$C Ifl? TfiD 
 

 LIBRARY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 University of California. 
 
 GLJB^T OP" 
 
 ^cce^on 9.9.68.Q Class ^ Bjd 
 
 'Bit. 
 

f 
 
 Xenau 
 
 AND 
 
 IJouno (3ermani^ 
 
 IN 
 
 Hmcrica, 
 
 BY 
 
 THOMAS STOCKHAM BAKER. 
 
 DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE BOARD OF UNIVERSITY STUDIES OF THE 
 
 JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY FOR THE DEGREE OF 
 
 DOCTOR OF PHYLOSOPHY. 
 
 
 ^-^ Of Tiris 
 
 1897. ^^i'i'PO 
 
 Printed by P. C. StockhauseiJJ 
 
 53-55 N. 7th St., Phila., Pa 
 
Xenau 
 
 AND 
 
 IJouno ©ermani^ 
 
 IN 
 
 Hmetica* 
 
 BY 
 
 THOMAS STOCKHAM BAKER. 
 
 DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE BOARD OF UNIVERSITY STUDIES OF THE 
 
 JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY FOR THE DEGREE OF 
 
 DOCTOR OF PHYLOSOPHY. 
 
 1897. 
 
 Printed by P. C. Stockhausen, 
 
 53-55 N. 7th St., Phila., Pa. 
 
 [iriri7BR:. 
 
?4.if, 
 
 1^ 
 
 
 f 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The eighteenth century has been regarded as the representa- 
 tive of everything that is artificial in life and in art. Not until 
 towards its end was there noticeable a tendency to set aside the 
 trammels of conventionality in favor of what was supposed to 
 be a healthier and more normal manner of life. 
 
 In direct opposition to the " enlightenment " and formalism of 
 Europe stood the American continent — the incarnation of the 
 crude, the primitive and the spontaneous. From the time of its 
 discovery all Utopian schemes had received their inspiration 
 from what was supposed to be the condition of affairs on this 
 side of the Atlantic, and it must be regarded as something more 
 than a fortuitous circumstance, that there should be noticeable 
 at the close of the reign of " reason" in Europe — at the commence- 
 ment of the reign of the " natural," an almost universal interest 
 in things American. 
 
 With the name of Rousseau is always associated the revolt 
 against the artificiality of this age, and while it is impossible, 
 and indeed quite unnecessary, to prove any direct connection 
 between the author of La Nouvelle Heloise and American affairs, 
 still it is pertinent to inquire what uncivilized country that was 
 known at that time to him could have suggested more com- 
 pletely the ideas of his system of a " return to nature " than 
 America? However this may be, whether the impressions of 
 the American life of nature that were then current in France 
 formed the basis for Rousseau's scheme or not, it is noteworthy 
 that many Frenchmen of the next generation, who stood under 
 the immediate influence of Rousseau, took the ideas of their 
 great teacher literally and endeavoring to get back to a "natural" 
 state embarked for America in the hope of finding here the 
 much coveted primitive form of life. 
 
 The name of Chateaubriand suggests itself at once in this 
 connection, and the great vogue which his novels enjoyed showed 
 
 > of ^'^ 
 
 
 YT 
 /V\/1/AJ 
 
2 Introduction. 
 
 that he had succeeded in finding a theme that was sympathetic 
 to the European mind. Besides Chateaubriand it is known that 
 La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Lezay-Marnesia, Crevecoeur as 
 well as many others of less note came to America at this time 
 in search of inspiration, which was expected to be received from 
 virgin nature. The enthusiasm for America was, however, by 
 no means confined to France. The Utopian scheme of Coleridge 
 and Southey to foimd their Pantisocracy on the banks of the 
 Susquehanna is of a piece with what was going on in France. 
 In English literature there is also noticeable an interest in 
 American subjects such as those treated in Robert Southey's 
 Songs of the AmeHcan Indiajis^ Woodsworth's Ruth and Camp- 
 bell's Gertrude of Wyoming. 
 
 In Germany the movement of " Storm and Stress " is char- 
 acterised by the keenest sympathy with American affairs. The 
 play itself, which gave the name to the whole school, namely 
 Klinger's " Sturm und Drang," had its place of action in 
 America, and its author contemplated for some time leaving 
 Europe to fight for American independence. 
 
 Wagner and Heinse were also about to come to America, but 
 were prevented from doing so. Seume's poetical work on 
 American subjects was the result of a forced visit, he having 
 been compelled to share with the Hessians their adventures in 
 America. 
 
 This brief introduction is sufficient to show that there is a 
 chapter in the history of culture and the history of literature 
 which remains to be written. It is the influence that the Ameri- 
 can aboriginal conditions have had upon European life and 
 thought. This cannot be attributed to any especial period — not 
 the America of to-day, but rather the general idea of primitive- 
 ness which the Western Continent has always suggested. 
 
NICOLAUS IvENAU'S AMERICAN JOURNEY. 
 
 From what has already been said, it will be seen that the coming 
 of Nicolaus Lenau^ to America is an episode in the history of 
 the influence of America upon European thought of the very 
 greatest importance. That a man and a poet of such eminence 
 should, on the eve ^ of his success, be willing to risk the dangers 
 and hardships of a voyage to the United States seems at first 
 sight incomprehensible. And when it is considered how this 
 country was regarded at that time, the undertaking seems all 
 the more strange. America was the representative of everything^ 
 that was crude and commercial, as opposed to what was artistic 
 and intellectual. The most impossible stories about its savagery , 
 and lack of civilization were believed in Europe.^ -■ 
 
 Lenau, therefore, in leaving his home gave up, or certainly 
 supposed he was giving up altogether, the society of educated 
 people for the hardships, both physical and mental, of a pioneer's 
 life. Add to this also the opposition of his friends and the 
 dangers of the voyage, and it is at once apparent that the plan 
 was one of considerable magnitude. 
 
 Voyages of this kind were then, of course, very unusual. The 
 journeys of von Humboldt and Chamisso were events of national 
 interest, and they undoubtedly gave a great stimulus to travel, 
 besides being important as broadening the horizon of the German 
 mind. Lenau, in one of his letters, written at the time of the 
 
 ^ Lenau's name in full was Nicolaus Franz Niembsch, Edler von Strehlenau. 
 The name Lenau (Streh-lenau) was assumed in 1830 as a nom de plume on 
 account of the severe Austrian press regulations. 
 
 * Cf. Frankl, Zur Biographic Nikolaus Lenau's. Wien 1885. Zweite Aus- 
 gabe, p. 34. 
 
 ' Cf. Chamisso's Werke. Berlin 1856. Reise um die Welt mitder Romanzoff- 
 ischen Entdeckungs-Expedition, in den Jahren 18 15-18 18, ati/der Brigg Rurik,, 
 Kapitan Otto von Kotzebue. 
 
4 Nicolaus Lenau's American Journey. 
 
 origin of his intention of coming to America, speaks of Chamisso^ 
 and it is not impossible that the very inception of his idea may 
 have been influenced by this voyage round the worid.^ 
 
 But notwithstanding the fact that the journey was a dangerous 
 and unusual one, and that America appeared to the Europeans 
 uncultured and barbarous, yet because of this very crudity and 
 primitiveness it possessed, when viewed at a distance, many 
 qualities which strongly appealed to the poet's imagination. In 
 fact Lenau, because of his education and environment, was 
 peculiarly predisposed to an undertaking of this sort. 
 
 The removal of his mother with her family to Tokay, which 
 occurred when he was fourteen years old, was an event of the 
 greatest importance for his future life. It is also to be considered 
 in connection with the American journey, for at this time he 
 acquired that love of nature '^ which is the most significant char- 
 acteristic of his poetry. He became accustomed to and fond of 
 a kind of nature that was unusual and in a certain sense exotic. 
 The tame scenery of the Rhinelands and Swabia, which later 
 became so familiar to him, with its regular and well-ordered 
 prospects, did not satisfy him. He craved something more 
 rugged, more uncultivated, and this he thought would be found 
 in America. 
 
 The vastness of the Hungarian steppes also made a deep 
 impression upon his youthful mind ; an impression that was 
 lasting, and hence the idea of the Western Continent, as the land 
 of great distances and broad prairies, appealed to him strongly. 
 
 In Lenau's personality there was also a great deal that was 
 primitive and in some respects almost savage. He was extremely 
 
 ' Cf. Article by Alfred Biese in the Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Literatur- 
 geschichte. Bd. i 1887. "Die asthetische Natur-Beseelung in antiker und 
 moderner Poesie." 
 
 ^ Letter to Sophie Lbwenthal. Stuttgart, June 6, 1840. Lenau's Leben von 
 Anton Schurz. Stuttgart und Augsburg, J855. Bd. 2 25. "Aber auch in 
 Baden werde ich nicht lange bleiben, sondern in unsere Alpen hmeinziehen. 
 Vielleicht dasz ich dann im Spatherbst nach Stuttgart und von da nach Paris 
 reise. Eine Cigarre im Mund und einen Plan im Kopfe musz ich fast immer 
 haben." 
 
T. S. Baker. 5 
 
 passionate, intense and vacillating. His admiration for the 
 exhibition of the elemental passions is mentioned in many places. 
 
 Frankl reports the following speech, page 83. Speaking ofN. 
 the Hungarians, Lenau says : — " Da sind noch in Geschichte | 
 wie in der Gegenwart, selbstbeinimge Gestalten, Urkerle, wild I 
 gut und doch das Blut nicht zu vergiessen scheu, wenn es im / 
 Herzen eines Feindes fiieszt." And again, page 58 : — "vielmehr/ 
 mochte ich so urwiichsig, so feurig und so naiv, so huszaren- 
 tapfer wie sie sein," etc. 
 
 This was the kind of life that Lenau loved, and on his 
 removal from Hungary he was never satisfied until he had made 
 up his mind to see some other form of primitiveness. 
 
 He had also inherited from his parents a certain restlessness 
 and instability, which made it practically necessary for him to 
 be continually travelling. This necessity of being in motion 
 is shown later, after returning from America, by the frequent 
 trips from Vienna to Swabia and back again. One must, he 
 says, always have " Eine Cigarre im Mund und einen Plan im 
 Kopfe." ^ 
 
 A point of view now presents itself for the study of the com- 
 plex reasons which induced Lenau to undertake this strange 
 journey. His interest in America was almost entirely poetic. 
 He fully recognized that he was giving up the society of culti- \ 
 vated people, but this had no terrors for him. He was interested 
 / in.an ideal America, the product of his wonderful imagination, 
 which shed about the whole undertaking a certain poetic halo. 
 The America of Lenau was the land of enormous " Urwalder," 
 traversed here and there by mighty rivers, the stillness broken 
 by thundering cataracts. As for inhabitants, the stately red 
 man still traversed the forests, which had stood unchanged for 
 
 ^ LeUer to Sophie von Lowenthal. Stuttgart, June 6th, 1840. Lenau's Leben 
 von Anton Schurz. Stuttgart und Augsburg, 1855. Bd. 2, 5.25 "Aber auch in 
 Boden werde ich nicht lange bleiben, sondern in unsere Alpen hineinziehenr 
 Vielleicht dasz ich dann in Spatherbst nach Stuttgart und von dsp ach Paris 
 reise. Eine Cigarre im Mund und einen Plan im Kopfe musz icn fast imme. 
 haben." 
 
6 Nicolaus Lenati's American Journey. 
 
 ages. He hoped here to find new materials for poetic treatment. 
 America he deemed necessary for his artistic development. 
 
 This feeling finds expression in a very interesting manner in 
 the following extract from one of his letters : ^ — " Ich will meine 
 Phantasie in die Schule, in die nord-amerikanischen Urwalder 
 schicken, den Niagara will ich rauschen horen und Niagaralieder 
 singen. Das gehort notwendig zu meiner Ausbildung. Meine 
 Poesie lebt und webt in der Natur, und in Amerika ist di^^-^ 
 Natur schoner, gewaltiger als in Europa. Ein ungeheuer Vor- 
 rath der herrlichsten Bilder erwartet mich dort, eine Fiille 
 gottlicher Auftritte, die noch daleigt jungfraulich und unbe- 
 riihrt, wie der Boden der Urwalder." And in another letter* 
 written at this time, he says : — " Der ungeheuere Vorrath schoner 
 Naturscenen ist in fiinf Jahren kaum erschopft ... Dort will 
 ich meine Phantasie in die Schule, die Gewalder schicken . . • 
 kiinstlerische Ausbildung ist mein hochster Lebenszweck, alle 
 Krafte meines Geistes, das Gliick meines Gemiithes betracht' ich 
 als Mittel dazu." 
 
 Thus, America appeared to him a vast repository of poetical 
 subjects. Few had worked this field, and it is barely possible 
 the great success of Chateaubriand's American novels may have 
 been present in his mind. 
 
 In Lenau's poetry there is ever noticeable a longing for rest, 
 for seclusion and solitude^ — perhaps alone, perhaps with his 
 loved one. There is a desire to get " close to nature." This 
 same state of mind is apparent also in his preparation for the 
 journey. There was an undefined feeling that everything would 
 be blissful and perfect in the midst of the idyllic surroundings 
 which his fancy had pictured. 
 
 Even American political life was young and therefore in the 
 
 * Letter of Lenau to Schurz, Heidelberg, March i6, 1832. Schurz, Leben, I, 
 p. 161. 
 
 ^ Mayer, p, 61. 
 
 * Cf. Nicolaus Lenau. Errinnerung und Betrachtung, von Berthold Auerbach 
 Wien 1876, p. 21 "Dennoch erkannte man auch im Gesprache, dasz Lenau eine 
 einsame, in sich gekehrte Natur war. ' Einsamkeit ist die zweite Mutter Gottes/ 
 spricht er in seinen Briefen aus." 
 
 qA ^ 
 
T. S. Baker. 
 
 eyes of the European picturesque.^ The United States as a 
 political state was not yet fifty years old. The circumstances 
 of its foundation were ideal and its preservation and growth 
 almost providential. 
 
 During the latter part of his course at the Gymnasium in 
 Pesth,^ Lenau made the acquaintance of a student named Joseph 
 von Kovesdy, who although several years his senior became his 
 fast friend and later his tutor. This young Kovesdy had a short 
 time before, when only thirteen years old, together with another 
 boy formed a plan of running away to America. They started 
 on their journey and got as far as Salzburg. There, however, 
 they were compelled to abandon their undertaking and return 
 in disgrace to Pesth. This adventure of Kovesdy when it was 
 told later to lycnau produced a deep impression, and from this 
 time may be dated his interest in the United States. 
 
 As a student, in discussing his plans for the future, he 
 expresses^ his willingness to run the risk of becoming a 
 " Choleraarzt," provided he could thereby gain an opportunity 
 of seeing France and England. Nothing came of this scheme 
 because he never " ended his course." His desire for travel and 
 for making the American journey could never have been grati- 
 fied had he not fallen heir to a small fortune. 
 
 Lenau's grandmother " Katharina von Niembsch " had died in 
 
 ^ Note also Byrons interest in the Greek struggle for independence. Cf. 
 Auerbach, p. 27 : "Lenau, der auf das Moderne gerichtete Dichter, sehnt sich 
 nicht nach der vergangenen schonen Gotterwelt, sein Verlangen zieht ihn schon 
 friih in die als Zukunftsverheiszung erscheinende neue Welt, nach Amerika. 
 Byron schiffte nach Griechenland und trat in eine weltgeschichtlich erscheinende 
 That ein. Lenau betrat das Land der Verheiszung, und die Calturarbeit gab 
 ihm keine Handhabe. Byron trat in eine gehobene Gesammtstimmung ein in 
 Greichenland, Lenau kam in Amerika in den groszen Werkeltag mit den zahl- 
 losen brausenden Maschinen, oder in die lautlose Stille des Urwalds." 
 
 ' Lenau was at the Gymnasium in Pesth from 1812 to 181 5. Cf. Schurz I, 
 p. 17. 
 
 ' Lenau's letter to Schurz, Heidelberg, Nov. 8, 1831. Schurz I, p. 126. 
 "Was ich nach Beendigung meines Curses thun werde, wissen die Gotter. 
 Vielleicht findet sich dann eine Aussicht als Choleraarzt nach Frankreich, 
 nach England zu reisen. Ich wiirde so etwas annehmen, um recht in der Welt 
 herumzufahren. " 
 
8 Nicolaus Lenati's American Journey. 
 
 September, 1830, and had left her estate to Lenau and his sisters.* 
 This money enabled him to leave Austria, where the regulations 
 of the censorship prevented him from publishing his poems, 
 and to seek a publisher elsewhere. 
 
 He at once broke ofif his medical studies at Vienna and 
 hastened ^ to Stuttgart with letters to several of the members of 
 the Swabian School of poets, having, however, promised his 
 friends and relatives in Vienna that he would continue his 
 studies at Heidelbergf or Wiirzbure. 
 
 Along with this plan of coming to Stuttgart to secure a 
 publisher, there was already present in his mind the idea of 
 emigrating to America. This desire was quickened by the 
 recent loss of a considerable part of the newly acquired inheri- 
 tance by unfortunate speculation. He thought of making one^ 
 more attempt to become rich, by investing his remaining fund$ 
 in American land. 
 
 The plan, however, was still quite undefined. His stay in 
 Heidelberg during the winter of 1831 and 1832 was interrupted 
 by visits to his several friends — to Mayer in Waiblingen, to 
 Kerner in Weinsberg, to Uhland in Tiibingen and to the Rein- 
 becks, Schwab and others in Stuttgart. But in spite of the 
 pleasure derived from these visits he became dissatisfied soon 
 after arriving in Heidelberg. 
 
 The clinic at the university offered few interesting cases 
 and his relations to I^otta Gmelin now begin to cause him a 
 great deal of unhappiness. He seems to have been really in 
 love with her, but he had found ^ so little happiness himself that 
 he was afraid he could bring none to another. Furthermore his 
 position was so unsettled that his income was not sufficient to 
 support a wife. His frame of mind became gloomier and 
 gloomier. It is therefore not at all surprising that the dormant 
 interest in America was re-awakened. 
 
 The first clear intimation of Lenau's intention of coming to 
 
 ' Lenau's grand-mother left the sum of 30,000 florins. 
 
 * Lenau left Vienna near the end of June, 1831. 
 
 ' Letter to Schurz, November 8, 1831. Schurz I, p. 28. 
 
T. S. Baker. 9 
 
 America is found in Kernel's letter^ to Mayer of the nth of | 
 March, 1832. " Niembsch ist von Amerika ganz besessen, / 
 schrieb sich in Actiengesellschaft ein und schifFt am ersten Mai / 
 dahin. Er laszt sich nicht einreden, denn seine ganz damon- / 
 ische Phantasie malt ihm die Dinge vor, die ganz nach seinen / 
 Wiinschen sind. This " Actiengesellschaft " was the " Ulmer / 
 Veirein f uf"A.us wanderer. ' ' ' 
 
 In the early part of the year 1832 a great activity manifested 
 itself among the shipping agents of the various ports, especially 
 those of Amsterdam. Representatives of these agents scoured 
 the country for the purpose of securing human freight for their 
 vessels. They were always gorgeously dressed, wore great quanti- 
 ties of jewelry, and gave the most glowing accounts of the riches 
 which were to be had in America almost for the asking.^ The 
 political disturbances in Germany had produced a widespread 
 feeling of discontent,^ so that the appearance of these agents 
 with their lavish promises was sufficient to produce considerable 
 enthusiasm for emigration. Societies * were formed, especially 
 in the countries along the Rhine, for emigrating en masse to the 
 United States. The agitation spread among all classes, the 
 peasants, however, being the ones most interested. Lenau heard 
 of it and his mind was made up immediately to become a mem- 
 ber of the " Ulmer Verein." 
 
 Did political questions have any weight in inducing him to 
 take this step? Unquestionably America represented to the 
 
 ' Lenau's Briefe an einen Freund, hrsg. von Karl Mayer. Stuttgart, 1853, 
 p. 58. 
 
 ^ Cf. EickhofF. In der neuen Heimat, p. 5. 
 
 ' Cf. Niles Register, vol. vii, 4th series, September, 1832, to February, 1833, 
 p. 196. ^'^ Germany. — Because of late proceedings against the rights of the people 
 in Germany, large numbers are preparing to seek peace and safety in other 
 lands. The general attention is turned towards the United States and a very 
 large and useful increase may be expected in our population in the ensuing year 
 — if nothing shall happen among ourselves to forbid a hope of enjoying those ^ 
 blessings which the oppressed desire to enjoy." 
 
 *One of the most famous of these was the so-called Giessener Gesellschaft, 
 of which Paul Follen and Friederich Miinch were members. It left Giessen in 
 two sections — the first division under Follen left Giessen February, 1834. The 
 -second under Miinch, April, 1834. Cf. Der Deutsche Plonier, I, 89. 
 
lo Nicolaus Lenau's American Journey. 
 
 minds of Europeans the idea of ge^onal freedom, which was 
 rarely found at home, and in Lenau's poems ^ we find frequent 
 references to the United States as the land of liberty. But, as 
 has been said above, the interest of Lenau in America was poetic, 
 and in so far as American freedom was poetic, just so far was 
 this a motive for his voyage. Upon announcing his intention 
 of coming to America he was met by the very decided opposition 
 of his friends ^ in Swabia, who looked upon the whole project 
 as one of his whims. This opposition, however, soon lessened 
 when it was found out that he was in earnest and determined to 
 go in spite of all discouragement. Kerner becomes less out- 
 spoken in his objection, and finally in a letter to Mayer {Mayer 
 p. 63) he has the following very significant passage : "Ich kann 
 gegen Niembsch's Entschlusz nichts sagen, da ich bei gleicher 
 Kraft, Phantasie, Lage vielleicht das Gleiche thun wiirde, aber 
 
 ^ Deutsche National Literatur edition of Lenau's Werke, hrsg. von Max Koch, 
 vol. i, p. 117 — "Der Maskenball." 
 
 " Nach den Freiheit Paradiesen 
 Nehmen wir den raschen Zug, 
 Wo in heil'gen Waldverheszen, 
 Kein Tryann sich Throne schlug." 
 Cf. Abschiedlied eines auswandernden Portugiesen, p. 95 
 " Du neue Welt, du freie Welt, 
 An deren bliitenreichen Strand 
 Die Flut der Tj'rannei zerschellt, 
 Ich griisze dich, mein Vaterland ! " 
 *Cf. letter of Kerner to Mayer, March 11, 1832. Also the following reference 
 from Ludwig Uhland, Seine Freunde und Zeitgenossen; Erinnerungen von Karl 
 Mayer, Stuttgart, 1867, vol. ii, p. 121 : "Andre Kerner'sche Briefe dieser Zeit 
 habe ich bereits in ' Lenau's Briefe an einen Freund ' mitgetheilt. Niembsch 
 betrieb damals schon seine spater ausgefiihrte Reise nach Nordamerika und 
 versetzte dadurch Kerner und mich in vielfache Aufregung. Sein besonderer 
 Gemiithszustand machte uns nicht ohne Grund besorgt, welchem Geschicke er 
 dort entgegengehen werde. Ich schrieb dariiber und namentlich iiber einen 
 Brief Lenau's vom 13 Marz 1832 in triiber Stimmung an Uhland den 18 Marz 
 1832." 
 
 Lenau's sister was also very much opposed to this journey. Cf. letter to him 
 Wien, March 26, 1832, Schurz vol. i, p. 164. 
 
 " Meinen Schmerz fiber deine Reise kann ich dir nicht schildem. . . . Die 
 Natur musz wohl groszparadiesisch in jenem Lande sein ; wenn aber die Mens- 
 chen so waren, wie mein Anton glaubt ! . . . Wenn du mich liebst, mein Bruder, 
 so gehe dorthin nicht ! " etc. 
 
T. S. Baker. ir 
 
 ich liebe ilm zu sehr, dasz es mir dadurch nicht Angst und 
 bange werden sollte, und so wird es Dir auch gehen .... 
 Allerdings musz man zu seiner Reise nun das Beste sagen und 
 wer weisz, ob ich nicht auf das nachste Friihjahr audi dahin 
 abgehen werde. Die Kinder und das Rikele treiben sehr an) 
 mir." 
 
 His 5,000 florins were invested in the " Ulmer Verein " and 
 Lenau was determined to go in spite of all opposition. In 
 return for this sum he was promised a tract of land in Missouri 
 consistingTjf' ^ thousand acres. Missouri at this time had been 
 brought before the German public in a very attractive way by 
 the publication of Gottfried Duden's book, Bericht uber eine 
 Reise nach den westhchen Staaten Nord-Amerika's^ etc. It 
 obtained a wide European circulation and was instrumental in 
 attracting public attention to a part of America about which up 
 to that time but little had been known. Lenau was familiar 
 with this work and mentioned it in one of his letters.^ 
 
 The number of persons who were to be in the party is spoken 
 of in different places as being, 80, 100 and 200. He had invited 
 a young friend from Warsaw, Johann Matuschinski,^ who was 
 also a visitor at Kerner's house, to accompany him. Lenau 
 offered to pay all expenses, but before leaving he found it would 
 be too expensive, so Matuschinkski went to Tiibingen to com- 
 plete his medical studies. The other members of the company 
 were Swabian" peasants, ^ who were emigrating in the hope of 
 
 1 Letter to Schurz, Heidelberg, March 16, 1832. (Schurz, I, p. 163). "Wenn 
 Ihr mich aber in Gedanken begleiten woUt, so leset die Beschreibung von Nord- 
 Amerika, die kiirzlich ein gewisser Duden herausgegeben hat." 
 
 '^ Matuschinski was a Polish refugee whom Kerner had taken into his house. 
 Lenau speaks of him as follows : (Schurz, I, p. 167). " Ich habe einen sehr 
 lieben Freund zum Reisegefahrten, einen polnischen Stabsarzt, durchaus gebildet 
 und sehr liebenswiirdig ; . . . er ist Virtues auf der Flote und sehr empfanglich 
 fiir Poesie, hat auch einen richtigen Geschmack." There seems to be consider- 
 able variation in the way the name is spelt. Schurz has it Mattusinsky, Matu- 
 schinski and Matuszynski. 
 
 ^Cf. Auerbach, p. 16— "Ich hatte viel Erquickung von der Art, wie Lenau 
 das schwabische Bauernleben erfaszt hatte. Er kannte es genau, war er in 
 Gemeinschaft mit schwabischen Bauern nach Amerika ausgewandert." 
 
12 Nicolaus Lenau's A7nerica7i Journey. 
 
 bettering their fortunes. The poet was doubtless the only 
 educated person among them. 
 
 Already by the first of April, fraud had been discovered in the 
 " Auswanderungsverein," and Lenau gave up his shares and 
 speaks of choosing Florida as his destination instead of Missouri.^ 
 His interest, however, in America does not decrease. 
 
 During all this time the greatest enthusiasm was displayed 
 at the preparations that were being made.^ Kerner is asked ^ to 
 make an examination of the medicine chest of the colony, which 
 had been given over to his keeping. To the question of fire- 
 arms * a great deal of attention was also given. 
 
 In the first letters containing references to America, Lenau 
 speaks of remaining five years, but soon the trouble he is having 
 with the managers of the emigration society cools his ardor 
 considerably and he hints at returning in a few months. He 
 I now says : " Ich will mich etwa zwei Monate dort aufhalten und 
 ' dann unendlich bereichert zuriickkehren in mein geliebtes 
 Oesterreich,'^ and in another' Tetter * he speaks of returning the 
 following '"Autumn. This desire to hasten back was quickened 
 also by a law made in Austria which decreed that any Austrian 
 citizen remaining long absent from home should forfeit his 
 citizenship. 
 
 ' Lenau to Kerner Stuttgart, April i, 1832. Schurz vol. I, p. 165 — "Du, lieber 
 Bruder, mit der Actiengesellschaft stinkt as, ist allerlei Gesindel dabei. . . . Ich 
 ziehe mich zuriick von den Actien. Sage meinem Mattusinsky, wir werden 
 nach Florida gehen auf eigne Faust." 
 
 "Mayer says, p, 65: " Diesz zeigte die Masse von Vorrathen (ich erinnere 
 mich z. b, einer Anzahl Ziindhiitchen), die er fiir sein amerikanisches Leben 
 einkaufte, und womit er gleichfalls, wie mit der Unternehmung im Groszen, 
 nicht unbedeutend in Schaden gekommen sein wird." . . . Letter of Kerner to 
 Schurz, October 24, 1850. Schurz, vol. I, p. 189 — "In meinem Gartenhause 
 wohnend, bereitete sich Niembsch zu seiner Reise nach Amerika vor, machte 
 Einkaufe von Weisz-zeug, Stiefeln, Waffen, und freute sich gar sehr auf die 
 "Urwalder," um dort Opposums, ein Thier, das sich tot stellt sobald man ihm 
 auf den Hals kommt, zu fangen." 
 
 ' Letter of Lenau to Kerner, Stuttgart, May 4. Schurz, vol. I, p. 168. 
 
 *Mattusinski writes to Lenau on May 6th : "Jetzt haben wir zwei Doppelflin- 
 ten, eine einfache und drei Paar Pistolen ; mit denen kann man sich schon in 
 ein Urwaldchen wagen." 
 
 * Lenau to Schurz, Stuttgart, May 19th. Schurz, vol. I, p. 175. 
 
T. S. Baker. 13 
 
 In a letter written May 19th to Schurz, Lenau says lie expects 
 to start on his journey in three days, but the company was 
 detained, and again in a letter ^ to Mayer he announces that he 
 will leave Heidelberg on the 12th of June. It is probable that 
 there was another delay of a few days in Heidelberg, but in a 
 letter^ dated June 23rd, written to Kerner from Mannheim, he 
 says that he will embark on the 25th on the boat which is to 
 convey the party down the Rhine to Amsterdam. He was 
 apparently again delayed a few days, but it is known from a 
 letter to Emilie Reinbeck that he was on his way to Amsterdam 
 on the 2nd of July. 
 
 The boat in which the journey down the Rhine was made 
 moved very slowly, and the delays, together with the bad food 
 and unsatisfactory sleeping accommodations, provoked consider- 
 able discontent, so that when the two managers of the expedi- 
 tion, who had waited behind, came up with the party in the 
 latter part of July, a great storm broke over their heads. Their 
 appearance was indeed the sigoial for a general revolt. The 
 culprits were seized and imprisoned until a kind of court could 
 be improvised. Ivcnau, being the best educated member of the 
 party, was chosen judge. The prisoners were brought before the 
 court. Testimony was heard on both sides, and after reviewing 
 the case the judge sentenced them to close confinement in the 
 hold of the boat. 
 
 This was not, however, the end of the episode. Upon their fLji_c-f^ 
 arrival in Holland the prisoners, in some way, succeeded in 
 getting word to the authorities informing them of their arrest, 
 but when the improvised judge appeared in court the managers 
 were shown to have acted so badly that no further action was 
 taken.^ 
 
 ^ Mayer, p. 82. 
 ^Schurz, vol. I, p. 181. 
 
 ri^The deception that was practised upon the company of emigrants of which 
 Lenau was a member was only one of a long series of outrages. From the 
 very beginning of the emigration to America, most horrible accounts are given 
 of the sufferings which the travellers had to undergo. The poor peasant, 
 oppressed and almost starving, was led to suppose by the impressive looking 
 
 Of rst ^^^ 
 
 
 1 1 
 
14 Nicolaus Lenau's American Journey. 
 
 Another incident occurred on the border between Holland and 
 Germany, at a town called Lobith, which very nearly terminated 
 his journey. Owing to the numerous delays, his passport had 
 expired, so that when he presented it at the frontier he was not 
 permitted to proceed. The Burgomaster, in fact, threatened to 
 send him back. Fortunately, however, he had attracted the 
 notice of a custom official by his wonderful violin playing.^ The 
 following passage from a letter describes the adventure very 
 happily : — " Zum Gliicke traf icli in dem kleinen Neste (Lobith) 
 einen enthusiastischen Musiker in der Person eines Zollbeamten. 
 Dieser {i. <?., the " Zollbeamte ") abgeschnitten von jeder musikal- 
 ischen Seele in seinem miserablen hollandischen Flecken, 
 schnappte nach mir wie nach einem Leckerbissen. Ich muszte 
 mich schon bequemen, die scheuszlichsten Duetten fiir Violine 
 und Clarinette mit dem Kerl taglich mehre Sturden durchzuhum- 
 peln, dafiir empfahl er mich dem Biirgermeister. Es wurde eine 
 musikalische Abendunterhaltung gegeben, wobei seine biirger- 
 meisterliche Gnade zugegen and iiber meine Passagen auf der 
 Geige dermaszen entziickt zu sein beliebten, dasz sie mir die 
 Passage iiber die Grenze durch die Finger sahen," etc. 
 
 The journey down the Rhine was in the main disappointing 
 to the traveller. The difficulties with the managers, the serious 
 discomforts of the boat, the expired passport all contributed to 
 make the beginning of his journey inauspicious. Before leaving 
 Mainz, in a letter to Kerner he says : " Ware ich schon wieder 
 zuriick aus Amerika."^ He had a foreboding that his under- 
 
 agents who were scouring the country, that on the other side of the ocean, happi- 
 ness and riches were attainable to every one. Eickhoff says, p. 5 : "Sie alle 
 warben auf dem deutschen Markte um Menschen, um lebendige Fracht." It 
 was at first quite unusual that the emigrant should prepay his fate. The agents 
 offered not only to transport them free, but even if necessary to advance money 
 enough for clothes and necessities. But upon their arrival in America the hap- 
 less travellers were farmed out until they had earned enough to repay ever>-- 
 thing, frequently, in fact, until they had paid for all expenditures which had 
 been made upon them several times. 
 
 1 Lenau was a remarkably good violinist and is said to have been particularly 
 fond of Beethoven and the Hungarian folksongs. 
 
 * Mannheim, June 23. Schurz, vol. I, p. i8i. 
 
T. S. Baker. 15 
 
 taking would prove a failure but seems to have been drawn on 
 by a sort of demonic influence — what he called " eine Gravita- 
 tion nach dem Ungliick." ^ 
 
 Lenau could have obtained a position as Doctor Legens at 
 Tiibingen had he been willing to go through the form of getting 
 his diploma as Doctor of Philosophy, which in his case would 
 have been a mere formality.^ But even this was not sufficient 
 to prevent him from going. Death itself^ he said would not 
 have deterred him from setting out. 
 
 The scenery along the banks of the Rhine he found attractive/ 
 but he rebelled against the thrift of the people, which made 
 them cultivate every inch of the soil. Nor did his impression 
 of Holland ^ dispel the disappointment which the Rhine journey 
 had produced. He had looked forward to the life in Amsterdam 
 with great interest. The city interested him — especially in its 
 character as seaport : " Ich will dort in den Matrosenkneipen 
 herumschleichen und einige Studien machen in der Menschen- 
 kenntnisz." But once arrived in the city he finds it "ein wahres 
 Ungeheuer von Stadt." The windmills, which remind him of 
 drunken men beating the air, are sufficient to drive him out of 
 the city. The galleries interested him most of all, especially 
 the paintings of Ruysdael, Nikalaus Berchen and Correggio. 
 The women and cows are classed together and both found to be 
 fine, but the general impression of Holland upon him was disap- 
 pointing. Still he looks forward with interest and even enthusi- 
 asm to the real journey he is about to begin. 
 
 The New World fixes his imagination again as the land of 
 wealth, and he pictures himself upon his return, a capitalist 
 with large interests living upon the wealth which will come 
 from his new investments. He will now remain only long 
 enough to make his purchases, — i. ^., from three to eight weeks. 
 
 * Mayer, p. 68 — " Wiiszt' ich auch ganz gevvisz, dasz ich umkommen werde, 
 ich glaube, ich reiste doch. Mich regiert eine Art Gravitation nach dem Un- 
 gliick." (Lenau to Mayer no date). 
 
 ^ Letter to Schurz, Amsterdam, July 27. Schurz, I, 187. 
 
 * Lenau to Emilie Reinbeck, Amsterdam, July 25, 1832. Schurz, I, 184. 
 *Cf. Lenau's poem "Am Rhein." 
 
 *Cf, Lenau's poem "Auf eine HoUandische Landschaft." 
 
1 6 Nicolaus Le7iau''s American Journey. 
 
 The poetic interest with which America had inspired him 
 seems by this time to have become somewhat lessened ; he may- 
 even have caught something of the commercial spirit from his 
 peasant travelling companions, whose interest in America was 
 somewhat narrow. They supposed that America was the place 
 place where meat was to be had three times a day, and where 
 wealth could be obtained almost unsought. 
 
 The following extract from a letter to Schurz ^ shows the 
 extent to which Lenau's dreams of wealth had gone : "Ich werde 
 mir dort eine Strecke Landes kaufen von etwa tausend Morgen, 
 und den Philipum als Pachter darauf setzen — Der ganze Vertrag 
 wird natiirlich vor Gericht ratificiert. In drei bis vier Jahren 
 hat sich dann der Werth meines Eigenthums wenigstens auf das 
 Sechsfache gesteigert. Lachle nicht Anton, es liegen sichere 
 Berechnungen vor. Der Ankauf des Landas macht von tausend 
 Morgen etwa 3000 fl. in vier Jahren ist alles kultivirt, und dann 
 ^ kann es, wenn es gut gelit, 3000 fl. jahrlich tragen. Ich kann 
 
 mich auf meine Leute ganz verlassen, und eine gute Rente in 
 
 /> Oesterreich genieszen. Der schlimmste aber undenkbare Fall 
 
 ware, daz sie mir ein Jahr lang meine Rente nicht schickteuj 
 » ,^ dann ware ich halt gezwungen, nach America zu schreiben an 
 
 \^' ein Handelshaus, dem ich empfohlen bin, oder einen anderen 
 
 Pachter setzen zu lassen." 
 
 The vessel which had been engaged to convey the party to 
 America was the ship " Baron van der Capellan," 672 tons, J. A. 
 Tholen, Master. She had been an East India merchantman 
 and this was her first trip to America. Her proprietor was a 
 man named Westerman who lived in Amsterdam. After putting 
 to sea the travellers found out that she was very old and almost 
 unseaworthy.^ 
 
 Before setting sail Lenau wrote that Captain Tholen had been 
 
 1 Amsterdam, July 27, 1832. Schurz, vol. I, 186. 
 
 ''■ Soiide Hauser geben sich dort in der Regel mit diesem Geschaft nicht ab. 
 Die Schiffe, welche zum Transport der Elnvvanderer eingerichtet werden, sind 
 in der Regel von der schlechtesten Qualitat, ah und baufallig, und die Kapitane, 
 deren Fiihrung sie anvertraut werden, unwissende, unerfahrene und brutale 
 Menschen." (Eickhoff, p. 16), 
 
T. S. Baker. 17 
 
 very kind, and that he expected much pleasure from his society/ 
 The captain gave up one of his rooms so that the traveller was 
 quite isolated from the "grausigem Volke der Auswanderer,"^ 
 The captain's black steward and a Philip Huber, who had been 
 brought along, acted as their servants. The ship, after discharg- 
 ing her passengers and cargo at Baltimore, was expected to re- 
 turn to Amsterdam. There was, however, a possibility that 
 instead of coming back to Amsterdam, she would go to the East 
 Indies. Lenau writes : " Es ist aber moglich, dasz es von Balti- 
 more nach Ostindien abgeht, und vielleicht mich mitnimmt. 
 Ungeheuer reizend ware die Reise nach Java. Ein kleiner Ab- 
 stecher auf den Cap, auf die Insel St. Helena, sehr reizend." 
 
 The ship leaves Amsterdam, after a long delay, late in July, 
 the exact date being uncertain. It is known, however, that the 
 passengers were on board the ship and in the Texel Channel on 
 the first of August. Here the " Baron van der Capellan " was 
 run into by another vessel and delay was caused. Finally, how- 
 ever, they put to sea. 
 
 Lenau had looked forward to the voyage across with very 
 great enthusiasm, and this was one of the things which did not 
 disappoint him in spite of the terrible sufferings which he must 
 have undergone. Before starting it was expected that the voy- 
 age would not last more than six weeks. Owing, however, to 
 rough weather and the bad condition of the ship, Baltimore was 
 not reached until they had been out ten weeks. Lenau has left 
 in his letters but a fragmentary account of his experiences at 
 sea, but he frequently stated afterwards that the sight of the 
 ocean was one of the most important events in his life. He 
 says : " Wohl ist das Seeleben ein Erhabenes" (Lenau to Mayer 
 Aug. I, 1832). Lenau to Emilie Reinbeck, August, 1832 : 
 " Einige Blicke in die See waren mir bereits gegonnt. Ich 
 glaube, ich werde eine leidenschaftliche Liebe zum Meere fassen. 
 Ich spiire schon den Reichthum von poetischen Ideen, die mir 
 die Natur auf meiner Reise entgegenstreuen wird." 
 
 ' Lenau to Schurz, Amsterdam, July 27. Schurz, vol. I, p. 186. 
 ^ Lenau to Emilie Reinbeck, August, 1832. Schurz, vol. I, p. 189. 
 
i8 Nicolaus Lenau's American Journey. 
 
 Soon after the ship had put to sea the carpenter announced 
 that the vessel was in such a condition that it could not weather 
 a severe storm. This caused great excitement and anxiety. 
 Lenau said in a letter to Schurz, written after his arrival in Bal- 
 timore, " Es ist doch eine fatale Empfindung, wenn man sich 
 abends in seine Hangematte legt und nicht weisz, ob das Schiflf 
 in der Nacht auseinander gehen werde und man in den Wellen 
 erwache, gerade auf so lange, um die Todesangst noch recht zu 
 fiihlen. Aber daran habe ich mich gewohnt." Violent storms 
 were encountered, and on several occasions it was believed that 
 the vessel would sink. In addition to this the supplies were 
 nearly exhausted. Finally, Lenau fell ill with the scurvy. 
 
 Besides these terrible dangers and suflferings during the long 
 voyage of ten weeks, the absence of all congenial companion- 
 ship was felt very keenly by Lenau. To a man of his sensibili- 
 ties the association with a crowd of mercenary peasants during 
 this long period must have been a bitter experience. Captain 
 Tholen, from whom he had expected so much, also proved un- 
 congenial, so that the only thing left for him was the contem- 
 plation of the ocean, and it is remarkable that after the terrible 
 experiences through which he had gone he writes, immediately 
 after his arrival, " Ich bin jetzt um ein Gutes reichier, dasz ich 
 auch das Meer kennen gelernt habe. Die nachhaltigste und 
 beste Wirkung dieser Seereise ist ein gewisser feierlicher Ernst, 
 der sich durch den langen Anblick des Erhabenen in mir befes- 
 tigt hat. Das sind die zwei Hauptmomente der Natur, die mich 
 gebildet haben : diesz atlantische Meer und die oesterreichischen 
 Alpen.^ The sea at rest seemed as impressive to him as it did 
 during a storm, and, as in the above quoted passage, he ever 
 afterwards mentioned the ocean as one of the most important 
 sources of inspiration.^ 
 
 The vessel at length arrived in the Chesapeake Bay and Lenau 
 
 ' Lenau to Schurz, Baltimore, Oct. i6, 1832. Schurz, I, p. 196. 
 
 * Letter to Sophie von Lowenthal. Stuttgart, June 13, 1840. Schurz, vol. II, 
 p. 26. " Von Beethoven, dem Meere, dem Hochgebirg und Ihnen habe ich ja 
 das Beste und Meiste gelernt oder vielmehr durch Euch vier von Gott." 
 
T. S. Baker. 19 
 
 first landed upon American soil on the eighth of October. This 
 was somewhere down the bay, for the vessel did not arrive at 
 Baltimore until the nth or I2th.^ 
 
 It is hard to conceive of a more discouraging succession of 
 reverses. First the opposition of his friends, then the discovery 
 of the insecurity of the immigration society, the repeated de- 
 lays, the difficulty in regard to his passport. Finally, the hor- 
 rors of the voyage — ten weeks in a death-trap of a ship, sur- 
 rounded with the most common-place people, ill with a distressing 
 disease. His disappointment is therefore not surprising, and his 
 feelings must have been those of patient resignation to whatever 
 other misfortunes were to befall him. 
 
 To continue the list of calamities, Baltimore was at this time 
 visited by a severe epidemic of cholera,^ the ravages of which 
 were so great that 3572 deaths from this disease alone are reported 
 for the year 1832. Lenau's stay in Baltimofe was, therefore, 
 shorter than he at first intended. During his visit he lived at 
 the Exchange Hotel.^ 
 
 ^ The following is the Custom House entry of the vessel : — 
 
 Ship Baron Van der Capellan, 
 
 J. A. Tholen, Master. 
 
 692 tons burthen. Arrived from Amsterdam, Oct. 12, 1832. 
 
 Had passengers, but there is no record of names or numbers. 
 
 Cargo : — 118 Millstones 
 
 I package matches 
 I " linen 
 Wooden clocks 
 German books 
 Woolens 
 According to this, the vessel arrived on the twelfth of October, but this was 
 probably the date of the entry of the vessel. It arrived in the Baltimore harbor 
 on the eleventh. Besides the above information it has been ascertained that 
 there were 253 passengers, and that the consignee was Karthaus Kurtz & Co., 
 whose offices according to Matchett's Baltimore Directory for 1835 were 45 
 South Gay Street. 
 
 "^ For information concerning Baltimore at this time, the following two books 
 are important: F. Lucas, Picture of Baltimore in 1832 (Baltimore, 1832); Varle, 
 View of Baltimore (Baltimore, 1833). 
 
 * "The Exchange Hotel extended from Exchange Place through to Second 
 Street, near Gay Street ; the property of the Commercial Exchange Company, 
 was, for many years, one of the most popular hotels in Baltimore. It occupied 
 
ad Nicolaus Lenau^s American Journey. 
 
 Baltimore was then a city of 81,000 inhabitants, of whom 
 about 14,000 had been born in Germany, and at this time the 
 German element was more active than that in New York. It 
 was also the most important American port for German immi- 
 grants, especially for those going West, for the national road to 
 Wheeling made travel to the West much easier than from any 
 of the other sea-ports. It is not likely that Lenau found much 
 in Baltimore to interest, him as he staid only three weeks. While 
 at the Exchange Hotel he became acquainted with a young stu- 
 dent from Hessen, who was also a musician. After having heard 
 I/cnau play the violin and the guitar, upon which latter instru- 
 ment he performed with very unusual skill, this young musician 
 proposed a concert tour to Mexico, South America and Australia. 
 He was so enthusiastic in regard to the scheme that Lenau was 
 almost won over, but lack of funds and the bitter disappoint- 
 ment which had befallen him at every point induced him to 
 dismiss the idea. Instead of this he bought a horse and began 
 the long ride, in mid-winter, to Economy, Pennsylvania. 
 
 The journey from Baltimore was made along the national road. 
 In passing through Bedford, Pennsylvania, he became acquainted 
 with a certain Alexander King, who, upon hearing Lenau play 
 the Rackoczy March, was so pleased with his wonderful per- 
 formance that he sought to make his acquaintance. Conversa- 
 tion was, however, difficult. Mr. King did not know German, 
 Lenau did not know English, and so they fell back upon Latin 
 as a medium. When Lenau parted from this Mr. King he was 
 presented with a copy of Mitchell's " Guide through the United 
 States" with the following sentence on the fly-leaf : 
 
 " Alexander King 
 
 de Bedfordia 
 
 dedit ad ejus amicum dominum Niembsch." 
 
 a part of the present Custom House Building." Scharf, Baltimore City and 
 County, p. 515. 
 
 At the time of Lenau's visit it was managed by J. H. Page. It had been 
 recently erected and fitted up by William Patterson, Robert Oliver, John 
 Donnell and Sons and Jerome Bonaparte. 
 
T. S. Baker. 2i 
 
 From Bedford the traveler pushed on to Economy, where, 
 from the combined effects of the scurvy and the exposure to the 
 severity of an American winter, he became ill and was com- 
 pelled to spend part of the winter in bed. Lenau's intention 
 when he left Baltimore had been to hurry on as fast as possible, 
 so that he might get a look at some of the American " Urwalder" 
 and the Niagara and then to return immediately home. From 
 this, however, he was prevented by his illness. 
 
 Here his musical acquirements were again useful to him. The 
 man who made the fires in the little hotel where he was staying 
 was, it would seem, not one of those whom Lenau had charac- 
 terized as "stone dead to all higher life," for every morning 
 when he came to his room he would refuse to make the fire for 
 the invalid unless he played something on the violin. 
 
 The next place which he visited, after his recovery, was Pitts- 
 burg. Here he became acquainted with C. L. Volz,^ a prominent 
 merchant, who welcomed him warmly. Volz was able to offer 
 Lenau most welcome hospitality during his sojourn in Pittsburg, 
 and he ever afterwards looked back with pleasure upon his asso- 
 ciation with this man. 
 
 On the yth of February, 1833, Lenau, in company with this 
 Herr Volz and W. R. Riedlen, revisited the Rappist settlement 
 at Economy.^ This fact, mentioned by A. Griin, is ascertained 
 from the dedication of Riedlen's book, Guter Rath an Ein- 
 wanderer in die Vereinigten Staaten^ a German version of J. P. 
 Davis' American Guide Book. This work was published by 
 Riedlen in 1834 in Aarau, and is dedicated to Lenau and Volz in 
 " freundlicher Erinnerung an" this excursion. 
 
 ^ Lenau had a letter to Volz from a mutual Swabian friend. Volz was a Ger- 
 man-American merchant in Pittsburg, who had come to America in 1812. He 
 had been very successful in business, so that he was able to offer his guest a 
 most comfortable home. He welcomed to his home all cultivated Germans who 
 came to that part of America. In 1825 Herzog Bernhard von Saxe-Weimar- 
 Eisenach was his guest. (Cf. Bernhard Herzog von Saxe-VVeimar-Eisenach, 
 Reise durch Nord-Amerika in den Jahren 1825 and 1826. Weimar 1828). Further 
 information concerning Volz is to be found in Koerner's Das Deutsche Element 
 in Anierika, p. 45. 
 
 ^ Economy is 18 miles to the northwest of Pittsburg on the Ohio River. It was 
 settled in 1824 by the Rappists, who, having sold their settlement at New Har- 
 mony, Ind. to the followers of Robert Owen, sought a new home in Pennsylvania. 
 
22 Nicolaus Lettatc's American Journey. 
 
 Two letters were written from New Lisbon/ Ohio, a small 
 town just across the border from Pennsylvania, one on the 6th 
 of March, the other on the 7th. He went to New Lisbon in 
 quest of land, which he thought might prove a good investment. 
 Either on the way there, or on one of his prospecting tours in 
 the neighborhood, he was thrown from a sleigh and cut about 
 the head. From this opening in his head he says^ he thinks all 
 plans for continuing his journey in America have made their 
 exit. On account of this accident he was compelled to remain 
 in his room in the hotel for several days. 
 
 It has been conjectured by many writers that Lenau bought 
 his farm near New Lisbon, or, at the very least, that it lay in 
 Ohio. As a matter of fact, however, it was located in Crawford 
 County, Pennsylvania. After his recovery from the wound in 
 his head he went once more to Economy, and there, on the 
 15th of March, concluded an agreement with a certain Ludwig 
 H.,^ a carpenter from Lauffen, in Wiirtemberg, whom Lenau had^ 
 praised * as the " rechtschaffenste und tiichtigste Mann den ich 
 jemals aus derlei Standen kennen gelernt habe." --^.^^ 
 
 This carpenter had accompanied him throughout the entire 
 journey, and it had been Lenau's intention before sailing from 
 Europe to give him charge of whatever land he might purchase 
 in America. His servant, Philip Huber, he had also intended 
 to leave in America on some of his land, but Huber found tem- 
 porary employment in a coal mine. 
 
 Lenau had bought, as has been stated above, a farm in Craw- 
 ford County in the northwestern part of Pennsylvania. This 
 farm, or more correctly this land, for most of it was not tillable, 
 consisted of two quarter sections of government land, numbers 
 2594, 2595 and one-eighth of a section, 2596, four hundred acres 
 
 ^ New Lisbon, the capital of Columbiana County, Ohio, is situated on the Little 
 Beaver River about 35 miles east of Canton and 50 miles northwest of Pittsburg. 
 
 ^ Letter to Klemm. Lisbon am Ohio (?). March 6, 1832. Schurz, I, 206. 
 New Libson is not on the Ohio, but in the State of Ohio. 
 
 ' The name of this man has nowhere in any account of Lenau's life been given 
 in full. 
 
 * Letter to Schurz, Amsterdam, July 27, 1832. Schurz, I, 186. 
 
T. S. Baker. 23 
 
 in all. According to the terms of the contract these four hun- 
 dred acres were leased to Ludwig H. for a period of eight years ; 
 in addition six hundred dollars, part in cash and part in stock, 
 etc., were advanced by Lenau. In return for this each year 2>lVi 
 acres of land must be cleared, cultivated and fenced. During 
 the period of eight years the following buildings were to be 
 erected : a two-story 44 x 36 foot log dwelling-house with a 
 shingle roof, a barn and the necessary stables. A certain num- 
 ber of cattle were to be sold and the proceeds given to Lenau 
 at the expiration of the lease ; and finally, H. was expected to 
 till the land entirely at his own expense, and in the years 1836, 
 1837, to pay one hundred dollars annual rent, and two hundred 
 dollars a year from 1838 to 1840. 
 
 Should Lenau, within the eight years, wish to sell the land, 
 then he must pay H. either the sum of twelve hundred dollars 
 or give him one-fifth of the farm. 
 
 This contract shows a most astounding lack of business ability 
 on the part of Lenau. The agreement is so complicated and 
 at the same time shows such a lack of knowledge concerning 
 the methods of farming in America that it is not strange that 
 the investment turned out badly. The Wiirtemberg carpenter 
 fled to Canada in the year 1834. Philip Huber, Lenau's valet 
 on board the ship remained faithful, but he was not able to be 
 of much service to his former employer. 
 
 The place was finally sold to pay the taxes, but the purchaser, 
 whose name was Jung, in the year 1847, several years after 
 Lenau had been confined in the insane asylum, sent Schurz 1050 
 francs as part payment of what was due him, but which he had 
 neglected to collect ; other payments were continued regularly 
 up to the time of Lenau's death in 1850. 
 
 As soon as the contract had been signed at Economy, Lenau 
 started on his ride to see the Niagara Falls. When still a long 
 way off he was very deeply impressed at the thunderous roar of 
 the Falls. ^ This was one of the few things he saw in America 
 
 ~"« 
 
 ^ The poems " Verschiedene Deutung," " Niagara " and " Die Drei Indianer," 
 owe their origin to the impressions received while viewing Niagara Falls. 
 
24 Nicolaus LenatCs American Journey. 
 
 which were not disappointing, and the impressions received there 
 were lasting. 
 
 From Niagara he continued his journey across the State of 
 New York and down the Hudson Valley to New York City. 
 The ride down the Hudson is remarkable, from the fact that this 
 valley, along with the Niagara Falls and an " Urwald" in the 
 West, was the sight which gave him the most pleasure. Upon 
 his arrival in New York he presented letters to one of the lead- 
 ing German merchants of the city, Herr von Post, who received 
 him hospitably and did everything possible to make his stay in 
 New York agreeable. He also met Martin Van Buren, after- 
 wards President, but at that time Secretary of State of the United 
 States. 
 
 It has been possible to get but little information in regard to 
 this part of Lenau's journey, as none of the letters written at 
 this time have been preserved. It is known that he left Economy 
 the latter part of March, 1833. Considerable time must have 
 been spent on the road from Economy to New York by the way 
 of Niagara, so that it is fair to suppose that he arrived in New 
 York about the 20th of April. He remained in the neighbor- 
 hood of New York about two weeks before embarking for 
 Bremen. He arrived in Germany early in June. 
 
 Thus ended Lenau's American journey. It had been a disap- 
 pointment to him throughout. Although from the point of view 
 of poetic material gathered it was not unfruitful, yet this fell 
 far below what he had expected, both in quality and quantity. 
 His ideal of America had been entirely different from what he 
 encountered. Had it been possible for him to ignore the Ameri- 
 cans with their prosaic business enterprises and their lack of 
 culture and place himself right in the midst of the primitive 
 American life he would have been satisfied. At least this is 
 what he had supposed when he left Europe, but it is more than 
 likely that he never could have been happy here, even for a 
 short time. 
 
 The journey was made at a very unfortunate season. He 
 arrived in October and left early in May ; he saw nothing of the 
 
T. S. Baker. 25 
 
 American spring and summer, and unfortunately the winter 
 of 1832 and 1833 was one of unusual severity and duration. 
 His disappointment was so great that afterwards it was with 
 difficulty that he could be induced to speak of his adventures 
 here. His biographers have accordingly passed over this part 
 of his life very quickly. They attached very little importance 
 to it, although in a letter written in 1834 he said the past two 
 years were the most important in his life. Materials were hard 
 to obtain and Lenau disliked all reference to it, so it became 
 customary to ignore it, or at least to underestimate its importance. 
 
 Schurz says, vol. i, p. 212, "Die Ernte dieser Reise war weder 
 geistig noch leiblich gesegnet." It is not to be doubted that, 
 physically speaking, the journey was very unfortunate. The 
 hardships of an American winter seriously affected his constitu- 
 tion, undermined as it was by his illness from scurvy on board 
 ship coming over and he never fully recovered from rheumatism 
 contracted during his long winter rides on horse back. 
 
 But in spite of this, and in spite of his bitter disappointment, 
 the fact remains that the impressions received at this time con- 
 tinue to exercise an influence upon his work for years after his 
 return. Especially does this apply to the impressions received 
 during the voyages, the ocean being, as he said, one of the things 
 which had " formed " him. Further, Lenau's journey to America 
 produced the effect that traveling in foreign lands always pro- 
 duces. It served to give him a clearer estimate of life.^ It 
 awoke him, to be sure rather violently, from his poet's dream 
 and showed him that the imagination could never be the sole 
 determinant for human affairs. 
 
 The extreme practical nature of American business life acted 
 as a check upon Lenau's unbridled imagination. He saw in 
 prosy America the greatest possible contrast to his own ideal. 
 
 ^ Cf. also letter of Lenau to Emilie Reinbeck. Schurz, p. 200. New Lisbon, 
 March 15th. 
 
 " In dieser groszen langen Einsamkeit, ohne Freund, ohne Natur, ohne irgend 
 eine Freude, war ich wohl darauf hingewiesen, stille Einkehr zu halten in mich 
 selber, und manchen heilsamen Entschlusz zu fassen fiir meine ferneren Tage." 
 
26 Nicolaus Lenau's American Journey. 
 
 and this did not fail to produce a salutary effect upon him in 
 spite of his repugnance to the experience. As far as his expec- 
 tation of increasing his income is concerned it is quite clear from 
 what has been said that this was also a failure. 
 
 In summing up, therefore, the results of this journey, there 
 is on one hand a considerable amount of poetic material which 
 was gathered — impressions that remained during the rest of his 
 life, also the benefits that come from contact with the world — 
 more rational opinions of human nature ; while on the other 
 hand there are the effects of privation and exposure upon a rather 
 sensitive constitution.^ One is compelled, therefore, while 
 granting the very serious results for his physique, to acknowledge 
 the decidedly beneficial effects upon his mind. 
 
 It is very remarkable, in the few letters which Lenau wrote 
 from America, how closely he observed the life in the United 
 States and foresaw in some instances the dangers which were to 
 beset the republic. References are made to the attempt of South 
 Carolina to secede on account- of the tariff ; to the banking sys- 
 tem ; to the unnatural condition of trade and politics.^ Lenau 
 criticises, more than anything else, the lack of animation — of 
 passion in America. He says,^ " Die Natur selbst ist kalt. . . , 
 Alias ist gleichformig und unphantastisch." " Hier lebt der 
 Mensch in einer sonderbaren kalten Heiterkeit, die ans Unheim- 
 liche streift," . . . "rauhe Menschen. Ihre Rauheit ist aber 
 nicht die Rauheit wilder, kraftiger Naturen, nein, es ist eine 
 zahme, und darum doppelt widerlich." ^ . . . " Merkwiirdig ist 
 es wie die heftigsten Gefiihle hier so schnell erkalten." . . . 
 " Diese ausgebrannten Menschen," * etc. 
 
 Everything in America he found "entsetzlich matt." To his 
 passionate nature this dreariness was terribly oppressive. 
 
 ^ Cf. also Schurz, vol. I, p. 214. "Er schien alien gealtert, sein Auge, zwar 
 noch immer lieb und treu, hatte am Glanze verloren, sein Gesicht war mit 
 tieferen Furchen umzogen, und nur sein Herz noch unverandert. " 
 
 ^ Cf. letter to Klemm. Schurz, I, p. 208. " Mit dem Ausdrucke Bodenlosig- 
 keit glaub' ich iiberhaupt den Charakter aller amerikanischen Institute bezeich- 
 nen zu konnen, auch der politischen." 
 
 * Letter to Klemm. Schurz, vol. I. p. 208. 
 
 * Letter to Emilia Reinbeck. New Lisbon, March 5, 1833. Schurz, vol. I, p. 204. 
 
T. S. Baker. 27 
 
 The love of the Americans for money is also the occasion of 
 much criticism, " Der Amerikaner kennt nichts, er sucht nichts, 
 als Geld." . . . " Eine Niagara-stimme gehort dazu, um diesen 
 Schuften zu predigen, dasz es noch hohere Gotter gebe, als die 
 im Miinzhause geschlagenen." * The Americans are " Himmelan 
 stinkende Kramerseelen, todt fiir alles geistige Leben." In re- 
 gard to education in America he says, " Die Bildung der Ameri- 
 kaner ist blosz eine merkantile, eine technische. Hier entfaltet 
 sich der praktische Mensch in seiner furchtbarsten Niichtern- 
 heit." The women he also found extremely uninteresting. " Ich 
 war haufig in musikalischen Gesellschaften, wo junge Damen 
 sich singend horen lieszen. Ihr Ton war . . . ein sonderbares 
 Geschrille, das hochstens dem einer Move ahnlich kommt. ... 
 Auch blicken diese Damen nicht, sie schauen nur ; es klaffen 
 nur zwei Kellerfenster . . . Ich kann das amerikanische schone 
 Geschlecht nur darum loben, dasz es meiner Ruhe niemals gefahr- 
 lich werden konnte. . . . Auflfallend ist iibrigens die hohe 
 Verehrung und die grosze Galanterie, mit welcher die hiesigen 
 Bhemanner ihren Frauen begegnen. . . . Die meisten sind fast 
 heilig gehalten." Reference is also made to the crudity of 
 agriculture, to the lack of song birds, and the absence of wine. 
 
 His opinion, after having been here less than a half year, is 
 that " Amerika ist das wahre Land des Unterganges, der Westen 
 der Menschheit" ^ and further " Die schlimmste Frucht der iiblen 
 Verhaltnisse in Deutschland ist die Auswanderung nach Amerika. 
 . . . Ich weisz nicht warum ich immer eine Sehnsucht nach 
 Amerika hatte. Doch ich weisz es. Johannes hat in der Wiiste 
 getauft. Mich zog es auch in die Wiiste, und hier ist in meinem 
 Inneren wirklich etwas wie Taufe vorgef alien." ^ 
 
 These extracts are sufficient to show the intense dissatisfaction 
 and disappointment at nearly everything in America. In the 
 early part of the chapter it was shown how Lenau's preparations 
 for the voyage were viewed with alarm and at the same time 
 
 ^ Letter to Schurz. Schurz, vol. i, p. 198. 
 
 ^ Letter to Emilie Reinbeck, New Lisbon, March 5, 1833. Schurz, vol. i, p. 204. 
 
28 Nicolaus Lenau's American Journey. 
 
 with interest by his friends in Swabia and Vienna. During his 
 absence he had won a much larger circle of admirers. His 
 name had become much better known.^ The long journey he 
 had undertaken lent an air of romance to the young poet, whose 
 praise was being sung in all parts of Germany, so that his return 
 was looked for with interest by a large part of the German speak- 
 ing race. And after his return from what he called the " Ver- 
 schweinten Staaten" he became, one might almost say, an object 
 of curiosity.^ That his voyage excited great interest is shown by 
 the popularity of Kiimberger's novel, " Der Amerikamiide," 
 based upon the adventures of Lenau in America and to be treated 
 in the next chapter. 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 Auerbach, Berthold. — Der Weltschmerz mit besonderer Beziehung auf 
 
 Nicolaus Lenau: Vortrag, In Deutsche Abende. Neue Folge. 
 
 Stuttgart 1867, pp. 205-254. 
 Nicolaus Lenau. Erinnerung und Betrachtung, Vortrag. Wien, 
 
 1876. 
 Bauernfeld. — Die schone Literatur in Oesterreich. Eine historische 
 
 Skizze. Wien, 1835. 
 Pia Desideria eines oesterreichischen Schriftstellers. Leipzig, 1842. 
 Born, Stephan. — Nikolaus Lenau, Vortrag. Basel, 1877. 
 Doering, Dr. J. M. H. — N. Lenau's Biographic 1853. (Biographien 
 
 deutscher Classiker.) 
 
 ^ On landing in Bremen, one of the first things he saw was a copy of Menzel's 
 " LiteraturblaW^ with his name in a laurel wreath. Here he also saw for the 
 first time, the edition of his poems, which had been published during his absence. 
 
 * Frankl, zur Biographie Lenau's p. 4 (Leipzig, 1855). "Erst das personliche 
 Erscheinen Lenau's in Wien weckte ein groszeres Interesse fiir ihn, wozu die 
 Kunde, der Dichter habe, unzufrieden mit der alten Welt, jenseits des Atlanti- 
 schen Oceans im Urwalde das Gliick und das Leben— das scheue Wild — aufge- 
 sucht, nicht wenig beitrug. Damals hatten wenige Menschen in Oesterreich 
 noch die Fahrt gewagt, die zu jener Zeit noch einen abenteuerlichen Schimmer 
 um Atlantisfahrer verbreitete." 
 
7. 6". Baker. 29 
 
 ^nferebn, e7— N. Lenau's Voyage to America. \ Harvard Monthly 
 
 V, ia,-+ft2r: "'" '■ ■ — — — — 
 
 Frank!.— Zur Biographic Nikolaus Lenaus. Wien, 1854 (2te Auflage, 
 1885). 
 Jahresbericht fiir neuere Literatur-Geschichte. Stuttgart, 1892. 
 Karpeles, G. — N. Lenau, Sein Leben und Dichten. 187 1. 
 Krueger. — Lenau's Albigenser und die Quellenschriften. Programm. 
 
 Berlin, 1886. 
 Landsteiner, Karl. — IJber Lenau's Geistesprocesz, Eine Studie. Wien, 
 
 1862. 
 Lefaivre, A. — Poesie en Autriche. Lenau sa Vie et ses Oeuvres. 
 
 39 pp. Revue Contemporain 1861, vol. 2, p. 399, if. 
 Lenau, N. — Sammtliche Werke. 
 
 Herausgegeben von A. Grun. 4 Bde. Stuttgart und Augsburg, 
 
 1855- 
 Sammtliche Werke, mit einer biographischen Einleitung von A. 
 Griin. 2 Bde. Stuttgart, 1880. 
 Lenau, N. — per S. A Biography of N. F. Niembsch von Strehlenau. 
 London, 1855. 
 Sammtliche Werke, herausgegeben von Emil Barthel, 2te Auflage. 
 Leipzig, Philip Reclam. 
 ■ Lenau's Werke, herausgegeben von Max Koch. 
 
 Deutsche National- Literatur. Bde. 154-155. Berlin und Stutt- 
 gart. 
 Poems of N. Lenau. Translated by John Brydges. London, 
 1848. 
 Lorn. — Wiens Poetisches Schwingen und Federn. Leipzig, 1847. 
 Marchand, Alfred. — Les Poetes Lyriques de 1' Autriche. Paris, 1881. 
 
 2me edition. 
 Mayer, Karl. — N. Lenau's Briefe an einen Freund. Stuttgart, 1853. 
 Ludwig Uhland, Seine Freunde und Zeitgenossen. 
 Erinnerungen von K. M. 2 Bde. Stuttgart, 1867. 
 Minor, J. — BibHographie und Quellenkunde der oesterreichischen 
 
 Literaturgeschichte. 3s. f-ost. Gym., 1886, Heft 8. 
 Niendorf, Emma. — Lenau in Schwaben, aus dem letzten Jahrzehnt 
 
 seines Lebens. Leipzig, 1855. 
 Opitz, Theodor. — N. Lenau. Eine ausfiihrliche Charakteristik nach 
 
 seinen Werken. Leipzig, 1850. 
 Oesterreichischer Parnasz bestiegen von einem heruntergekommenen 
 Antiquar. Frey-Sing, 1842. 
 
30 Nicolaus Lenau's Arnerican Journey. 
 
 Oesterreichische Blatter fur Literatur, Kunst, Geschichte usw. , redigiert 
 
 von Ad. Schmidt, 1844. 
 Oesterreich im Jahre 1840, Stadt und Staatsverwaltung und Verfassung 
 
 und Kultur. 4 Bde. Leipzig, 1840-44. 
 Schlossar. — Nikolaus Lenau's Briefe an Emilie von Reinbeck und deren 
 
 Gatten George von Reinbeck, 183-244. Stuttgart, 1896. 
 Schor, Adolph. — Die oesterreichische Dichterschule, ihre Entwicke- 
 
 lung und Charakteristik. Bohmisch-Leipa, 1872. 
 Schurz, A. X. — Lenau's Leben, groszentheils ausdes Dichters eigenen 
 
 Briefen. Von seinem Schwestermann. Stuttgart, 1855. 
 Schwab, C. T. — Les Poesies Lyriques de F. N. Lenau appreci6es au 
 
 Point de Vue Chretien. Univers6te de France. 
 Seidlitz, Julius. — Die Poesie und die Poeten in Oesterreich im Jahre 
 
 1836. 2 Bde. Grimma, 1837. 
 Siebenlist, A, — Lenau in Preszburg, nach bisher unbekannten Mitthei- 
 
 lungen von Dr. A. Siebenlist im Feuilleton der Neuen Freie 
 
 Presse, Vol. 12, October, 1883. 
 Theater Zeitung, Wien, 1853. No. 246. Lenau iiber Amerika. 
 Theuriet, A. — Poetes et Humoristes. Lenau 34 pp. Revue de deux 
 
 Mondes 1878, vol. 29, p. 196, ff. 
 
 N^' 
 
FERDINAND KURNBERGKR'S 
 "DER AMERIKMUDE." 
 
 Before entering upon the discussion of Der Amerikamude it 
 will be necessary, in order to understand the point of view from 
 which it was written, to give a short account of the life of its 
 author, Kiirnberger. 
 
 Ferdinand Kiirnberger was born in Vienna on the third of 
 July, 1823. His father, who is said to have been of noble birth, 
 removed from the Breisgau to Austria because of financial diffi- 
 culties. The early part of Ferdinand Kiirnberger's life was 
 spent in Vienna in the midst of the growing opposition to the 
 political tyranny which culminated in the outbreak of 1848. It 
 may be said that during his youth he imbibed the radical po- 
 litical doctrines which later afiected his writings to a very great 
 extent. His boyhood was passed in the midst of severe priva- 
 tions, but in spite of poverty he succeeded in obtaining a good 
 education. 
 
 The bitterness and love of solitude which manifested them- 
 selves later in his life are largely the result of the misfortunes 
 of his early years. 
 
 By giving private instruction he was enabled to pursue his 
 studies at the University. These studies were for the most part 
 philosophical. At the age of twenty he began to contribute to 
 the Vienna papers, especially to Frankl's Sonntags Blatter. In 
 the year 1848 nearly all the younger literary men of Vienna 
 became involved in the political disturbances. Prominent among 
 them was Kiirnberger. As a result of his opposition he was 
 compelled to flee and went directly to Dresden. 
 
 Here he again got into political difficulties and was arrested 
 and imprisoned for eight months pending investigations. After 
 
32 Ferdinand Kitrnbergers' " Der Amerikmudey 
 
 his liberation he went to Hamburg and there devoted himself to 
 literary work. It was here that Der Amerikamude was planned. 
 
 From Hamburg Kiirnberger went to Frankfort, and it was 
 not until 1857 that he was permitted to return to Vienna. After 
 his return he again became restless, and in i860 went to Munich. 
 The years 1861 and 1862 were spent in Stuttgart and Koburg, 
 and in 1864 he returned to Munich, where he spent much of his 
 time with Wilhelm von Kaulbach. A year later he went to 
 Graz, in Steiermark, and in 1866 returned to Vienna. While 
 on a journey to Munich he became ill, and died on the 14th of 
 October, 1879. ^^^ remains were taken to Modling and there 
 interred on the 19th of October. 
 
 During his lifetime Kiirnberger had always been a recluse, so 
 that his circle of friends was small. His chief literary asso- 
 ciates were Auerbach, Leopold Kompert, Karl von Holtei, 
 Hieronymus Lorm, Alfred Meiszner, Robert Byr and Emil Kuh. 
 
 Kiimberger's novelistic and political writings are scattered 
 through a number of publications — principally in the Sonntags 
 Blatter^ Waldheim's Muszestunden^ Westermann's Monatshefte^ 
 \ht.Illusit^erte Frauemeitung^ BlumenthaVs Afonaiske/ie, Wiener 
 Presse and the Neue Wiener Tageblatt^ with the editor of which, 
 J. V. Schembera,^ he was very intimate. Kiirnberger also bore 
 an important part in the foundation of the Deutsche Zeitu7ig. 
 
 His first and most widely read book was Der Anierika^nude^ 
 Amerikanisches Kulturbild^ 1855, volume eight of Meidlin- 
 ger's Deutsche Bibliothek. 
 
 His second novel was written in 1876, and is called Der 
 Haustyrann. The scene of this book is laid in the Tyrolean 
 Alps. Five volumes of Novellen from his pen were also repub- 
 lished : Ausgewahlte Novellen (1857) in the Reclam Series ; 
 Novellen (1861-62), Drei Bande ; Novellen (1878). Included in 
 these volumes of Novellen are several Afdrchen which attained 
 great popularity. In 1857 ^^^ Goldmdrche?i appeared. 
 
 The drama " Catilina" was written in 1855. A second drama 
 
 1 Schembera edited the last edition of "Der Amerikamiide " published ten 
 years after the author's death (1889) in the Reclam Series. 
 
T. S. Baker. Zl 
 
 *' Firdiisi " was performed in Munich, in 1865, but, because of the 
 great difficulty which the actors experienced in the performance, 
 it was not kept in the repertory. Another drama by Kiirnberger 
 was written two years later. This was his " Quintin Messis." 
 
 Kiirnberger's political writings are contained in the collection 
 called " Siegelringe . . . Eine Ausgewahlte Sammlung politi- 
 scher und kirchlicher Feuilletons (1874)." Literarische Her- 
 zenssachen^ Refiexionen und Kritiken was published in 1877. 
 
 His poems include an " Aufruf fiir Schleswig-Holstein, 
 Epistel an den Kaiser von Oesterreich" (1864) ^^^ ^ long elegy 
 which was found among his papers after his death and was pub- 
 lished, in 1879, in the Neue Illustrirte Zeitung. 
 
 Kiirnberger's other writings consist of a number of short 
 stories and sketches which were published in various magazines ; 
 a comedy written in 1850 " Fiirst und Dame " ; the text to a 
 romantic opera — " Wineta " ; and finally the plan of an exten- 
 sive novel was found among his papers. This novel was called 
 by him Das Schlosz des Verbrechens. 
 
 Although rumors have been heard from time to time that a 
 collection of Kiirnberger's works would be published, no such 
 edition has yet appeared. No complete life of this author has 
 ever been written.^ Although to-day the works of Kiirnberger 
 are read but little, during the fifties and sixties he was a very 
 popular writer. 
 
 From the above sketch of his life it is apparent that he tried 
 nearly all branches of literature. As a dramatist and as a poet 
 he was entirely unsuccessful. His talent was descriptive and 
 critical rather than dramatic. His greatest success was won on 
 the field of the short story, and it is as the writer of Novellen 
 and of Der Amerikamude that he is best remembered. 
 
 It is noteworthy that in his short stories as well as in his 
 novels he prefers foreign and exotic subjects to native German 
 scenes. Der Amerikamude and Der Haustyrann both have 
 their scenes laid in foreign lands. In the same way the action 
 
 ^ A list of articles on Kiirnberger's life and works will be found in the 
 bibliography. 
 
 ^ 01 TilS ^ 
 
34 Ferdinand Kurnberger^s " Der Amerikamudey 
 
 in his short stories almost always takes place in strange coun- 
 tries/ In the Novellen Kiirnberger's intense bitterness and 
 pessimism — the result of the long oppression of the censorship — 
 does not show itself as much as elsewhere in his writings. Der 
 Afnerikamude may be regarded as the expression of this bitter- 
 ness towards America. The tone of the book is entirely un- 
 friendly towards things American. The author was ever ready 
 to oppose ideas that were popular. He therefore set himself to 
 work to paint the dark side of American life. Europamude 
 had become a by-word at this time and Kiirnberger hit upon 
 Amerikamude to express his antagonism. 
 
 Volumes had been written in praise of the United States. 
 Emigrants were flocking thither in thousands. Letters poured 
 in from America bringing messages to peasants in every part of 
 Germany — telling of high wages, meat three times a day, and 
 unlimited prospects of advancement. The result was that this 
 country came to be regarded as a land of promise. It was there- 
 fore in a spirit of opposition to what was popular and what was 
 believed to be true that Kiirnberger began this novel. He may 
 also have been encouraged in the position which he took by the 
 occasional murmurs of disappointment from those who had not 
 found America all that had been expected. 
 
 The fact also that the universal interest in America had already 
 made Sealsfield and Gerstacker popular may have induced him 
 to select an American subject, feeling, at the same time, that 
 no theme would probably be more attractive to general readers 
 than a novel on American life. 
 
 The book gained an almost instant popularity. Sealsfield's 
 works were read but little after the revolution of 1848. It 
 seems, therefore, probable that the popularity of Der Amerika- 
 mude may be partly accounted for from the fact that Sealsfield's 
 works which had been extremely popular, were, so to speak, out 
 of the market. The public also demanded something more in 
 consonance with the spirit of the age. It was a revolutionary 
 
 1 The scene of one of his short stories is also laid in America. " Gideon 
 Wieser," pp. 181, ff. vol. Ill, of his "Novellen." Miinchen, 1862. 
 
T. S. Baker. 35 
 
 age and Kiirnberger's was a revolutionary personality ; he there- 
 fore seemed to fall in with the demands of the times. 
 
 As has been stated above, the novel was finished in Hamburg 
 in 1855. In spite of the fact that Kiirnberger was never in 
 America, the book shows a most astoundingly accurate and 
 complete knowledge concerning the state of society and the 
 manner of life in the United States. He went to work in a 
 very serious manner to collect materials for his work. Lorm 
 says,^ " Nur nach erstaunlich griindlichen Studien iiber Amerika, 
 die sich auf das Minutioseste erstreckten und die er nicht friiher 
 abbrach als bis er sich in seinem Gegenstande so heimisch 
 fiihlte, dasz er ihn nicht fiir erlernt, sondern fiir erlebt erachten 
 konnte, ging er an seine Arbeit." 
 
 What the sources of his information may have been it is 
 impossible to say with absolute certainty. His information is 
 so varied that it is evident he drew upon everything available — 
 books of travel, histories of America, guide books, magazine 
 articles both in English and German.^ Duden, Chateaubriand 
 
 ^ Hieronymus Lorm. VVestermann's Illustrirte Deutsche Monatshefte. Janu- 
 ary, 1880, pp. 506-512, "Ferdinand Kiirnberger." 
 
 * Such was the interest in America at this time in Germany that almost every 
 number of the weekly and monthly publications contained lengthy letters from 
 America or articles on American subjects. The following topics are treated in 
 a part of one volume of the " Gartenlaube " for 1855 : 
 
 On p. 79, there is a letter from America treating : New York, Seine Lage und 
 Gestalt: Begriiszungbei der Ankunft durch Gauner. — Vergleichung mit London. 
 — Die Geschaftsgegend. — Die Bedeutung New Yorks als Amerikanischer-Euro- 
 paischer Haupt-Spediteur und Einwanderungshafen, fiir deutsche Einwan- 
 derer. — Ein Wink. — Herr Gerhard und sein Unternehmen fiir dieselben. — Die 
 Auswiicher an der Freiheit Nord-Amerikas aus Europa. — Physiognomic New 
 Yorks. — Broadway. — Der Kleiderhandlungs Marmor-Palast, p. 342. — Der Verfall 
 des Republikanismus in Amerika und dessen Neigung zum Absolutismus. — Der 
 Wahlcensus fiir die Aristokratie des Gesindes. — Die Rowdies, Runners, Suckers 
 and Strikers — Bestrafte Verbrecher als Beamte. — Die Praxis bei den Wahlen. — 
 Das Municipal- Reform-Comitee in New York. — Das Verbrecher und Regierungs 
 Viertel. — "Five Points." — Wie die ankommenden Einwanderer empfangen, 
 beraubt und geschunden werden. — Aussichten, etc. 
 
 This clearly shows the extent of the information concerning America, which 
 was obtainable in Germany without coming to America. 
 
36 Ferdinand Kurnberger^s '■^ Der Amerikamude?'' 
 
 and Cooper ^ are all referred to, but it is not likely that Kiirn- 
 berger borrowed anything directly from them. He probably 
 got inspiration from each, but for material it is necessary to look 
 elsewhere. 
 
 Hamburg was at this time the chief port for the American 
 trade, and as the novel was written during Kiimberger's resi- 
 dence there, he undoubtedly was able to obtain information 
 directly from those who were returning from the New World 
 by way of Hamburg. 
 
 Besides, as has been before mentioned, many of his political 
 associates and friends had been compelled to flee to America. 
 With these men Kiimberger kept up a correspondence, and 
 through them was able to get many facts concerning life in the 
 United States.=^ 
 
 Der Amerikamude possesses more than the ordinar^^ short- 
 lived interest of a novel written to suit the tastes of the day. 
 In the first place the hero Moorfeld is modeled consciously upon 
 Nicolaus Lenau, especially his experience in America ; secondly, 
 Der Amerikamude is the expression of the attitude of the mem- 
 bers of the school of " Young Germany " towards America. 
 That America played an important part in the "Young Ger- 
 man " movement will be shown in the following chapter, but 
 nowhere is the importance of America in this connection more 
 fully illustrated than in Der Amerikamude. 
 
 ' Cooper was already one of the most admired foreign writers in Germany. 
 The position which he occupied in the eyes of the German critics is shown by 
 the following passage taken from Theodor Mundt's Geschichte der deutschen 
 Literatur der Gegenwart. Berlin, 1842. 
 
 He is comparing Scott and Cooper: "An innerer Poesie stehen beide Autoren 
 vielleicht auf derselben Stufe, das heiszt, sie haben beide gleich wenig davon, 
 und die handfeste, praktische Bemeisterung der Wirklichkeit ist ihre hauptsach- 
 lichste Starke. Doch geht Cooper in der Regel weniger umstandlich und 
 ermiidend mit den Einzelheiten zu Werke und bringt durch eine raschere 
 Verschlingung des Fadens mehr Harmonie und Abrundung hervor." 
 
 ^ Cf. Allgemeine Deutsche Biographic, vol. xvii, p. 412. Article by Anton 
 Schlossar on Kiimberger: "Viele seiner Gefahrten, verfolgt und geachtet, 
 waren zu jener Zeit iiber Hamburg ausgewandert und hierdurch mag er wohl 
 auch die erste Anregung zu seinem Romane erhalten haben, er sellbst hat die 
 Neue Welt niemals betreten." 
 
T. S. Baker. 37 
 
 Why should Kiirnberger model the doings of his hero in 
 America upon Lenau's American journey ? The first chapter 
 has shown that the voyage of Lenau to America at a time when 
 emigration had just commenced, and when the journey was beset 
 with many dangers and difficulties, excited very general interest. 
 Upon his return Lenau was looked upon as a man who had done 
 something very extraordinary. This journey made him known 
 apart from his writings. It was, therefore, not unnatural that 
 when Kiirnberger, in beginning a novel which was to show the 
 dark side of American life, should be attracted by the experi- 
 ences of Lenau, who had been singularly unfortunate in his 
 American journey. "^"^ ~ — — ~— — ~-~>_ 
 
 It is not to be supposed that there was any personal friendship 
 l^etween the two authors, nor is there any political connection. 
 The reason, then, why Kiirnberger selected Lenau as his model 
 must be sought elsewhere. Anton Schlossar,^ one of Kurnber- 
 ^er's friends, has written the following on this point : " Es wird 
 allgemein angenommen dasz Kiirnberger in seinem Helden, 
 Nicolaus Lenau zeichnen wollte, dies ist nur bedingungsweise 
 richtig ; wahrend der Abfassung des Werkes dachte der Verfasser, 
 wie er sich selbst auszerte, nicht an den oesterreichischen Dichter, 
 dessen trauriges Geschick gerade zu jener Zeit besonders Auf- 
 sehen in Deutschland machte. Kiirnberger wurde nur vom 
 Verleger des Buches ersucht, demselben noch jene Ziige einzu- 
 weben, die an Lenau erinnern und diesen als Helden des Romans 
 errathen lassen, was um so zutreffender ist, als Lenau ja bekannt- 
 lich auch von Europa fiir kurze Zeit nach Amerika gezogen war." 
 
 According to this it would seem, then, that when Kiirnberger 
 began to write the book he did not intend to portray Lenau. 
 This plan was not adopted until later, and then at the suggestion 
 of the publisher. 
 
 There is no reason why this statement should not be accepted 
 as true. Schlossar, in compiling the sketch of Kiirnberger, was 
 assisted by those who had been most intimately associated with 
 
 ^ Allgemeine Deutsche Biographic, vol. XVII, p. 412. 
 
38 Ferdinand Kiirnberger's " Der Anierikamudey 
 
 our author. He was, therefore, in a position to speak more 
 authoritatively on this point than any one else. 
 
 This statement that the introduction of Lenau into the book 
 was an after-thought, is, however, also made elsewhere, so that it 
 is safe to assume that this represents the true state of the case. 
 
 It is easy to understand why Kiirnberger should at once comply 
 with the request of his publisher. It would have been difficult 
 to find a subject likely to attract greater attention at this time. 
 The tragic features of Lenau's insanity had contributed greatly 
 to the knowledge which the general public had in regard to 
 him. Reports were circulated from time to time that he was on 
 the point of recovery. These reports were frequently exag- 
 gerated, but still they were widely read. The natural outcome 
 of this was that Lenau became one of the most talked-about 
 men in Germany. Many people who did not know him, through 
 his poetry, now read about him daily. This public interest was 
 kept up for some time after he was confined in the asylum ; nor 
 did it stop until his death in 1850. A short time after this 
 Kiirnberger began his work. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to state that the parallelism between 
 lycnau and Moorfeld was recognized everywhere by the readers 
 of Der Amerikatnude. 
 
 It is known that Berthold Auerbach also at one time intended 
 to write a novel on the basis of Lenau's experiences in America.^ 
 Freiligrath's fragment, Der Ausgewanderte Dichter^ suggests 
 also Lenau. Whether Anastasius Griin (Graf Auersperg) was 
 
 ^ Cf. " Nicolaus Lenau, Erinnerung und Betrachtung," von Berthold Auerbach, 
 Wien 1876, p. 16 : "Ich trug mich damals mit einem Plane zu einem Romane, 
 Die Auswanderer. Lenau nahm innigen Antheil an meinen Darlegungen und 
 versprach mir ausfiihrliche Schilderung seiner Fahrten und Abenteuer, wogegen 
 ich ihm versprach ihn selber zu einer Figur des Romans zu niachen, wie er den 
 Bauem auf dem SchifFe Geige spielt und zur Mythe in den neuen AnsiedUingen 
 in den Urwaldem vvird. Es war lustig, wie er sich in dieser Rolle gefiel und 
 sich als Mythus ausmalte, wobei er seine Gestalt und seine Mienen seltsam 
 ausstaffirte. Emptindlich betroffen war er aber, als ich ihm vorhielt, er sollte 
 statt schon bereitete Stoffe wie Faust und Don Juan aufnehmen— die im Pro- 
 ducierenden wie in Aufnehmenden immer gegen Reminiscenzen zu kampfen 
 haben — seine Amerikafahrt dichterisch ausgestalten." 
 
T. S. Baker. 39 
 
 indebted to Lenau for any of the material which he used in the 
 American part of his poem, " Schutt," it is impossible to say, 
 but it seems probable in view of his close relations with Lenau/ 
 
 The question that now suggests itself is, where did Kurn- 
 berger get his information concerning Lenau ? Because it was 
 generally known that there existed in Der Anierikamude a par- 
 allelism between Moorfeld and Lenau, it has frequently been 
 supposed that Moorfeld's adventures in America were the same 
 as those of Lenau. In other words, that Der Amerikaniude was 
 Dichtuiig ttnd Wahrheii from Lenau's American journey.^ 
 
 Indeed, there is a series of articles in the Deiitscher Pionier 
 entitled, " Irrfahrten zweier deutschen Dichterfiirsten nach 
 Amerika. Nicolaus Lenau als Pionier Ohios" by Emil Klau- 
 precht, in which Der Amerikaniude is treated literally as Lenau's 
 autobiography. In describing Lenau's journey the author, 
 Klauprecht, has taken page after page from Der > Amerikaniude 
 and published them as extracts from Lenau's own Tagebuch. 
 
 An imperfect knowledge of the circumstances connected with 
 Lenau's stay in America has made it possible that such mistakes 
 as these should pass unnoticed. It is now possible to decide how 
 far Kiirnberger has drawn upon events in Lenau's life and what 
 part of the work is pure fiction. 
 
 As has been stated above there was no personal relationship 
 between Lenau and Kiirnberger, and there is no reason to be- 
 lieve that Kiirnberger had any information not contained in what 
 had already been published. The best and only complete life 
 of Lenau, namely Schurz's Lenaus Leben^ was not published 
 until 1855, t^^ same year in which Der Amerikamiide made its 
 
 ^ Cf. also Adolph Pichler, Deutsche Auswanderer, Fragmente aus einer gros- 
 zeren Dichtung. Lenau, pp. 39-44. 
 
 ■^ Even so reliable an editor as Max Koch says, on page 24 of the introduction 
 to Lenau's Werke in the Deutsche National-Litteratur Edition: "Ferdinand 
 Kiirnberger's lebensvoller Roman ' Der Amerikamude-Amerikanisches Kultur- 
 bild, Frankfort, 1855,' schildert in dem Haiipthelden Doctor Moorfeld, Lenaus 
 Empfindungen ziemlich genau auf Grund frei erfundenen Erlebnisse. Obwohl 
 die Beziehungen auf Lenau erst spater in den Roman eingefiigt worden sein 
 sollen, kann man Kiirnbergers gehaltvolle Dichtung doch fast als Dichtung 
 und VVahrheit aus Lenaus Amerikareise bezeichnen." 
 
40 Ferdinand Kurnberger' s " Der Amerikamudey 
 
 appearance, and, as Kiirnberger's studies for his American novel 
 had been going on for several years before he began to write, it 
 is not likely that he had access to this work. This view is 
 further strengthened when the novel is compared w4th the real 
 state of things in Schurz's book. The discrepancies and con- 
 tradictions in Kiirnberger's statements make it almost impossible 
 that he could have borrowed from this work. The books which 
 were published before 1855, containing biographical material, 
 are Frankl's Zur Biographic Nikolaus Lenaus^ Wien, 1854, and 
 Karl Mayer's Nicolaus Lenaits Bt'iefe an eitien Freund^ Stuttgart, 
 1853. The first of these books contains nothing, whatever, that 
 bears specifically upon Lenau's American journey, and in Mayer's 
 collection of letters, although there is much information con- 
 cerning his preparations for the voyage, there are but a few very 
 brief extracts from two letters written by Lenau in America. 
 It is, therefore, apparent that Kiirnberger could have drawn but 
 little from these sources. One is, therefore, forced to conclude 
 that whatever information he may have had concerning Lenau, 
 must have been common property. Kiirnberger could not have 
 expected that his book should give a complete and accurate 
 account of Lenau in America — the readers of this novel have 
 seen more of the poet in it than the author ever intended. 
 
 The chief parallelism between Doctor Moorfeld and Lenau 
 consists in the fact that they are both poets who came to America 
 in search of inspiration and subjects for literary work. 
 
 Lenau had studied medicine. Moorfeld was a physician. 
 They both buy farms in America, but here the comparison fails. 
 In the first place Moorfeld's attitude towards America is that of 
 the most radical of the Young German writers. His political 
 interest in America — his interest in America as the home of a 
 new German civilization far outweighed the poetic interest he 
 felt. Lenau, on the contrary-, came here for artistic develop- 
 ment. Politics was in no way a determining factor.^ 
 
 Furthermore, Moorfeld lands in New York and remains in 
 
 1 Max Koch says, p. 46 of the Introduction to Lenau's Werke: "Entschieden 
 feindUch war er (Lenau) dem jungen Deutschland gesinnt." 
 
T. S. Baker. 41 
 
 that city for some time. From New York he proceeds to Ohio, 
 passing through Philadelphia, Harrisbujg and Pittsburg. From 
 Pittsburg he goes on toward Ohio, and finally purchases, under 
 rather peculiar circumstances, a farm near New Lisbon, Ohio. 
 
 Lenau landed in Baltimore, and after a short stay in that city 
 proceeded to Pittsburg, stopping at Economy and Bedford, and 
 finally bought a farm in the northwestern part of Pennsylvania. 
 He visited New Lisbon, Ohio, but did not purchase any land 
 there.^ Moorfeld also takes possession of his farm. Lenau, on 
 the other hand, never spent any time on the land which he 
 purchased. 
 
 From these great discrepancies it is evident that Kiirnberger 
 was either ignorant of the real circumstances of Lenau's journey 
 or purposely deviated from the true state of the case. The 
 former of these views is much the more probable. 
 
 The second reason why Der Amerikamiide possesses more 
 than a transient interest is the " Doctrinaire " spirit in which it 
 was written. At this time the novel and the short story ^ were 
 being developed and extensively employed in Germany, because 
 it was possible to introduce insidiously into these forms of liter- 
 ature considerable doses of radicalism. Der Amerikamiide 
 
 ^ Kiirnberger is by no means the only one who believed that Lenau bought a 
 farm near New Lisbon, Ohio. Nearly all writers on Lenau have fallen into 
 this error. 
 
 * Proelsz (Das junge Deutschland, Stuttgart, 1S92, p. 6), rebels against the 
 way in which novels and other lighter forms of literature are treated by literary 
 historians. ' ' Diese Aufsatze, Reisebilder, Novellen, Romane, was haben sie 
 fur einen asthetischen Werth, sagte bisher der Literarhistoriker, der unter 
 * Literatur ' nur Werke der poetischen Kunst versteht. In politischer Beziehung, 
 meinetwegen, da mogen sie wichtig sein. Fiir mein Fach aber — nicht der Rede 
 werth ! Und auf der andern Seite der gelehrte Staatshistoriker : Vom literar- 
 ischen Werthe dieser Schriften will ich nicht reden, das ist nicht meines Faches; 
 in politischer Beziehung aber — blinder Larm, — diese Schriftsteller hatten keinen 
 nachweisbaren Einflusz auf die Geschichte. Und doch gehoren diese halbver- 
 schollenen Werke zu den wichtigsten literarischen Denkmalem der gahrenden 
 Friihzeit unserer politischen Reife zum Reich, einer Friihzeit, in der auch auf 
 dem Gebiete des sozialen Lebens, der Kunst, der Wissenschaft und des 
 Verkehrswesens der brausende Keimwind einer neuen Zeit fiir Deutschland 
 diejenigen Ideen zu knospender Entfaltung brachte, deren Bliithen und Friichte 
 dem nun zur Riiste sich neigenden Jahrhundert seinen Charakter verliehen." 
 
42 FerdinaJtd Kurnberger's ^^ Der Anierikamudey 
 
 belongs to this class of writings. The chief doctrine of the 
 book is that the United States must sooner or later succumb to 
 the superior culture of Germany, in other words be eventually 
 germanized. In this opinion Kiimberger was by no means 
 alone. The whole school of Young Germany considered 
 America the place for attempting all sorts of political extrava- 
 gances. Kiirnberger therefore in writing this book merely gave 
 expression in a popular form to a wide-spread feeling. It is 
 only necessary to cite two passages to show the radical nature 
 of Kiirnberger's views. The first of these is put into the mouth 
 of Moorfeld, page 465 (Reclam Edition). 
 
 " Die Sieger von Teutoburg, die zweimal Rom iiberwunden, 
 sollen deutsches Geisterbanner auf Washingtons Kapital pflanzen. 
 Die neue Welt ist ihnen gegeben, wie die alte. Voran, 
 deutsche Jungfrau, heilige, weihe ! Du leidest fiir dein Volk ; 
 du bist Deutschland ! armes, frommes, miszhandeltes Kind," etc. 
 And again, page 553, this is spoken by Benthal : 
 " Von der Idee sind wir wohl beide zuriickgekommen, das 
 Deutschthum auf den Pflug zu griinden. Sie sehen, wie's geht 
 damit. Tausende von Bauern, Tausende von Handwerkern 
 konnen wir ins Land werfen, und sie werden immer eine Seiten- 
 stellung einnehmen. Ein einziger Bankdirector, ein einziger 
 Groszhandlungschef aus unserem Volke ist ein starkerer Keil 
 unserer Macht als Massen von niitzlichen, aber verachteten 
 Zeloten .... O diese Yankees ! Wir miissen sie in ihrer 
 hochsteu, heiligsten Citadelle beschleichen, in ihrer Borse. . . . 
 Ein Quadratfusz an diesem Herde ist mehr werth als eine halbe 
 Million acres in Missouri." 
 
 These passages might be multiplied indefinitely but it is quite 
 unnecessary, since the whole book is written in this vein. 
 These are merely rather highly colored statements of theories 
 which find utterance in every part of the book in a less violent 
 manner. 
 
 Der Amerikamude is called by the author an Amerikanisches 
 Kulturbild. It might more properly be called, perhaps, a series 
 of Kulturbilder^ for the plot of the book is slight and only serves 
 
T. S. Baker. 43 
 
 as the thread upon which are strung a miscellaneous collection 
 of stories, told usually to illustrate some political or literary- 
 theory of the author. Kiirnberger never hesitates to break the 
 thread of the story to philosophize upon quite irrelevant subjects. 
 The form of the novel lent itself more easily to what Kiirnberger 
 had in mind, than a book of travels or a series of essays upon 
 the different phases of American life. In some cases even 
 characters are introduced to illustrate some principle or to 
 combat one. 
 
 The book as a literary production is not a great one. Lorm 
 thinks it Kiirnberger's weakest production. There is no simi- 
 larity, whatever, between this novel and the stories of Sealsfield 
 and Gerstacker. An interesting comparison could be made 
 between Der Amerikamiide and Dickens' Martin Chuzzlewit 
 and his American Notes. 
 
 Although the knowledge shown by Kiirnberger is quite 
 wonderful, nearly everything in the book is colored by his own 
 peculiar " Young German " theories. Various phases of Ameri- 
 can life are dwelt upon at great length. For example, the 
 subject of camp meetings is the occasion of much comment. 
 The severe criticism of this peculiar American institution is 
 explained in part by the opposition of the German immigrants 
 to what they called " Puritanismus." ^ 
 
 One of the most noteworthy principles of " Young Germany '* 
 
 ^ At a meeting of the German Social Democratic Association, of Richmond, 
 Virginia, in Richmond, in 1852, the following resolutions were passed : 
 
 " Reform in the laws of the General Government, as well as in those of the 
 States, demand : (i) Universal suffrage ; (2) The election of all officers by the 
 people ; (3) The abolition of the Presidency, etc." 
 
 " Reform in the foreign relations of the Government ; (i) Abolition of all 
 Neutrality ; (2) Intervention in favor of every people struggling for liberty." 
 
 What is most interesting in this connection — " Reform in what relates to 
 religions: (i) A more perfect development of the principle of personal freedom 
 and liberty of conscience ; consequently, — (a) Abolition of laws for the observ- 
 ance of the Sabbath ; {b) Abolition of prayer in Congress ; (c) Repeal of all 
 laws enacting a religious test before taking an office ; Taxation of all church 
 property ; A prohibition of incorporations of all church property — in the name 
 of ecclesiatics ; Reform in the social condition," etc. 
 
44 Ferdinand Kurnberger' s " Der Amerikamiidey 
 
 was opposition to Christianity. This showed itself in America 
 in various forms. Attempts were made to found a party which 
 should have for its object the abolition of " Puritanismus " and 
 slavery. 
 
 The camp-meetings came to be considered one of the most 
 violent and ungenuine forms of puritanical Christianity. Be- 
 sides the fact that they were so novel to the Germans caused 
 them to assume a position in the eyes of the foreigners that 
 their importance and comparative infrequency did not warrant. 
 Nearly all books of travel written by Germans on America con- 
 tain lengthy descriptions of these camp-meetings. Even the 
 letters written to the weekly and monthly papers in Germany 
 were not complete unless these American woods-meetings were 
 referred to. Kiirnberger, therefore, was not at a loss for material 
 in treating them in his novel. He recognized also that they 
 offered excellent opportunities for scoffing at Christianity in 
 general, and more specifically at the insincerity of American 
 Christianity. Accordingly, one of these meetings is made the 
 scene of one of the most tragic crises in the novel. 
 
 Other phases of American life are treated at length — seldom, 
 however, without some reason, other than the mere desire to 
 promote the dramatic interest of the novel. The volunteer fire- 
 department affords him a chance to show his most sincere con- 
 tempt for American life. In the forties and fifties and even much 
 later fires were almost always the occasions for street fights, and 
 in the excitement which followed the hatred towards the for- 
 eigners generally showed itself. Frequently the houses of the 
 Germans were stormed, the inhabitants pelted and driven out, 
 so that fires became very serious events to the unoSending for- 
 eigner. This condition of afiairs is taken up by Kiirnberger and 
 severely satirized. 
 
 Other topics, which are treated at length, might be mentioned 
 in this connection, but sufficient has been said to show that 
 there is always some occasion fi^r Kiirnberger's satire. 
 
 This chapter then forms, in a certain way, the point of depart- 
 ure for the study of the whole work. Chapter one supplies the 
 
T. S. Baker. 45 
 
 information that is necessary to understand Kiirnberger's relation 
 to Lenau, while Chapter three shows the far reaching conse- 
 quences of the theories put forth in "Z>^r Amerikamudgy 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. Leipzig, 1833. Vol. 17, pp. 412- 
 
 416. 
 Blatter fiir Literarische Unterhaltung. Leipzig, Jahrgang 1864, p. 
 
 588, f. 
 Deutsche Zeitung. Wien, October, 1879. 
 Die Donau. — 1855, Literarisches Beiblatt, p. 137. 
 Rudolph Gottschall. — Die Deutsche Nationallitteratur in der ersten 
 
 Halfte des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts, Zweite Auflage. Breslau, 
 
 1 86 1. Vol. 2, p. 344. 
 Heimgarten. — Graz, 1880. Vol. 5. 
 Kiirnberger. — Lowenblatt, Novelle aus dem Nachlasz des Dichters, 
 
 hrsg. von Wilhelm Lauser, Dresden, H. Minden. 
 Lorm. — Westermann' sIllustrirteMonatshefte hrsg. von Fr. Spielhagen, 
 
 January, 1880. Article on Kiirnberger. 
 Abendblatt zur Neuen MUnchener Zeitung, 1856. Nr. 84 and 85. 
 Novellen-Zeitung. Leipzig, 1856. Nr. 13, p. 207. 
 Der Oesterreichische Volkskalender "Austria." Wien, 1840-1859. 
 Proelsz. — Das Junge Deutschland. Stuttgart, 1892. 
 Prutz. — Die Deutsche Literaturgeschichte der Gegenwart. Leipzig, 
 
 1870. 
 Scheyer. — Die Schriftsteller Oesterreichs in Reim und Prosa auf dem 
 
 Gebiete der schonen Litteratur. Wien, 1858, p. 568. 
 Schiitze. — Deutschlands Dichter und Dichterinnen von den altesten 
 
 Zeiten bis auf die Gegenwart. Berlin, 1862, p. 190. 
 Wiener Zeitung. — Abendblatt. Nr. 221, p. 2022, 1867. 
 Das Neue Wiener Tageblatt. — October, 1879. In which appeared 
 
 various articles at the time of Kiirnberger's death. 
 Wurzbach. — Biographisches Lexikon des Kaiserthums Oesterreich. , 
 
 Wien, 1865. Vol. 13, pp. 330-332. 
 
AMERICA AS THE POLITICAL UTOPIA OF 
 YOUNG GERMANY.^ 
 
 America from the time of its discovery has stood for personal 
 liberty. Whenever intolerance in the Old World became insuf- 
 ferable, it appeared as a land where oppression was impossible. 
 
 The use of the word europamude in the thirties and forties 
 at once implies the existence of a country where the weary 
 European might rest from the difficulties which beset him at 
 home. No extended discussion is therefore necessary to show 
 that the United States was the land of promise to the over- 
 burdened European. 
 
 At this time politics was the theme which occupied the minds 
 of the thinking public in Europe. Literature had become the 
 handmaid of political propagandism.^ In Germany the school 
 of " Das junge Deutschland" had full sway, and as this school 
 had for its prime object the spreading of political theories, it is 
 impossible to study this period without treating historical ques- 
 tions as well as purely literary problems. The interest which 
 the " Young Germans" felt in the cause of freedom was to a 
 great extent romantic.^ They were interested in an abstract 
 
 ^ Reprint, No. 7, from Americana Gennanica (Vol. I, No. 2). 
 ^ " Sonnetchen an Amanda 
 So leiern wir nicht mehr, 
 Es ward zur Propaganda 
 Das deutsche Dichterheer." 
 Sallets Gesammelte Gedichte ; Konigsberg 1843, p. 309. 
 ^ Cf. Proelsz, Das junge Deutschland, StuUgart 1892, p. 45. " Dasz die Auf- 
 fassung der Griechen und Polen sowie der Tiroler unter Hofer als Freiheits- 
 kampfer zumeist eine romantische war, entsprach ebenso der Bildung der Zeit, 
 wie das romantische Hinauspilgern deutscher Freiheitschwarmer zur Theil- 
 nahme an den Kampfen fremder Nationen, fiir deren politische Freiheit, zu 
 welchem Byron ein so glanzendes Beispiel gegeben, nachdem schon 1772 
 Lafayette und Kosciuszko ahnliches gethan, als die Wirkung der Unabhangig- 
 keits erklarung von Amerika die Welt erfiillte, u. s. w." 
 
 Wilhelm Miiller's Griechenlieder Awdi Platen's Pc/ifw/^V^^r are also interesting 
 in this connection. 
 
T. S. Baker. 47 
 
 ideal of liberty, which appealed to their imaginations and not 
 altogether to their ideas of personal safety and freedom. This 
 was a period of political unrest. Revolutions were taking place 
 in Greece, Poland, the Tyrol, France and Germany. There was 
 an almost universal opposition to the established forms of govern- 
 ment. What the effect of the Declaration of Independence and 
 the American Revolution had been upon European politics, this 
 is not the place to inquire, but it is not to be questioned that 
 these events directed universal attention to America as the seat 
 of political freedom.^ From this time on the United States 
 stood for the highest condition of personal liberty,^ and that the 
 ideals of " Young Germany" were influenced by the fact that in 
 America the individual was supposed to be absolutely untram- 
 meled seems probable. Wienbarg, who gave the name to this 
 new school lived in Altona near Hamburg,^ the most important 
 port in Germany for the American trade. 
 
 Besides this general influence of American politics and life 
 upon the European ideals of liberty, America seemed to be also 
 
 ' It is a well-known fact that during the war of the American Revolution 
 Klinger meditated coming to America. Cf. Klinger in der Sturm- und Drang- 
 periode von Max Rieger. Darmstadt, 1880, p. 398 ff. It is also noteworthy 
 that the scene of Klinger's drama "Sturm und Drang" is laid in America. 
 Note also the plan of Wagner and Heinse to emigrate at this time. 
 
 * America as the seat of real freedom is treated poetically in Anastasius 
 Griin's (Graf Auersperg) Schutt, which is characterized as follows by R. Gott- 
 schall, Die Deutsche Nat. lit. des igten Jahrhunderts, vol. III, p. 97 : 
 
 " Die dritte Abtheilung des Schutt: ' Cincinatus ' eroffnet uns transatlantische 
 Perspectiven, von den Triimmern Pompeiis, von der verschiitteten und aus- 
 gegrabenen Vergangenheit hinaus in die Urwalder des fernen Amerikas in das 
 Asyl jugendlicher Freiheit, in welches alle fliichten sollen, denen die heimath- 
 liche Erde vergallt ist. Dort ist die schopferische Kraft der Arbeit, die eine 
 neue Zukunft griindet, wahrend in Italiens Ruinen nur der Miisziggang und die 
 Genuszsucht haust." 
 
 ^ It is also to be noted that in certain respects Hamburg was the chief city for 
 the "Young German" agitation. The firm of Hoffman & Campe which 
 published most of the writings of the members of this school was located in 
 Hamburg. 
 
 The parents of Ludolph Wienbarg expected to send their son to America, 
 and his education was conducted with a view to his being adopted by a rich 
 uncle in Baltimore. 
 
48 Young Germany in America. 
 
 a place where it was possible to put into execution plans and 
 theories which were impossible in Europe on account of the 
 interference of the governments. 
 
 Owing to the great extent of territory included in the United 
 States and because it was supposed in Europe that the American 
 governments offered no opposition to the most radical schemes, 
 this country was looked upon as a land where anything that was 
 opposed officially in Europe would be permitted. Already in 
 the eighteenth century the attempt of Coleridge and Southey ^ 
 to found a " pantisocracy" on the banks of the Susquehanna 
 was an illustration of this tendency to regard America as the 
 land where all Utopian schemes were in order. The colonies of 
 Owen and Rapp are also cases in point. Later the plan of 
 Cabet ^ to found a Utopia in Illinois attracted great attention, 
 especially among the working men of Paris. 
 
 The contrast, noticeable in the differences existing between 
 the characters of the Europeans, and especially of the Germans 
 and Americans, is shown also in the fact that nearly all the 
 schemes which had for their object the improvement of man- 
 kind and the promotion of happiness, came from Europe. 
 Though America was the land selected for the realization of 
 these dreams, Americans as a rule took but little interest in all 
 these undertakings. In studying, therefore, the history of the 
 relations of the German immigrants and the native Americans, 
 it is important to keep in mind these two fundamental differ- 
 ences in the characters of the two nationalities, which were here 
 again brought face to face after a separation of 1500 years.* 
 
 ^ Cf. Joseph Cottle's Reminiscences of Samuel Taylor Coleridge and Robert 
 Southey. New York, 1847, p. 16 ff. 
 
 * Cabet's plan was in accordance with the teachings of Fourier. In 1842 he 
 published his work Voyage en Icarie which immediately attracted widespread 
 attention. For reviews of this book, see Quarterly Review, vol. Ixxxiii, 1S48, 
 p. 165 fF. M. J. A. Bradford, Christian Examiner, vol. liii, 1852, p. 372 ff. 
 Note also Etienne Cabet, Colonie oder Republik Icarien, Nauvoo, Illinois, 1853 ; 
 Etienne Cabet, Fortschritt der Colonie Icarien, Nauvoo, Illinois, 1854. 
 
 ^ Cf. Koerner, Das Deutsche Element in Amerika : "Die beiden verwandten 
 germanischen Stamme, der Angelsachsische und der Deutsche, treffen sich nach 
 
T. S. Baker. 49 
 
 The American was above all things practical and realistic, while 
 the German was the dreamer, the idealist.^ This contrast will 
 explain many of the failures with which the plans of Germans 
 met and also in part the opposition to the immigrants, which 
 soon after began to develop. 
 
 The beginning of the immigration to America on a large scale, 
 that is about the year 1 831, is to be attributed to two causes. 
 The first of these was, of course, the political disturbances. The 
 second was the publication of Gottfried Duden's Bericht von 
 einer Reise nach den westlichen Staaten? 
 
 As a result of the July Revolution in France, there arose in 
 Germany a demand for greater privileges, which showed itself 
 in the uprisings in the Rhenish Palatinate in May, 1832, and in 
 Frankfurt and Oberhessen in 1833. The immediate cause of 
 these difficulties was the so-called " Bundestags Ordonnanzen" of 
 the year 183 1. The disorders were soon suppressed, but the 
 bitterness felt at the abolition of the old inherited rights was so 
 great, that only a slight impetus was necessary to produce the 
 great tidal wave of emigration which followed.^ This impulse 
 
 fiinfzehnhundertjahriger Trennung wieder auf dem amerikanischen Kontinent, 
 zur gemeinsamen Arbeit, zur Erweiterung des Reiches der Freiheit. Der 
 Deutsche giebt sein reiches Geistes- und Gemiithsleben zu den Kulturelementen, 
 welche sich auf dem Boden der neuen Welt frei vermahlen und stets hohere 
 Bildung erzeugen. 
 
 1 Cf. Julius Frobel, Die Deutsche Auswanderung und ihre Culturhistorische 
 Bedeutung : Funfzehn Brief e an den Herausgeber der Allgemeine Auswander- 
 ungs Zeitung. Leipzig, 1858, p. 34. " Der anglo-amerikanische Realismus und 
 der deutsche Idealismus sind die zwei culturhistorischen Gegensatze, in der sich 
 das historische Bewusztsein unserer Zeit ausgespitzt hat." 
 
 "^ The full title of the book is, Bericht uber eine Reise nach den westlichen 
 Staaten Nord-Amerikas und einen mehrjdhrigen Aufenthalt am Missouri in 
 denjahren 1824, 1825, 1826, 1827 in Bezug auf Auswanderung und Ubervolke- 
 rung ; oder, Das Lebenim Innern der Veteinigten Staaten und dessen Bedeu- 
 tung fur die hausliche und politische Lage der Europaer, dargestellt ; a, in 
 einer Santmlung von Brief en ; b, in eincr Abhandlung iiber den politischen 
 Zustand der Nord Amerikaner ; c, in einem Nachtrage fiir auswandernde 
 deutsche Ackerwirthe und Diejenigen welche auf Handelsunternehmungen 
 denken von G. D., 2te Ausgabe. Bonn, 1834. 
 
 3 Nile's Register, Dec. r, 1832, p. 216, " In the Cassel Advertiser oiOcioht^r 
 6, there are many announcements of the sale of mills, lands, etc., belonging to 
 persons who intend to emigrate in the Spring to North America." 
 
 5 
 
50 Young in Germany America, 
 
 was supplied by Duden's book which appeared first in 1829. ^^ 
 went through three editions : 1829, ^^34 and 1853, respectively. 
 
 In the year 1824 Duden had left his home in Bonn accom- 
 panied by a young student, Louis Bversmann by name, to take 
 up his abode on the banks of the Missouri. At this time few 
 persons in Europe had ever heard of this river, so that the un- 
 dertaking was one of considerable magnitude. He landed in 
 Baltimore and continued his journey to the West along the 
 famous National Road, which extended as far as Wheeling. 
 From here the journey was made down the Ohio River to the 
 Mississippi, and from the Mississippi to the Missouri. After a 
 stay of three years in America he returned to his old home, where 
 the book was published, which may be regarded as having caused 
 the beginning of the enormous latter-day German emigration to 
 America. The work, in the form of letters, was written in a 
 somewhat " doctrinaire" vein. 
 
 It was Duden who, in a time of universal discontent and un- 
 certainty, directed the attention of the German masses to the 
 western parts^ of the American Union, which were being settled 
 just at that time. His presentation was glowing in the ex- 
 treme. In fact, his book must have been largely the product of 
 his own imagination rather than the calm statement of actual 
 conditions. In Missouri it was possible, according to him, to 
 live with very little exertion. There are wonderful descriptions 
 of the fertility of the soil, of the abundance of game, and then 
 the idea of personal independence was emphasized very strongly 
 in his work. 
 
 This romantic and poetic side of the book made it all the 
 more attractive to the minds of the readers, and when it is re- 
 membered that Duden was supposed to be a thoroughly trust- 
 worthy man — a man who had enjoyed a university education, 
 
 ^ Cf. Der Deutsche Pionier, vol. I, p. 244. "Und (Duden's) Einflusse 
 hauptsachlich ist es zuzuschreiben dasz nach 1830 tausende unserer Landleute 
 in Ohio, Missouri, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, etc., sich niederlieszen und daselbst 
 die Grander des seitdem so machtig und einfluszreich gewordenen Deutschthums 
 wurden." Cf. also articles in vol. vi and vii of Der Deutsche Pio7iier, on 
 Zwei Agitatoren der Auswanderung ; Gottfried Duden und Franz Joseph Stallo. 
 
T. S. Baker. 5^ 
 
 had served creditably in the army, and had occupied important 
 positions in the Prussian civil service, the attention which his 
 utterances attracted does not seem strange. 
 
 The radical tendencies of the book were also quite in conso- 
 nance with the spirit of the age, so that, besides being important 
 for the study of the history of the early German emigration to 
 America, here are to be found many of the germs of the curious 
 doctrines held by most of the immigrants regarding the future 
 of the German race in America. 
 
 The current of immigration thus begun continued with such 
 force, and at the same time, with such uniformity, that soon, to 
 the German idealist, it seemed as though his race had a political 
 mission here in the New World to perform. Visions of a new 
 fatherland, without the oppression and misery of the Old World, 
 rose before his eyes. How could the crude Americans hope to 
 cope with the civilization and culture of one of the foremost 
 nations of Europe? Such questions as these the enthusiastic 
 immigrant asked himself and his imagination did the rest. The 
 whole New World seemed to be at his feet only awaiting the 
 arrival of a race whose education and intelligence would make it 
 the worthy possessor of this land of promise. 
 
 The great body of immigrants consisted, to be sure, of peas- 
 ants and members of the middle classes, but along with these 
 was a large proportion of men of intelligence — university men, 
 who, because of some political offence, had been compelled to 
 flee the country, and who, in fleeing, naturally thought of the 
 United States as a safe place of refuge. These political refugees 
 were the leaders of thought, the men who controlled and directed 
 the unthinking peasants. They are the ones who are responsible 
 for the various " doctrinaire" schemes which already in the thir- 
 ties begin to show themselves in different parts of the United 
 States. The leaders seem to have been thoroughly imbued with 
 the spirit of opposition to all forms of established government. 
 This state of mind had been produced by their long-continued 
 animosity towards the existing condition of affairs in Germany. 
 They were above all things intriguers. It seemed impossible 
 
52 Young Germany in America. 
 
 for them to keep quiet in a political sense. One would have 
 supposed that when they came to America, where there was no 
 oppression to fight against, their opposition would have been 
 disarmed, and, to be sure, in the end this is what really did 
 occur, not, however, until they had worn themselves out in 
 planning tremendous political undertakings which aroused little 
 interest, except among their own numbers. The nature of these 
 plans will be discussed later on, but for the present it is sufficient 
 to note that America was at this time the place where all enter- 
 prises, which were impossible in Europe, were attempted. 
 
 It is further necessary to emphasize the difference which exists 
 between the immigrants of that period and those of to-day. 
 Political disturbances had caused a stream of emigrants to come 
 to America, who were to a large extent political agitators. In 
 leaving home they merely changed the base of their operations. 
 The agitation and opposition continued in America as it had 
 existed in Germany. To-day the emigrant has not the same 
 stock of political opinions concerning America which his father 
 held fifty or sixty years ago. Whatever may be his state of mind 
 regarding the mission of the Germans in the United States, his 
 statements are not so confident, nor are they so numerous, as was 
 the case from 1830 to 1850. The immigrants also found much 
 encouragement in the fact that in the past German attempts at 
 colonization had been extremely successful, and, indeed, in the 
 face of much more formidable opposition than was offered them 
 in this country.^ The attitude of the inhabitants of the United 
 States towards the immigrants was at first extremely friendly.^ 
 
 ^ Der Deutsche Pionier, vol. ii, p. 51 : " Das Deutschthum hat iiberall in der 
 Fremde ein zahes Leben geoffenbart, Frankreich hat es in Hunderten von Jah- 
 ren nicht in Lothringen und im Elsass unterdriicken konnen, die Magyaren, die 
 selbstsiichtigste Nation von der Welt, haben es in Siebenbiirgen nicht bemeis- 
 tern konnen, die Slaven ostlich von der Elbe haben seinem Andrangen nicht 
 zu widerstehen vermocht. Im heutigen Schlesien, Brandenburg, Mecklenburg 
 und Preuszen leben Millionen Deutsche von undeutscher Abstammung. Warum 
 sollte das Deutsche Element hier in Amerika, wo es sich nunmehr ungehindert 
 entwickeln kann, untergehen? " 
 
 ^ Niles' Register, Sept., 1832, Feb., 1833, vol. vii. Fourth Series, page 40. — 
 " The Emigration from Europe in the present season appears much greater 
 
T. S. Baker. 53 
 
 They, however, occasionally interposed a warning objection 
 when the talk of new-comers became too violent or too patron- 
 ising. Not, however, until the rise of know-nothingism, which, 
 to be sure, was in part the result of the violent talk of the 
 foreigners, did the Americans show any real opposition to the 
 coming of the Europeans. 
 
 It is now necessary to discuss the two great currents of immi- 
 gration which are important for this study — important chiefly 
 from the fact that the impetus of both of them is to be found 
 in political conditions. They are the migrations^ of 1832 and 
 those of 1848. The immigrants of these two different periods 
 present certain contrasts, but they are for the most part governed 
 by the same general conditions. In the case of the " Achtund- 
 
 than ever it was before. It already much exceeds 100,000 persons, say 50,000 
 or more via Quebec and the remainder by the way of New York, Philadelphia, 
 Baltimore, etc. At the two last named places, and especially Baltimore very 
 many Germans have arrived — hardy, healthy and evidently industrious, the 
 most of whom seem to possess means of conveying themselves into the interior, 
 where they will soon be among the most valuable of our citizens. They have 
 lots of hearty children, and it is very interesting to contemplate a family group 
 of these strangers preparing for a start westward. Some brought their own 
 wagons and harness with them. They are all plainly clad in the costumes of 
 their country, but their clothes are good and strong without rents and well 
 taken care of. They differ as much from the loads of English paupers, which 
 are sometimes shovelled upon us, as — we want a comparison — as the luscious 
 peach differs from the bitter Indian turnip. And besides these Germans will 
 work and support themselves, not fill up our poor houses." And again p. 68. 
 " The York (Pa.) Republican speaking of the large number of Germans who 
 have lately passed through that borough on their way to the immeasurable West 
 says : " We learn that the increasing prospect of internal commotion in the Ger- 
 man Empire is the main cause of this emigration. The farmers say that all 
 they raised would not pay the impost levied upon them. We are further 
 informed by some of the most intelligent that it is calculated not less than 
 80,000 are now moving and preparing to depart for this country. Let them 
 come — they are an industrious and moral race, and will do well here. We 
 rejoice that our country presents a haven where the weary and oppressed even 
 in this world may have a rest." 
 
 ^ Cf. Der Deutsche Pionier, vol. vi, p. 17. Articles entitled : " Volkerwan- 
 derung und Auswanderung. Kulturhistorische Parallelen iiber die Frage : 
 Sind Wanderungen nach Amerika und Australien eine Volkerwanderung oder 
 nicht?" In these articles the emigration to America is compared with the 
 *' Volkerwanderungen" of the Celts, Huns, Goths, Vandals and Franks. 
 
^4 Young Germany in America. 
 
 vierziger," however, the same theories were carried to greater 
 excesses than with those who had come earlier. Both at first 
 regarded their stay in America as temporary. They wished to 
 gain a basis of operations from which they could work upon 
 Germany. With this in mind the earlier immigrants founded 
 the society Germania * in New York, the object of which was 
 to furnish the exiles an opportunity for keeping together, so that 
 as soon as the troubles in Germany should again commence they 
 might hasten back home and begin again the fight against the 
 governments. 
 
 As in the East, so in the West, especially in Indiana and Ohio, 
 the necessity for organization was felt among the Germans, and 
 as a result of this feeling the "Deutsche Gesellschaft" was 
 founded in Cincinnati in July, 1834. Its declared object was as 
 follows : " Damit wir als Biirger der Vereinigten Staaten den- 
 jenigen Antheil an der Volksherrschaft nehmen konnen, den 
 uns Pflicht und Recht gebieten." In 1836, in Philadelphia, 
 another society was formed : " Zur Unterstiitzung politischer 
 Fliichtlinge, welche aus der Schweiz vertrieben, in London zum 
 Theil in bitterster Armuth lebten und Mittel suchten fiir ihre 
 Ueberfahrt nach Amerika."^ The Gutenbergfest, June, 1840, 
 also afforded an opportunity to the Germans in America to show 
 that there still existed a feeling for the Fatherland in their new 
 homes. This day was celebrated in Philadelphia, Richmond, 
 
 ^ Koerner, Das Deutsche Element, p. 108. The object of the Society 
 "Germania " founded on the 24th of January, 1835, as contained in its constitu- 
 tion was as follows ; 
 
 " Die in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika wohnenden Deutschen enger 
 zu vereinigen, um einen kraftigen deutschen Character, gute deutsche Sitten 
 und deutsche Bildung zu erhalten und zu befordern, die Prinzipien einer reinen 
 Demokratie im neuen Vaterland zu unterstiitzen, die Liebe und Anhanglichkeit 
 zum alten Vaterland zu nahren, und mit dahin zu arbeiten, dasz sobald als 
 moglich auch in Deutschland ein besserer Zustand herbeigefiihrt werde, dem 
 ahnlich, dessen man sich in den Vereinigten Staaten erfreut, und deutsche 
 politische Fliichtlinge mit Rath und That zu unterstiitzen." The society appears 
 openly for the first time on the occasion of the celebration of the Fourth of 
 July of the same year. It attracted widespread attention. 
 
 * Cf. Koerner, Das Deutsche Element, p. 76. 
 
T. S. Baker. 55 
 
 Cincinnati, and in Canton, Ohio. The great Hamburg fire in 
 1842 also called forth much sympathy in America, a committee 
 being appointed in Philadelphia to collect funds for the relief 
 of the sufferers. 
 
 The enthusiasm for the struggles in the Fatherland, however, 
 soon began to cool. The new-comers became so much interested 
 in the wonderful business activity of the United States that they 
 were gradually swallowed up in it, so that their interest in what 
 was going on in Europe was soon lost. They became successful 
 merchants, manufacturers, editors, physicians, and even lawyers. 
 This cooling off in their patriotism was also caused partly by 
 the fact that the excitement had partially subsided in Germany. 
 Although the oppression continued, the resistance was kept down 
 so firmly that it was felt to be impossible to accomplish anything. 
 For several years, therefore, before the arrival of the " Achtund- 
 vierziger" business interests had so occupied the attention of the 
 German- Americans that they almost lost sight of what was going 
 on in the Fatherland. 
 
 Accordingly, when the " Achtundvierziger" came, bringing 
 with them radical theories in regard to the position due the 
 Germans in America, they were in many instances received 
 coldly, and sometimes with hostility. They had left their 
 homes as political fugitives, and in coming to America had ex- 
 pected to be received with open arms by the Germans, and to be 
 treated as martyrs to the sacred cause of liberty. They were, 
 to a large extent, men of education, but entirely unpractical. 
 The hardships of a pioneer's life were unsuited to their former 
 manner of life. Many of them were unable to adapt themselves 
 to their new surroundings and were compelled to accept what- 
 ever offered itself as a means of support. Some went into news- 
 paper work, and it is at this period that many of the German- 
 American newspapers were founded. 
 
 The " Achtundvierziger" ^ looked upon the Germans who had 
 
 ^ It is necessary to remember that the name "Achtundvierziger" is applied not 
 only to those who came m the year 1848, but also, to those coming in the next 
 few years. As a matter of fact only a few of the so-called "Achtundvierziger " 
 came in this year. Not until the years 1850 and 1851 did the number of exiles 
 become large. 
 
5^ Young Germany in America. 
 
 come before them as, to certain degree, traitors to the cause of 
 German liberty. They had become entirely too good Americans, 
 and had almost given up their nationality. Two parties were 
 formed. The " Zweiunddreisziger" were dubbed " Die Grauen" 
 and the " Achtundvierziger" " Die Griinen." The " Grauen" 
 refused to allow themselves to be treated as school boys by the 
 "Griinen," so the relations between the two parties became 
 strained. Concessions were, however, in time made on both 
 sides. 
 
 The forty-eighters acknowledged the immense diflSculties with 
 which those had been compelled to contend who had come when 
 the country was in an entirely uncultivated condition. While 
 the other party recognised the spirit animating the new-comers^ 
 and felt that the German-Americans would later be grateful to 
 them for their efforts to awaken interest in culture in the New 
 World.2 
 
 The "Achtundvierziger" were even to a less degTree bona fide 
 residents of the United States than those who had come over in 
 1832 and the following years. Arrived here they waited from 
 month to month expecting new outbreaks^ in Europe which 
 would make it possible for them to return and to recomm.ence 
 their opposition to the governments. They regarded their stay 
 
 ^ Der Deutsche Pionier, vol v, p. 102, ff. "Diese (/. e. die 'Achtundvierziger') 
 brachten nicht die Sucht nach Gelderwerb, sondern sie brachten Ideen und 
 kulturhistorische Bestrebungen auf amerikanischen Boden mit. Mag das Ziel, 
 fiir dessen Erreichung die deutsche Jugend Freiheit, Blut, Leben und das 
 Aufenthaltsrecht im Vaterlande opferte, zu weit gesteckt gewesen sein, die 
 Bewegung von 1848 hat dennoch den Anstoss zu neuem Aufleben der erschlafF- 
 ten deutschen Nation in beiden Welten gegeben." 
 
 "^ Der Deutsche Pionier, vol. ix, p. 59. "Alles was die Deutschen hier 
 besitzen, unsere Presse, taglich, wochentlich, monatlich, unser Vereinswesen, 
 unsere Turn- Schiitzen- und Gesang-vereine, unsere Biihne und unsere Bildungs- 
 anstalten, ist zum groszten Theil das Werk der Achtundvierziger. . . . Mit 
 den Achtundvierzigem geht die Bliithezeit des Deutsch- Amerikanischen Lebens 
 dahin, und nach dem gibt es nur ein rascheres oder langsameres Sterben, wenn 
 nicht unvorhergesehene auszere Umstande eintreten und der ganzen Sachc 
 einen neuen Geist und neuem Leben den Impuls verleihen." 
 
 ' Many of those who had come over in the thirties hastened back when the 
 •disturbances of the year 1848 became known in America. 
 
T. S. Baker. 57 
 
 "here as merely transient, and hence they opposed, strenuously, 
 all efforts which tended to make them less German. 
 
 The widespread interest in revolutionary attempts in Europe 
 among the German-Americans made them believe that it was 
 possible to obtain moral and even more substantial support^ 
 here in America. The news of the outbreak of the February 
 Revolution and of the uprisings in Germany which followed it 
 was received with very great enthusiasm in many parts of the 
 United States. In St. Louis, on the 15th of April, 1848, a large 
 mass meeting, presided over by Dr. George Engelman, was held 
 before the court-house — it having been impossible to secure a 
 hall large enough to hold everybody who wished to attend. 
 Speeches were made by several of the most prominent Germans 
 in the city and committees on finance and for the dissemination 
 of information were appointed. The mayor and the city council 
 were asked to assist in arranging a great demonstration at first 
 set for April 20th, which was, however, not held until the 26th. 
 All nationalities living in the city — French, Italians, Poles, Irish 
 and Americans took part in it, but the moving spirits were for 
 the most part Germans. It was one of the most elaborate affairs 
 that had ever been arranged in St. Louis. The German mili- 
 tary companies and singing societies, together with several Irish 
 and Roman Catholic societies, formed a procession in the morn- 
 ing, which passed through the principal streets, and the festivi- 
 ties were concluded in the evening with a torchlight procession. 
 A similar demonstration was also held in Buffalo. 
 
 The Pittsburg Courier oi the 3d of May, 1848, gives a lengthy 
 account of the founding of a " Republikanischer Freiheitsverein" 
 in Pittsburg. A largely attended meeting was held at the court- 
 house, at which prominent German citizens delivered speeches 
 upon the condition of affairs in Europe.^ Still another demon- 
 
 1 Immediately after the announcement of the breaking out of the revolution 
 of 1848 in Germany, societies were formed in Louisville and elsewhere for the 
 support of the fugitives. 
 
 ■^ The following resolutions were passed: "i. Beschlossen: dass die Deutschen 
 in und um Pittsburg einen Verein griinden, welcher den Namen fiihre, ' Repu- 
 blikanischer Freiheits-Verein.' Der Zweck des Vereins ist : Unsere deutschen 
 Briider zur Erlangung ihrer Freiheit in der Weise zu unterstiitzen, — 
 
 /^ Of THl ^ 
 
58 Young Germany in America. 
 
 stration was held, and this time in Cincinnati.^ A permanent 
 organization was effected, officers being elected and committees 
 appointed. At this meeting resolutions were passed asking 
 "Das Deutsche Liebhaber Theater" and the " Liedertafel" to 
 give performances for the benefit of what was called the " Revo- 
 lutionscasse." It was furthermore decided to ask permission to 
 take up collections in the churches. This was actually done on 
 the four Sundays following the meeting. In addition to this 
 " Die deutschen Frauen und Jungfrauen wurden gebeten, eine 
 schwarz-roth-goldene Fahne anzufertigen, die dann dem ersten 
 deutschen Freistaate zugeschickt werden soUte." ^ 
 
 On the 1 2th of January of the year following a fair was held 
 in Cincinnati to raise money to aid the revolutionary movements 
 that were then taking place in Germany. In this undertaking 
 the women were chiefly active. In January of the same year 
 in Belleville, 111., a bazaar was also held for this purpose. 
 Another society was founded in Glasgow, Mo., on the 15th of 
 February, 1849, which was, however, not so important as those 
 above mentioned, formed in the larger cities. 
 
 These demonstrations and the formation of societies show 
 that there still existed among the Germans in America an in- 
 terest in the affairs of the Fatherland in spite of the fact that 
 they had given up a great many of their most radical theories, 
 and had devoted themselves to business pursuits rather than 
 politics. It was, therefore, natural that the " Achtundvierziger,"" 
 in hearing of the enthusiasm which the events in Europe called 
 forth, supposed that their arrival in America would be looked 
 
 a. dass solche politische Fliichtlinge Deutschlands welche als kiihne und 
 thatige Verfechter der Freiheit bekannt sind, und die der ferneren Thatigkeit 
 entbehren, und 
 
 b. dass die hilflosen Hinterbliebenen der fur die Freiheit Gefallenen unter- 
 stiizt werden. MiUel zu obigem Zwecke . . . Griindung eines Fonds. i. Durch 
 Collection bei der Massenversammlung. 2. durch Sammeln von Unterschriften 
 Solcher, welche einen periodischen (z. b. monatlicher) beliebigen Beitrag: 
 liefern." 
 
 ^ Cf. Der Deutsche Honier, vol. v, p. 55, ff. 
 " Der Deutsche Pionier, vol. v, p. 52. 
 
T. S. Baker. 59 
 
 forward to with pleasure. As has been shown they were disap- 
 pointed in that they were, in certain quarters, received coldly. 
 Nevertheless, many circumstances seemed to contribute to in- 
 crease the confidence of the new comers in the belief that the- 
 time was peculiarly appropriate for the carrying out of radical 
 plans in America. Not only were the Germans in America in- 
 terested in the success of the revolutions in Europe, but also the 
 native Americans showed very great enthusiasm in this direc- 
 tion. A wave of revolutionary zeal swept over the United 
 States beginning early in the forties and continuing through the 
 decade into the fifties.^ The Hungarian struggle for indepen- 
 dence was watched with great interest in the United States. . . . 
 The Americans seemed to see in this a repetition of their fight 
 against England. The enthusiastic reception given Kossuth, in 
 1 85 1 and 1852, was also occasioned by this feeling. Besides, 
 the Polish refugees were treated very handsomely by the Amer- 
 icans.^ In fact, so much interest had been shown by the Amer- 
 icans in the Poles and Hungarians that the Germans ventured 
 to ask Congress for a land grant upon which they might found 
 a state where all the exiles could assemble in safety. This peti- 
 tion was, however, not granted. 
 
 Another remarkable event as showing the interest among the 
 Germans in the revolutionary cause at home was the tour of 
 Gottfried Kinkel through the United States. This journey was 
 undertaken for the purpose of collecting money for the support 
 of the revolutionists at home. Although it was not so successful 
 as had been expected, a considerable amount of money was ob- 
 
 ' Cf. Von Hoist Constitutional History of the United States, vol. iii, p. 556. 
 "The ideal impulse that ran through Europe in 1843 had found a sympathetic 
 disposition of mind in the United States. As then, after a short time the reaction 
 gained a preponderance, so here, too, a strong opposition soon set in. Peo'ple 
 it is true, continued to hold forth violently about European tyrants, bade the 
 fugitives heartily welcome and f^ted the Hungarian champions of liberty in 
 particular in an absurd and almost unworthy fashion, but a materialistic spirit 
 was taking possession of daily wider circles of the people — a spirit that readily 
 allowed twice two to be three in matters of ideal interest provided it could 
 make twice two five where material interests were concerned." 
 
 "^ A land grant was offered the Polish refugees by Congress, but it was declined. 
 
6o Young Germany in America. 
 
 tained. Kinkel had hoped to revolutionize Germany by means 
 of a two million loan. 
 
 Encouraged, therefore, by the great interest among the Ger- 
 mans in revolutionary undertakings and by the lenient and 
 somewhat careless attitude of the Americans, the " Achtund- 
 vierziger," soon after their arrival in America, began to lay 
 plans for the founding of a new home that should have all the 
 blessings of the old Fatherland, at the same time doing away 
 with its grievances and faults. They confidently believed that 
 sooner or later the United States would be Germanized. This 
 was to be accomplished in two ways : First, from the intellectual 
 superiority of the Germans, it was supposed that the native 
 Americans would not be able to resist them.^ Second, they 
 proposed to found German states in different parts of the United 
 States, and with these as centres to act upon the surrounding 
 territory and gradually to bring it under the German sway. 
 
 According to the former of these plans the conquest of America 
 would at first be intellectual, and proceeding from this, political. 
 The process of Germanization would be somewhat slow, but 
 none the less sure. An anonymous correspondent from America 
 of the Gartenlaube for 1856, page 109, in article on " Die Deut- 
 schen in America" in discussing this subject, makes the following 
 statement : " Die deutschen Familien mit ihren gesellschaftlichen 
 Turn- Musik- und Gesangfesten wirken unter diesen Amerikanern 
 bios dadurch, dasz sie unter ihnen leben als Missionare. In 
 Amerika wird das Germanenthum seine Mission am ersten erfiil- 
 len, weil es hier die meisten Vertreter und Streiter findet. Diese 
 Mission erfiillt sich ohne Aufsehen sicher, ununterbrochen durch 
 bloszes deutsches Leben, Arbeiten, Produciren, Essen und Trin- 
 ken, Wirthschaften, Turnen und Tanzen, durch gedrucktes, ge- 
 sungenes und gesprochenes Wort. Diese Art der Wirksamkeit 
 ist unscheinbar, unmerklich, unbesiegbar, nicht durch einzelne 
 
 ^ Cf. The New Rome or The United States of the World by Charles Goepp 
 and Theodor Poesche. "Their {i. e. the Germans) duty is that of the exile 
 of Constantinople after its destruction by the Ottomans : The Revival of letters 
 in the West. 
 
T. S. Baker. 6i 
 
 Anstrengungen und Siege auf welche eine Niederlage folgen 
 konnte." 
 
 The second and more important way of Germanizing America 
 was by founding states in different parts of the United States, 
 and, proceeding from these states as centers, it was expected that 
 in time the whole country would be won. Were these colonies 
 to become states in the Union, or were they to be independent ? ^ 
 It will be shown in some cases it was expected that they would 
 be incorporated in the American Union, but for the most part it 
 was proposed to make them independent. At first these plans 
 had been elaborated in Germany ; soon, however, in the larger 
 cities of the United States similar schemes were discussed, and 
 in some cases attempted. The most important of the early 
 societies formed for founding German states was the " Giessener 
 Auswanderungs Gesellschaft." ^ This association was formed in 
 
 ^ Cf. Niles Register, p. 148; " Wholesale Emigration. The Stuttgart Uni- 
 versal Gazette of September 2nd, announces that a plan is in progress in the 
 southwest of Germany, to make up a state and ship it over to the United States 
 to become a twenty-fifth member of the confederacy. The following notice of 
 the project appears in that publication : ' According to accounts from the south- 
 west of Germany a society of liberal men are organizing a grand plan for emi- 
 grating to North America. 
 
 The emigration has hitherto been precarious because it did not rest on any 
 solid foundation and because the means were not concentrated. But now it is 
 different, as the object is to form a New Germany beyond the ocean, which is 
 to receive all those whose hopes and claims to liberty and right are disappointed 
 in old Germany. In order to be admitted into the confederation of the United 
 States of America the law requires the number of free inhabitants above 25 
 years of age to be 60,000 and this number is to be assembled before any further 
 measures can be taken. Many of the Germans established in North America 
 will join their countrymen and the plan is so popular in Germany that scarcely 
 any doubts are entertained of its being successful. 
 
 We shall bid them welcome when they arrive, but the idea of forming a state 
 is chimerical and would be injurious on many accounts. There is a mistake as 
 to the number of persons, etc., required to form a state which also cannot be 
 formed unless after passing through a territorial government, etc." 
 
 ^ " Die Bildung eines deutschen Staates, der natiirlich ein Glied der Vereinig- 
 ten Staaten werden miiszte, doch mit Aufrechterhaltung einer Staatsform, 
 welche das Fortbestehen deutscher Gesittung, deutscher Sprache sichert und 
 ein achtes freies und volkstiimliches Leben schafft." 
 
 The above is stated as the object of the Giessener Gesellschaft as contained 
 
62 Young Germany in America, 
 
 Giessen in the year 1833. The membership consisted of Hes- 
 sians, Westphalians and inhabitants of the " Main Lands" and 
 the Saxon duchies. They were for the most part well-to-do and 
 educated men. The leader was Paul Follen. Follen was one 
 of those who had been much disappointed at the result of the 
 uprisings in 1833. In consequence of this feeling he published 
 his " Aufruf " for a meeting of those persons who were dissatis- 
 fied with affairs at home and who were willing to try their for- 
 tunes in the New World. At the meeting which was held an 
 emigration society was formed. 
 
 Missouri^ was selected as the place of settlement, and two 
 members were sent over to fix upon a suitable spot for the pro- 
 posed colony.^ Upon their return an adverse report was made 
 and they both refused to go back to America. Follen was, how- 
 ever, not discouraged. He succeeded in getting together a party 
 of over two hundred, and the first section left Giessen in Feb- 
 ruary, 1834, under his leadership. The ship " Olbers" had been 
 chartered, and the party left Bremen in the latter part of the 
 same month. On board the ship dissensions arose which already 
 seriously threatened the success of the undertaking. After the 
 arrival of the party in America these dissensions became more 
 violent, so that during the journey to the West a troop of colon- 
 ists deserted at every stop. Those few who got as far as St. 
 'Louis secured land in the neighborhood of the city. Paul 
 Follen bought the farm that had been owned by Duden, where 
 he lived for a long while. It became necessary to give up the 
 original intention of forming a state. The party which had 
 
 in a pamphlet called Aufforderung und Erktdrung in Betreff einer Auswan- 
 derung itn Groszen aus Deutschland in die Nordatnerikanischen Freistaaten. 
 Giessen 1833. Cf. Der Deutsche Pionier, vol. i, p. 22. Koemer, Das Deutsche 
 Element, p. 300 ff. 
 
 1 The selection of Missouri was due solely to the influence of Duden's book. 
 After the arrival of the society in America, the members found that Duden's 
 descriptions had been overdrawn and he is called in the letters written home, 
 "Duden der Liigenhund." 
 
 * Cf. The plan of Lenau to come to America in advance of the emigration 
 •society (of which he was a member) to select land. 
 
T. S. Baker, 63 
 
 started out from Germany became so scattered that any attempt 
 of this kind was impossible. The whole enterprise ended in 
 disaster. 
 
 The failure of this colony was a great blow to the progress 
 of the Germanisation of America.^ In leaving Germany they 
 had expected to found in America a " New Germany," which at 
 first would be one of the United States, but would still have 
 such a form of government as would insure the preservation of 
 the German language and the German manner of life. Exten- 
 sive preparations had been made.^ There was no lack of intel- 
 ligence, money or enthusiasm — the chief reason for its failure 
 was the lack of accurate knowledge of America and the romantic, 
 rather than practical character of the undertaking. 
 
 A great many other smaller societies ^ were founded upon the 
 model of the Giessen Society, but they met with no more suc- 
 cess. The colonists immediately after landing generally became 
 scattered. Whatever might have been the lofty ideals of the 
 immigrants before leaving Germany regarding their mission in 
 the United States, as soon as they landed every one felt it im- 
 perative to look out for his own interest. 
 
 One of the most ambitious of the attempts to found a state 
 which had their origin in America was the society founded in 
 Philadelphia in 1836. The following was announced as its 
 object: " Einigung der Deutschen in Nord-Amerika und dadurch 
 Begriindung eines neuen deutschen Vaterlandes." A preliminary 
 
 ^ A second company of emigrants was sent out by this same society later in 
 the year, under the leadership of Friedrich Miinch. In this party there were 
 sixty families, three hundred and fifty persons in all. One-half of these were 
 from Thuringia and the other half from Hessen. After a voyage of eight weeks, 
 on the Ship "Medora," they arrived in Baltimore in August, 1834. They 
 arrived in St. Louis in September. 
 
 ■^ Along with a great many useless things, a large bell was brought which was 
 to be hung in the city hall of the new city. This found its resting-place in a 
 stable. A telescope, which had been brouglit along, fared little better. 
 
 ^ One of these was the so-called " Rheinhessische oder Wormser Gesellschaft" 
 which settled in Arkansas in 1833. The leader of the company was the much 
 persecuted Pfarrer Klingenhofer. The company consisted of about 60 persons. 
 It was also short lived. 
 
64 Young Germany in America. 
 
 meeting was held in the Penn Hotel, in Philadelphia, on the 19th 
 of August, 1836, for the purpose of organization. At a later 
 meeting officers were elected from among the representative 
 German-American residents of the city. A committee was ap- 
 pointed to find a suitable site for the proposed state. It was 
 decided to make the society a stock company, and in selling the 
 stock no difficulty whatever was experienced. Very great en- 
 thusiasm prevailed. One of the speakers at the meeting at 
 which the constitution was ratified is said to have made the 
 following remark : " Ja wahrlich deutsche Briider, wenn je etwas, 
 Groszes und Glanzendes fiir die deutsche Nation in diesem Frei- 
 heitslande entstehen soil, so musz es diese Gesellschaft werden." 
 More than twelve thousand acres of land were bought in Gas- 
 conade County, on the Missouri River, and the city of Hermann 
 was founded. The land that was not occupied by the city was 
 divided into farms, which were sold at a moderate price. Some 
 of the settlers came in 1837, but it was not until 1838 that the 
 great body of colonists arrived. In some respects the affair was 
 a great success. It was in the first place managed by men who 
 were familiar with the business methods of the United States. 
 This was a decided advantage over the attempts which had their 
 origin entirely in Germany. Many found here comfortable 
 homes in a healthy and beautiful country. The political part 
 of the original program, however, met with no success, inasmuch 
 as the colony had no Germanizing influence whatever outside 
 its own borders. 
 
 At this time Texas offered a good field for undertakings of 
 this kind. The first plan of German colonization in this State 
 was the one which had its origin in New York in 1839. The 
 " Germania" Society, on the 2d of November of this year, sent 
 out from New York a company of 130 persons to found a Ger- 
 man state in Texas. The members of this company had pledged 
 themselves to cultivate a tract of land in common for a period 
 of three years. At the expiration of this time the land would 
 be divided. The voyage from New York to Galveston was made 
 on the brig " North," which belonged to the Society. Provisions 
 
T. S. Baker, 65 
 
 to last six or eight months had been procured before leaving 
 New York, together with all sorts of farming implements, etc. 
 Shortly after the arrival the president and several other officers 
 of the Society fled, taking with them all the money that was in 
 the treasury. The success of this undertaking was no greater 
 than those already mentioned. 
 
 In the year 1841 a communistic society was founded in Phila- 
 delphia under the leadership of Heinrich Ginal, a free-thinking 
 clergyman. It consisted of 300 persons and was located in 
 McKean County, Pennsylvania. The settlement was called 
 Teutonia. A city was laid out, which became known as Ginals- 
 burg. Its growth was slow, and when the colony went to pieces, 
 in 1844, there were not more than 400 members. This scheme 
 was, strictly speaking, socialistic rather than political.^ 
 
 The most notable of these societies, both because of its mag- 
 nitude and because of its official b acking, was the so-called 
 " Adelsverein." This was the first attempt that had ever been 
 made to found a German colony in America under cificial pat- 
 ronage.^ The position of the Germ an governments had, on the 
 
 ^ Cf. also Weitling's Republik der Arbeiter which had its origin in New York. 
 Its object was the emancipation of labor from capital. Weitlung was editor of 
 the communistic journal Die junge Generation. Cf. Fenner von Fenneberg 
 Transatlantische Studien. Stuttgart, 1861. 
 
 " Herr Wilhelm Weitling, friiher durch seine eifrige Bevorwortung commu- 
 nistischer Grundsatze bekannt, hat schon seit mehreren Jahren in Folge bitterer 
 Erfahrungen, das Unhaltbare solcher Ideen erkannt, und 1st gegenwartig ein 
 Beamter in der Kanzlei der Emigrations-Commission, und vertritt mit Eifer die 
 Interessen seiner Landsleute." 
 
 A similar socialistic society was also started in Philadelphia and was to be 
 located in Northern Virginia, where a large tract of land had been bought. 
 Cf. Koerner, Das Deutsche Element, p. 90, ff. 
 
 Later the " Ansiedlungsverein des Sozialistischen Turnerbundes von Nord- 
 amerika" founded the town of New Ulm in Minnesota in 1855. It was to be a 
 sort of socialistic settlement. 
 
 ^ In the year 1843 an attempt had been made to found a Belgian and German 
 colony in East Tennessee, which, however, came to nothing because of the 
 refusal of the Legislature to grant permission. The King of Belgium was at the 
 head of this affair. This same society founded later the colonies St. Thomas 
 de Guatemala and St. Katharina in Brazil. 
 
66 Young in Germany America. 
 
 whole, not been inimical to the emigration to America/ although 
 they were for a long time at a loss to know how to turn it to 
 their profit. On the 20th of April, 1842, an address was issued 
 by Duke Adolph, of Nassau, and twelve other German princes 
 and nobles relative to the founding of a German colony in Texas. 
 In May, 1842, Graf Joseph von Boos-Waldeck and Graf Victor 
 von Leiningen came to Texas to inspect the country and to de- 
 cide upon a suitable site for the future settlement. Boos-Waldeck 
 remained and founded the plantation " Nassau," on Jack Creek, 
 while Leiningen returned in May, 1843, and gave a favorable 
 report of the country. 
 
 As said before Texas at this time was peculiarly suited to un- 
 dertakings of this sort. It was an independent state, very 
 sparsely settled, and at the same time covering an immense ter- 
 ritory. The soil was fertile and the climate delightful. Every- 
 thing seemed to contribute to make this undertaking successful, 
 both commercially and politically. England is said^ to have 
 been favorably disposed toward the plan and was ready to assist 
 with money. This friendliness on the part of Great Britain is 
 to be explained by the fact that the British saw in this an op- 
 portunity for a foreign power to gain a foot-hold in America. 
 The plan became widely known and met with approbation in 
 all parts of Germany. It was generally spoken of as the " Main- 
 zer Adelsverein." ^ The following were among the members : 
 
 ^ They, however, viewed with alarm the revolutionary agitation which was 
 being continued in America against the governments. On this account the 
 circulation in most of the German States of Die Alte und Neue Welt along with 
 certain New York newspapers was forbidden by the censorship. Cf. Koerner, 
 p. 76. 
 
 * Eickhoff /« der Neuen Heimat, p. 325 : " England welches dem Anschlusse 
 des Freistaates an die Amerikansche Union entgegen war, lachelte ermuthigend 
 nach Mainz hiniiber und wiirde ohne Zweifel das Unternehmen mit Geldmitteln 
 unterstiitzt haben, wenn der Verein darum nachgesucht hatte." 
 
 * Another attempt which was made later found a colony in America with 
 official backing is referred to as follows in the Atlantis for September, 1858, p. 235. 
 
 " In der Sitzung namlich der Bundesversammlung vom 2iten Februar, 1856, 
 stellte der Baierische Gesandte einen Antrag auf gemeinsame Organisation der 
 Auswanderung nach Gegenden zu lenken, wo die Auswanderer nicht der Spe- 
 
7". 5. Baker. 67 
 
 Herzog von Nassau, Protector des Vereins, Herzog von Mein- 
 irgen, Herzog von Coburg-Gotha, Prinz von Preuszen, der Land- 
 graf von Hessen-Homburg, Der Fiirst von Schwarzburg-Rudol- 
 stadt, Prinz Moritz von Nassau, der Fiirst von lyciningen, der 
 Fiirst zu Neuwied, der Fiirst zu Solms-Braunfels, der Fiirst zu 
 Colloredo-Mansfeld, der Fiirst zu Schonburg-Waldenburg, der 
 Prinz Alexander zu Solms-Braunfels, der Prinz Carl zu Solms- 
 Braunfels, Graf Neu Leiningen Westerburg, Graf Friederich Alt 
 Leiningen Westerburg, Graf Victor Alt Leiningen Westerburg, 
 Graf Christian Neu-Leiningen Westerburg, Graf Hatzfeld, Graf 
 Kuyphausen, Graf Ysenburg-Meeholz, Graf Colloredo-Mansfeld, 
 Graf Remuesse, Graf Lilienberg und Graf Carl zu Castell/ 
 
 It had been perceived that for a long time, in spite of the out- 
 pouring of emigrants from all parts of Germany, no advantage 
 seemed to accrue to the mother country. Quite the contrary, 
 immense sums of money were leaving Germany every year. In 
 view of this condition of affairs these noblemen saw that the 
 only way to derive any advantage from the emigration was to 
 give it the seal of authority, and, if possible, to direct the whole 
 current to one point. The movement had dissipated itself in 
 different parts of the United States. If only the different par- 
 ties could be combined and made to see that in union there is 
 strength, they thought the prospect for the foundation of a New 
 Germany in America would be very good. On paper the plan 
 looked admirable, and it seems hard to understand why it did 
 not meet with a larger degree of success than did fall to it. 
 
 A tract of land was bought from Henry Fischer, who had 
 lived for some time in Texas, and who at this time was the 
 Texan consul in Mainz. The " Verein" promised free transpor- 
 tation to the place of settlement, a block-house, and 160 acres 
 of land for each man, or 320 acres for a family, all in return for 
 the sum of 300 Gulden for a single adult, or 600 Gulden for a 
 
 kulation oder dem bloszen Zufall preisgegeben wiirden sondern Aussicht auf 
 eine sichere Existenz gewonnen, wo sie ferner ihre Nationalitat bewahren und 
 mit dem Vaterlande in Beziehung bleiben konnten." 
 ^ Cf. Eickhoff In der Neuen Heimat, p. 323. 
 
68 Young Germany in America. 
 
 family. Churches, schools and hospitals were to be built as 
 soon as possible. 
 
 In May, 1844, Prince Carl zu Solms-Braunfels sailed from 
 Bremen for Texas with the title of "General Commissar." 
 In the same year 150 families followed him arriving at In- 
 dianola in December. The General Commissar found upon his 
 arrival that the company had been swindled by Fischer, as the 
 land was unfit for the purposes for which it had been bought. 
 He therefore selected another site, and, upon the arrival of the 
 first body of immigrants in March, 1845, began the plans for the 
 city of New Braunfels. After the difficulties of the long journey 
 from the coast to the settlement were successfully endured things 
 went well for a time. A second body arrived a few months later. 
 Soon, however, difficulties began to arise, caused chiefly by the 
 insufficient amount of money which had been forwarded from 
 the headquarters of the society in Mainz. The Commissioner, 
 Solms, became discouraged, and recognizing the difficulties of 
 the undertaking, resigned and went back to Germany. He was 
 succeeded by Freiherr von Meusebach, who arrived in the Sum- 
 mer of 1845, ^^d ^t once introduced a more economical system 
 of management. While on an expedition which he made to 
 select the site for another settlement,^ news came that a party 
 of more than one thousand immigrants had arrived in Galveston. 
 He hastened to that city and found that the company had sent 
 this large body of colonists, but had forwarded no money for 
 their sustenance. Meusebach went to New Orleans to try to 
 raise a loan. In the meanwhile great suffering prevailed among 
 those who had just arrived. The number of immigrants in- 
 creased every day until there were 2300 persons. They moved 
 from Galveston to Indianola, as the means for conveyance to 
 New Braunfels were not forthcoming. Here they were subjected 
 to the greatest privation, most of them living in tents. Soon 
 fever broke out and the death rate increased horribly. All 
 efforts to get transportation failed because of the war which had 
 
 ^ This settlement later became Fredericksburg. 
 
7. ►S. Baker. 69 
 
 broken out with Mexico and which made it necessary that all 
 means of transport should be pressed into military service. 
 Several hundred joined the United States army and fought 
 against the Mexicans ; a larger number drifted away in small 
 groups and settled in different parts of the neighboring country. 
 A few penetrated as far as New Braunfels, but it is sai5 nearly 
 one thousand succumbed to the disease, which had been brought 
 on by exposure and by the unhealthy location of the camp. 
 After this fiasco very little further was attempted by the mana- 
 gers of the " Verein." It began to dawn upon them that they 
 had misunderstood and miscalculated the difficulties of the en- 
 terprise, and they were compelled to acknowledge the impracti- 
 cability of such undertakings. 
 
 Thus ended the most important of the efforts to found German 
 states in America. Several other attempts were made later, but 
 they were for the most part on a small scale and provoked very 
 little comment. It will be seen that all the undertakings which 
 have been discussed ended in dismal failure. The far-reaching 
 political consequences which had been anticipated amounted to 
 nothing. An explanation of this, as was indicated at the begin- 
 ning of this chapter, may be found in the fact that the promo- 
 ters of these undertakings were carried away by their imagina- 
 tions ; there was too much of the romantic about them. Most 
 ■elaborate schemes were organized in Germany with almost no 
 knowledge of the real condition of affairs in this country. 
 
 It is, however, hardly to be supposed that the great number of 
 immigrants that were coming to America at this time left no 
 traces upon American life and politics. The radical doctrines 
 advanced by the " Zweiunddreisziger " and the " Achtundvier- 
 ziger " were heard outside German circles. They came to the 
 ears of Americans as well ; and they did not go unnoticed. ^ 
 
 1 Cf. " The Naturalization Laws and Policy of the Roman Catholic Church," 
 speech of Hon. W. R. Smith, of Alabama, in the House of Representatives, 
 January 15, 1855 {^Congressional Globe Appendix^ p. 94.) — "The foreigner 
 believes that America is the natural rendezvous for all the exiled patriots and 
 disaffected and turbulent persons of the earth, and that here they are to meet 
 to form plans and concoct schemes to revolutionize all creation ' and the rest of 
 mankind.' " 
 
70 Young Germany in America. 
 
 What was then the position of the inhabitants of the United 
 States towards the German immigrants and more particularly 
 to the theories advanced by them ? ^ Unquestionably the growth 
 of " Know-nothingism " and " Nativism " was forwarded by the 
 antagonistic position taken by the Germans towards American 
 institutions. The Americans felt that if their wild speeches 
 and theories were allowed to pass unnoticed they would in time 
 become a serious menace. Accordingly a very great dislike and 
 in some quarters an intense hatred was developed towards the 
 German which showed itself upon all public occasions, but 
 especially at elections. 
 
 One of the most important cities in this connection is Louis- 
 ville. Here a great many of the hot-headed revolutionists had 
 come together. The most violent plans were proposed by them, 
 much to the terror of the older inhabitants who had experienced 
 the dangers of earlier native American movements. The air 
 became charged with the utterances of the foreign enthusiasts. 
 The Louisville Journal took up the question and brought the 
 doings of the Germans before its readers. The result was that 
 the election of 1855 became the signal for a violent demonstra- 
 tion. On the 4th of August, in Louisville, every German who 
 approached the polls and did not know the password of the 
 " Know-nothings," was driven away with stones and clubs. 
 Armed bands paraded through the city beating, plundering and 
 
 ^ Cf. Niles Register, p, 196 ; "A late paper says : ' Numbers are preparing to 
 quit their country for the American States. In Rhenish Bavaria associations 
 are forming for the purpose, and a deputation is said to be in readiness to start 
 for the United States, in order to have communication with the government of 
 that country and to purchase tracts which are to be peopled from hence and to 
 be called "New Germany." Formerly the exiles were persons who went to 
 seek fortune's favors. Now from some districts near the Rhine fifteen persons 
 who each possess from ^3,000 to ^4,000 are making all ready. It is even said 
 that wealth will leave that district in the hands of a few families to the amount 
 of ;^ioo,ooo, a considerable sum for Germany, which is to be deserted because 
 the people are treated with mjustice. We shall give these, and all such as these, 
 from any and every country a welcome, but the idea of settling in a large and 
 compact body cannot be approved. In coming hither they should expect that 
 their children at least will become Americans in habits, manners and feelings 
 and be fully incorporated into tlie body of the citizens.' " 
 
T. S. Baker. 71 
 
 sometimes killing the defenceless Germans. The greatest 
 excitement prevailed and the most disgraceful scenes were 
 enacted.^ This condition of affairs was not confined to Louis- 
 ville, but probably in that city there was more violence displayed 
 than anywhere else. As a result of this violent opposition of 
 the Americans towards the Germans, it was felt in certain quar- 
 ters that something should be done to conciliate the American 
 national pride and at the same time give expression to the 
 extreme radical tendencies of the "Achtundvierziger." This is 
 the point of view from which the movement which culminated 
 in the Wheeling Congress and the book The New Rome must 
 be considered. The movement is above all things to be regarded 
 in the light of a compromise on the part of the Germans toward 
 the existing " Know-nothingism." The promoters of the new 
 venture were also desirous of helping the revolutionary cause in 
 Germany, and when they found that it was impossible to use direct 
 methods, indirect means were resorted to. 
 
 In the early part of the year 1852 certain " Revolutions- 
 Vereine " were founded in the most important cities of the East 
 and also in a few of the western cities. The headquarters of 
 the new league was at first in Philadelphia, afterwards in Boston. 
 It later became known as the " Volksbund fiir die alte und neue 
 Welt." ^ Its object was to form an " Universalrepublik " with 
 
 1 Cf. L. Stierlin. Der Staat Kentucky und die Stadt Louisville. Louisville, 
 1873- 
 
 ^ This society was first known as the "American Revolutionary League for 
 Europe " At a congress held in Philadelphia the following address and regula- 
 tions were adopted on January 29, 1852 : " Fellow Citizens, the Congress of the 
 'American Revolutionary League for Europe,' herewith submit the result of 
 their deliberations to the judgment of the people, all parties of which were 
 represented in that body. 
 
 " Earnestly resolved to find the means of terminating the desperate condition 
 of the liberty-thirsty people of Europe, firmly convinced that the first great 
 step to the attainment of this goal is the cordial co-operation of all who seek it, 
 it was for us to explore the middle ground upon which all parties could honor- 
 ably and cheerfully unite their forces. 
 
 "The conscious determination to achieve a revolution thorough and complete 
 was the warrant for our actions, and of you, sovereign people, we ask the ratifi- 
 cation of this warrant in the readiness with which you shall erect upon the founda- 
 
73 Young Germany in America. 
 
 the United States as the centre. In other words, to annex all 
 the countries of the world to the United States. The motto of 
 the United States E piuribus Unum was taken in the broadest 
 possible sense. Out of all the political divisions a universal 
 empire would be formed, just as this country was an aggrega- 
 tion of states. The originator of this movement was Carl Goepp, 
 a young German, who had been compelled to leave Europe 
 because of the part which he took in the disturbances of 1848. 
 The radical doctrines proposed by Goepp were first published in 
 a pamphlet entitled E piuribus Unu??i in 1852. The point of 
 view in this tract is strictly American ; it is rather an address to 
 the American people than a statement of the theories of any 
 German organization. The appearance in print of this docu- 
 ment w^as hailed by certain of the " Achtundvierziger " as a 
 happy solution of the question how America would be able to 
 bring about freedom in Germany. The unusual character of 
 
 tion we have laid the superstructure of an extensive, yea, a universal fusion of 
 all revolutionary elements. Let us then be up and doing ! Our cause is noble, 
 is sacred. The barriers that cramp the growth of active, intelligent and high- 
 souled Nations are to be stricken down, mankind is to be restored to its 
 humanity. Let the motto for the strife be union in the American Revolutionary 
 League. 
 
 " The object of the league shall be the radical liberalization of the European 
 continent ; for which are required : i. The overthrow of monarchy and the 
 establishment of the Republic, because in the Republic alone can all the horrors 
 of tyranny be prevented. 2. Direct and universal suffrage and the recall of 
 representatives by the majority of their constituents, because this alone secures 
 the supremacy of the popular will in the workings of popular institutions. 3. 
 The abolition of standing armies and inviolability of the right of the people to 
 bear arms, because the last resource of forcible resistance is the only protection 
 against the last device of forcible usurpation. 4. The union for these ends of 
 all persons, associations, parties and nations for the annihilation of oppression, 
 because without such concerted efforts the organized power of tyrants is invin- 
 cible." Act III Means Sec. i. — Agitation as well in Europe as in America. 
 Sec. 2. — Accumulation of a revolutionary fund. Sec- 3. — Formation of armed 
 organizations desirous of entering personally into the struggle and of preparing 
 it by military exercises. 
 
 Cf. "The Naturalization Laws and Policy of the Roman Catholic Church," 
 speech of Hon. W. R. Smith, of Alabama, in the House of Representatives, 
 January 15, 1855, Cottgressional Globe Appendix, 2nd Session of 33rd Con- 
 gress, p. 94. 
 
T. S. Baker. jt^ 
 
 Goepp's views, at first, as was to be expected, caused great 
 astonishment, but the novelty of his position and at the same 
 time its radical nature cause it later to find much favor. Its 
 -success was greater in the West than in the more conservative 
 eastern cities. Meetings to discuss it were held in Wheeling, 
 Cincinnati, Louisville, Cleveland and Buffalo, as well as in most 
 of the large cities on the Atlantic coast. It was decided to 
 translate the document "in alle moglichen Sprachen." The 
 culmination was reached when they resolved to hold a congress 
 to discuss the best means of bringing the new doctrine before 
 the public. A summons for a meeting in Wheeling, Virginia, 
 on the i8th of September, 1852, was issued in the name of the 
 "Volksbund fiir die alte und neue Welt," which had adopted 
 Goepp's views in toto. Sixteen delegates responded to the call, 
 representing a large number of societies in Philadelphia, Boston, 
 Roxbury, Albany, Troy, Pittsburg, Newark, etc. A great many 
 more representatives had been expected, but notwithstanding 
 the small attendance meetings were held. The most important 
 business transacted was the preparation of an address " An das 
 Amerikanische Volk." ^ The efforts of the " Volksbund " seem 
 to have spent themselves in this Wheeling congress, for after- 
 wards very little more is heard of it. 
 
 These peculiar theories found further elaboration in a book 
 published jointly by Theodor Poesche and Charles Goepp : The 
 
 ^ Cf. Der Deutsche Pionier, vol. viii, p. 90, ff. The address begins very 
 formally as follows: "Der Congress des Volksbundes fiir die alte und neue 
 Welt an das Amerikanische Volk. Vernehmt von Neuem unsere Stimme, Ihr 
 habt den Anforderungen des blutenden Europa gelauscht, in Tonen ergossen 
 wie die Welt nie wieder horen wird. Wir wollen diese Anstrengungen nicht 
 wiederholen ; was sie nicht auf jenem Felde zu Stande bringen konnten. geht 
 iiber den Bereich menschlicher Kraft hinaus," etc. The document was signed 
 by the following delegates : Dr. Conradin Homburg, President ; E. Schlager, 
 .Sekretar aus Boston ; Lemhart Roos, aus Newark ; J. Miiller, aus Cleveland ; 
 R. Fischer, aus Wheeling; C. Goepp, aus Philadelphia; C. Strobel, aus Wheeling; 
 W. Rosenthal, aus Philadelphia ; L. Meyer, aus Boston ; Lorenz Kirchner, aus 
 Troy ; J. N. Winkle, aus Wheeling ; G. Baczho, aus Albany ; W. Rothacher, 
 fiir London ; J. Roth, aus Pittsburg ; A. Gewig, aus Cincinnati und C. Hoffman, 
 vaus Pittsburg. 
 
74 You7ig Germany in America. 
 
 New Rome ; or^ The United States of the World} It was dedi- 
 cated to " Franklin Pierce, President of the United States, being 
 a guess at the spirit in which he was elected." This book was 
 written from the same point of view as E pluribus Unum. The 
 authors always speak of themselves as Americans, and their work 
 is even more American in its tone than the E pluribus Unum 
 tract. The geographical, ethnographical, statistical, commercial, 
 monetary and industrial observations and reflections are the 
 work of Poesche. The historical, legal and metaphysical argu- 
 ments, the details on American legal and political institutions 
 are to a great extent the production of his colleague. Poesche 
 wrote the first draft in German. Goepp following his arrange- 
 ment reproduced it in English, interpolating his own ideas and 
 such new thoughts as occured to either or both, in their conver- 
 sation and studies, as the work went on. The key to the whole 
 book is found in the following extract in which the significance 
 of the title becomes at once apparent (page lo) : 
 
 " This New Rome., the American Union, is a reflection of the 
 old, even in its geographical position. The Roman Empire, 
 embracing the " orbis terrarum " of the geography of that time, 
 was a political organization of the circle of lands that skirted 
 the Mediterranian Sea, in the midst of which, like a great line 
 of battle ships, was moored the Italian peninsula. So the Ameri- 
 ican peninsula, its northern extremity connected with the main- 
 land of the other continent by means of icebergs which have 
 bafiled our explorers as obstinately as the Rhaetian Alps whilom 
 hemmed in the Roman pioneers, divides the ocean into its two 
 great basins. In the middle of these peninsulas was founded, 
 respectively, the Etrurian and the British colonies. Each looks 
 to the East for the sources of its civilization. Each casts its eye 
 first upon its native peninsula, and strives to reduce it to its 
 undisputed sway. Thus the acquisition of all Italy was an 
 important epoch in Roman politics ; it supplied the base for 
 further operations. Thus ' the continent is ours ' is becoming 
 more and more distinctly a leading American aspiration." 
 
 1 Published by G. P. Putnam & Co., New York, 1853. 
 
7. S. Baker. 75 
 
 And again, on p. 47, the following significant passage is found : 
 " America is the crucible in which European, Asiatic and 
 African nationalities and peculiarities are smelted into unity. 
 We have assigned to the Romanic nations the station of vener- 
 able old age, giving counsel from its treasured experiences ; to 
 the Germanic the lusty action of maturity, just emancipated 
 from tutelage ; and to the Sclavonic, the eager attention of early 
 youth, looking in anxiously while the men are working, and 
 sometimes proud to offer assistance." The authors write very 
 confidently. On page 8 they say " The following essay .... 
 proposes to tell neither what might nor what should, but simply 
 what must be." The whole work is divided into three parts, 
 entitled, respectively, "Politics," "Social," "Organization," and 
 the final part, which consists of only two pages, discusses " Lan- 
 guage." The first subdivision of Part I (Politics) is " Present 
 Projects," the second chapter " Internal Growth," the third 
 " Constitution." In Chapter II the discussion of the statistics 
 of immigration is taken up. Chapter III treats at length the 
 United States Constitution, showing how well it lends itself to 
 the scheme proposed. The fourth chapter in Part I is headed 
 " Mission ;" chapter 5, " The Anglo-Saxons." 
 
 According to their manner of argument the confederation of 
 all the States of North and South America is a question of only 
 a few years. The time seemed ripe, California and New Mexico 
 had just been annexed and the annexation of Cuba was being 
 discussed. 
 
 " No pent-up Utica can hold our powers 
 The whole, the boundless continent is ours," 
 
 was a favorite sentiment. With the whole of the American 
 continent at its back, the United States would be in a position 
 to contest for the possession of some of the English colonies. 
 In this connection Australia is discussed at considerable length. 
 The discovery of gold there had attracted immense crowds of 
 immigrants. They say 1000 persons a day (in 1852) are leaving 
 England for the Australian gold fields. Great numbers of 
 
76 Young Germany in America. 
 
 Americans were also sailing for Australia. The result of all 
 this immigration would evidently result in some collision with 
 the home government. The curious mixture of people which 
 would be found there, would not be willing to submit to a 
 government thousands of miles away. There would be a revolt. 
 The Americans would of course come to the front and assume 
 control of affairs, and then having gotten the reins of govern- 
 ment, annexation to the United States would be assured. 
 
 They conclude then the discussion of this point by saying : 
 " With all the continent and Australia in the American scale, 
 the addition of the rest of the world will be a question of time 
 regulated by American convenience." The infederation of Eng- 
 land is treated as a very easy matter. On page 87 the following 
 remarkable statement is made : 
 
 " The stupendous greatness of England is fictitious, and will 
 only become natural when that empire shall have found its real 
 centre ; that centre is in the United States. The Anglican 
 Empire is essentially oceanic, its dominions extend along the 
 coasts of the Atlantic and the Pacific, the lesser and the greater 
 ocean. America, lying in the midst of the ocean, is therefore 
 its natural point of gravitation. The realization of an idea 
 higher than could be developed in the mother island, that of the 
 republican democracy, required a temporary segregation of the 
 centre, but the former adjunct being now no longer merely the 
 geographical centre, but the political and social focus, must take 
 the lead. England with her colonies must be a7inexed to the 
 American Unions 
 
 Chapter VI treats " The Teutonic Race ;" chapter VII " The 
 Jews ;" chapter VIII " The Sclavonic Race." 
 
 According to the authors, Russia is the only nation of the 
 earth that will offer any real resistance to the march of the 
 United States. Russia dreamed also of an universal empire. 
 When, therefore, the United States and Russia come together, 
 " Then will the mastery of Europe be the prize of the death 
 struggle between the Union and the Czar." Page 109, " Thus 
 the lines are drawn. The choirs are marshalled on each wing 
 
T. S. Baker. jy 
 
 of the world's stage ; Russia leading the one, the United States 
 the other. Yet the world is too small for both, and the contest 
 must end in the downfall of one and the victory of the other," 
 Chapter IX is entitled " The Romanic Races," and chapter X 
 "The Moguls." Thus ends the first part of the New Rome. 
 Parts II and III are quite unimportant for the present discussion. 
 
 This book of Poesche and Goepp represents the acme of radi- 
 calism. Although at the time of its publication it found con- 
 siderable favor, yet in a few years it became the laughing stock 
 of all German- Americans. As far as reaching the great masses 
 of the citizens of the United States is concerned, it seems to have 
 failed completely in the expectation of its authors. The civil 
 war and the events leading up to the war took precedence 
 over all discussions of this kind, so that it was soon relegated, 
 one might say, to oblivion. In spite of its fantastic character, 
 it should not be considered as something altogether new and 
 unhistorical. In certain respects it was the logical outcome of 
 the long-continued method of considering America as a field for 
 the trial of whatever was politically impossible in Europe. The 
 fact that the rapid growth of Russia caused apprehension in 
 some parts that the whole of Europe might some day come under 
 the sway of Russia, is also important in this connection. The 
 day when Napoleon seemed near carrying out his dreams of a 
 universal empire had not been forgotten. The saying " Pansla- 
 vismus und Napoleonismus " had become an every-day phrase. 
 In The New Rome these ideas are transferred to America, 
 where, just at this time, there was more or less enthusiasm for 
 extending the bounds of the Union. 
 
 As applied to America this was certainly unique, but we notice 
 in the whole tendency of the " Young German " movement a 
 drift towards — what may be called for lack of a better word — 
 "universality." A national literature should be discouraged and a 
 literature of the world ought to take its place. In some quar- 
 ters patriotism itself was frowned upon — patriotism was an 
 animal impulse of the blood ; we ought to devote ourselves not to 
 one nation but to the whole human race. I see, therefore, in the 
 
y8 Young Germany itf^America. 
 
 ^world republic scheme of the Wheeling congress something that 
 is not so thoroughly bizarre and unhistorical. 
 
 Up to the present only the most radical plans of the Germans 
 have been treated. This, however, does not mean that all Ger- 
 mans who came to this country during the period of 1830 to 
 1855 were in accord with these theories. It is safe to say that 
 nearly all the immigrants believed firmly that the Germans had 
 a mission to fulfill in the United States. Not a " mission " in 
 the sense that they expected to benefit the natives, but rather in 
 that they supposed the "German element" would play an im- 
 portant role in the future of the republic — a much more import- 
 ant part than what has occurred since, has shown to be the case. 
 The majority of them believed that this importance would show 
 itself in a political way. To such as these the expectation of 
 Germanizing the United States was a reality. Others believed 
 that the Germans had no future here as a separate political 
 power. That they would achieve most by losing themselves in 
 the life of the great republic at the same time contributing what- 
 ever of culture they might possess to help make a new American 
 civilization. In other words, that the Germans would accom- 
 plish most in an educational way.^ Most of the German-Ameri- 
 cans, whether they believed it best for the Germans to become 
 denationalized or not, thought that they could accomplish most 
 by allowing themselves to be formally naturalized and to ally 
 themselves to one of the existing American political parties. 
 Some of the more radical proposed the formation of a new party, 
 the cardinal principles of which would be the abolition of slavery 
 and Puritanism. These were the most repulsive features of 
 American life to the German immigrants. Most of the political 
 exiles were thoroughly imbued with the doctrines of " Young 
 
 ^ The Anzeiger des Westens favored strongly the idea of the Germans giving 
 up their nationality when they came to America and becoming at once Ameri- 
 canized. Fr. Kapp believed also that the German element had no prospect of 
 long holding together. 
 
 Cf. also Julius Froebel, Die Deutsche Auswanderung und ihre culturhis- 
 loriche Bedeutung ; Funfzehn Brief e an den Herausgeber der Allgemeinen 
 Auswanderungs Zeitung. Leipzig, 1858. 
 
T. S. Baker. 79 
 
 Germany," and one of the most important features of this school 
 was its unfriendliness towards Christianity. When, therefore, 
 men who held such theories as these came to America one of 
 the first things that struck them, and which, at the same time, 
 disgusted them, was what they called " puritanismus." ' Against 
 this and against slavery was directed a great deal of the literary 
 activity which showed itself in the numerous German news- 
 papers which sprang up everywhere. In Der Amerika?nude 
 frequent references are found to the hypocrisy of the Americans. 
 
 The seat of this movement to form a new political party was 
 in the West, especially in Kentucky and Louisville. Emil Klau- 
 precht in his book {Deutsche Chronik in der Geschichte des 
 Ohio-Thales. Cinn. 1864.) gives an account of this attempt 
 as follows : page 187 ; " Das Jahr 1854 sah ein reges politisches 
 Leben unter den Ankommlingen von 1848. In Louisville 
 vereinigten sich die deutschen Fortschrittsfreunde auf eine Plat- 
 form, entworfen von Heinzen, Domschcke, Burgeler, und Wittig, 
 welche der Sklaverei und dem Kirchenwesen den Krieg erklarte. 
 In der Freimaurer-halle von Cincinnati wurde Ende Marz die 
 Abgeordneten von 17 Vereinen Chios unter Vorsitz des Herrn 
 Miiller aus Cleveland zu diesem Zweck versammelt. Sie ent- 
 warfen eine Platform ahnlich der von Louisville." 
 
 It will be seen that the new party sprang into life at a com- 
 paratively late date, although it had been felt for a long time 
 that such a party was desirable, provided it could gain sufficient 
 following to make it a factor in the elections. The sequel 
 showed that this hesitation was well founded, inasmuch as the 
 new party never met with any success. Its importance con- 
 sists merely in the fact that it shows the intense opposition that 
 was felt towards the American religious sects and towards 
 slavery. The position occupied by the German to the various 
 political parties requires a more special treatment than is possi- 
 ble in the present investigation.^ The " German element " did 
 
 ^ That the Germans were opposed to Christianity soon became known among 
 the Americans. In Louisville about the year 1854 one of the Presbyterian 
 Churches made a special effort to " convert these heathens." 
 
 ^ Koerners book, Das Deutsche Element, has to do very largely with the 
 history of the part the Germans have taken in the American political parties. 
 
o8 Young Germany ifi Atnerica. 
 
 not, in a body, join any one particular party. Germans voted 
 one way or the other, according to whatever seemed best for 
 their own personal interest. Local conditions, to a certain 
 extent, governed their action. 
 
 In concluding this study the question naturally suggests 
 itself. Have there been any survivals of the radical tendencies 
 of the immigrants of 1832 and 1848? In answer to this ques- 
 tion it is only necessary to refer to the efforts of a society known 
 as Der deutsche Kriegerbund which is in existence to-day, and 
 to an article explaining the objects of this organization contained 
 in the Preussische Jahrbucher for January, 1895, entitled " Die 
 Deutschen in Amerika," von Wilhelm Weber, Pastor in Belle- 
 ville, 111. 
 
 In this article the author claims that one-third of the inhabi- 
 tants of the United States are of German extraction. Therefore, 
 the German influence should be " massgebend," and the United 
 States a German empire. But the German is required by the 
 natives to play a very subordinate part. This is not as it should 
 be. Are there any remedies for this condition of affairs ? Pas- 
 tor Weber thinks there are, and finds the important agent in 
 bringing about the reforms, the foundation of what he calls 
 " Musterschulen." These schools will be supported by the 
 " Deutsche Kriegerbund," which is an organization of Germans 
 living in America who at some time have been in the German 
 army. Branches exist in many of the cities of the Union. He 
 proceeds as follows : — " Ich nenne nur diesen Bund den einzigen 
 und wahren Reprasentanten des deutschen Reiches in Amerika. 
 Das deutsche Heer hat durch seine Siege das Reich geschaffen," 
 etc. 
 
 The chief point of the argument consists in the statement 
 that in order to preserve the German national feeling among the 
 German- Americans, it is necessary to continue the use of German 
 as an educational and conversational medium. Schools accord- 
 ingly will be founded which will offer instruction to children 
 of German parents for a period of about four years, the child 
 beginning the course at the age of ten. German teachers will be 
 
T. S. Baker. 8i 
 
 secured from Germany, men, who, although it will be necessary 
 to accept a small salary here, when they become too old to teach, 
 a pension will be assured them by the German home government. 
 The superintendents of instruction will be expected to make 
 their reports to Germany. Thus Pastor Weber wishes to place 
 the whole system under the patronage of the German empire, 
 making the system of Musterschulen an instrument for extending 
 the power of the empire. The whole plan is elaborated with 
 great care. A way is found for providing for the necessary 
 expenses, and all the difficulties of the undertaking are met in a 
 manner which seems to perfectly satisfy the author of the article. 
 The proposed system is as radical and as impossible as any of 
 the plans suggested by the most " doctrinaire " of the " Achtund- 
 vierziger." This one article then is sufficient to show that hopes 
 of the Germanization of America are not yet dead in some 
 quarters. 
 
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VITA. 
 
 I, Thomas Stockham Baker, was born on the 23rd of March, 
 1 87 1, near Aberdeen, Maryland. My early education was re- 
 ceived in the Baltimore public schools. After a three years' 
 course at the Johns Hopkins University, I received the degree 
 of Bachelor of Arts in 1891. In October of the same year, I 
 began advanced studies in German, French and History, which 
 have been continued through the past four years. During the 
 Summer semester of 1892, I attended courses at the University 
 of Leipzig. In 1893, I ^^^ appointed Fellow in German at the 
 Johns Hopkins University, and have held during the year 1894- 
 95 a Fellowship by courtesy. 
 
 I take this opportunity of thanking Professor Elliott and Pro- 
 fessor Adams, Doctor Motzke and Doctor Menger for the gener- 
 ous assistance received in their departments. 
 
 To Professor Learned I am indebted for valuable suggestions 
 and for his uniform interest in the progress of my studies. 
 
 To Professor Wood I have been under constant obligation. 
 His scholarly method and example have been a continual 
 source of inspiration. 
 
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