li&s-zx s°: SALAMMBO f f / I i^ C^f /i7y ^ * * /? 7 S ALA M M WO • _G U S T A V E FLAUBERT /9 ENGLIJftlE M. FRENCH SHELDON. SAXON & CO., 23 Bouverie Street, Fleet Street, LONDON, and Tribune Building, NEW YORK. MDCCCLXXXVI. t^ '3 *-&> Copyright 1885, KV HENRY S. WELLCOME. All rights reserved* < 1 • • < ..-r- TO MY FRIEND HENRY M. STANLEY, THE GREAT EXPLORER, WHO FOUND PR. LIVINGSTONE : FIRST CIRCUMNAVIGATED THE GREAT LAKES OF CENTRAL AFRICA ; FIRST REVEALED THE EXTREME SOUTHERN SOURCES OF THE NILE ; FIRST TRACED THE CONGO TO THE SEA, AND CREATED THE CONGO FREE STATE, WHICH IS DESTINED SOME DAN o! rRIVAL ANCIENT PHOENICIA! TO HIM WHOSE EXALTED NOBLE ATTRIBUTES AS MAX AND FRIEND EXCEL, IF POSSIBLE, THE GREATNESS OF HIS FAME J IT IS MY HONOIR AND 1'LEASIRE TO DEDICATE THE TRANSLATION OF S A LAMM Bo. M. FRENCH SHELDON. London, 1885. CONTENTS. I. The Feast II. At Sicca III. Salammbo IV. Under the Walls of Carthage V. Tanit .... VI. Hanno .... VII. Hamilcar Barca VIII. The Battle of the Macar IX. The Campaign . X. The Serpent . XI. In the Tent . XII. The Aqueduct XIII. Moloch . XIV. The Defile of the Battle-Axe XV. Matho .... PAGE I 26 55 66 9i 112 140 192 218 239 256 282 309 358 409 INTRODUCTION. The French man of genius whose masterpiece is now for the first time presented in English to the attention of the Anglo- Saxon world was thirty-six years of age before he had pub- lished anything, and had attained the ripe age of forty-one when Salammbd made its appearance. Gustave Flaubert was born in the old town of Rouen, in Xormandy, on the 12th of December, 1821. Both his father and his brother were noted physicians and surgeons, a fact which probably prompted Sainte-Beuve, when he came to criticise and to praise Gustave Flaubert, to remark that the author handled his pen as others handled the scalpel. The father was for more than thirty years chief surgeon of the Hotel Dieu in Rouen, and was the author of many valuable treatises on medical science. The son Gustave, who had a passionate admiration for his elder brother, had determined to study medicine ; but he soon per- ceived, says an acute biographer, that the observation of the phenomena of the moral order was better suited to his cha- racter, and he abruptly closed his scientific studies and turned to literature. There are few instances in letters of a career so tardily begun ripening so quickly into renown, or concentrating into a few years so many excitements, struggles, debates, and vic- tories. As soon as he had taken his great resolve, Flaubert C X INTRODUCTION. devoted his entire life and his phenomenal energy and persist- ence to the art which he had chosen to pursue. His life was. thenceforward a consecration. The changes and the battles of 1848 did not affect him. He seems, to the very close of his life, save when the anguish of the war of 1870-71 wrested from him some outbursts of patriotic wrath, to have remained a stranger to political strife, and to have felt a kind of con- tempt for it. When he was at the height of his glory, he went one evening into Imperial society, where he met the highest dignitaries of the land. He returned home quite dis- gusted, and recorded his disgust in a letter written the next morning to a friend, in which letter he said : " The evening was filled with platitudes and nonsense. These people actually talked of nothing else but M. de Bismarck and the Luxem- burg." In 1849, while France was still tremulous from the shock of the recent explosion, Flaubert set out on a journey up the Nile, through Egypt and Nubia, along the borders of the Red Sea, into Palestine and Syria, into Cyprus and Rhodes ; then to Asia Minor, Turkey in Europe, and Greece, all the while accompanied by his faithful and amiable friend, M. Maxime Du Camp, who still survives him, and who has left us a noble and impressive monograph of the great author. All these years the talent, which had been of slow and subtle development, was crystallising ; the minute and careful obser- vation for which Flaubert was so noted among his friends, was destined to bear splendid fruit in the masterly pages of Salammbo. Flaubert was a thorough convert to the idea that every material thing the description of which is per- manent in literature must have been seen, grappled with, handled, lived ; and out of this intense conviction was distilled the alembic of his style : out of it came the immortality of his best work. These years of travel were merry and happy as well as pro- fitable, and they were studded with picturesque adventures,. INTRODUCTION. XI which Lamartine would h;ive woven into a dozen fascinating volumes, but which Flaubert sternly compressed into the great volume of his experience, keeping the combined education and remembrances for the atmosphere of the work which he meant to make abiding. Maxime Du Camp has given us many charming accounts of Flaubert's wander- ings among the hills of Greece ; his frolics at Corinth or in the plain of Argolis ; his fantastical pilgrimage to the fountain between Argos and Xauplia, where Juno went each year in search of new youth and beauty ; and his furi- ous digging in Mycenae before Dr. Schliemann had been able to undertake his excavations. Those critics who unadvisedly attacked Flaubert after the publication of Salammbd, as to the depth and extent of his archaeological studies, might have acted with more caution had they known how, during those years of travel, Flaubert read, investigated, unearthed, and ransacked in museums, and with what earnestness he verified even the smallest details which were to be of use to him in his future work. At Pompeii, at Rome, in Sicily, tracked by gendarmes, arrested by suspicious inhabitants and haled before country justices, Flaubert continued his researches. " The police followed us," says Maxime Du Camp, " into the trenches of Herculaneum and on to the rocks of Cape Misenum.' 3 To his long wanderings in Phoenicia, in I860, is due much of the subtle charm which exhales from the pages of Salammbo, in which the author has resurrected for us the life of that ancient world w T here the Hebrew fugitives from Egypt, the dauntless merchant- warriors, were supreme until the final triumph of that Rome which they had defied with the arrogance of success for so long a time. After his return to France, Flaubert settled down in the parental home at Croisset, near Rouen ; "and," says M. Du Camp, " as in the Orient he had been homesick for Nor- mandy, so in Normandy he was homesick for the Orient. c2 Xll INTRODUCTION. Poor great man ! whose mind was always grasping after that which was past, and always regretting and never enjoying." While his friends were founding the Revue de Paris, with which his name was in later days to be connected, he was writing and re-writing, passing long months in doubt and depression, followed by periods of literary enthusiasm, when the hundred projects boiling in his brain seemed each to get in the way of the other. " Before a pleasant fire, by the genial light of the lamps," says M. Du Camp, describing his friend at that time, "Flaubert seemed to grow intoxicated with the sound of his own voice. The lyric force which filled him seemed to overflow. At such moments, he swore that he would at once publish his books, and delighted in the prospect of frightening the bourgeois with new ideas, and newer forms of expression." But the next morning, Flaubert would appear quite exhausted, and given up to despair, and would say to the same friends who had listened with astonishment to his declarations of the previous evening, " I shall never publish anything." These alternate periods of exalted enthusiasm and of discouragement lasted, says M. Du Camp, about fifteen days, after which Flaubert would settle down to work once more. Finally, he decided that he would go up to Paris, and consult Theophile Gautier, who was in those days a great authority ; and his friend Bouilhet, the poet, said to him laughingly, " You remind me of Panurge going to consult the oracles." Flaubert took to Theophile Gautier the manuscript of the Temptation of St. Anthony, a strange volume, into which he had put so much of the force alluded to by M. Du Camp, and of his pronounced hatred for the Philistines. The gentle Gautier smiled at the excess of conscience displayed by Flaubert, and at his doubts of his own work. He reminded him that a writer wrote works for the purpose of publishing them ; that he should not sit musing over them year after year, but should give them to the public, and INTRODUCTION. xiii abide by the public's verdict. Flaubert, however, was like those good people who ask financiers for advice as to invest- ment, and then take a contrary decision. He put the Temptation of St. Anthony back in his portfolio, and it was not until a lengthy period had elapsed that he drew there- from another and a singula]- book, destined to create a marked impression, and published it in the Revue de Paris, which had been founded by Maxime Du Camp. This book was Madame Bovary, with which Flaubert's name has unluckily been more closely associated in the minds of English-speaking peoples than with the glowing and majestic pages of his great historical romance. The mention of Madame Bovary brings us naturally to the contemplation of certain peculiarities in Flaubert's liteiary method, and especially in his style, methods which have been the subjects of hundreds of essays, and of some bitter polemics by continental critics during the past generation. Flaubert has been called bv some the "father of naturalism," and was even wont to allude to himself as a disciple of the realistic method in literature. But to my thinking he is more accurately described, in the phrase of a recent writer, as " that lingering lover of the romantic school, elevated, despite himself, to the high post of pontiff of realism." He was certainly the originator in France of the school to which belong the De Goncourts, Emile Zola, and other men, who have had far greater pecuniary successes than Flaubert. Many careless observers of the French literary movement have fancied that they could directly trace the inspiration of Emile Zola in his most unbridled and erotic effusions to Madame Bovary and the spirit which presided at the writing of such a book. But the truth is that Zola and the men of his type are seceders from the school which Flaubert founded. They have gone to an extreme at which Flaubert's wisdom, his dignity, and his devotion to literature, would never have permitted XIV INTRODUCTION. him to arrive. His disdain for the conventional restrictions of the cold and classical school was not so great as to lead him to indecencies, or to pervert his imagination. Madame Bovary was a daring book, but its atmosphere was not im- pure. Here Flaubert truly handled the pen as if it were a scalpel. A bourgeois himself, and the son of bourgeois parents, he wrote down with masterly skill and frankness the petty" vices of the bourgeois world, and with unerring finger pointed out their causes and their fatal results. Madame Bovary caused a profound sensation. The Imperial Government thought it necessary to prosecute its author for immorality. The Rwue de Paris gained from this suit against Flaubert a fame which it might otherwise never have attained, and Flaubert emerged from the obscurity of Croisset into the full glare of Parisian celebrity, and at the same time found himself triumphantly acquitted of the charge brought against him. Many years afterwards, when he was ill, dispirited, sorely tried by fortune, and saw no companions save the few of the faithful in the little circle in Paris, he was wont mockingly to allude to Zola and the others as people whom he had invented, and who had won fortunes and honours ten times greater than those accorded the inventor. " By means of this book alone," says a French critic, alluding to Madame Bovary, " one might form an accurate conception of the poesy of realism as Flaubert understood it. The pen is an instrument destined to reproduce all the plastic combinations of human existence. The moral world offering to imitation neither form nor colour, an imagination which need not occupy itself with the saving of souls is supposed to confine itself to the physical world, as an immense studio filled with models, all of which have the same value in its sight, for it would be almost like blaming the Creator if one were to set aside or correct any of his creatures, as un- worthy of exact reproduction. The school even requires that we should abstain from judging people, making form INTRODUCTION. XV everything, and conclusions and the moral nothing; in other words, this attractive school has neither sentiment nor idea, but execution.'' This may have been a correct statement of Flaubert's school, and of his method when Madame Bovary was published, but it would not serve to describe the spirit which dictated Salammbd. Shortly after the publication of Madame Bovary, Flaubert published in the Artiste a series of studies of fragmentary character, the remnants of that manuscript of the Temptation of St. Anthony which he had shown to Gautier. The characterisation of this work I leave to more competent hands. It is sufficient here to say that it shows, perhaps in greater degree than any other of Flaubert's works, his wonderful knowledge of the French language. " He has," says one of his countrymen, " the whole French dictionary in his head, and possibly a good many other dictionaries as well. He knows the terms which fix the idea most strongly in the mind. There is nothing floating or indecisive in his expression : but the word invariably conveys delicate shades of meaning." In 1858 Flaubert set out on the journey which was to be the crown of his life, and which resulted in the creation of Salammbd. He went first to Tunis, and thence to the ruins of Carthage, where he remained for a long time, groping with the ferocious industry of an archaeologist in the mys- terious ruins of the proud city swept away by Scipio, and of the pathetic fate of which there are no minute chronicles, save that of the Greek Polybius, renowned among the k " special correspondents" of the elder world. It was well to call the story of Salammbd the "resurrection of Carthage"'; and for those who doubt the skill of the magician, as some were found to doubt when the work was first pub- lished, they have only to turn to the simple narrative of the truceless war between the Carthaginians and those barbarian mercenaries whom they could not or would not pay for their xvi INTRODUCTION. long services, to see how grand a spectacle has been grouped about the war which historians regarded as uninteresting. Flaubert follows the historic facts with the closest fidelity, save in the two or three simple cases in which he has changed the date of an occurrence in order to heighten the dramatic force of the narrative. The great Hamilcar Barca, the father of Hannibal, had sent home the Barbarian followers with whom he had been waging his difficult war in Sicily, with in- structions that they be paid ofi° by detachments. But the Carthaginians, who had grown covetous after the many pri- vations which their foreign campaigns had cost them, declined to pay the mercenaries, but let them rest in idleness and feasting, until they were thoroughly angered and mutinous, and then sent them to another town, with instructions to await the money. Here, Greeks and Iberians, Libyans and Ligurians, Balearic slingers and run-away slaves, finally re- volted, and headed by Spendius, the crafty Greek, Matho the Libyan, and Autharitus the Gaul, marched back to Carthage to begin the stupendous siege which Hamilcar finally crushed by his gigantic efforts, and which he punished with a cruelty almost without parallel. Spendius and Autharitus, and the other minor chiefs, were crucified ; but 'Matho was taken prisoner and put to death, being led in triumph through the streets of the Carthage which he had so long threatened and defied during the score of years separating the first from the second Punic wars. Polybius characterises the struggle as more cruel and inhuman than any other of which he had heard . Upon this Flaubert has grafted the bewitching tale of the fierce and sensuous passion of Matho, the Libyan chief, for Salammbo, the daughter of Hamilcar. Matho, aided by Spendius, penetrates into Carthage by night during the siege, enters the temple of Tanit, and carries oif the mysterious veil of the goddess, whom the Carthaginians held in a special and peculiar veneration. Clad in this mantle, which to look INTRODUCTION. XV11 upon was profanation for the worshippers, he passes into the private apartments of Salammbo, there declares his passion, and then retires, serene and composed before the mob which comes to kill him, but dares not touch him because of the sacred veil or mantle. He carries this talisman into the camp of the Barbarians, and thither Salammbo, commanded by the priests, comes to rescue it at whatever risk of life or of virtue. Matho delivers it up. The consecration of the loves of the barbarian and the daughter of Hamilcar is the fruit of this interview ; and thenceforward the s^ory moves nobly through a succession of grand military scenes, interspersed with de- lightful pictures of the intimate and familiar life within Carthage, until it arrives at its tragic close, serene as that of an epic, in which Salammb6 dies after she has seen the cap- tured Matko slain at her feet while she stands on the throne beside the bridegroom to whom her father has given her. The exquisite humanity of all the central figures in this book, which would make an illustrious play, is here and there almost Shakespearean. It is true that Flaubert, with his exaggerated dread of a display of sensibility, has sometimes so hurried along the impetuous torrents of the narrative that one experience^ a feeling of breathlessness, a desire to catch at something, and linger by the way. So, too, the French critics have accused him of insufficient sense of contrast, of making all his pictures too imposing. Singularly striking as the figure and character of Salammbo are, poetic and sensuous as are the descriptions of her worship on the housetops, her communion with the sacred serpent, and her adoration of Tanit, and the other false goddesses and gods of Carthage, the great figure in the book is that of the veteran father, Hamilcar, the admiral of the seas, the master of slaves and of the lives of men, the politician and leader, the prince of expedients and of strategy, the father of the general who was to cross the Alps and fall with his army upon bewildered Italy like a storm of fire. From the first entrance of XV111 INTRODUCTION. .Hamilcar into the story we breathe a larger air ; we feel the impression of truth, and of transcript from the truth. It is 3,s if Flaubert himself were one of the ancients, and had written what he said and knew, even as Polybius did. There is something infinitely touching and frightful at the same time in the portrait of Hamilcar, in his passionate admiration and love for the little Hannibal, in the grand description of his mastery of the Elders and Patricians when he returns from Sicily, in his pilgrimages through his farms, and among his slaves, in his contemplation of his almost countless treasures, and finally in his semi-barbaric sacrifices to Moloch and the ferocious joy with which he seizes upon Spendius and the other dying chiefs when he has enticed them into their death-trap. Yet Salammbo* is noble as a daughter of the gods ; noble in her maiden contemplation of mysteries which she dare not even think of fathoming ; noble in her self-sacrifice for Carthage; noble in her father's wrath at what he thinks her fall from the high virtue befitting a daughter of Hamilcar ; noble in the midst of those patrician splendours which Flaubert describes with such wealth of detail ; and there are certain bits of descriptive writing showing Salammbo and her attend- ants in their various avocations, which give, in the highest sense of the term, the " colour compressed in words," which the critic found in the famous line in Iphigenie, where Racine, in a dozen words, depicts the sleeping sea with the sleeping fleet crowded with sleeping men. Such effects cost Flaubert infinite anguish — the word is not too strong, for he struggled with his phrases as with a nervous malady. There is something of Meissonier in the elaboration of his pictures, while oddly enough there is also in his work the same grand and thrilling sense of combination of vast subjects to be found on the canvases of Rubens. In fact, Flaubert was like a painter trying to cover a canvas worthy of Rubens with the ex- cessively minute and perfect finish of Meissonier. What INTRODUCTION. XIX wonder that his life was filled with unremitting study and toil, and that the practice of his art almost broke his spirit ? Flaubert had much trouble with the critics. Sainte-Beuve administered to him one of his amiable but somewhat pre- tentious scoldings, to which Flaubert responded in December of 18G'2 with commendable promptness and almost a complete refutation. Sainte-Beuve, like lesser men, presumed to doubt the wisdom of applying to antiquity the processes of the modern novel, whereupon Flaubert entered into one of his fine rages, in which he sometimes forgot his purity of style, and scolded, railed, and battled like the Frenchmen of his time. But as one said of him, shortly after this cudgelling with the critics : " he comes out of it a much greater person than before." Did a writer presume to criticise a single description of Carthaginian archaeology or religion, as it appeared in Salammbo, Flaubert instantly brought up an authority to crush the unhappy wight. Even for the pardon- able changes in the spelling of names, to reconcile them to corrupt modern usage, Flaubert had his defensive reasons. Whenever he had taken a liberty, he admitted it, as in his expressed opinion that there was really no aqueduct leading to ancient Carthage, although the ruins of an aqueduct may be seen to-day. That Hanno was crucified in front of Tunis he admits to be untrue, and says that the execution took plae«' in Sardinia. M. Frcehner, the editor of the Revue Conlemporaim, had violently attacked Salammbd, as false in its pretended erudition ; but Flaubert in a dozen pages made short work of him. In fact, M. Frcehner, although he returned to the attack, was at last completely crushed. Even had Flaubert paid less attention to the perfection of detail in his description of these ancient battles, and these imagined or somewhat idealised loves and lives in the midst of the truceless war's long and gloomy course, his work would have been certain to endure. There is a magic in the o XX INTRODUCTION. atmosphere, a truth in the delineation of passion, so abundant a sympathy in the accounts of the battles and the privations of the combatants, and such a simplicity and strength in the hundreds of genre pictures scattered through the book, that it must be accounted a masterpiece. So long as men battle and women love, so long as human nature suffers no change in its great attributes, so long will the story of Hamilcar and of Spendius, of Matho and of Salammb6, of the leprous Hanno and the fiery Narr' Havas, be read with strong emotion and with avidity. It awakens only noble thoughts, despite its sensuous setting. It is like an exquisite piece of Greek sculpture, mighty, yet too ethereal in its beauty for modern hands to create, set against a back-ground flooded with sumptuous colour. The great scenes in the book, the banquet and riot of the barbarians, their contemplation of the crucified lions on the road to Sicca, the preaching of the revolt by Spendius, the entrance into the temple of Tanit by night, the contempla- tion of Matho enshrouded in the veil by Salammbo, the arrival of Hamilcar from Sicily, the interview in the tent, the Carthaginian prisoners in the ditches filled with water, the woes of Hanno, the deaths of the barbarians entrapped into the dufile, the sacrifices to Moloch, and the death of Salammbo, are every one genuine works of art, imperishable as diamonds ; and if the French critics did not at first find sufficient contrast in these paintings on the sublimely sculptured portico, they discovered them when they had bestowed proper attention upon the work. The originality of Flaubert's character is shown in all his subsequent works, as well as in those preceding Salammbd, in different vein from that adopted in the Carthaginian tale. In this latter, Flaubert rises to his completest dignity as an artist : in the others he is the rageur, the battler, the beater of bucklers, and is evidently very often ill at ease with him- self. Fond of discussion of theories, he maintained an INTRODUCTION. XXI immense correspondence with George Sand, in which he pilloried everything commonplace, classing as such her notion that one might preach in books. His Sentimental Education, and other books of lesser importance from his pen, were written with all his determined straining after effects of words. He even graduated his sentences to musical notes. "Phrases," he cried, "which make me enthusiastic with admiration, appear to others very ordinary. 1 would give all the legends of Gavarni for certain expressions and certain masterly cuts of style." He was tempted once, in 1874, to try for success upon the stage, where so many brilliant men, amply successful in their own lines, have insisted upon coming to grief. His piece of The Candidate, a comic sketch of manners during an election, was a complete failure. At the end of the fourth represen- tation at the Vaudeville, Flaubert was himself convinced, and admitted, not without rage, that he had made a mistake. It was, in fact, an excursion into light literature for which he had not sufficiently prepared himself. A comedy written in six w r eeks could not hope to compare with Salanunbo, which was the work of such laborious years. Later on, in bis three tales, Herodiax, St. Julien VHosjntalier, and Un Cceur Simple, he showed the great analytic force which had done so much to secure the success of Madame Bovary. These tales were little lyrics in prose. They were published in 1877, and brought popular interest again to bear upon Flaubert, who would better have paused there, and never have written the adventures of Bouvard and Pecuchet, the chronicles of the useless life of two bourgeois imbeciles, whom he intended as two characters typical of that human folly and weakness which lie so much derided. With his closing years came the trials from which few are exempt. The death of his mother was a severe blow to one who raised his family affection to the height of a veritable religion, and who had always been delightful and delicate in XXll INTRODUCTION. the exercise of his friendships with men and women. Then, by a stroke of generosity, he swept away nearly all that he had, except the right to live in the old house at Croisset, with the knowledge that it belonged to another heir. The Government gave him a small sinecure, which he was with difficulty per- suaded to accept, and from March of 1879 until early in May of 1880, he passed an agitated and wearied existence. The solitude which he once so loved in his retreat at Croisset now alarmed him, and he sought for company. The nervous malady with which he had been all his life afflicted finally manifested itself in frequent crises, which he tried in vain to dispel by breathing ether. He had a fatal apoplectic attack, battling against it to the last moment, like the vigorous and lusty being that he was, as if clinging to the life which still possessed many tortures for him, yet out of which he had carved an immortal reputation, founded on at least two works of singular genius and one of surpassing beauty. Shortly after his death the old house at Croisset was sold, and to-day a distillery is erected on the site of the rustic retreat to which Tourgueneff loved to find his way, and where Flaubert had passed many profitable years. Between Tourgueneff and Flaubert the affection was en- tirely mutual. Each recognised in the other a consummate artist ; each knew r the other gifted with the so rare capacity of making true pictures with noble and elevated language. Each had the requisite proportion in his literary character to enable him to avoid falling into the excesses of the natuialist school and to remain capable of practising an eclecticism, founded on what is true in the romantic and in the realistic schools. Flaubert and Tourgueneff shared each other's deep human sympathies ; yet each scoffed at the folly of the conventional men and women. Each wrote bitter pages of satire, and each held pure and elevated ideals of politics. Each, too, had the wonderful faculty of reproducing with words the INTRODUCTION. xxiii sounds of the boughs moved by the wind, the effect of summer moonlight on the quiet waves, the rhythmic swaying of glasses on the virgin prairie —and all those manifesta- tions of nature which touch the hearts of all men in common, whatever be their station or education ; and this was one of the secrets of their success. By their conscientious study of nature they came to know how to interpret her. The cold classicists of the eighteenth century knew little of these things, nor can they ever hope to be loved like Flaubert and Tourgueneff, the two great rugged twins of the new method in literature. Edward King. Villa d