person in this national board of trade condemns the opium traffic in China, but what you want to know is whether there is any practical plan for removing this obstacle to international commerce. To which we reply that the International Re- form Bureau, which has initiated the progressing movement to this end. would not have undertaken it if it had not been a practical matter, for our Reform Bureau undertakes no rainbow chasing. Eight laws drawn by this Bureau have been passed by Congress in the last ten years, besides which it has secured other legislative and executive acts from our own and other governments to the number of 128. Two months ago, when it was foreseen that Port Arthur would surely fall, and that the question would then be raised in all the great powers, "What shall be done with China when the war is over?" plans were made to influence the British Government through two friendly powers, Japan and the United States, to release China from treaty compulsion to allow the opium traffic. It was foreseen that this would be the opportunity of the century for that pur- pose. First of all, a hearing before Secretary Hay was planned, which came off on Novem- ber 10, when a petition officially signed by 33 national missionary societies, represent- ing nearly all the churches of the United States, was presented to Secretary Hay and very favorably received. It was shown by speakers who had been long in China that if the United States should succeed in getting that great Empire released from the opium 248 treaty, following the appreciated efforts in behalf of China already made by Secretary Hay. u would make America "the favored nation" there both for the work of its hut chants and its missionaries. Next in this enveloping "movement" came the enlistment ■ f Japan, whose premier, before the war. had, on his own initiative, senl to the Intel >nal Reform Bureau f<>r the literature of our world-wide war on opium, following which the matter had been taken up favorably with a number of the Japanese cabinet. The matter was brought anew to the attention of Japan by sending it to the Japanese minister here in Washington, who graciously received it and forwarded it t<> his Gov- ernment The Chinese minister was also apprised of the movement, and expressed his great interest in the matter. A courteous letter was written to the British premier. Mr. Balfour, who acknowl- edged it witli more than formal courtesy. The previous British cabinet had shown an interest in the kindred effort to protect the world's new markets among savage races against both intoxicants and opium, and had also adopted gradual emancipation from opium for Burma, which is one Strong reason for expecting that China will be allowed to Mke like action. Premier Balfour was also reminded of the fact that the British revenue from the sale of India's opium has been steadily decreasing for years, which is another omen of success. The British people have this year issued three strong books, showing the great wrong that has been done to China and appealing for its correction, and four British antiopium societies are at work to the same end. The leader of the British antiopium movement. Mr. T. B. Alexander, has cordially recognized as a wel- come ^enforcement our American antiopium movement, and has written that there is "no country from which the British Government would so graciously receive a prop- osition to release China from opium as from the United States." On the otli of December a great mass meeting was held in Kxeter Hall. London, unquestionably representing the majority sentiment of the British people on this ques- tion. It was presided over by the Lord Bishop of Durham, and asked that China should be given a free hand to deal with the opium curse. The most encouraging fact in the whole crusade is that American chambers of commerce and boards of trade are coming into this movement, in which their influence will undoubtedly hasten SUC- - it has in the arbitration movement. We talk of an "open door" to China, but intelligent commercial leaders should to it that it is not the "open d«M>r'" to a sepulcher. We recall the wonderful interna- tional army that marched to Peking to save the white missionaries and diplomats from the Chinese boxers. In our present antiopium war international public Opinion is marching to the rescue of the Chinese nation itself from the greate-t wrong ever done by the white race to one of the tinted rao I close with the significant remark made by Secretary Hay at the close of the hi ing on this subject before the State Department, that the most powerful force in this sack is the appeal to international public opinion, first made by a great people in the Declaration of Independence, when we called for the righting of great wron K s m the name of "A decent regard for the opinions of mankind." At the close of this address the National Board of Trade voted that it considered this a matter of "great importance" and urged that it I ■ 1 by all commercial bodies and that resulting conclusions be senl to Secretary John Hay. at Washington, D. C. The International Reform Bureau 201 Pennsylvania avenue S E., Washington, D. C . asks that a duplicate be sent to its ,.;• BRITISH OPIUM IN CHINA— "THE ENEMY TO THE HONEST TRADE OF EVERY NATION." [From September issue Britain's Opium Harvest, London.] "The opium habit is increasing and is draining the resources of the people and con- sequently their purchasing power," writes the Rev. George Cornwall, from Chefoo, China. This aspect of the evil habit, though it can not be placed beside the moral harm which is being wrought, is one which should not be overlooked. In his book, The Real Chinese Question, Mr. Chester Holcombe emphasizes the same point. He says : No extended argument can be needed to make plain the inevitable results of the opium traffic upon every phase of development and progress in China. It has been a triple bar against both, since it has impoverished the Empire in purse, muscle, and brain. * * * And Great Britain herself has been the most serious foe to the increase of foreign commerce with China and the development of her enormous natural resources. She has been the enemy to the honest trade of every nation with that Empire. For for- eign commerce must depend mainly upon internal prosperity. And the question how much increase in foreign traffic may be expected with any nation whose people are from year to year more hopelessly stupefied, besotted, and impoverished by opium is a question which answers itself. No growing demand for foreign cotton goods or woolens may be expected from men — mere wretched bundles of bones — who, because of opium, are unable to buy enough of the meanest native rags to cover their naked- ness. The conveniences and luxuries of western civilization furnish no attraction to the man whose only idea of luxury is the opium pipe. BRITISH ASSOCIATIONS FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE OPIUM TRAFFIC, WORKING IN HARMONY. i. Society for Suppression of the Opium Trade. Honorable secretary, J. G Al- exander, LL. B., Bridge House, 181 Queen Victoria street, E. C, London. 2. The Christian Union for the Severance of the Connection of the British Empire with the Opium Traffic. Honorable secretary, B. Broomhall, 2 Pyrland road, N. 3. The Anti-Opium Urgency Committee. Honorable secretary, Maurice Gregory, 47 Devonshire Chambers, E. C. 4. The Women's Anti-Opium Urgency Committee. Honorable secretary. Miss R. B. Braithwaite, 312 Camden road, N. THE STANDARD, JAPAN'S RIGHTEOUS LAW. "Opium shall be sold by the Government only, and only for medical purposes." Let President and Congress say the same, not alone for the Philippines, but for their entire jurisdiction. 250 AMERICAN AID WELCOMED BY BRITISH ANTI-OPIUM SOCIETIES. Society poh the Si pfression 01 the Opium Trad Trumbridge Wells, November i. 1904. M\ 1>i:.\k Sir: Let me say how much I rejoice in the action you arc taking. I am afraid your Government may feel it a delicate thing to make representations to "'ir- on the subject of the opium trade, but if they can sec their way to do anything in this direction it will doubtless have great value. The action you are now taking in view of the settlement that must follow the present awful war is just that which 1 venture. 1 and urged on some of my American friends at the close of the expedition after the Boxer disturbance, but they did not think it practicable then, to my great disappoint* ment. 1 am glad that you are holder and hope that you may he successful in making some impression on the Government of the United State- of America. At that time (1000) I visited Paris and Berlin, and wrote to St. Petersburg, in onler •ring confidentially before the foreign ministers of France, Germany, and Ru the importance of seizing the opportunity of the negotiation for new treaties with China, in order to bring to an end the opium traffic. I pointed out to them in a con- fidential statement that the question interests all countries which trade with China, because the opium trade greatly impoverishes her people and contributes powerfully to their distrust of western influences in general, although Kngland is, of course, the special transgressor. Hut I was met in Berlin and Paris with the reply that it would be difficult for any other power than England to take the initiative. I believe English people would take better from America than from any other nation a friendly representation on this subject, especially if it were made very clear that the great body of American missionaries in China, interested in the moral and material well-being of the Chinese people, are the prime movers in the matter. I would -uggest that it may he of value to quote to Secretary Hay the word- used by Sir James Ferguson, speaking on behalf of the British Government in the House of Commons in 1891. He said: This. I think I may say. that if the Chinese Government thought proper to rai-e the duty to a prohibitive extent, or shut out the article altogether, this country would not expend 1 pound in powder and shot, or lose the life of a s. tidier in an attempt to f opium upon China. There can be no doubt. I think, that this statement represents the feeling of all par- in this country at the present time. No one would now he found to advocate any fresh use of force to impose the obligation of admitting opium on China. On the other hand. China would be expected to prove her sincerity by taking concurrent and stringent measures for putting down the growth of the poppy at home. We send you with this some of our publications that may he useful, as showing the large measure of public feeling in this country, especially among the most thoughtful classes, Opposed to the opium traffic. The opposition to our movement arises aln entirely from those connected with the government of India, who are disposed to dis- credit the statement of missionarit • the evil done by opium in China — such evil being far less manifest in India, where only a minute percentage of the inhabitant - the drug — and who fear that the loss of the opium revenue would greatly hamper the eminent of that country. Wishing you all success. I am. 'Sour-, very sincerely, Jos • Alexander. Rev Dr. Crafts, Washington, D »5i A PLEA FOR CHINA. [Speech of the Lord Bishop of Durham at anti-opium mass meeting, in Exeter Hall, December 9, 1904.] There is a drug called "opium," which is an excellent servant in the doctor's work but a most dangerous and murderous master when it is misused. It is a fact that this is looked upon as a thing calling for such caution in its use that I believe I am within the truth in saying that it is against the law to sell it in this country except with a warning that it is a poison. I have been reading lately again, after many previous readings, a remarkable pronouncement upon this drug when it comes to be used outside its proper sphere. It is a pronouncement signed by more than 5,000 members of the medical profession, all of them doctors with accrediting degrees, many of them men of eminence and fame, and of the greatest authority of position, and the terms they use amount to this : That eating opium or smoking opium is a practice that "is morally and physically debasing;" that it is desirable that, as in England, so everywhere where it can be effected, it should be sold and circulated only as a medicine, and through the chemical trade ; and that it is the bounden duty of the government of India to prohibit the cultivation of and sale of opium except for its medicinal uses. THE VICE OF CHINA. But now the second fact is that the illicit use of opium, the luxury use of it, the use in which it becomes a formidable and murderous master, the master of the human will, attacking the will with peculiar thoroughness and aggressiveness when it is once al- lowed in the slightest degree to get beyond its servant character and to assert its power — the use of opium for pleasure and indulgence, its use as a narcotic taken for delight — is the vice of China. Remember the greatness of that fact. China is a great factor in the human world. Not far short, if short at all — for of course no census of China is exact — of one-fourth of the human race is within the border of China proper ; and that any vice should have become the vice of China puts that vice into a formidable prominence. But that is the position of the vice of opium smoking. Years ago it was not so. A hundred years ago China was apparently an enviably exempt country with regard to this nar- cotic luxury and the dangers which attend excess in that direction. A very mild tobacco appears to have been all that was used in China, with insignificant exceptions, till some one hundred and ten or one hundred and twenty years ago. But now, some how or other, what has come to be the difference of the case? Not to deal with generalities, let me quote two very recent evidences from quarters that are neither fanatical nor religious. Let us hear what has been said by the consul of that great province of Sichuen in speaking of that vast and magnificent district of China, the remote western boundary — a province which contains, at a moderate esti- mate, 40,000,000 people, and a very probable estimate, still moderate, is quite 45,000,000, and some have run it as high as 70,000.000. It is magnfiicent in its resources, and until recently it has been a great land for the growing of grain. It is now, reports the consul, the fact that largely the area devoted to grain has been invaded by the growth of the opium poppy: and the consul calculates with regard to these 40,000.000 people, which, to save exaggeration, he gives as the number, about 16,000,000 will be adults, and that of those 16,000,000 — and he says that he is well within the mark in saying this — fully one-third of the adults of that country of 40,000,000 people are opium smokers, having taken to this indulgence, which is medically debasing and degrading in its di- rectest tendencies. 252 ■\iul thm there is another province south of Sichuen, the •■ md there a military investigator, Colonel Mann'. .1.1. reported jusl a year ago in sternly simple term-. After speaking of the splendid capabilities of the province and what it might be made by an industrial populaton, he says thai the people of Yunnan make- little of the splendid resources of their country, for opium has sapped their energ He is careful to confine himself, like a wise man. within the limits of his knowledge. *nd he appear- disposed to think that there i- great exaggeration about the opium habit elsewhere, and that intemperate things are said about it in England. Possibly he might think our meeting intemperate to-night, hut he ha- put it upon record that in a k I province of China the people will make little of the capacity of their land, for opium is sapping their energies. 1 happened this morning — quite accidentally, a- we say — to have arranged an interview with a gentleman who i- seekng prohably in the I future to enter the ministry in the diocese where I reside; and most casually in the course of conversation there came out what I had not previously understood, but was deeply interested to learn, that he had been resident for several years in China, and in the vast city of the Yangtse, Hankow. I casually mentioned that I was to be here. pleas to-night and speak about the opium traffic. "Ah," he said, with the quiet manner of a man who is simply speaking of a notorious fact which no one can doubt, "Opium, indeed, is eating out the heart of China." N>\v. that is a formidable state of things, which no one conscious of the claims of common humanity and looking steadily at it can contemplate, surely, with indifference and equanimity. England's responsibility. In face of this tremendous advance of a great vice among a vast and unspeakably interesting people, capable of noble development in the future after their wonderful past, let us remember that for this state of things, alas, Englishmen, and in a grave measure England, are most considerably responsible. T hold that to be my third main fact. Opium is a terrible master. Multitudinous people in China are under the tyranny and masterhood of opium, with all its frightful effects upon the human will ; and Englishmen, and in a great measure England, are re- sponsible for this state of things. Do I say this lightly? I do not envy the man who can lightly say a word again-t tin- country. I love England with a lover's passion. If it were lawful to say so, I worship her ideal. I thank God that He has blessed and permitted me to have part and lot in England as mother and as country. [Cheers.] I shrink in the most sacred connection from terms of condemnation of England which are sweeping and unqual and which forget the glorious other side. But then the deeper one- love, the more de- vout one's honor for an object such as a relative or such as one's country, the more keen is the anguish of the conviction that the person or the land has not acted U] it-elf and has been untrue to it- ideal character. History convinces me, unwillingly, that this has been the case. It is a sad story of a hundred and twenty years or so since first in any serious degree, not putting unimport- ant precedent circumstances aside, opium from India under English auspices was brought to the doors of China and offered and pressed for sale. And this grew, and more and more lucrative became the venture: and then the temptation came, more or less forcibly, to expand the market, and the demand was promoted, and the supply was sent in in increasing quantities to meet the growing demand. china's oppositi And this was done intensely against the will of the responsible filer- in China. That is one of the most pathetic incidents in the story. In [834 there was the pas- sionate prote-t of the aged Emperor. It i- said that he was himself a re-cue. 1 victim »53 of opium. It is said that he had two sons who died of the opium vice. Facts like that within the circle of a man's own experience can tremendously revolutionize his views of an abstract question; and it was that Emperor who then, far on in the strife against the determination, apparently, of English merchanidise that it would make its way in this fatal f< rm into China, -aid that he would consent to any sacrifice rather than make a revenue of the vice and misery of his people. Nevertheless, there came effort after effort, and there came war after war. In two conspicuous cases, about fron the year 1839 to the year 1841, and again— I well remem- ber it— about the year 1857 or 1858 there were two main conflicts; alas! in some cases scarcely conflicts, so overwhelmingly stronger was the one side than the other. These conflicts resulted in treaties with China, in which it was practically engaged that China should not be free, however much she might wish it, to prohibit the luxury use of opium within her own borders and should not be allowed to prohibit the introduction of the drug under whatever risk for sale. SPECIAL PROTECTION. Then, you know— not to go into details, for time forbids me— this is the outstanding fact which, as it seems to me, unless all the history of the past is to be thrown into the most complete confusion and uncertainty, is historically certain— that England is the only power of the first order which has treaties with China which protect the influx of opium into China. With the other powers it is not so. It is with England, alas ! that the compact holds that, with regard to English commerce coming over from India— the commerce in opium— China shall hold the door more or less open, whatever she does with the thing imported when it is once within her borders. It is claimed that, because she has accepted the fact and imposed an excise in her own interest upon the opium when it is introduced, she has connived and consented; but even if that were literally true I do not think we could use it as an excuse for our own ill doing, nor do I think that it at all implies connivance or consent. It is an acceptance of the inevitable, and it is an attempt to make the best of it that can be made. A VICE RECOGNIZED AS SUCH. My fourth fact is that this vice is not only a vice but is fully recognized as such in China. There is no real parallel to it. Everyone who knows China really and inti- mately, I think, will say that there is no real parallel between this vice and alcoholism. I am a sufficiently old and hardened teetotaler [cheers], but I do not look upon my friend who has not seen his way to take that line, and who drinks his glass of wine, as doing an act which deserves to be classed with impurity and gambling ; but that is the way in which the opium habit is looked upon by the common conscience of China. I speak as one who knows intimately many sober and trustworthy men who know the Chinese life and the Chinese character in many parts of the Empire, and their evidence is distinct that the very victims of the vice— those who indulge or wink at the indul- gence — nevertheless look upon it with shame, just as a man convicted of immoral courses, though he might heartily desire to continue in his downward path, would be ashamed if dragged into the light. It is not merely an indulgence lawful and capable of being kept within strictly temperate limits under normal circumstances. It is a thing to be ashamed of, and to be condemned, whether sincerely or not. But anyhow, such is the common conscience, and if this be so, think of what the effect must be of this vice being regarded in the eyes of China as one which owes its introduction and its active development to the agency of a nominal Christian country. Is it any wonder that our missionaries tell us how again and again that fact is thrown in their teeth? Is it any wonder that we are asked to believe that infinitely more than 2 54 appears in cases of definite opposition there is a sullen undercurrent of dislike of the religion of England because of the distrust of the race which is responsible so largely for the presence of the vice in China? Remember thai in the common thought China opium is indelibly associated with the foreigner. Let me give you one illustration. An intimate friend df mine, Mr. Montagu Beau- champ, a missionary in the remotesl west of the Empire, one of the noblesl Christian gentlemen that ever I met at Cambridge, and whose account is irrefragahly to be trusted, has assured me that in his peregrinations as a miss,,, nary. a t his own cost, he has been f>>r years in the remotest parts of the Empire, and it was his common experi- ence in the fairs and markets of the little towns far toward the western border, where we are sometimes t«>ld foreign opium has never got at all. to see the announcement over the booths m the market-. "Here is sold a remedy for the foreign smoke." That is the opium. It is recognized as a disease For which a remedy is required, and it is felt to be foreign, for it first came from outside; and alas and alas, it was we that had to do with its coming. T11K ROYAL COMMISSION. I must not stay to -peak to you long upon the other points that were much upon my heart. I would only just remind you of the important facts of the royal commission upon opium, which now some nine or ten years ago was ordered to report upon the Indian manufacture and incidentally upon the trade and its result^ in China. We all know that with that one important exception the commi-siom-rs concurred in a rec- ommendation that nothing should be done in the way of restricting the Indian growth and exportation. It i< a s C riou> thing to impugn the deliberate verdict of the rr.yal commission held by responsible men. But we have lately been reminded in another sphere of life that even the most serious pronouncement of a judicial tribunal inflicting a penalty of years upon, as it proved, an innocent man was a matter for fresh investiga- tion [cheers], and that it was conceivahle. in spite of the magnificent traditions of the English judicial bench and in spite of the shining splendor and the accuracy and the pain-takings of English judicial proceedings, the process and the result would need to he publicly criticised and positively reversed. It is. therefore, no treason to say that the report of the royal commissi,,,, may need to be pronounced upon again [cheers], and I take it that this has been done, in a way which deserves the closest and most respectful and most sober attention of every stu- dent of the subject, by my honored and admiral. le friend the Rev. Arnold Foster, of Hankau, who in his masterly hook, which must he known to many of you, has ma,! sanation of the report of the opium commission. He has. as it seem- to me. conclu- sively shown that, whatever may have been the reason at the hack, the evidence re- corded by the commissioners, in view of which alone he bases hi- judgment, re men. for money or a prize of any character or for any other thing of value. r any championship, or upon the result of which any money or anything of value g red, or which any admittance fee is charged, either directly OT indirectly. ALDRICH-HEPBURN BILL TO FORBID INTERSTATE TRANS- MISSION OF REPORTS OF PRIZE FIGHTS. Introduced by Hon. Frank Aldrich, Feb. 26. reported same day from House C01 mittee on Interstate Commerce. Hous< Report 304(1. 54th Congress, jnd Session. Re- introduced 55th and 56th Congress by Hon. W."P. Hepburn. [No action taken.) 1/ enacted, etc., That no picture or description of any prize fight, or encounter of pugili-t< under whatever name, or any proposal or record 1 I g on the same, shall be transmitted in the mail- of the United State- or by interstate commerce, whethi a new-paper or other periodical, or telegram, or in any Other form. That any rson -ending such matter, or knowingly receiving such matter for transmission, by mail or intei commerce, shall be deemed guilty of a mi-demeanor and shall be punishable by imprisonment for not more than five year-, at the discr»t y a fine not exceeding one thousand dollars. . - EDUCATIONAL TEST FOR IMMIGRANTS. Passed House May 27, 1902. In addition to the persons excluded under the foregoing section, admission into the United States shall be denied to all persons over 15 years of age and physically capable of reading who can not read the English language or some other language; but an ad- missible immigrant or a person now in or hereafter admitted to this country may bring in or send for his wife, his children under 18 years of age, and his parents or grand- parents over 50 years of age, if they are otherwise admissible, whether they are so able to read or not. For the purpose of testing the ability of the immigrant to read, the inspection officers shall be furnished with copies of the Constitution of the United States, printed on uni- form pasteboard slips, each containing not less than 20 nor more than 25 words of said Constitution printed in the various languages of the immigrants in double small pica type. Each immigrant may designate the language in which he prefers the test shall be made, and shall be required to read the words printed on a slip in such language. No two immigrants listed on the same manifest shall be tested with the same slip. An immigrant failing to read as above provided shall not be admitted, but shall be re- turned to the country from which he came at the expense of the steamship or railroad company which brought him. [From Report 21 19, 57th Congress, 1st Session.] The following resolutions have been passed by the organized charity societies of fifty of our large cities : "Whereas it is impossible to make the conditions of the very poor substantially better when every arriving steamer brings more of the ignorant and unskilled to compete for the employments that are open only to the ignorant and unskilled ; and "Whereas the difficulty of securing universal education is greatly increased when every year sees landed an army of one hundred thousand illiterates, whose children will start upon their career as American citizens from ignorant homes under practically foreign surroundings ; and "Whereas our standard of public morality is endangered when there are annually added to our great cities whole communities which are unfit for the responsibilities of American citizenship, and whose members, whatever their good intentions, become helpless victims of the corrupt boss, or of the irresponsible agitator; and "Whereas the forces working for morality and enlightenment can not prevent the growth of the most dangerous forms of anarchy and lawlessness while we continue to make constant additions to the great masses of ignorance that we already have; and "Whereas the illiteracy test seems on the whole to be the best practical way of re- ducing the most undesirable elements of our present immigration ; and "Whereas a bill prepared by the Immigration Restriction League is now pending in Congress, which embodies the illiteracy test; now, therefore, "The undersigned hereby indorses said bill and urges upon all Senators and Repre- sentatives in Congress the importance of prompt and favorable action to restrict immi- gration by means of such illiteracy test." ^c $Z ^ % jfc All that sort of reasoning about the necessity of having a mean kind of man to do a mean kind of work is greatly to be suspected. It is not possible to have a man who is 268 id i" <1" any kind of work which the welfare of Ins family and of the commun- ity requires to be done. So long as we wen- lefl to increase oul of the loins <>f our people, such a sentimenl as that we are now commenting upon made no appearance in American life. It is much t<> be doubted whether any material growth which is to be secured only l>y the degradation of our citizenship is a national gain, even from the must materialistic point of view. Mr. Shattuc, chairman >>f the House Committee on Immigration, in the House of Representatives, May 21, said regarding the present demand for tin further restriction <>\ immigration : "With almost unanimous voice the l?bor interests of the country have asked from Congress legislation f<>r further and more effective restriction of immigration. Nor is this demand confined to one division of the people. It is sustained by the pri urged by economists and publicists, and indorsed by the platforms of political parties. All unite upon the need of immediate action. * * * Organized labor stands a unit in demands upon Congress for further restriction. * * * The demand for ef- fective restriction is universal and imperative." There can he no doubt that there is a general and very earncM desire among the pi pie fi the United States to restrict, by proper measures, foreign immigration. It is obvious that immigration in its present unrestricted form threatens to injure the quality of onr citizenship and lowers the rates of American wages. All that has hitherto been clone to improve and restrict immigration has been wise and beneficial, hut it has not been sufficient to reach the objectionable classes of immigrants and it has had hut slight effect in restricting their coming to this country. The necessity for some further step ha- long been apparent No measure can be devised which will let in absolutely everyone who ought to come in and exclude every immigrant who ought to he shut out. hut the percentage of desir- able immigrants who would he excluded by this hill would he reduced to a minimum. It is susceptible of proof, as the following tables will show, that a test which will shut out ignorance will exclude those parts of our present immigration which are li desirable and which all persons who have given thought to this important subject agree Should he kept from entering the United Stat< - The mass of immigration, absolutely speaking, continues, nf course, to come from the United Kingdom and from Germany, hut relatively the immigration from these two sources is declining rapidly in comparison with the immigration from Italy and m the Slavic countries of Russia, Poland. Hungary, and Bohemia. ILLITERACY 0* N \TI0NALITIES. Per cent. Per cent. Finns 10 < *,.il i<-i;m- sians 48 Croats, etc. 45 Hungarians 36% Syrians 69 Remember, for comparison, that the average of illiteracy for the British, Germans, and Scandinavians is _>j m 100. EXCL1 SI0N or ILLITERATES—] IN THE SOUTH AMD u KST. An educational test as a matter of restriction would not affect in any important de- the Western ami Southen many of which are naturally desirous of obtain- ing a large immigration, for the illiterates largely stagnate near the Atlanti while the more educated nations move on to huild up the new St.v ILLITERATES AND SLUMS. Where the illiterate immigrants go is shown by the Seventh Special Report of the United States Commissioner of Labor (1894), from which it appears (p. 44) that the proportion of those of foreign birth or parentage to the total population in the slums of Baltimore was 77 per cent : in Chicago, 90 per cent ; in New York, 95 per cent, and in Philadelphia 91 per cent. The figures for the foreign born alone are correspond- ingly striking. It appears from the same report (pp. 160-163) that of every 100 aliens, 40 were illiterate in the slums of Baltimore, 47 in Chicago, 59 in New York, and 51 in Philadelphia ; and that of every 100 of these illiterate aliens there were 67 males of voting age in Baltimore, 77 in Chicago, 78 in New York, and 85 in Philadelphia. CRIMINALS AND PAUPERS. By the census of 1890, 55.03 per cent of the total white population are of native par- entage and 32.77 per cent are of foreign parentage. Instead, therefore, of being re- sponsible for but 43.19 per cent of the crime committed in the United States, the pro- portion chargeable to the native white element on the basis of population should be 55.03 per cent, while the foreign born element by the same standard of comparison would commit but 32.77 per cent of the crime instead of 56.18 per cent as is now the case. When these facts are remembered the profound significance of these figures will be perceived. This measure will exclude a larger number of undesirable immigrants and a smaller number of desirable immigrants, so far as statistics can be relied upon, than any re- striction which could be devised. 270 SECOND CLASS MAIL. Hearing on Loud Bill, Jan. 16, 1897, before Senate Committee on Posl Offices and Post Rm.uU STATEMENT OF REV. WILBUR F. CRAFTS. PH. D. There are three fundamental objections it seems to me, to the existing postal law. which the Loud act before us amends. First of all. it is in the parts which the Loud act would change, a law to promote the socialism of the rich. We are hearing a gi deal about the socialism of the poor, but the law which the Loud act seeks to amend. in the par;- we would change, i- a law that has proved to be in its practical working. though not so intended, a law in the interest of a few rich publishers of sample-copy paper- that are nothing but advertising sheets, and of certain rich publishers of book-. mostly foreign books, not written by American author-, but pirated, the sale of which takes the place often of a better type of American hook-. My second objection to the existing law i- that it give- large subsidies to certain special interests and makes the people pay the bill. It i- socialism distinctly in behalf of the rich. That, it seem- to me. goes to the very core of the question. It is special legislation in behalf of a few localities, especially of the city of Augusta, Me., to which the whole United States, under the exi-ting law, must contribute. Two or three cities are publishing a vast number of sample-copy paper-, for which the people of the country are paying the bill. I am a son of Maine, but I do not feel that I must champion the business interest of my native State when inconsistent with the rights of my country. I do not want, as a son of Maine, to ask Chicago. New York, and other places to pay her bills. I do not want the State of Maine to be a dependant of the United States. I am proud of the position Maine occu- a- a moral leader, of its leadership in Congress also, but I am sorry to men of Maine here asking for a large slice of the taxes of the people for a local in- -t. The third fundamental objection to the present law is that, as interpreted, and I am -ure these Postmasters-General have tried to interpret it as best they could, it puts a premium upon manifest frauds. No one will claim that the present law was intended to enable private business houses to lessen their advertising bills by making the people carry the advertisements at one-eighth the CO We heard in the House debate, and you will find it in the Record, that there i- one single publication which claims a bona fide circulation of J?.ooo.ooo. It i-. of COUTSe, merely a -ample-copy circulation, and the publish an immense amount of idver- ti-ing. much of it drawn away from legitimate newspapers, while the people pay the bill the tune of millions of dollars Here i- a nummary of the few important fact- in favor of the Loud act. which aim prevent the frauds now practiced In the fir-t place. lei me remind you who ai •r of the I.oud bill. Tin- President has asked for it: his pred< r, if I remember rightly, also a-ked for such amendments Three Postmasters-General in -uccession have asked for such legislation as the Loud bill pr<.r The House ha- now a for it. The National Board of Trade and the Publishers' Association, repre-enting ling daily paper-, have asked for it; also the Library Association, representing public libraries and creat numbers of the people. Who are ed to it' First - 'me. but ■ • all. the publishers of paper-covered novels, <*"> per cent of them — we have the esti- mate from one who has made a special study of the q —about 00 per cent foreign 271 novels, not all French, but large numbers of them, trash; foreign novels that are pirated, that are taking the place of our own better literature in a large measure. Second, pub- lishers of sample-copy papers — that is. advertising sheets which have very small legiti- mate circulation but issue millions of copies every week, for whose carriage the people of the United States must pay. The principal opposition to the present bill is from these two classes — those who pub- lish vast numbers of cheap novels and those who publish enormous editions of sample- copy papers, for the transportation of which, as has been stated here, the Government has to pay. Are foreign novels, are sample-copy papers, the kind of literature that the United States Government should tax its people to circulate for '•educational" benefit? A third class of opponents comprises the news companies and news dealers. They re- ceive books in bulk, at the cost of the people, from the publisher, and at the people's cost send them to news agents, and again at the people's cost the news dealers send back all they do not sell simply to prove their accounts honest. The point has not been made here at all, and I think was not made sufficiently clear in the House, at least not in my hearing, that a large portion of these paper-covered novels come from the pub- lisher directly to the news companies in vast bulk. Tons at a time can be sent from a publisher to news agents and news dealers which ought to be sent by freight. Ordinar- ily there is no haste about the transportation of these books, which are published with- out any news in them. There is certainly no reason why great quantities of these books should be sent in bulk by mail at the cost of the Government when they could be sent almost as conveniently by freight and with only a slight difference in expense. I have named the chief opponents of the amendments we are urging, but there are also a few country papers which, by printed appeals to their prejudices, have been led to oppose these amendments in the interests of the city papers and against those of the rural districts. The law as it now stands, and as it will remain after these amendments are passed, allows free distribution of county papers. So far as they circulate in one county, they are beneficiaries of the Government, with no postage to pay at all. The only thing they would have to pay would be on a few sample copies that would go beyond the county. This would be more than offset by the advertisements they would recover from the fraudulent sheets these amendments would suppress. As to the relig- ious papers, there would be the same compensation in advertising for a trifling added expense for sample copies. In any case, they should be willing to pay it as a small tax for the general good. The religious press is not represented, except by a few papers, in opposition to the Loud act. Mr. Hill. Does the sample-copy matter entirely affect the country newspapers? Mr. Crafts. It seems to me it would affect them least of any. Country papers are not the kind that issue these large editions of sample copies, unless some advertiser comes in and uses them fraudulently for advertising purposes. There are very few country papers that issue more than a few copies additional to their subscription list. It seems to me there is very little to be said about the country paper case. I think it has been worked up, but before the matter is through the country papers will under- stand that they have been deceived. Now, as to the religious papers. I have been a publisher and an editor of a religious pEper, and know what a privilege it is for papers, as poor financially as they usually are, to send out sample copies free; but the interest which these newspapers have in morals is so great that nearly all of them are at present willing to pay a few cents more en their sample copies for the moral benefits that will accrue. On sample copies they would pay 4 cents a pound — just half the cost to the Government on them. But this would be partly if not wholly offset by advertising recovered from the fraudulent 272 sample-copy papers, which can not be suppressed it any sample copies are allowed to go free. Only by making it a crime to send a copy to others than subscribers without a stamp can they be detected. Ami while you may hear from a few of tin- religious papers in opposition to these amendments, 1 am confident that tin- voice of tin- religious press is far more on the other side. The opposition to these corrupt novels has been expressed very frequently and very strongly in the press of the country. The next point that I have noted here is what the hill will do. According to the ad- mission ^i the opponents of the bill, which is doubtless an underestimate, it will take 30.000 tons of second-class matter out of the mails. That would make $4,200,000 saving to the Government— half the deficiency of the Post-Office Department. Mr. LOUD. That saving is on transportation alone. Mr. Crafts. Yes; besides further saving in the office expenses for handling this sec- ond-class matter. It is claimed that the loss in carrying books and sample copies is offset because there is a great deal more letter postage sent, and a great deal more of postage for circulars because of them. But this is not to be wholly lost by the proposed change of law. for printing has been so much cheapened that the books can he sold as cheaply as now and pay the higher postage. I am a publisher of books myself. I man- age the Reform Bureau, which publishes some books. A book that sells for $1.50 costs 25 cents to make; a book that sells for 10 or 25 cents will he made in these days for iVfc cents in many cases. There is 600 per cent profit even at 10 cents. I do not believe that any fewer books will be sold, although I hope the quality will be improved. The 10-cent book will still be sold for 10 cents. The publisher will pay for its transportation, the people will get just as many books, and the Government will get just as many letters. As to advertising, there will be as many letters, but they will connect with bona fide papers. The next point I wish to notice is the estimate of Mr. Wanamaker as to the cost of transporting books at pound rates. He estimates that 50,000 tons of these novels are sent out, which would cause a loss of $1,000,000 for that item alone. In regard to Houghton, Mifflin & Co., as Senator Hill has stated, we find good men in jail, and we find good novels among these trashy publications. Here is the estimate cf a man who has studied this subject for years. Mr. Thomas K. Cree, of the Interna- tional Committee of the Young Men's Christian Association, who has been working on it in the interest of young men. He says that 90 per cent of the novels are foreign novels of the inferior grade, and that probably 10 per cent are wholesome books. Mr. Hii.i.. What is the difficulty in distinguishing between these historical and scien- tific publications and these novels? Mr. CRAFTS. I think the men who drew the bill found that it would he impossible to make a distinction between them and not open the flood Kates to the class of literature I have just alluded to. It is said that the present law if enforced would he enough. A man with a paper that is legitimate enters it at the post-office. He then has a vested interest. Some trade interest comes in and buys him up, and issues an immense num- ber of sample copies. You close him out, refuse him the mails. ;in d |,<- goes to the courts in defense of a "vested interest." Mr. Hii.i.. That is a question arising under existing laws, hut do you say that in the wisdom of ('.n^res-. it can not frame an act that will admit one and exclude the other in certain terms that can not he mistaken? Mr. CRAFTS. I am afraid that it can not I want to say tl r as this Riverside Series is concerned there is so large a profit, and the books are made so cheap, that they , can make as large a profit, and pay legitimate on this good literature, as they could make a while ago, because they have saved as much on the processes of printing as they have to pay additional. Mr. Wheeler. The gentleman is mistaken when he says that. Mr. Hill. Why should they not, the publishers of such books as have been shown here, be permitted to send these books as first class on the same terms as some of our first-class magazines, three-fourths of which are given up fully to advertising. You pay 50 or 25 cents for your magazine. Examine it carefully and you will find that a majority of its pages are full of advertisements. Has not a good book got just as good status? Mr. Crafts. I wish they might make a magazine of such reprints as Houghton and Mifflin publish, and so enter it. Mr. Hill. There is no advertisement here ; not a bit. Mr. Crafts. I think Houghton, Mifflin & Co. might find some way to make their periodicals of historical value into a magazine. Mr. Burrows. As Senator Hill suggests, what objection would there be to that, if it could be done. Mr. Crafts. I would not have any. Mr. Burrows. But what is the objection? Mr. Hill. The framers of the bill say it can not be done. Mr. Crafts. I think it would be impossible to draw the line. Mr. Burrows. Suppose it could be drawn? Mr. Crafts. I would be glad to have it done. The Chairman. I wish to state to every member here that my own belief is that second-class matter should only be news matter; and matter that is merely literary, of any kind, whether good or bad, should not be admitted to the mails at the pound rate. Mr. Hill. How about magazines? The Chairman. There is great difficulty in drawing the line. The primary object of the rate of postage, where you carry for one-sixth or one-seventh of the cost, is to disseminate current news among mankind. When you go beyond that, you violate a fundamental principle which shall govern the post-office service. Do I state this cor- rectly [turning to Senator Vilas] ? Mr. Vilas. Yes. The Chairman. That is my view of the question. Mr. Hill. To exclude all first-class matter? The Chairman. It is a principle that excludes the carriage for less than cost of mere literature, whether it is Wild Tom or Evangeline, from the 1 cent a pound rate. Mr. Crafts. As to the amendments introduced, but I judge not advocated, by Sena- tor Chandler. I have alread spoken of the impossibility of allowing any sample copies to go at pound rates, as it is only by forbidding all that we can make the law enforce- able. The second amendment, to allow papers in their own towns to be circulated as freely as elsewhere, has always seemed to me a rational thing. That a paper should pay more to be sent to the next street, two blocks away, than to send it to Arizona, has always seemed strange, and that amendment, it would seem, no one would object to. The only objection is that any amendment at this late hour of the session imperils the whole bill. The next amendment of Senator Chandler, on the third page of the bill, defines subscribers as those voluntarily ordering and paying for the same, but in the House it was stated that the word "subscribers," as defined in Post-Office Department regulations, would cover all this amendment does. 274 The Chairman. I think it d Mr. Crafts. A subscriber is the person who is under obligation to pay; the law he must pay a- long as Ik- takes the paper from the office OT foils to order it dis- continued. The Chairman. I understand thai to I"- existing law, but there can be no ion to making it definite. Mr. Crafts. Only that amendments delay and imperil the bill. Mr. Him.. I think the publishers ought to stop a publication when the subscription expires. Mr. Crafts. I think so, too. I once sent a paper a- a present. The subscription was to run for one year. Two r three year, after, the publisher sent me a bill for the paper, and I .lid not like that arrangement. The amendment changing the year to 1S07, £ course there is no objection to, and being SO trifling would cause no debate, and SO, no delay. There is. however, serious objection to the amendment that strikes out the amendments as to news agents. The p • news agencies are really monopolies, and are made so in part by the present law. which provides that although the publisher can not have the goods he sends to a news • returned to him at pound rates, the news agency may. The publisher sends off a lot of books to a news dealer. He has some left over and wants to send them back. 1 1 cannot send them to the publisher at pound rates, but he can send them at those rates to the news agency. So that the publisher has got to deal through the news agency. The news agency has the privilege of saying to the news agent: *'You take as many books ,. you like. If you have any left, you can send them back to us at pound rates." As the publisher has not that privilege, he is bound to deal through the mon- opoly. An element has been introduced into this bill that makes the news agency a monopoly. Mr. Hii.i.. Under the present bill? Mr. (."rafts. No; under the present law. which the bill so amends as to remove this aid to monopoly. This amendment of Mr. Chandler would have the effect of continuing that monopoly. I want you to look carefully into the matter of news agencies. The bill as it passed the House killed that monopoly — that is, it will prevent their having a monopoly over the publisher, and both of them will have to pay regular If the law remains unamended or the bill is amended as proposed the news agency can compel the publisher to deal through him. because news dealers can return 1> oks and papers only through the American N npany. Mr. Farrki.i.v. 1 want to correct an impression that you leave in the minds of the gentlemen present. You do not know what you are saving. The Chairman. We will make that note. Mr. Farrki.i.v. He said that it was simply a subterfuge. I want to say that I was of the committee in New York who was present ami framed the law. or decided upon it. of iS7<> What the gentleman says, SO far as the present law is concerned, i> true, and until [885, whoever was Postmaster-Genera] at that time— I forget ; it may have l>een the Hon. Mr. Vilas — publishers .•. :orded the same privil ictly. The Postmaster-General then discovered that the word "publishei ■' that bill. I personally went to Mr. James. . • • at New York at the time, and I think I wrote to his honor Senator Yilas. who was then Postmaster-General, that the law intended to give the same n«ht to publishers, and I proj d and suggested and said to a member of the Senate, and some of those here now. an amendment asking them to put the word "publisher" in there. 1 want also to say in thai I that it has not curtailed any of the rights of the publishers, but nevertheless some of the pub- lishers do obtain their return copies through us. None of the publishers, so far as I know, have ever suffered one dollar by it. It was not a subterfuge on the part of the American News Company, which is not a monopoly, and when the gentleman says that, he does not know what he is saying. He does an act of great injustice. The Chairman. You appear for the American News Company and against the bill? Mr. FarrEIXY. I did not intend to appear today, and I only arose to give this per- sonal explanation. The Chairman. To show how little Mr. Crafts knew about it? Mr. Crafts. Yes. sir; but Mr. Farrelly is opposed to the bill. I am glad to be assured the discrimination in the present law against publishers and the public in favor of the great news company was not asked for by the latter. It was a very unfortunate error that it was made. In any case this amendment, even if publishers should be al- lowed the return privilege, should not prevail. Neither publishers nor news agencies should have the privilege of returning unsold truck at the cost of the people. [Loud bill not enacted.] 276 SECTARIAN INDIAN APPROPRIATIONS. Hearing Jan. 31, [90S, before Senate (.'onunittee on Indian A (Tail STATEMENT OF MR. S. M. BROSIUS, AGENT INDIAN' RIGHTS ASS0C1 TION. The House called upon the Secretary of the Interior to report what appropriations of Indian trust funds had been made and his authority for making them. For the present fiscal year ending June 30, iox>5, there IS an aggregate appropriation of $io_\78o. Now. of that $102,780 one denomination, the Catholics, secured ninety-eight thousand, six hundred and some dollars and the Lutherans of Wisconsin have secured $4,000. 1 do not know that there is any objection to the school-,, but the Indians are protesting —they are Protestant Indians who made the protest— that their funds are being used for the support of a school of a different religious faith. A petition from each band of the Sioux was forwarded to the Indian Office, signed by persons alleged to have rights as members of these trihes. The petitions are not in compliance with section 269, Regulations of the Indian Office — 1904. Since no council was called for the purpose, by the Indian agent, of ascertaining the desire of the tribe, a small percentage of the tribe only have signed the so-called peti- tions, and such petitions are not properly authenticated and are therefore totally with- out legal force and effect. SENATOR TeixER. Those were petitions asking that these funds be used? Mr. BROSIUS. Yes, sir; for these particular schools. The intelligent members of the Rosebud band of Sioux — engaged in business at the agency proper protest against this usurpation of their rights, and Mate they are not Roman Catholics and are opposed to such use of their funds. One hundred and >ix members of the Crow Creek band of Sioux protest, each writing his name, while 53 petitioned for such use of their fund-. 42 of these signing by mark. Only 1 1 wrote their names against the 106 who protested. One hundred and sixty-five name- appear upon a petition from Pine Ridge Agency favorable to the contracts, and 641 member- of the tribe have so far prote ' linst expending their funds for contract sectarian schools. One hundred and sixty-five favoring and 641 Opposing. All the-- Indian- entering their protest assert that they are nol Roman Catholics and sly oppose the use of their fund- for the schools of that religious faith. 1. ibers of the Indian- are a uumunicant- m the van. .11- Protestant church.'-, and tilts arbitrary diversion of their fund- 1- most objectionable to them. It is shown that the contract price of $108 per pupil is largely in excess of the | portionate -hare due each child of school age among the Sioux for school pur;. $15 bemg about the per capita allowance. The excess expenditure under the from the -hare- due those members who have not asked I use of their funds, but are now urgently protesting against the same. Those wh.> have studied the Indian question from the standpoint of hi- better wel- largely united in the belief that the trust funds of the Indian- should be segregated and individual; ted upon the books of the Treasury, and until thi done it i- difficult to -ee how the charges of individual Indian- any purpose. If the present plan of expending tribal trust funds for sectarian contract schools is continued arbitrarily by the Department it must inevitably result in strife and dissen- sion among the Indians. Dr. Lyman Abbott, in the Outlook, issue for January 28, states the situation concise- ly when he says : "For the Government, which is the guardian of the Indians, to expend their trust funds for sectarian purposes, is to apply to the Indians a policy which would not be applied in dealing with any other people; a policy which is un-American, which is in direct contravention of the constitutional provisions of many of our States, which vio- lates the spirit of the constitution of the United States and induces sectarian strife among the Indians by setting Protestant and Roman Catholic signing antagonistic peti- tions. This is but to transfer the ecclesiastical lobby from Washington to the reserva- tion — to jump from the frying pan into the fire " Doctor Abbott's reference to the ecclesiastical lobby is pertinent. A statement has been made to me by an honorable Senator, which will be amplified before the com- mittee, that Mr. Scharf, representing the Catholics, submitted a table of 20 close Con- gressional districts, with the alleged Catholic vote in each, and a written proposal to deliver the necessary votes to carry these districts if the appropriation to the amount of $200,000 was continued. Senator Bard: Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, I wish also to in- troduce Dr. Wilbur F. Crafts, representing the International Reform Bureau, Wash- ington. STATEMENT OF DR. WILBUR F. CRAFTS. That is not a quarrel between Catholics and Protestants. You know that in Eng- land where they have church and state united men are going to jail rather than allow funds that belong to one sect to be used for another. It seems to me there is nothing more unjust than that funds belonging to persons of different denominations should be used with partiality and favor for the sole benefit. of one. Now, in this case I call your attention particularly to what was said by Mr. Leupp so briefly but so pertinently. The question before this committee is whether the Executive may aid by indirection what has been forbidden by law directly by Congress itself. You are all aware that, with the exception of this small body of Lutherans in Wisconsin, all the Protestant churches long ago gave up any idea of government aid. The Catholic schools re- ceived help several years longer than the Protestant schools. They had a much longer period of time and they had a much larger amount. We have been very generous ; Congress has been very generous ; the Government has been very generous ; we none of us have any prejudices. The Chairman. We are not discussing that. Didn't the Catholics, under this ar- rangement that President Grant made allowing the different denominations to have schools there — didn't the Catholics outdo you all by additional zeal and work? Doctor Crafts. Perhaps more than any one denomination, for their population was larger, but the Protestant churches together did as well as they. It is inconsistent with the principle of American government for the Methodists and Baptists and Congrega- tionalist churches to be going for aid to the Government, and the question coming up from time to time as to how much this and the other should have. It was an unseemly squabble for money — an unseemly interference with the fundamental rights of the American Republic. So the Protestant churches, with this small exception — it is 2-8 hardly to be counted — gave up voluntarily, before Coi cul them off, all these aids. Congress was very lenient with the Catholics and continued for a considerable time their schools and extended it once after it was agreed to close up the matter. Now, me schools, mark you. that were cut off by Congress, after being helped a long time, are being helped through an indirection. Some way lias been found to accom- plish this in the executive department — in the Interior Department, so as to furnish $io_'.ooo — $0X000 to Catholic schools. I am afraid the American people will noi ap- -• that use of public money and of the tru-t fund- handled by the Government. It seems to me these trust funds are the same as the funds of a hank. The Government is handling for Protestant and Catholic Indians a certain amount of money. Now, this is what was done: 160 Indian-, each of them petting a loaf of bread for hi- signature, most of them making their mark, so ignorant they could not -ign their names, signed a petition, gathered in secret without the knowledge of the tribe, without any public council, such as the law provides, without any discussion (these pen were seen quietly by some one), made their mark — they did not know what they were signing — and on that small petition basis was found for granting money belonging to tlum and to others to schools that were sectarian on reservations where the Govern- ment had schools already. Now, it seems to me that statement of facts carries with it the conviction that that was not a proper procedure, and the thought we have in mind is that somewhere in this bill there should be a provision forbidding the u-e of any Indian trust funds for sectarian schools, or at any rate forbidding the use of any money appropriated in this bill. At any rate, we feel that there ought to be a pro- vision to provide, as far as possible, for a continuance of the policy which the Con- of the luited States announced before, so that there shall be no possibility of using funds that are in the hands of the United State- Government for the Indians of both Protestant and Catholic churches for the benefit of one. The International Reform Bureau, which I represent, has members all over the coun- try — I think I know the sentiment of the public pretty well — and I do not believe the •infry generally approve tin- condition. Those directly interested in the schools would, but I do not believe the Catholic people in general would approve f trust funds belonging both t<> the Protestants and Catholic- for the Cath- alone. I have a better opinion of the Catholic- than that. I think the Catholics and Protestants of the country generally will say that some provision ought to be made by which there can be no such controversy. See what a conflict will be arou-ed among the Indr natok BARD. I want to -ay. in this connection. I have a number of very k Catholic friend-. I have made this Statement to them, and they, with a- much I a- 1 myself, have objected to anything of this kind. Two amendment- were prop bj Mr Stephens and both were ruled out on a point of order— on the ground that it was new legislation, I think. Probably the committee could find a way. if they will nine into that, to introduce such an amendment in the bill, if they should find it expedient We have a -hort provision which we think would be within the rule. It to be added at the end "i the appropriations: Provided, That no portion of the fund- appropriated by this act -hall be expended f> r the support i f contract schools. [Amendment : Senate, failed in conference 1 SENATOR VILAS ON INDIAN EDUCATION. It is not difficult to pass with a jeer at Indian education, as the results of our clumsy and bungling dealing with those unfortunate people, whom we describe as wards of the nation, and who are chiefly to be accounted the wards of the nation because they have suffered despoiling at the hands of the guardian, which has been in many instances the case. These wards of the nation are not taking from us what we do not owe them. Neither are we spending this money because we owe it to them. Let it be understood that we are spending it in the most wise economy for ourselves. It is not to bestow upon the Indians the annual sums of money which we put in here for Indian education. It is to remove from among our own people one of the greatest dangers to our society which we have encountered for years. We must either kill them or lift them up. We can not go on in this fashion, and it is not quite right even by way of jeer or joke to throw the stone at the poor Indian, which can be safely done from the vantage ground on which we stand here. Look at our dealing with the Indians! But a day or two since the Senator from Kansas was calling the attention of the committee (and I may mention it without offense) to the fact that thousands, millions of acres of land had been recently taken from and bought of the Indians of this country at the munificent price of 6 cents per acre, when for that same land and at the same moment a private party proffered $5 per acre. We are not losing money in our dealing with the Indians. If we were putting it only on that bare and narrow, mean basis, I trust that we shall never shrink from the just obligation that rests upon this nation to deal not narrowly, not meanly, but generously with these people whose country we occupy. Let us recognize one thing, and I think that is the policy of the Indian Affairs Committee and of Congress, that the true way of dealing with the Indian question is to take the young generation of the Indians who in a few years will be the adult Indians of the country and educate them at whatever cost, and though we may not be able to make the blanket Indians see the problems of life as the civilized eye beholds them, we can at least find in the children of the blanket Indian even the germ of understanding, the capability of instruction, and if, to that young generation, we shall give the light of education, the power and the self-support of intelligent civilized understanding so that they may compete in the peaceful ways of life with their white fellow-citizens, we shall have done something to relieve the obligation which this nation owes to a people with whom it has dealt only unjustly, with few exceptions. 280 POPULAR ELECTION OF SENATORS Speech of Hon Henry S1 George Tucker, of Virginia, in the Hou t Repi 1892. The only change proposed is a change from election "by the Legislature election by the people; and added thereto the qualifications of electors, providing that they shall be the same as for Representatives in Congress I am aware, thai in proposing any amendment we arc amenable to the charge of "tinkering" with the Constitution, and of attempting changes which, though called for by popular de might, if adopted, he hurtful rather than beneficial to the people and destru of the original symmetry of that great instrument. But I believe there is such a demand on the part of the people of the country for the change proposed in this instance that when the subject is fairly presented to the country then- can be one view about it — that the original plan of electing by the Legislatures, in the changed condition of our country, does not properly meet the necessities of the hour. Nor are we to be deterred from proposing a proper measure of relict for the people simply because it invo'ves a change. A conservatism that rejects the good because it is new and involves a change, is as censurable as the radicalism which upr all that is good because it is old. This principle has been well stated by an ear'y commentator on the Constitution, as follows: The design of a machine may appear correct, the model perfect and adapted to all the purposes which the original inventor proposed, yet a thousand def( may be discovered when the actual application of its powers is made, and many Eul improvements, in time, become obvious to the eyes of a far less skillful mechanic. Their success and perfection must, however, still depend upon actual experiment, and that experiment may suggest still further improvement. Are we to reject these because they did not occur to the first projector, though evidently growing out his original design? Or, if on the other hand we have unwarily adopted that a improvement which experiment shall evince to be a defect, shall we be so wed to en 'o persist in the practice of it, for no better reason than that we have fallen into it?" — Tucker's Blackstone, volume [, part 1. page [96 In the equality of representation in the Senate, the triumph of the gnty of the States was complete; it was intended that in the Senate at least— for the protection of the small State-,, tl ich, were to be represented in the House, the St.r represented according to population, SO in the 3< I the as political entities were to be represented; that a- they wei independent and sovereign, the smallesl was to be equal to the largest, and in ■ they were to deal with each other as equal Sovereign be measured by geographical limits nor arithmetical proportioi BRBIGN1 v. ■ mined I in tl how and by what methods can this be best eff« ted? Can an) so we'.', it the organized political * died a that which the sovereign will of thai '' I- the I ture, thi sovereignty, the creature of the - 1 will of tbx made it? Is the Exe uti e, m< [ual to t; in the | in the 5 the creature can not be al l< for ; ; mt in the State as a political ereignty, but in the original sovereign power which rests with the people themselves. Some gentlemen have said to me, in discussing this matter, "Are you not giving up the great doctrine of the representation of the States in the Senate?" Why, on the contrary, we are intensifying and emphasizing the doctrine that in the Senate of the United States the sovereign power of the States shall be represented, and not the creature of that sovereignty, as represented by the Legislature. Now, if the States are to be represented in the Senate as sovereign entities; if they are to be the units of representation, and the sovereignty of the States not only preserved but strength- ened and enlarged by an election by the people, then I ask why should not this change be made ? The reasons which have induced us to recommend the change are numerous. A few only can be discussed in a limited time. We hold that the change would greatly lessen the opportunity for CORRUPTION IN THE ELECTION OF SENATORS. The intrigue of the wire-puller with the Legislature, and where this is lacking, the lavish use of money, sometimes called "undue influence," or both, are the most fruitful sources of corruption in the election of Senators. In proportion as the body of electors is enlarged is the danger of corruption lessened. Take 150 as the average size of the State Legislature — 76 of this number constitutes a majority of the Legisla- ture necessary to control it; 38 may be a majority of the caucus that controls the Legislature. If the candidate has any original strength, 15 or 20 are all that may be needed by him. Surely to the bad man (if I may use such an expression as to any gentleman who aspires to the Senator-ship), bent on securing his great prize, the opportunity for securing it, by intrigue and artifice, by open purchase or con- cealed bribery, or by the promise of "fat things" as found in the "green pastures" of the dominant Administration at Washington is greatly enlarged. The past thirty years has witnessed the enormous increase of individual and corporate fortunes in this country, until the millionaire is no longer a rarity. This fact has served to develop the insolence and arrogance of wealth, until intellectual endowments are dwarfed in its sordid presence, and moral character lies prostrate in its ruthless path. [Applause.] The power to rule men by intellectual and moral force, the test of a statemanship of a former day, is fast passing away. While wealth, the uncrowned king, oftentimes lacking both, and coveting neither, arrogantly seeks to rule in a domain where it is only fitted to serve; its altar has been erected in every community, and its votaries are found in every household. Patriotism has given place to material expediency, and the love of country is supplanted by the love of money. An aptness for percentages and the successful manipulation of railroads and stock boards are often regarded as the most essential of Senatorial equipments. POWER OF CORPORATIONS. But there is another element more dangerous to the liberties of the people than that of individual wealth in its influence on the election of Senators. The wonderful growth of our country has been greatly accelerated by the combinations of wealth in corporate forms. These in their proper spheres are to be encouraged rather than condemned; but when they leave their legitimate fields of operation and seek to control, against the interests of the people, the legislation of the country, whether they be banks or railroads, corporations or trusts, or combines, they will meet with the indignant protests of all true friends of the people. The number of employes in their control, the concentration of great wealth in their treasuries, and the "parlia- mentary favors" which they are able and most willing to bestow render their advances 282 : enticing and tluir approaches most insinuating. Their int< are guai by the ablest men ol each community, and, if public rumor be true, they can lay tluir lands on representatives of the people in many <>f the Legislatures in the land and claim them as their own. If the people dare sick relief from tluir c art' met by the agents of the corporations, who attempt to thwart them at ry step. All that shrewdness, audacity, and money can sug| i readily at then command. The Legislature is invaded, and the rights of the people give place '■) the exactions of corporate power; while he who can serve tlu corporations by his control of a Legislature, by intrigue, artifice, or persuasion, against the demands of the people, is regarded in modern days as "more terrible than an army with ban- and as fully equipped himself for service in the S< i ■ where in thai enlai field his powers can be utilized for the benefil of the corporations h< ■• • Tin- standard for the exalted position of United States Senator is thus debased by cor- ite influence. The wire-puller and the intriguer are often preferred to the sti man anil the patriot; and the proud title of United States Senator has lost much of its power in the suspicions which lurk in the public mind as to the mode, condi- tions, and requirements of their selection. In this connection, I beg to quote the language of one of the most distinguished men of our land. Judge Gresham. who. s] raking of the use of the money in electii said "The control of elections and legislation by the corrupt use of mam y more than anything else menaces popular government and the public peace. If these abuses are not speedily checked the consequent es are likely to be disastrous. * * * The most insidious of all forms of tyranny is that of plutocracy. Thoughtful I md admit that our country is becoming less and less democratic and more and more plutocratic. The ambition and self-love of some i en are so great that they are incapable of loving their country." DIFFICULT To BUY A MAJORITY OF THE PEOl But. the subjector will say just here, "Do you think you can do away with the • ey in elections? Will not tin- rich ami powerful still buy and corrupl the le?" I reply that until the millennium comes we shall not have entirely pure Hut this I do say. that when corrupts in a State convention to buy from an unwilling people a nomination for Senator, that it is not the end of it. A man who buys a vote in tlu- Legislature ' him to the Senati ably, the night before the election, and when tl.i t( has been taken in the ture there is no appeal, for the election Hut if a man ■vent ion and buys a nomination there is an appeal from that con- ■ tion to the unboughl people «,f the State by whom the Senator i the jwlls A man may buy the nomination in a Si tion. but where is •nan that would dare fair th< '.hat State ami go before them askil ted after having purchased his nomination in the convention? I d aim that the use of money will be entirely eliminated ; but, gentlemen, it wil be minim: it will I e brought down to the 1" hieh it is ] PERMANENT INJURY TO nil ITURE The money which corrupts, by member of tin- I • • tions has debauched him at • ■ in local legislation The corporation tl the halls of a I and lay its unholy hands upon the members, claiming them as its own in S< nator, has already . rd the hope ■ if a j of the people of that State by polluting the source from which such administration is derived. Under the specious guise of interest merely in the Senatorial elections, Legislatures are debauched and the purchased member in the Senatorial election can hardly pose as the unbought and unpurchasable tribune of the people's local rights. If the charges of corruption in Senatorial elections are true, the reflex action on the legislation in the States, incident to such corruption, must be immeasurable in its destruction of the rights and liberties of the people of the States. Mr. Speaker, it is not only proper but a pleasure (having spoken of the dangers of corruption in the election of Senators') to state at this point that, so far as my own State is concerned, and many of the States of this Union, there has never been any ground for a charge of corruption in the election of Senators. Not only have I never heard of it in my own State, but I have never heard even a suspicion of it. Of most if not of all the New England States and of all the Southern States the same may be said. But, gentlemen, it is not what has been, but the trend of public events that shows us the dangers in our path and induces us to advocate this amendment. SENATOR TURPIE ON ELECTING SENATORS BY POPULAR VOTE. Very keen distrust has been sometimes expressed as to the action of legislative bodies in the choice of Senators. This is only one of the forms which the popular protest against the present method most frequently assumes. Consider how full, clear, and thorough would be the remedy for the mischief of such suspicion under the new mode of election. It is true added importance would be given to that class of conferences called State conventions, and their action might be obnoxious to as grave charges as that of the Legislature. But the selection made by such conventions would not be final; it would only be primary, tentative; it would be subject to review and reversal at his leisure by every voter in the State. For that reason, no doubt, their action would be the more carefully guarded against the imputation of wrong and yet, if found impure, might fail of acceptance. 284 DEMOCRATIC REFERENDUM SPEECH OF HON ROBERT BAKER, OF NEW YORK, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY r, [905. ARRANGED Bl GBORG1 H SHIBLEY, DIRECTOR DEPARTMEN 11 fTATIVH GOVERNMENT, BUREAU OI RESEARCH, WASHINGTON, D We are continually confronted with the remarkable trust formation, a mo i menl thai is throwing into party politics millions upon millions of capital. While some arc planning how the trust fun. Is for campaign purposes shall be used, nature. operating through organizations of nun, is bringing forward a differenl remedy and one that i^ perfect. It is an improvement in the l of government. It is guarded representative government. I say t'aat this system furnishes a perfect solution of the trust question. Proof that this i^. ■.,. is the history of Switzerland since guarded representative govern- ment has been established. The system lends to an ideal civilization. The testimony is unanimous. GUARDED REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMEN1 TENDS I" %N IDEAL CIVILIZATION. I will first quote the testimony of Jesse Macy, professor of political scienci a College, who visited Switzerland in i8g6. He wrote the following words to his studenl "We cart not he too prompt in reaching the understanding that what we now recognize as democracy is something absolutely new on the face of the earth." The s tmething that is absolutely new is a Commonwealth in which the represen- tative system of government has been developed to where the people possess a veto power and a direct initiative which makes them the sovereign power. It is the twen- tieth century democracy, a new order of society. It is the highest point yet reached in an ever-progressive evolution. Savs A. Lawrence Lowell, professor of political science, Harvard University, in his two-volume work, Government and Parties in Continental Europe "The Swiss Confederation is on the whole the most successful del v in the world." I will correct that statement by adding that Switzerland is the only democi in the present-day world. Professor Lowell continues: "Unlike almost every other State in Europe, Switzerland has no irreconcilable* — the only persons in its territory who could, in any sense, be classed under that name being a mere handful of anarchists, and these, as in our own land, are foreigners. The people are contented. The Government is patriotic, far-sighted, efficient, and nomical, steady in its policy, not changing its course with party fluctuations Corruption in pul lie life is almost unknown, ami appointments to office are not made for political purposes by the federal authorities, <>r by those of most of the I • tons. Officials are selected on their merits, and retained as long n do their work; and yet the evils of a bureaucracy scarcely exist. * * * Wealth is ■ v evenly distril Su b are the unquestioned facts. Ev< gnizes tin- high character of tlie Swi '■ emmenl and its laws. The system is the latest stage in the development of repr. I "nment. For more than a thousand years the system has heen developing among the Teutonic The Swiss are the first to become ■ ign under representative government The results of the system have heen watched with the gTW ' | vsiMe inter [s a-i ideal society possible? The answer has hinged upon whether represent.. eminent can evolve to where the people become ti power the same time adopt in their collective capacity the recommendati nswer is yes, unmistakably yt The del the mechanism whereby this enlightened legislat: ecured is brief!] ibed by me in ie of The Public. UNITED STATES ON THE VERGE OF GUARDED REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT. In our own country we have been developing the guarded system of representa- tive government, and from earliest times until 1830 we were in advance of the Swiss. At all times our people's right to the sovereign power has been admitted, but inst tu- tions have been lacking for establishing that sovereignty. In the words of Hon. James Bryce, in the American Commonwealth, chapter 78: "One of the chief problems in America is to devise means whereby the national will shall be most fully expressed, most clearly known, most unresistingly and cheer- fully obeyed. * * * Toward this goal the Americans have marched with steady steps, unconsciously as well as consciously. No other people now stand so near it. * * * She has shown more boldness in trusting public opinion, in recognizing and giving effect to it, than has yet been shown elsewhere. Towering over Presidents and State governors, over Congress and State legislatures, over conventions and the vast machinery of party, public opinion stands out, in the United States, as the great source of power, the master of servants who tremble before it." This was written sixteen years ago, and during these years the people's right to their sovereignty has not been openly disputed, though the power of the ruling few has increased, owing to the centralization of industry, and the centralization of power in party machines. The hour has nearly arrived, however, when the peo- ple are to establish a system whereby they will become the supreme power in the land. The means whereby liberation is coming can be classified under two heads. First, improvements in campaign methods, and second, improvements in the sys- tem of government. Both have been developing together and therefore both will largely be described together. Leading up thereto permit me to outline the attain- ment of the people's sovereignty in Switzerland. EVOLUTION OF REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT IN SWITZERLAND. The French Revolution in 1830 started on July 28, and was followed by popular uprisings in Switzerland. By the middle of December the constitutions of nine cantons were revised, the new instruments being on progressive lines, and each was enacted into law by a direct ballot of the voters. This was without civil war, but during the next year there were serious conflicts before constitutional revisions were secured in the cantons of Basle, Schwyz, and Nauchatel. Fifty-three years before this the people of Massachusetts had directly enacted into law the constitution of the Commonwealth, the first event of its kind in the history of the world. Turning our attention again to Switzerland, it is to be noted that it was eighteen years after the revision of the cantonal constitutions before the national constitution was amended on liberal lines. While the thrones of Europe were tottering in the revolutions of 1848 the Swiss secured the establishment of the initiative and referen- dum as to federal constitutional law, together with a guaranty that the cantonal constitutions should be subject to a direct initiative in the voters as well as subject to a people's veto as to changes proposed by a cantonal congress or constitutional convention. After 1848 the Swiss gradually extended to statutory law the people's veto and direct initiative. About i860 the development of railways and the scandal- ous GIVING AWAY OF FRANCHISES BY THE LEGISLATURES RESULTED IN "a PERFECT wave of democracy," says Deploige in his book entitled "The Referendum in Switzerland." "The result," he adds, was "that the people became really and effectively sovereign." (Pp. 82 and 83.) This statement as to the completion of the Swiss people's sovereignty at this time is too broad, for not until 1874 was there installed a people's veto as to federal statutory law; and not till 1891 did the people secure in federal affairs the right to directly initiate a completed bill. Having traced the attainment of Swiss sovereignty, let us briefly outline this country's movement for the people's sovereignty. 286 EVOLUTION OP RBPR1 ■ (VBRNMBNT IN UNITED STAT1 The people who emigrated to New England and the entire eastern coa tly those who did so to secure g liberties. They were a picked lol of liberty- loving souls from among the world's They were familiar with dii legislation in the parish and representation in the country board or court, which included a right to instruct. These free instil were transplanted to a i country and developed under the besl conditions. The result was a governmental system of the highest ch then known For example, at the time of the American Revolution the people in the town- meeting portion of the country instructed their representati will. The Boston town records show that instructions at town meetings were usual. In I irds of 17'u the remarks by Samuel Adams to the representatives, preparatory to naming the instructions, are stated as follows: RIGHT TO INSTRUCT A CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT. "The townsmen have delegated to you the power of acting in their public Cerns Ul general as your own prudence shall direct you, always reserving to them- selves the constitutional right of expressing their mind and giving you such instruc- tion upon particular matters as they at any time shall judge proper." The Declaration of Independence was the result of instructions, and the subse- quent Articles of Confederation provided that delegates in Congress might he recalled at the pleasure of the States which sent them. In the State constitutions adopted at the time of the Revolution four of them — Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, and North Carolina — contained an express statement that the people's rights to assemble to consult together and to instruct Representatives and to apply to the legislature for redress of grievai should not be infringed. In none other of the States was it deemed necessary to expressly prohibit the legislature from enacting that the people should not do C things. At present the following State constitutions prohibit the legislature from stricting the right to assemble to instruct: Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Pennsyl- vania, North Carolina. Vermont, Tennessee, Ohio. Indiana, Maine. Michigan, Ar- kansas. California, Oregon, Kansas, and Nevada. No legislature in any of the other has ever attempted to infringe the right to assemble to instruct In the debates preceding the adoption of the Federal Constitution it was recog- nized that the people jed the right to instruct. Said John Jay in the New . rk convention "The Senators are to be appointed by the State legislatures. They will certain- hoose those who are most distinguished for their knowledge. / pT( ume will instru* t them In fact, the constitutions of four of th< it time prohibil e in- fringement of the people's right to instruct, as W( diown. Later, when the First < is considering a bill of rights, it was prop.. 'The right of the iple to instruct their re; infringed that thi right to instrui stated ■ . be prohibited from infringing that right. Bir not de» sary to prohibit Congress, and I r infringed the right Instructions at town meetings gave way to a more unified system, thai convention. This institution came into being in the nomination of party candidates and gre trengtb for the INSTRUCTIONS THROUGH I fOTE AT ELECTION TIMH The conventions, composed holding the convention, be ike hold »f publii The es were fr m the people U to adopt resolutions, and then a systematic statement of principles and policies — a plat- form. The first systematic platform of a convention which had a national bearing was the 1836 platform New York State Democratic party. On this platform Martin Van Buren made his canvass for the Presidency. Four years later the Democratic national convention adopted a platform, and so effective was it that four years later the opposite party did likewise, and thus the system became an established institution. Each quadrennial period has witnessed a greater and greater defmiteness in the policies enunciated, except as double-meaning phrases and weasel words have been inserted in recent years by special privilegists. The convention system is an institution which began nationally only seventy three years ago. The candidates of each party pledge that if the policies advocated by their party receive a majority vote through the election of its candidates they will stand on the party platform and thus obey the people's instructions. SPECIAL PRIVILEGE ENTHRONED. But this system of instructing as to national, State, and local issues is so mixed with personalities and a multitude of questions that the people are unable to instruct definitely. The result is that special privilege has crept in and, like the camel's head in the sheik's tent, the monopolists have pressed in and possess the country, the people being veritable slaves. RULE OF THE FEW THROUGH PARTY MACHINES. This fact has been recognized for years, but the party machines have become so strong and centralized through the use of monopoly wealth that the people have been prevented from reestablishing their power by the adoption of a people's veto and a direct initiative. Only in Oregon and South Dakota have the people restored to themselves their liberties. In Utah six years ago a fusion legislature submitted to the people of the State a constitutional amendment for a people's veto and direct initiative, which the people adopted, but the Republicans came into power and refused to put the system in operation, thereby openly repudiating even the forms of pupular government. In Illinois two years ago the people of the State, by referendum vote, instructed the legislature to submit a constitutional amendment for the termination of machine rule, but the Republican machine refused to oust itself. In Nevada for two successive legislatures the Democratic party voted to submit a constitutional amendment for a people's veto, and the people accepted the increase of power by a 6-to-i vote. SHORT CUT TO ABOLITION OF MACHINE RULE. QUESTIONING CANDIDATES AS TO THE ADVISORY REFERENDUM, THE OPEN SESAME. But in Republian Iowa the State machine has continually granted to the people of the cities a veto power and direct initiative as to city monopolies, the result being a freedom from corruption in franchise legislation. The dominant machines, though, in most of the States have refused the referen- dum for cities, and it has led to a new institution — the questioning of candidates as to the establishment of the advisory referendum, which includes a pledge by the candidate to obey the will of his constituents when expressed through a referendum vote. It is this system that is coming forward by leaps and bounds. About ten years ago this advisory referendum system sprang into existence in various places. "The first recorded instance is at Alameda, Cal., in 1895. (See the Direct Legislation Record for that year, p. 13.) The next year, under stress of circumstances, the system developed at Winnetka, 111., and at Buckley, in the State of Washington. (For description of the origin of the system in Washington see the Direct Legislation Record for 1896, p. 7.) The Winnetka system is the one which furnished the idea of national and State systems. Such is the new political system. It enables the nonpartisan organizations or even a few individuals in a community to make public the popular issues and thus prevent an evasion of pupular issues, thereby terminating the evil power of political machines. 288 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY BERKELEY Return to desk from which borrowed. This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. Z001 OCT 1 R 2001 yfh LD 21-100m-ll,'49(B7146sl6)476 • / JA JMJ] ■1 II