I^^^^^H THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES RFXOLLFXTI RICHARD COBDEN, m)t anti:=Covn^iLalii iLrague. HENRY ASHWORTH. 4 3 5 7 * g Cassell Fetter & Galpin LO.XDOA', PARIS •5- \FW YORK'. Manchesikk: Printed l.y Wim.iam Irwin, Calh.-.lral Clianil»-.s, ITalf Strc-.n. 2 0^3 A 23 -r- CONTENTS. Introduction --------- Page 3. CHAPTER I. V Origin of tlie Corn Law. — Large Imports and Low Prices at the Peace of 1815. — Riotous Meetings in London and elsewhere. — Peterloo. — Hunt, Healey, Johnson, and Bamford. — Customs and Excise Duties in iSig. — The Sliding Scale. — Manchester Chamber of Commerce on Protection. Pages 5 to 20. CHAPTER II. Early Free-Trade Movements by Mr. Hume, Mr. Whitmore, and Mr. Villiers. — Mr. Cobden's Early Days. — The British Association in 1837. — National Education. — The Municipal Corporations' Act. — Incorporation of Bolton and Manchester. — Mr. Bright as a Public Speaker. -.---... Pages 21 to 31. 34 Contents. CHAPTER III. ■^Origin of the Anti-Corn-Law League. — Early IVIeetings in Newall's Buildings. — Mr. A. W. Paulton. — Appointment of Lecturers. — Issue of the Anti-Corn-Law Circular. — Derangement of the Currency. — Great IMeeting in Manchester. — Meeting of Deputies in London, 1840. — Interviews with Lord Melbourne, Sir Robert Peel, and Sir James Graham. — Unequal Pressure of Customs' Duties. — Sugar Monopoly. — Coalition of Protectionists with the Anti-Slavery Society. — Mr. C. P. Villiers' Motion. . - - Pages 32 to 49. CHAPTER IV. The Proposal of an Eight Shillings' Duty. — Meeting of Corn Law Repealers. — Chartists and Protectionists in Manchester, June, 1841. — Mr. Cobden, M.P., for .Stockport. — Mr. George Wilson, Chairman of the League. — Sir Robert Peel, Prime Minister. — Mr. Cobden in the House of Commons. — Colonel Thompson on the Siege of Bolton. — Mr. W. B. Ferrand. — Mr. Ebenezer Elliott, the Corn Law Rhymer. --....-- Pages 50 to 64. CHAPTER V. The League in the Metropolis.— The Agricultural Protection Society. — The Maddest Thing Lord Melbourne had ever heard of. — Lord Contents. 35 Stanley on the District of Tamboff.— Curry Powder for Food. — Adhesion of Earls Fitzwilliam, Radnor, Clarendon, and Lansdowne. — The Session of 1842. — Six Hundred Deputies in London. — The Sliding Scale. — Sir Robert Peel a Free-Trader, except in Corn and Sugar. — Subscriptions to the League. — The League a Great Fact.— Mr. Cobden on Sir Robert Peel's Proposals. — Mr. Thomas B. Macaulay Pages 65 to 87. CHAPTER VL Deputations to Cabinet Ministers. — Messrs. Pawson and Holdforth, of Leeds ; Chappell and Gardner, of Manchester ; Ashton, of Hyde ; Brooke, of Huddersfield ; Akroyd, of Halifax ; Biggs, of Leicester ; Walker, of Bury ; Hoole, of Salford ; and Ashworth, of Bolton, on the Distress. —Explanations by Sir Robert Peel. — Temper of Sir James Graham. — Close of the London Conference. — Address by Council of the League. ----- Pages 88 to 102. CHAPTER VH. Address by Mr. Bright to the Men of Rochdale. — Miss Martineau on the Chartists. — The Trades' Delegates in Manchester. — The Plug Riots. — Increased Exertions of the League. — The ^50,000 Fund.— The Corn Law Condemned by the Common Council of the City of London. Pages 103 to 114. 36 Contents. CHAPTER VIII. Lords Fitzwilliam and Radnor on the Corn Law.— The " Times " Newspaper on the Principal Men of the League. — The Anti-Corn- Law Lecturers. — Mr. Acland at Brill. — The League Tracts on the Corn Law. — Opinions of Eminent Men contained therein. — Sir Robert Peel's responsibility. — Extraordinary Scene i'n the House of Commons. — Mr. Cobden charged with abetting Assassination. — Great Meetings protesting against this charge, and expressing sym- pathy with Mr. Cobden. — The " A. B. C." of the League. — Prize Essay on the Corn Law. — County Meetings. — Metropolitan Meetings - - - - - - . - Pages 115 to 2S0. CHAPTER IX. The Campaign of 1844. — The Marquis of Westminster's adhesion.^ The League operations. — -The County Registration Movement. — The Covent Garden Bazaar. — Miss Martineau on the Bazaar. — The " Times " and the " League" on the Bazaar. — Mr. W. J. Fox on the League Principles. — Special Burdens upon Land. — The Committee to inquire thereinto. — Mr. R. H. Greg and Mr. Henry Ashworth before the Committee. - - - Pages 281 to 295. CHAPTER X. VThe Session of 1845.— The Potato-Rot in Ireland.— League Meetings. — Alarming State of the Country.— Adhesion of Lords Shaftesbury, Contents. 37 Morpeth, and Lord John Russell. — Resignation of the Peel IMinistry and their return to power.-t-The commencement of a /■250,ooo Fund. — Protectionist Meeting at Chichester.— The Address to the Throne. — Sir Rohert PeeFs proposal to Abolish the Corn Law. — Debate thereon. — The Corn Law repealed. — Prince Albert on .Sir Robert and the Repeal of the Corn Law, — Final Meeting of the League - - Pages 296 to 335. CHAPTER XL The Testimonial to ]\Ir. Cobden. — -His acknowledgment thereof. — Collapse of Lord John Russell's Ministry, and accession of Lord Derby to Office in 1852. — The attempted Revival of Protection. — The ]\Ieeting of the League Executive. — Lord Derby on our Fiscal System. — Great Meeting of the Council and Friends of the League at Manchester. — Lord Derby on the approaching Dissolution of Parliament. — General Election and return of a Free-Trade majority. — French Treaty of Commerce of 1S60. — Mr. Cobden's negotiations thereon. — Mr. J. Slagg on the French Commercial Treaty. — Mr. Cobden's minor undertakings. — M. Chevalier on the League and Cobden. -------- I'ages 335 to 392. APPENDIX. ..--.- Pages i to 32, at end. INTRODUCTION DURIXG a recent period of confinemoi-t l)y illness, the recollection of my early intercourse with Richard Coi!DEx, and with the afiairs of the Anti-Corn-Law l^eague, were frequently and vividly crossing my mind ; and, at length, 1 concluded to commit to writing some account of the ])ro- reedings in which I had been engaged, in order that my sons ;md daughters who are now living, and who at the time I ha\e indicated were mere children, might derive some interest from a re\iew of the stirring events of the period referred to. 'I'he narrative which I prepared, was shown to my friend Sir Thomas Bazley, Bart., M.F., and he expressed grati- llcation to find that I had succeeded in jjlacing on record many of the details of a struggle of national importance, the rememl)rance of which was in danger of jjassing away; imd he strongly advised that I should arrange the subject in chap- ters, extend it, and allow it to be published. To this I have tonsented, and in offering it to the public, I desire to apologise for any apparent display of egotism, which, however allowable in a communication addressed to one's own family, is hnrdl\ so pardonable when addressed to the public generally. HENRY ASMWORTH. The Oaks, BoLTox, 1876. ORIGIN OF THE CORN LAW. — LARGE IMPORTS AND LOW PRICES AT THE PEACE OF 1815. RIOTOUS MEETINGS IN LONDON AND ELSEWHERE. PETERLOO. HUNT, HEALEY, JOHNSON AND BAMFORD. — CUSTOMS AND EXCISE DUTIES IN 1819. THE SLIDING SCALE. — MANCHESTER CHAMBER OF COMMERCE ON PROTECTION, '^ f "*HIS narrative is not intended as a complete history of JL tlie Anti-Corn Law League, but I hope it may furnisla to the future liistorian many matters of interest which would othenvise escape his notice. In the first instance, I will endeavour to explain how the Corn Law originated, and what has since been disclosed as to the design of its enactment. I In the time of the first Napoleon, iliis country was engaged in a French War, which extended over a great many years, and finally terminated in 1815. The Army and Navy were, during that struggle, largely provisioned froni home, and as we had a series of bad harvests, and as the war had cut off all our sup})lies of grain from abroad, the scarcity and dearness of food bordered upon a state of famine.\ 6 Recollections of Cohden and tlie League. In tliis emergency, recourse was had to the use of Dark'}-, R}c, and Oats, for cheapening the necessary supply of bread to the i)Oor, and l)y way of promoting economy of consumi^tion, it was enacted that bread should not be sold l>y the tradesmen until it had I)een at least twenty-four hours out of the oven, and thus rendered somewhat stale, and less liable to cut to waste. Such a Law may appear \er)- strange to us, but in proof that it really existed and was enforced. the following extract may be referred to : — '" In tlie year 1800. a baker was convicted before the magistrates, at the New I'ailey, Manchester, for selling l)read before it liad been baked twenty-four hours, and paid the jjenalty of five pounds and costs." — Sec " Monorials of MancJiestcr Streets'' Siitcliffe. 1874- In i8or wheat was 115 it per c[uarter : from i So 1 te i8t8 the price averaged 84 - ; whilst in the 20 \ears ending 1874. it averaged only 52/- per (piarter. [ well remember, when a \ery little bo}', how I often felt distressed when poor people came to my father's door, asking for alms, and bewailing \ery ijitetnisly that their children were "clamming" (famishing). '["he cry of starvation was everywhere heard amongst the working classes, and tradesmen of all kinds suffered severeh': wliilst the oiily well-to-do people were the l-'armers and the 1 ,andlords. \ As soon as the war was o\er, and our ports were oiieiietl lor the reception of foreign grain, prices came down rnpidl). Then the Landlords took alarm, and appealed to rarliamcnl to Origin of tlie Com Laio. resist tlie importation of foreign grain, which they asserted, would be the ruin of the Rnglisli Farmers. They insisted that in this country, the costs of culti- vation were extremely heavy, as compared with those of foreign producers of grain, and that therefore tlie British Farmer must receive protection in order to prevent his ruin. Hence a Parliament, composed mostly of Landlords, })ro- cccded, in 1815, to enact tlie Co m Law, w hich excluded foreign wheat, except at high rates of duty, until tlie market price should reach 80/- per (juarter; and other kinds of grain, until there was a i)roportionatc elevation in ])rices. JThe discussions in Parliament on tliis c[uestion made ;i great imi)ression, aiid led to a wide-spread sympathy, and to the belief tliat there was need of a measure, which, according to its advocates, would preserve our Agriculture from ruin, and be at the same time a provision against famine. But !))• many thoughtful and j^atriotic jjeople this law was viewed with intense dislike, and was characterised as an atrocious __ fraud. The fact wa^s^_that_after„tli£--great French war, when the prices of produce were rapidly flilling, and when rents ought either to have been lowered, or the methods of cultivation im]iroved, the Corn I^aw Avas i)assed by the Landlords in order to keep out foreign corn and to maintain high rents :* and many of the common jjeoi^le saw, or thought they saw. * In 1816, the price of wheat was 103P. yd.; 1S17, 104s. ; and in the same year it went up to 112s. Sd. per quarter. 8- RccoIIcctious of Cohdcii and the League. what would be the effect; for whilst the legislature was engaged in the discussion of the question, the people of London became riotous, and the walls were chalked with invectives such as " Bread or Blood," " Guy Fawkes for ever," &c. A loaf, steeped in blood, was placed on Carlton House, (now the Tory Club House.) The houses of some of the most unpopular of the promoters of the measure were attacked by the mob. At Lord Eldon's house the iron railings were torn up, whilst every pane of glass and many articles of furniture were broken and destroyed, and it was facetiously remarked that at last his Lordship kept open house. The military were called out, and two persons were killed ; the Houses of Parliament were guarded by soldiers, and, indeed, the whole of London appeared to be in possession of the Army. In various parts of the country similar disturbances pre- vailed, provision shops were i)lundered, machinery (which was supposed to be robbing the people of employment) was destroyed, and the people were frantic. Large popular meetings were held at Spa Fields, in London, ])ublic meetings were also held at Birmingham, and in many other parts of the kingdom ; thus giving expression to the indignation felt by the peojjle at the injustice that was being practised upon them. INIany of these meetings were addressed by Mr. Henry Hunt, an orator of remarkable ability, who afterwards became the adopted leader of a great ])opular demonstration in favour ot Corn Law repeal and of the reform of Parliament. In Manchester, and in other jjarts of Lancashire, the The Peter loo Massacre. exasperation of the people induced them to incur no little personal danger. In some of the towns and populous localities, the opera- tives having in view a large aggregate meeting to be held on St. Peter's field, in Manchester, submitted themselves to marching discipline, in order, as was said, to promote a more imposing display when passing along the public highway, and through the streets of Manchester. PETERI.OO. On the morning of the i6th of August, 1819, large proces- sions of country people, four or five abreast, were seen passing through the streets of Manchester, on their way to St. Peters field. It was observed that they were very jubilant, and were carrying banners denoting the districts to which they belonged, and setting forth the objects they had in view, such as "Universal Suffrage," "Annual Parliaments," " Vote by Ballot," " No Corn Laws," <.^-c. The writings of the late William Cobbett were at this time very popular, and he Avas deemed a great political authority. He directed the attention of his readers to the most flagrant evidences of mi.sgovernment, and advised them to plead simply for Parliamentary reform. He admitted that the Corn Law was a great injustice, but asserted that the reform of Parliament was the only reliable remedy for that and for other evils ; and hence the various objects of the meeting as set forth by the mottoes on the banners, carried to St. Peter's Field. lo Recollections of Cob den and tJic Lca^^i/c. The entire assembly, as they appeared before the platform in vSt. Peter's Field, (now the site of the Free Trade Hall,) was computed at sixty thousand persons. iThe object of the meeting Avas regularly announced by the Chairman, and thu proceedings were formally commenced, and so far as I am aware, it has ne\er even been alleged that anything was said or done by the speakers with the intention to offend or intimidate any of the constituted authorities. However, a number of county justices had conceived that the meeting was nn occasion of alarm, and having placed themselves in a private house fronting the assembly, one of them (Mr. William Hulton), in an excited moment, proceeded to read the Hiot Act from an open window. Sufficient time was not allowed after the reading of the Riot Act to enable so large an assembly to disperse of their own accord, before a regiment of yeomanry cavalry, then lying ini ambush, was ordered by the magistrates to disperse them. I The yeomanry rode into the midst of the crowd, unresisting and heli)less as they were, trampling with their horses upon llie [)eople, and snn'ting them indiscriminately with their swords, .\mongst a great number of other injuries tlnis inflicted, a man named AV' heeler received a severe sabre woimd on his head, and his wife at the .same time had one of her l)reasts cut off 'I'his man was an active radical for manj- years afterward.s. Mr. Memy flunl and his associates were at once ajjpre- hended and carried away as prisoners to the New Bailey, on a cliarge of high treason. A few days afterwords, by advice The Pdcrloo Massacre. from tlic law officers of tlie Crown, the charge of higli treason was abandoned, and the prisoners were then com- mitted to T^ancaster Castle on the minor charge of conspiracy. Eventually, they were again removed, and ordered to take their trials at the York Assizes, where they were convicted, as a matter of course, and Mr. Hunt was sentenced to be imprisoned for two years and a half in Ilchester Gaol, and Messrs. Healey, Johnson, and Bamford, for one year each in the Gaol at Ivincoln. This abominable affair, afterwards very properly designated the " Peterloo Massacre," has been fully described and com- mented upon by various writers, and no doubt the intolerance and barbarity of the j^roceeding will ever be remembered and spoken of with indignation and abhorrence. For nearly twenty years following this popular display on St. Peter's Field, the operative classes continued to be struggling for mere life ; but whilst they often murmured at the injustice of law-made famine, they showed no marks of open resistance to the authorities. The trading operations of the merchants and manu- facturers were htld in check, by want of confidence, and the spirit of commercial adventure was consequentl\" inactive. Trading capital was not very abundant, and such transactions as were effected, were largely based on bills of exchange, involving considerable risk. In short, the trade of the country was hamjjered, not onl}- with the burden of the Corn Law, but also with customs and excise dutie.s \vhicli bore hea\il\- upon almost ever}- article in common Recollections of Cob den and the League. use. The import duty on raw cotton was, in 1819, 5-1 6d. per lb. The weekly consumption of cotton at this time was 8,980 bales, of 2581bs. each ; whilst in 1874 the weekly consumption of cotton was 62,460 bales, of 393lbs. each. The excise on cotton prints was, in some cases, in 181 9, as much as 12s. 6d. per piece. The duty on raw Cotton was, previously to 1831, 6 per cent, ad valorem, and in that year it was raised to 5/10 per cwt., in order to recoup the revenue, in part for the loss on the repeal of the duty on printed cottons ; but as such duty seriously affected the import of inferior species of cotton, and the prices of coarse goods, it was reduced in 1833 to 2/1 1 per cwt. The above applies only to Foreign grown cotton. The duty on cotton from a British possession was only 4d. per cwt. It is reported that in 1836-7 the duty on cotton yielded ^440,332. The duty on printed calicoes was imposed to protect the manufacture of linen and woollen stuffs, and in 172 1 a statute was passed, imposing a penalty of ^5 upon the wearer, and of ^20 upon the seller of a piece of i)rinted calico. Fifteen years later this statute was modified, and calicoes manu- factured in Great Britain were allowed to be worn "provided the warp thereof was made entirely of linen yarn."' The introduction of Arkwright's inventions j)roduced a great change in the cotton manufacture, and in 1774 printed goods, \\-holly made of cotton, were made lawful Avear, subject, however, to a duty of 3d. a yard ; wliich was raised to 3)^d. a yard in 1806. This act continued in force down to 1833-4. The Excise 07i Printed Calicoes. 13 Mr. Poulett Thomson, M.P., denounced the act, and referring to a report of a ParHamentary Committee of 181 8, which stated that it was "partial and oppressive, and that its repeal was most desirable," he pointed to the absurdity of its being main- tained for a nett revenue of ^^599,669 ; to procure which a gross tax was imposed of ;^2,oi9,737. These figures, more- over, (1828), understated the cost of collection, for assuming the rate of the collection for the excise to be 5 per cent., there was a cost of 20 per cent, of the nett produce for collection and charges. Mr. Poulett Thomson also stated, on the authority of inquiries he had made, that the increased cost to the manufacturer arising out of hindrances to his trade, was fully five per cent, upon the whole quantity made, or in other words, for the exaction of a duty of ;^6oo,ooo there was an additional amount of two sums of ;^ioo,ooo each levied on the public. He further pointed out the inec^ualities of the tax, which was levied on the square yard at 3}4sorbed sufficient moisture, the exciseman was sent for to weigh it. After the conversion into pasteboard or cardboard, by the addition of paste, it was put into an oven, and when completely dry, the exciseman was again sent for, and of course lie found it lighter than before the addition of the paste, and there was therefore no extra excise to pay. Honest men were ;U a disadvantage, and mutual aid and counsel was a necessity. Regardless however, of the public demonstrations of dis- like to the Corn and Provision Laws, the Legislature persisted in upholding the most stringent provisions thereof until the year 1828, when the duties on the importation of grain were adjusted by a sliding scale, in accordance with the average jirices in the English market. The following abstract may ser\-e to denote the provisions of the amended Law : — s. s. d. When the average price of wheat was 36 the duty was 50 8 per qr. n n 46 ,, 40 8 ,, » ., 56 „ 30 8 ,, „ „ 62 ,, 24 8 „ 72 M 2 8 „ » » 73 » 10 i> It was soon found that as n means of protection to the iiritish Farmer, the operation of the sliding scale of duties was scarcely less effective, by deterring imports of grain, than the previous law, which absolutely excluded wheat until it reached Sos. per quarter. The Act certainly provided that foreign grain might at any time be imported, and be held in bond till the duty was paid ; a ]iro\ision under which it was expected to l)e 1 6 Recollections of Cobdeti and the League. stored until the price should be high, and the duty low; but the expenses attendant upon Avarehousing and preserving it from injury by keeping, were usually looked upon as an un- desirable or even dangerous investment of a merchant's capital. The following may serve as a practical illustration of the operation of the new enactment upon an importer of grain : — Let it be supposed that, following an unfavourable season, the average price of wheat in the English market had become 73s. per quarter, and the import duty consequently one shilling per quarter. This low duty would attract the notice of the merchant, and induce him to refer to the prices of wheat abroad. If he concluded to send out orders, the operation must be hastened in order to escape payment of a higher rate of duty on arrival, in consequence of earlier arrivals inducing lower prices and higher duties, at the in- stance of other importers. He would not consider it safe under these circumstances, to make his outgoing remittance in manufactures or home produce, lest the delay in the sale of such produce abroad, should cause his import of wheat to arrive (in an extreme case), when in consequence of other large imports, it was worth only 36/- a quarter, and when the duty to be paid would be 50/8, making the total cost price to the importer 86/8 a quarter. With such an array of hazards before him, a large adventure might be his ruin. He might, however, take his chance of making a profit by sending out gold, the effect of which would be to facilitate his purchases of grain abroad, and, at the same time, to derange our currency, instead of increasing our exports of manufactures. The Drain of Gold. 17 At a meeting of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, December 28, 1839, Mr. J. B. Smith, the President, said, that owing to the prevalence of wet weather during the present season, and the deficient harvests of 1838 and 1839, the price of wheat had reached 73/- per quarter, and that a large importation would probably be the result. Foreign exchanges had already fallen in consequence of the demand for Bills to remit to the Continent in payment for grain, and the Funds also had declined from the same cause. Every experienced and intelligent person could foresee that a large amount of gold would be required to pay for foreign corn during the succeeding spring. The drain of Gold, on this account, led the Bank of England shortly afterwards to incur the discredit of borrowing two millions sterling from the Bank of France, and the rate of interest rose to the then unprecedented amount of six per cent., Avhilst many articles of produce fell to extremely low prices. The losses incurred by British Merchants trading to distant markets were in many cases ruinous, their Agents abroad having entered into extensi\e engagements before the news of the revulsion in prices had reached them. In China, purchases of Tea and Silk were made at old rates, after the prices of those articles had fallen in the home market, some 30, 40, or even 50 l>er cent. But the heavy pecuniary losses incurred by our capi- talists were a minor evil compared with the moral and social injuries inflicted upon the labouring classes. Mr. John Brooks, a well known manufacturer and merchant, had to lament that many of those in his cniploynicnl were obliged to apply to Recollections of Cobden and the League. the Parish for relief; and he enumerated 35 classes of goods which he had imported from various parts of the world, upon which his losses had varied from 20 to 58 per cent., and which had averaged 37)^ per cent., amounting to a total loss of ;^ 1 20,000; and Mr. Cobden expressed his belief that the losses of members of that Chamber, since the year 1835. would amount to a million and a half sterling. The Chairman remarked, that under a natural system of Trade, no sudden drain of specie would occur in payment for com, any more than in payment for Tea, Cotton, or Silk ; and Mr. Cobden added, " If the Landlord Parliament would allow our starving manufacturers to take charge of their own affairs, they would soon bring about an exchange of their industry for foreign food, without creating any dis- turbance of our currency." Moreover, he said, " That he should account it a reproach to the intelligence of those who saw these sufferings, and were cognizant of the cause, if they could remain passive and not attempt their removal." The President and Directors of the Chamber of Com- merce did not fail, from time to time, to plead with impatient urgency for the repeal of the Corn Law, the import dut\ upon raw Cotton, and the excise on Cotton Prints, as well as many other fiscal burthens which were pressing heavily upon industry. At this time the generality of commercial people understood very little of the doctrines of Political Economy, and \)\\h- lications such as that of " Smith's Wealth of Nations," had been but little read. But as early as the year 1820, a Protect ion of Native Industry. 19 considerable amount of public interest was temporarily created by the publication of a petition to Parliament embodying tlie elements of Free Trade, which had been drawn up by Mr. Thomas Tooke, an eminent London merchant, and which had received the signatures of nearly all the leading Bankers and Merchants of the City of London. A recognition of sound views of political economy also appeared occasionally in Parliamentary discussions, and at- tention was thus being gradually drawn to the injustice of class legislation. The system of protection began to be more generally understood, and from about the year 1830 it was occasionally assailed by some portion of the public press, and by a good many literary men. Two officials of the Board of Trade, namely, Mr. J- D- Hume and Mr. G. R. Porter, wrote very strongly in condemnation of protection, as did also Mr. Ricardo, Dr., afterwards Sir John Bowring, Bart., Mr. Thomas Tooke, and some others; but the most persistent, and most effective writer on these subjects was Col., after- Eds General Perronet Thompson, whose essays in the stminster Review, and his Corn Law Catechism, (1829.) osed the Corn Law as a flagrant scheme of the Landlords 'to enrich themselves, by a legal authority which oppressed all other portions of the community.) i Agricultural protection, as exhibited by the Com Law. would, however, have been very incomplete without tlic addition of the Provision Laws. By these Laws the im- portation of Foreign Cattle and foreign meat were strictly prohibited. 1 Butter and Lard were indeed allowed to be 20 Recollections of Cobdcn and the League. imported, but they were not to be used as food, and in order to provide against any infraction of the Law, the officers at the Custom Houses were employed to '■' spoiV these articles on their arrival, by smearing them with a tarred stick. They could then be used only as grease for wheels, or for the smearing of sheep. With bread purposely made dear, with the import of cattk and of flesh meat prohibited, and with lard and butter wilfullv reduced from articles of food to grease for wheels, there is no difficulty in accounting for the frequent murmurs of dis- content, and for the starvation among the ])oorer clasSes in every part of tlie kingdom. Soup kitchens were opened almost ever}' winter, and coals and clotliing gratuitous!)- dis- tributed in many places ; but such palliatives were regarded with derision by all who understood the true causes of the e\il. Such help was scorned, and a cry for justice was raised : scarcity was said to be created by Act of Parliament, in order to be mitigated by pliilanthropy. EARLY FREE TRADE .AIOVEISIENTS HV MR. HUME, :\IR. WHITMORE. AND MR.yjLLIEfes. — MR.COBDEN's EARLY DAYS. — THE BRITISH Ai|OCIATION IN 1837. NATIONAL EDUCATION. THE MUNI- CIPAL corporations' ACT. — INCORPORATION OF BOLTON AND MANCHESTER.- — MR. BRIGHT AS A PUBLIC SPEAKER. FROM " the Life and Times of Viscount Palmerston," Vol. 3, Chap. 45, we learn that in the year 1826, Mr. Hume, and in 1832, Mr. Whitmore, moYed resokitions in tlie House of Commons against the Corn Law, as operating un- favourably on Trade; and in 1834, Mr. Hume initiated a two night's debate on the subject, and expressed his confident belief, that the manufactures of this country might be doubled or trebled if the Corn Law was repealed. 'I'he system of protection appeared to him so mischievous, that lie considered the very name of a jirotecting duty ought to be blotted out. Of course Mr. Hume argued in vain. In March, 1838, the Hon. C. Pelham Villiers moved for an inquiry into the operations of the Corn Law. 'l"he House refused to inquire, indeed it would scarcely listen. In 1839, Mr. Villiers mo\ed that certain pelitioners should Ije lieanl Recollections of Cohdcii a/ul the League. at the Bar of the House, when Sir Robert Peel, as well as the then ministr)', opposed the motion. > Again Mr. Villiers returned to the charge and took bolder ground. On this occasion he prayed for no inquiry : he assumed that the Corn Law had a disastrous effect upon all classes in the land, and he continued : — is their position in keeping, I would ask the Landlords of this country, with their duty to the community, and do they see no signs in the present times, that should make them pause before they determine to maintain a system, opposed by the industr\-, the intelligence, the commerce, and the masses of this country, and which they cannot possibly, beyond a limited time, expect to retain ? 'I'he debate lasted five nights, and was well sustained, Mr. 0"Connell, and many other gentlemen, speaking in favour of the resolution. On the fourth night, Sir Robert Peel delivered a jcmarkably powerful speech in opposition to the motion, and Mr. Villiers again found himself defeated, j A meeting of Merchants and Manufacturers was held in Manchester, in 1838, to consider how the repeal of the Corn Laws could be obtained. The Liberal press also began about this time more generally to aid the cause. Mr. A. Prentice, the Editor of the Manchester 'i'imes; Mr. Weir, of the (ilasgow Argus, and afterwards of the Daily News ; Col. Thompson, I'-bene/.er Elliott, the Corn Law Rymer; and last, not least, Richard Cobden, were now in the field. The mention of iNfr. Cobden's name demands that we glance at the career of this truly illustrious man. At the ["arm House of Dunford, near Midhurst, on the Richard Cohden. 23 3rd of June, 1804, Richard Cobden was born. His father farmed his own land; and in the Grammar School of Midhurst Cobden received most, if not all, the scholastic training with which he was ever fiivoured. Mr. Cobden, senior, died early, and the boy was taken to London by an vmcle named Partridge, and placed in liis warehouse. In time he became a Commer- cial Traveller, and in 1830 took up his residence in Manchester and commenced business on his own account. The fortunes of the house rapidly progressed, and Mr. Cobden had no sooner settled in Manchester than he became a man of mark. In 1S38 an Anti-Corn-Law Association was formed in the manu- facturing districts. The late Dr. Bowring was entertained at a public dinner in Blackburn, and a number of Free Traders met him in Manchester, when he donounced the Corn Law in \ery severe language. Mr. A. W. Paulton, a young medical student, who had signalized himself by delivering an excellent lecture at Bolton on the Corn Law, also came to Manchester, and in an address delivered there, declared that the Association was established on the same righteous ])rinci])le as the Anti-Slavery Society. He was after^vards editor and one of the proprietors of the Alanchesier Examiner and Times newspajjer. My personal ac([uaintance with Mr. Cobden commenced in the year 1837. Being at the Union Club, in Manchester, my friend, Mr. S. I). Darbishire, said that Mr. Cobden, who was also pre.sent, was desirous to be introduced to me, and his first salutation was, " I am very glad to make your actjuaintance. I have heard of you whilst in Egypt, and ha\ ing just now re- turned from that countrv, I have been anxious to secure your 2 4 Recollections of Cohden and the League. friendship." It appeared, that whilst in Egypt, he had met with Mr. John Haworth, a young man who had formerly been in my employment, and who had accepted an appointment from the Pacha of Egypt, (Mehemet Ali,) to take charge of his cotton mills at ]3oulac, near Cairo, and that Haworth had shewn some attention to Mr. Cobden by accompanying him to the Pyramids, the Sphynx, and to other objects of interest. Our intercourse soon became frequent and intimate, and in the autumn of that year, Mr. Cobden accompanied me (and became the guest of my mother-in-law, Mrs. Einns, of Mount Vernon.) to the annual meeting of the British Association, which was then being held at Liverpool. At one of these meetings I read a paper on the Preston Strike of Cotton Spinners, giving a summary of the proceedings, and an estimate of the pecuniary losses involved to the employers, to the work-people, the shopkeepers, and to the town generally. The reading of this paper brought together a good many political economists, and amongst them Mr. G. R. Porter, of the Board of Trade, the author of " The Progress of the Nation," with a number of his friends who were attending the Association. During our intercourse with these gentlemen the subjects of the Corn Law, Protection, and Monopoly, were frequently under discussion, and were denounced as the great hindrances of commercial progress in this country ; more especially the Corn Law, as being the most iflagrant of all, and the sustaining buttress of the whole fal)ric of legislative monopoly. Mr. Cobden and I had freiiucntly, as members of the Manchester Chamber of (Commerce, talked of the mischievous influence The British Association at Liverpool, i8jy. 25 of the Corn Law; but the discussions raised by Mr. Porter and his friends so aroused his feelings, that it became henceforth ahnost a constant topic of conversation with him ; and one evening, after a soiree at the Liverpool Town Hall, he stopped suddenly, as we were walking (juietly at midnight up Pembroke Place, and with some abruptness, said : " Til tell you what we will do, we'll use the Chamber of Commerce for an agitation to repeal the Corn Law." My reply was, that it could not be done, that the rules of the Chamber would not admit of it, and that the subscriptions to the Chamber would be inadequate for the jjurpose ; therefore the agitation, if undertaken, must be independent, and must be provided with funds raised for the special purpose. He seemed disappointed, and said, " well, my own income is so safe, that I would not give any one 5 per cent, to assure it, and I am determined to put forth my strength for the repeal of these Corn and Provision Laws."''' In speaking of Mr. Cobden's income, I am re- minded of what he had told me of his business histor)-. He said that whilst with his uncle, Mr. Partridge, in Wat- ling-street, London, selling cotton prints, he was frequently * It is very likely that Mr. Cobden, whilst speaking thus confidently of his own income, and in expressing his determination to undertake a crusade against protection, thought trade generally very unsafe, so lone; as it was not free ; and that he very much under-estimated the time, the labour, the expense, the anxiety, and the personal sacrifice, involved in a struggle against the richest and most powerful class in the land. He had to excite the feelings of the people in opposition to the existing laws, (at all times a very dangerous process ;) he had to point ^6 Recollections of Cobdeii and the Le(7giie. rebuked for learning his French lessons in early mornings in liis bedroom, and generally for making a study of books, all of which his uncle thought gave no promise of advantage to a man of business. Mr. Cobden afterwards became associated in business- pursuits with two other young men, Mr. Ciillett and Mr. Foster, of London, and they agreed to make a partnership adventure. They travelled to Manchester together, outside a stage coach called '" The Peveril of the Peak," and lodged at the Albion Hotel, Piccadilly ; and after breakfast, the following morning, they obtained from the waiter the " Man- chester Directory," and referring to the head of " Calico Printers,'' took out the names of the various Firms, and appropriated tliem by turns in succession, for each of them to wait upon with a \iew to business. The name of Mr. J'^ort fell to Mr. Cobden, and he in due course visited the |)rint works, near Clitheroe, and presented himself to Mr. John Fort, the princii)al. After a long conversation on tlie subject of business, Mr. Fort invited Mr. Cobden to his residence, at Read Hall, to dinner. Whilst on the way there, the horse fell, and they were both thrown out out that these laws were enacted for the special benefit of the great landowners; and this could hardly be done without exciting anger against them as individuals. In looking back upon the work then practically commenced, and counting the odds, — on the one side, a few comparatively unknown and uninfluential men ; and on the other, almost the entire ruling class of the country ; — it seems wonderful that even a seven years struggle, and the expenditure of nearly half a million of money, should have prevailed. Early Movement for National Education. 2 7 of the gig, Mr. Cobden escaping unhurt ; but Mr. Fort, who was a bulky, heavy man, fell ujjon his face, which was blackened as well as bruised by the cinder road. On their arrival at the Hall, Mrs. Fort welcomed her husband by leading him up to a mirror, and bidding him look what a frightful figure he had made of himself ! Mr. Fort was then M.P. for Clitheroe, and 1 remember when introduced to him in the lobby of the House of Commons, noticing the blackness of one of his cheeks, which had remained from the effects of this fall. Mr. Cobden suc- ceeded in obtaining the agency for the sale of Mr. Fort's cotton prints, and the firm of " Gillett, Foster, and Cobden," of London, soon commended themselves by their assiduity in his interest : and they aftenvards became the proprietors of Mr. Fort's print works, at vSabden, and it was from the successful pursuit of this business at Manchester and Sabden, that Mr, Cobden was enabled so confidently to estimate a continuance of his then large income. After leaving Liverpool and the British Association, Mr. Cobden and I met in Manchester with Mr. Thomas Wyse, M.P., for Waterford, and afterwards Her Majesty's Pleni])otentiary at the Court of Greece ; also with Lieutenant Fabian, the agent of the British and Foreign School Society, who sought lo promote a movement for " National Education,"' by raising a number of Schools in Manchester, to be supported by voluntary subscriptions. Several Schools were opened as the result of this effort, but with the exception of that in the (^Id Meeting House of Friends, in Jackson's Row, they all Recollections of Cohdeu and the League. disappeared in the course of a year or two, owing to the severe commercial distress which followed. Whilst the feeling in favour of education was still strong, I got some of the ad- vanced Liberals of Bolton to unite in establishing a British .School there, and at a meeting which was called for the pro- motion of that object, and which was addressed by Mr. Cobden, a sufficient subscription was raised to defray the expense of the building. The Munici-pal Corporations' Act, which liad recently passed the Legislature (1835-6) appeared to Mr. Cobden a most appropriate provision for Manchester, Bolton, and others of the large towns of Lancashire ; and, in company with Messrs. Thomas Potter, (afterwards Sir Thomas Potter, the first INLayor of Manchester,) George Wilson, J. C. Dyer, W. R. Callender, and one or two others, the suliject was carefully considered. I undertook to make incjuiries in relation to Bolton, and attended at a ])rivate tea party, at the residence of Mr. John Dean, of Silverwell House. There were present at this party, Messrs. Robert Heywood, Charles James Darbishire, Thomas Thomasson, James Win- der, my l)rother Edmund and myself, witli some others, whose names I do not remember. The existing Government of the Borough by Court Leet, under the authority of the Lords of the Manors, was discussed, and declared to be inap[)rc)priate and unworthy of the population, wealth, and commercial character of the jjlace. Hie Manchester gentle- men, whom I have named, considered the case of Bolton to be one more promising for reform than Manchester, and 1 Incorporation of Bolton and Manchester. 29 was advised to put in motion the best means for obtaining a decision of the inhabitants upon the matter. At that time it did not appear that ap])Hcation had been made, on behalf of any town or place, for a Charter of Incorporation under the Act, and, I therefore wrote to my friend, Joseph Parkes, of London, for advice. The result was, that the little clique, who met at John Dean's over a cup of tea, advertised a public meeting, and prepared reso- lutions to be submitted thereat. The object of the meeting was opposed by the Tory party, but we carried all before us, and adopted a petition to the Vx'wy Council, setting forth our grievances, and praying for a Charter of In- corporation. Mr. Hepvood and I, with Mr. ^^'inder. our solicitor, obtained an audience of the Privy Council, pleaded our cause, answered all enquiries, and left our petition, which we had got very numerously signed by the ratepayers. On retiring from the Council Chamber we found at the door, waiting for admission, the agent of the Earl of Bradford, the Lord of the Manor of Great Bolton ; and the agent of Mr. Tipping, the Lord of the INIanor of Little Bolton ; accom- panied by about a dozen Bolton Tories, with Mr. '\\'illiam Boiling, one of the Borough members ; who introduced these gentlemen, our opponents, with a counter petition to the Privy Council. Mr. Heywood expressed himself dismayed at so formidable and influential a local representation. I assured him we had no need to fear for our cause, that 7i>c had a democratic case, whilst they had a baronial one, and that I did not dread the result. 30 Recollections of Cohden and the Leai^iie. Soon after our return home, we were informed that the Privy Council had appointed Captain Jebb to proceed to Bolton to investigate the correctness of the allegations of the two petitions and to report. Captain Jebb remained in Bolton to prosecute his inquiries for some weeks, and after his return to London the Charter of Incorporation was granted on the 5th of March, 1838. Mr. Cobden, and the other gentlemen in Manchester, then adopted a similar course of proceeding, and were also suc- cessful in obtaining a Charter of Incorporation for that town. MR. JOHN BRIGHTS FIRST APPEARANCE AS A I'UBl.TC SPEAKER. The author of the Life and Times of I,ord Palmerston, thus refers to Mr. Jolm Bright : — "About this time, the name of Mr. John Bright occurs as a public speaker. It is said that when attending an educa- tion meeting, at Rochdale, Mr. Cobden was so struck with Bright's speaking that he sought to gain him oxer wholl\-, ' Come with me, said Cobden, and we will never rest until we abolish the Corn Law.' " John Bright is the son of the late Jacob Bright, of (ireenbank. near Rochdale, and was born in 1 8 1 1. He is decidedly the finest product of the middle class in this our land and age. Brought up amongst the Quakers, imbibing at his birlh ihcir noblest traditions, he early attained that independence of c;haracter,an(i unsophisticated and unconventional way of looking at human John Bright. 31 affairs and actions, -which has ahvays been the leading charac- teristic of George Fox and his followers. As a rule, Friends rather avoid the political arena; but John Bright was impelled thither, by circumstances which he could not control. As a manufacturer, the imjjolicy — as a philanthropist, the iniquity — of the Corn Law, was forced upon his attention. He was \oung and ardent, gifted by nature with a great command of language, full of ideality, and with an excellent voice ; how could he be silent when trade languished, when the mills were deserted, when those who had filled them with busy life were becoming emigrants or paupers, or, i)erhaps, urged by hunger and want, were being driven to the commission of crime ? Under such circumstances, the manufacturers had no alternative but to agitate for the repeal of laws which hindered their trade, and which, by refusing work to the operative, not alone taxed his daily bread, but actually deprived him of the means of earning it. When in 1843, Mr. Bright was returned for Durham, all his antecedents were against him. He was not a Landlord, but he was a Cotton Lord. He was not of the Church of England, but of the sect which has been more laughed at for harmless peculiarities, than admired for its virtues. As an orator Mr. Bright is unrivalled. AA'hen Manchester refused to re-elect him, during his absence and illness, the House of Commons mourned the loss of one of its brightest ornaments ; and his return for }>irniingham in 1857, was hailed with joy throughout the country. ^ ,1ici|jfi^t fyliiri. ORIGIN OF THE ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE. — EARLY MEETINGS IN NEWALL's BUILDINGS. I\IR. A. AV. PAULTON. APPOINTMENT OF LECTURERS. ISSUE OF THE ANTI-CORN-LAW CIRCULAR. DERANGEMENT OF THE CURRENCY. GREAT MEETING IN MANCHESTER. MEETING OF DEPUTIES IN LONDON, 1840. INTERVIEWS WITH LORD MELliOURNE, SIR ROBERT PEEL, AND SIR JAMES GRAHAM. UNEQUAL PRESSURE OF CUSTOMS' DUTIES. — SUGAR MONOPOLY. COALITION OF PROTECTIONISTS WITH THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. MR. C. P. VILLIERS' MOTION. AGREEABLY to a re(iuisition to the I'residcnt of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce (Mr. George ^^'m. Wood, M.P. for Kendal), a General Meeting of the members was held on the 13th December, 1838, to consider the effect of the law on the importation of Corn, and, if thought advisable, to petition Parliament for its repeal. At the meeting, the Presi- dent read a petition whicli he had drawn up. setting forth very fully the evils occasioned l)y the o])erations of the Corn Paw ; but during the discussion which followed, it became evident that he and some of the directors were divided in opinion, and Debate in the Manchester C/iani!>er of Connnerce. ^tl) that the President was more inclined to modify than to repeal the~existing Law, and the prayer of the petition wliich he had prei)ared was accordingly to that effect. It was the largest meeting of the Chamber which had ever assembled, and the discussion, after continuing for some hours, was adjourned to the following week, (the 20th December,) when the attendance was still more numerous, and comjirised the most eminent manufacturers and merchants of the district. During the interval, Mr. Cobden, Mr. J. B. Smith, and I, prepared another petition, prajing for '' tJie Repeal of all Laws relating to t/ie Inportation of Foreign Corn and other Foreign artieles of subsistence" which was submitted to the meeting for apjiroyal. The debate again extended over five hours, and the merits of the rival petitions were amply discussed. During the whole of this protracted sitting there was evidence of a deep and concentrated interest, amounting even to a feeling of solemnity. The amended form of petition was mo\'ed l)y Mr. Cobden, and seconded by Mr. R. H. Creg, and was carried by a majority of about six to one, and this Avas followed by the resignation of the President of the Chaml)er, and the appointment of Mr. J. 1]. Smith to the office. It was now seen to be necessary to follow up the action of the Chamber of Commerce liy a special organisation, and a small body of thoughtful men, under the influence of Mr. John Benjamin Smith and Mr. Archibald Prentice, including .Mr. Cobden. Mr. Thos. Bazley, Mr. A\'illiani Rawson, Mr. W. R. Callender. my brother Edmund, and mjself, met for consullalion. This little company was very soon joined by 34 RccoUcctifliis of Cohdcn and the Lcagiw. other influential gentlemen, and assumed the title of the "Anti- Corn-Law-Association ;" and on the loth January, 1839, a meeting was held at the York Hotel, " To consider the proper mode of carrying forward the proceedings of the Anti-Corn- Law Association, in a manner commensurate with the magni- tude of the obstacles to be surmounted, and worthy of the object for which it has been established."' Mr. Cobden recommended to those present, an' investment of part of their property, to save the rest from confiscation ; and subscriptions were at once put down in the room for ;^"i,Soo, and in the course of a month they had reached ^6,136 los. od. These proceedings gave vitality to the Association, which Avas soon enlarged, and adopted the title of " The National Anti- Corn-Law-League." A small narrow room, in Newall's Buildings, Market-street, was hired for our meetings, or " League Room," as we called it, and wlien first opened, there were usually not more than seven or eight members ])resent, and the room being \cxy cold, we had a red blanket hung up to mitigate the severity of the draughts of wind. When it became jjublicly known that an Association was in existence having in view the re])eal of the Corn Law, ])eo[)le came from far and near, in the greatest anxiety, giving most doleful accounts of mills and otlier works whicli were standing idle, whilst the (j]>eratives were dependent on charity or on their various parishes for support. The Association had no funds to rclicNc this distress, and could only advance the object of the distressed I)\- the publication of ])r6]>erlv authenticated statements in the newspaiters. Early Friends of t/ic League. These statements brought the League into notice, and led to many small donations of money to advance its usefulness. | The first subscription of the amount of ten pounds came from Mr. Robert Stuart, of Ardwick, and was hailed as an omen of suc- cess; other and larger subscriptions soon began to pour in, and as it became necessary to make a show of organisation, we ap- pointed Mr. John Benjamin Smith, President; Mr. William Rawson, Treasurer ; and a few of our most energetic members were formed into an Executive Council for conducting the transactions of the Body. It would be impossible to call to mind with clearness tlie names of all the devoted pioneers of the cause, who with great and commendable zeal put forth their strength in aid of the League, but I should be very remiss not to mention, in addition to those already named. The Hon. C. P. Villiers, Mr. Thomas Milner Gibson, Col. Thom^json, Lord Ducie, and Lord Radnor. It is equally impossible to narrate with entire accuracy every important occurrence of the period; but in the details of oil the ])rincipal proceedings which I remember, I shall have recourse to the publications of the day for confirmation. The League soon commenced to hold i)ublic meetings, and in various ways to disseminate facts and authentic information ; but the speakers at these meetings \ery often found that Con/ was^a_dry subject to talk about, and one that did not easih' admit of a popular st}le of address to an audience. Mr. A. W. Paulton, of Bolton, was the first to overcome this difficulty ; he exposed with great sexerit)- tlie impotent contrivances of the sliding scale, as a means of sup])lying / Rtio/kiiions of Cobdcn and t/ic League. food to the labouring man, denounced the injustice of the law, and the legislative inventors of it, and concluded his address b)- repeating with emphasis, the following extract from Lord Byron's Age of Bronze : — " For what were all the Landed patriotb born ? '' To hunt, and \ote, and raise the price of Corn. Safe in the barns, these Sabine tillers sent ■Their brethren out to battle — why ? for rent ! Year after year they voted, cent, per cent.. Blood, sweat, and tear-wrung millions : why, for rent ! They roared, they dined, they drank : they swore they meant To die for England — why then live ? — for rent ! And will they not repay the treasures lent ? No ! down with everything, and up with rent ! Their good, ill, health, wealth, joy, and discontent, Being, end, aim, religion — rent ! rent I rent ! The enthusiastic founders of the League atteiided the meeting room, in NewalVs builings, with great regularity from day to day, to such extent as the nature of their business occupations would permit, feeling and knowing that the repeal of the (]orn Law was a work that must l)e done, and that they themselves must do it. .\n extensive correspondence was originated, and liranch Associati(jns were rai)idly formed in a great number of large t(jwns, so that It l)ecame impossible for Mr. (.'obden and the otlur influential members to comply with the general desire to attend and address these branches ; the Council therefore resolved to appoint for this pur])osc a number of well qualified lecturers; but they found it no small difficulty to i^rovide a class of men who would be ])ains!.aking and Appointment of Lecturers. 37 obsonant, and wlio c:ould also address an audience witli judg- ment and effect. However, these missionaries were found, and did good service, and some of them acquired considerable oratorical skill and power in denouncing the Corn and Pro\ ision Laws, and in e\i)Osing the delusions which were promulgated by the advocates of protection. They were instructed to impress the people with the inicjuity involved in the action of the laws, and to cheer their auditors with the evidence of pro- gress from time to time, and with the certainty of eventual repeal ; but above all, not to excite anger against individuals, and to urge upon all who heard them not in any way to disturb the public peace. ( Popular interest increased everywhere, and it was found ad\isable to meet the demand for information by the issue of a weekly jjublication, which was called '"The Anti-Corn-Law Circular."' Meanwhile, the enlarged undertakings and expenses necessarily incurred, required a considerable command of funds, and it was surprising to see how cheerfully the means were ])rovided by the various Branches; indeed, the well-wishers of the League did their utmost everywhere to aid the cause by direct subscriptions, by getting up Bazaars, and liy \arious other means.j ' Of cour se the work of the League was opijosed by all who had, or who thought they had, a vested ioteresL in the mainten ance ol^jirotcctisn, an d inde ed the vigour of the agitation owed much to the opposition which it encountered. 'Fhe pro Corn Law_p.arJ;y consisted of the vast majority of 4051353 38 J^ccol/trfions of Cohdcn and tJic League. the members of both Houses of Parhament, sustained by the great bulk of the large landed proprietors of the kingdom, with many of their tenant farmers, and other officials con- nected with land. The political party of the Tories, almost without exception, united themselves with the Landlords, and opposed the work of the League. T h , e ind eppndenl gentry, so called, who by reason of wealth and position in life are usually adherents of the British con- stitution, as established by our forefathers, also supj^orted the Landlords. Qrhe working class as a body, did not ojienly support the protectionists ; but they, for the most part, held aloof from the. League, and preferred to agitate for Chartism and Par- liamentary reform, being persuaded by their leaders that this Avas a more effectual means of obtaining higher wagesj Against these varied and powerful influences, a mere handful of energetic men undertook the attack upon tl:e Corn and Provision Laws. They were men of strong will, and of .ardent temperament, but with no out- ward liretensions. \_l'hey felt strongly the injustice of a system of protection. Avhich was leading to disaster on ever}- liand, and impressed with the sacredness of the cause the)' had undertaken, they disregarded every |)ro])het of failure, although the array of odds appeared to be fearfully against them.^ Mr. Cobden, in particular, was at no loss to determine u])on a })olicy of action. He advised the Council to make no Derangement of the Currency. 39 approach to the protectionist party witli a view to convince them of their errors, as it would be time and labour thrown away. He said : — 1^" Let us fraternise with the sensible portion of the mer- cantile middle-class, and appeal to their money bags, and our political opponents will be sure to read all we have to say. "J " The Anti-Corn-Law Circular " was first published on the 1 6th of April, 1839. The import dut}- on wheat was at that time 24 8 per ([uarter, and in the four years from 1838 to 1841 inclusive, nine millions of quarters of wheat, besides ^ther grain, Avere required to be imported, at a cost of ten millions sterling for the grain, besides a similar sum for duty. This drain of l)ullion, together with other financial disturbances, ])roved embarrassing to the Bank of England, and reduced its stock of gold from ^^ 10, 126,000 in Ai)ril, 1838, to ^2,522,000 in October, 1839. How much of this derangement of our currency might have been provided against under a free trade mercantile system we can only conjecture; but the decline of our exports may serve to explain in what manner this diminution of gold may be accounted for. In the year 1839 our exports of merchandise were 53 millions sterling, and in 1842 they had fallen to 47 millions sterling, thus showing a reduction of six millions. Hence it appeared that the nation was falling to decay, commerce was declining, the operative classes were ill-employed and despairing, whilst the criminal class had increased 20 per cent, in three years. 1 40 Recollections of CobJcu and the League. Facts such as these had long been foreshadowed, and by way of a more imposing demonstration, the Council of the League held a public meeting in Manchester, and invited the presence of dejHitations from many of the large towns. The announce- ment of this meeting was received with such enthusiasm, that it was thought advisable to erect a pavilion for four thousand guests at an entertainment, which was appointed to be held 15th January, 1840. The principal speakers at this meeting were the Hon. C. P. Villiers, M.P. ; Sir William Molesworth, M.P,; Daniel O'Connell, M.P. ; James Clay, M.P. ; Joseph Brotherton, M.P. ; with Mr. Cobden, and other gentlemen. Mr. Villiers had long been identified with the ([uestion of Corn Law repeal, and having assured himself of the earnest character of the present movement, he undertook to bring' before Parliament a motion for the total and immediate repeal of the Corn Law, and to renew this motion from year to year until the repeal was accomplished. Such was the general interest excited, tliat another meeting, consisting of five thousand persons, mainly of the operative classes, was held on the following night. Miss Martineau, speaking of the League in connexion with these meetings, said "' that they set to work with a zeal, a knowledge, a pertinacity, and a spirit of self-sacrifice, probably unequalled in the history of peaceful agitation.'" M. Frederic Bastiat, the celebrated French economist, in his ])ublication, " Cobden et la Ligue," says :--" Certainly there needed more than ordinary courage to face such an enterprise. Lord Mellwitnic, Sir Robert Fed ixiui Sir James Graliam. 4 1 The adversaries to be combated were in possession of riches, influence, the Legislature, the Church, the State, the pubhc treasure, the soil, government places, and monopoly ; and thev were walled round by traditional deference and veneration. But the aspect of these difficulties did not frighten the founders of the League. After having looked them in the face and measured their strength, they be- lieved they had strength to conquer them. The agitation was decided upon, and Manchester was the cradle of the grand movement." Before the deputations from the various branches left ALmchester, it was concluded by the Council that represen- tatives of various towns and districts should be asked to assemble in London, on the 24th of ISLarch, 1840. On that day 200 deputies appeared, and obtained an interview with the premier. Lord Melbourne. Having stated their object, namely, the repeal of the Corn Law, his Lordship curtly remarked, " You know that to be impracticable." The cold- ness of this official reception caused considerable indignation amongst those wlio were present. The deputies then procured interviews with Sir Robert Peel, Sir James Graham, and other leading members of Parliament, and the result in every case was equally unsatisfactory. The deputation seemed to be in no way acceptable to Sir James Graham. He was i)erverse and captious to an extent which we could only account for as the consec[uence of some severe commentaries which had appeared from one of our Lecturers, who had been in the neighbourhood of his estates, and who Rccollt'ctious of Cobdcn and the Lca^^uc. had reflected strongly upon his disregard of the duties of a Landlord towards his tenants. When Mr. John Brooks described the distress in the cotton trade, Sir James retorted that the consumption of cotton was greater than at any previous period, and Mr. Thomas Ashton replied that the dependents were more numerous than at any l)revious period, and that coarser yarns were being spun. Mr. Drooks proceeded with his address, when Sir James trip] ted him up again by calling him a Chartist, and Mr. \\ . Rawson interposed, and told Sir James that Mr. Brooks was not a Chartist, but that he (Mr. Rawson) had no objection to be called by that name. My turn came next, and I exclaimed against the injustice of restricting the imports of food in order to uphold rents, shewing that the inevitable effect would be to increase the sense of unHiir treatment which was now felt by the people, and which it behoved every well-wisher of his country not to disregard. At this point, Sir James called out. "Why you are a leveller," and in an insolent tone encjuired •' whether he was to infer that the labouring classes had some claim to the Landlords' estates." Being somewhat startled, I ap])ealcd to my colleagues as to whether anything 1 had said supported such an idea, when Mr. 'I'homas Ashton called out, " go on Mr. Ash worth and never mind what he has said." Sir James in reply to the deputation said, that if the Corn Laws were repealed, great disasters would fall upon the country, that the land would go out of cultivation, that Church and State could not be upheld, that all our Institutions would be reduced to their ])rimilive elements, and that the people we were UihUjiial rressiire of CustoDis' Duties. 45 exciting, would pull doAvii our houses about our ears. We responded to the effect, that to uphold our Institutions, we must remove injustice ; that we had no fear for our own houses, and that whatever might become of the established Church, we had no fear for religion. After this interview, the deputies passed a resolution, pledging themselves to disregard all party politics, and hence- forth only to assist the return of those members to Parliament, who would \"ote for the repeal of the Corn Law. In Man- chester, a number of ladies took up the ({uestion, and held an Anti-Corn- Law Tea Party, which was attended by 850 persons. During the year 1840, the state of the country did not im- prove, and that vigilant reformer and economist, Mr. Joseph Hume, moved for a Committee of Inquiry into the pressure of Customs duties upon commerce, and into the condition of our foreign trade. This Committee was appointed, and it was as- certained by evidence that the duty upon food and the raw materials of labour, had in recent years amounted to upwards of twenty millions sterling a year ; and that the Customs duties were taxing subsistence and seriously impeding labour. The Customs revenue was so unecpially levied, that out of 17 articles only, there was raised as much as 94) j per cent, of the whole income, whilst no more than 5^{. per cent, was raised upon 1,100 other duty-i)aying articles, which were thus prac- tically excluded from the kingdom. The evidence, when published, produced a startling effect, and the President of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Mr. J. 1). Smith, drew out. in a condensed form, some of the 44 RecoUeitious of Cobden and tlic Lea\::;uc. leading characteristics of Mr. Hume's Report, which the Chamber pubHshed as a pamphlet, for general circulation. This Report also showed the remarkable success of the com- mercial policy adopted by Mr. Huskisson in the years 1824 and 1825, in relation to the Silk, Linen, Woollen, and other trades, and which policy tended towards practical freedom of exchange. The Report stated, that our West India colonists were enjoying a protection in the article of sugar of (iV\^- per lb., or ;j{^6, 000,000 per annum ; and it was remarked that to these very colonists we had recently ])aid ^20,000,000 for the abolition of slavery ; and it was estimated, that including interest on the slave compensation money, tlie British people were then paying ;^7,ooo,ooo per annum to our West Indian colonies, for the privilege of selling to them home products of the value of ^3,000,000 a year. But the monopoly which was .standing at the head of all others was the food monopoly, as embodied in the Corn and Provision Laws. Mr. James Deacon Hume, who for 38 years had held an official situation in the Customs, and for 11 years was Secretary to the Boartl of Trade, stated in his evidence, on the food monopoly, "I conceive that the actual money paid and the evil effect computed in money, would be more than the whole revenue of the country." At a meeting of the members of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce on the nth March, 1841, the abstract of the report of Mr. Hume's Committee, as j)repared by the President, was read, and a deputation was ap[)()inte(l to wait u])on Sir Robert Peel, the premier expectant, to present to him a copy thereof, Tlic Sugar Monopoly. 45 and to urge the importance and necessity of adopting a sound commercial policy. The deputation urged upon Sir Robert, the abolition of all protective duties, as indispensable to the restoration of our Commerce from its present stagnation. One of the deputation, Mr. Edmund Cirundy, of Bury, in which town Sir Robert had been born and brought up, addressed him ver}- plainly and powerfully; exhibiting the distress which was borne by the working classes of Bury, for want of employ- ment, and the very severe losses which had fallen upon the owners of mills, manufactories and other property, some of which was then held under leases terminable with the life of Sir Robert ; the only possible remedy for which distress was, cheap food and unrestricted commerce. The Rev. Mr. Lowe, of Forfar, became very excited, and after solemnly describing the sufferings of the operative classes of Forfiir, he insisted that the only solid ground of hope was in the repeal of the Corn and Provision Laws, and all other trade monopolies ; and he pointed out how awful would be the responsibility of Sir Robert Peel, if, as first prime minister of the Crown, having in his own hands the opportunity of redressing this fearful injustice, he should neglect that o])por- tunity, and be called before the bar of eternal justice, leaving such a duty unfulfilled. On the occasion of the interview with Sir Robert Peel, a conversation ensued on the Sugar monoj^oly as enjoyed by the West India jilanters. and reference was made to tlie views held l)y Sir Fowell Buxton, and to a recent pamphlet on this (piestion by Mr. Wm. Rathbone Greg, in favour of a ])artial 46 Recollections of Cohdcii a/id the League. protection for a limited period, but with this subject the depu- tation had nothing officially to do. Allusion was then made to a reported coalition of Corn Law defenders and colonial protectionists, with a view to support each other in Parliament. This report was found to be correct, and it was also found that an increase of the sugar duties was contemplated by the coalition. At the close of this interview m\ colleagues, Mr. J. B. Smith and Mr. Holland Hoole, returned to Manchester, whilst I, being a member of the Anti-Slavery Society, remained in London, to ascertain whether the Committee of that body were aware of this coalition, and whether they had assented to the proposed increase of duty upon Colonial Sugar. I waited upon the Committee, at tlieir offices in Old Broad Street, and asked them for an explanation. One of the Committee retorted upon me rather .smartly, that they had assented to the proposed increase of duty, and that they had done this with their eyes opL-n. and with a \ iew to promote an increase of kindness on the part of the planters towards their negro apprentices. I remonstrated, and as a Corn Law repealer, gave them my reasons for resisting such a i)roceeding, and left the room under a feeling of humiliation and grief Ha\ing ascertained that, in a few days, the Annual Meeting of the Society would be held at Ivxeter Hall, I resolved to attend it, and raise this question for the decision of the great body of the members. Mean- while, 1 pre])ared a small leaflet detailing the nature of the (piestion, and on the day of the meeting, had 1,000 copies distributed in the Strand, and about the doors of the Tlic A)iti-Shn'cry and rrotcctioiiist Coalition. 47 hall. The hour for the meeting came, and the liall was filled. When the Annual Report had lieen moved and .seconded, I mo\ed by way of amendment '' tiiat it do not passi' and stated as my reason the acknowledged coalition of protectionists with which the Committee were identified, and stated that they had given their assent to an increase of the monopoly duty on sugar. I appealed very earnestly to that large audience, whether they were prepared to dishonour the sound principles of the Anti-Corn-Law League against monopoly in thread, l.)y contributing to the funds of the Anti-Slavery Society to sustain an increase on the monopoly price of sugar t The meeting showed symptoms of confusion, and when I sat down, a working man from the body of the Hall applied to the Chairman for leave to speak, and was invited to the ])latform. He threw down his cap, and announced himself as a chartist from Birmingham, but said he could most fully sup- port the views which I had ex^jressed. He spoke most fer- vently, and the meeting responded vociferously to his remarks. At this juncture, some of the members of the Committee came to me with the proposal that they would withdraw the assent they had promised to the coalition, if I Mould not press my amendment ; and I agreed to hold it in abeyance for the ])resent, promising that if they would modify their speeches to the occasion, I would afterwards allow the Report to pass unopposed. This I did, and no more was heard of the coalition between the colonial protectionists and the defenders of the Corn Law, 48 Ri'colhrfions of Cobdoi and tJic League. [The motion of the Hon. C. P. VilHers for the repeal of the Corn Law Avas then before the House of Commons, and I attended the debates, with a view to discover what the su])- porters of these Corn and Provision Laws would consider their strongest grounds of defence. After several nights of dis- cussion, the cl osing speech on the part of the defenders was that of Sir Robert Peel, who appeared somewhat shy as to the benefits of the law, but insisted strongly that the distress of the country had arisen from other causes, and not from the operation of the Corn Law. He then turned upon the repealers, and remarked, sarcastically, upon the loose and inconsistent character of their advocacy. He stated that in an interview he had recently had with a deputation from the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, one of the members, Mr. Henry Ashworth, had pleaded very urgently on behalf of free trade in corn, and had afterwards commended the proj^osal of a Pamphlet of Mr. W . R. Oreg, in favour of protection to sugar! I I was very much startled to hear a false accusation deliberately made by a statesman holding so high a position as Sir Robert Peel, and I immediately reepiested Mr. Mark Philips to rise and correct the misstatement, but he found that he could nf)t do so. as Sir Robert Peel's speech had closed the debate. / I therefore wrote a letter, contra- dicting the statement and explaining the matter, and this letter was inserted in the '" .Morning Chronicle,'' immediately after Sir Robert Peel's speech. Py the following ])ost, the state- ment 1 had ))ublislie(l was conHrmed from Manchester by the Sir Robert Peel a/id Henry As/ncort/i. 49 testimony of my colleagues. Sir Robert Peel, when correcting his speech for Hansard's debates, omitted the whole of that portion. I jiresume he had discovered that he had in his speech transferred the eulogium which I liad passed upon the pamphlet issued by the Chamber of Commerce, and which was presented to him by the deputation, to the pamphlet published by Mr. \\. R. Greg, which had only been the subject of casual conversation. I Ittipfer f 0tetft!, THE PROPOSAL OF AN EIGHT SHILLINGS DUTY. MEETING OF CORN LAW REPEALERS. CHARTISTS AND PROTECTIONISTS IN MANCHESTER, JUNE, 184I. — MR. COBDEN, M.P. FOR STOCK- PORT. MR. GEORGE WILSON, CHAIRMAN OF THE LEAGUF,.- — SIR ROBERT PEEL, PRIME MINISTER. MR. COP.DEN IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. — COL. THOMPSON ON THE SIEGE OF BOLTON. MR. W. B. FERRAND. THE Ministry of Lord Melbourne became very much en- feebled, and as he was unwilling to surrender power, he informed the House of Lords that he had changed his mind on the subject of the Corn Law, and at the same time, his col- league. Lord John Russell, i)n)i)Osed to the House of Commons, to impose a fixed duty of 8/- i)er cpuirter on imported wheat, 5/- on rye, 4'6 on barley, and 3/4 on oats. The discussion on this proposal was however postponed, and on the 4th of June, 1 84 1, Parliament was dissolved. .\n impression prevailed that this ministerial [)roposal of an 8/- duty would find favour with the League : but the Council dis- claimed any com])i"oinise with injustice, and issued an address, C/iartists and Protectionists in Manchester. urging their friends not to allow the cause of repeal to be thus weakened. Some of the working men of Manchester, under the in- creasing severity of their sufferings, determined to assist tlie cause of the League, and in three days 5,390 of them signed a requisition to the Council of the l>eague, for a public meeting in Stevenson's Stpiare, to be presided over by Mr. Cobden. When the meeting was announced for June 21st, 1841, a counter placard was issued by the advocates of "The People's Charter," addressed to their followers in Manchester and all the large towns adjacent, urging them to congregate in countless thousands, and put down •' the humbug clap-tra]) of the League." During the night before the meeting, hustings were erected by the Chartists close to the ])latform of the Requisitionists. and there was circulated a formidable list of Chartist leaders who were expected to be present ; and amongst them were the names of Dr. Sleigh and Mr. Wilkins, a barrister-at-law. It was soon ascertained, that these last- named gentlemen had been deputed to be present by ''The Central Society for the Protection of Agriculture," and the secret was also disclosed, that a che(|ue for ^,150, drawn by the Duke of Buckingham in fa\()ur of Mr. ^\'ilkins, had been presented for payment at the P.ank f)f Jones, Lloyd, and Co., of Manchester. When the leaguers went to the meeting the\ found that a body of Chartists, with a display of ol)n()\ious flags, hr.d previously surrounded the platfonti. The League Reqiiisi- 52 Recollections of Cob den ami tiie Leai^i/e. lionists and their supporters were l)elieved to represent twenty tliousand of those present. Mr. Cobden took the chair, and a Resolution was mo\-ed by Mr. Absalom Watkin, "That in the opinion of this meeting, the bread tax is impolitic, injurious and unjust."' i I After some other speeches, Dr. Sleigh addressed the meet- ing, and was patiently heard until he declared his opinion, that the Corn Law was not the cause of the distress, when a storm of disapprobation arose which caused him to retire ; and as it was believed that the Duke of Buckingham's cheque in the Jiands of Mr. ^\'ilkins would be the occasion of disturbance in the meeting if he spoke, it was decided that he should not \k'. heard. .Several working men afterwards addressed the meeting, and a petition for the total and immediate abolition of the C!orn Law was carried all but unanimously^ A general election being at hand, it was determined that Mr. Cobden should, if ])Ossible, lie returned to Parliament, and be tlie recognised l*arliamentary leader of the League, and 1k' was accordingly nominated and elected for the borough (;f Stockport. Mr. J. B. Smith, on account of failing Iiealth. resigned the presidency of the League, wlicn Mr. Oeorge Wilson accepted the ajjpointmenl, and retained tlie oftlce tlirougliout the sub- sec^uent existence of the organisation. On the 19th of August, icS.;!. a new Parliament assembled, and an amendment on the reply to Her Majesty's Speech was carried by a majority of 91, and on the night of August 30th the Melbourne Ministry resigned. Mr. Cobdeirs Debut in Parliai/w/ii. A new Government was formed, with Sir Robert Peel as Premier, the Duke of A\'eUington, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir James Graham, being also members of the Cabinet, and the whole official staff were high Conservatives, and adherents of the sliding scale Corn Law. The misery throughout the country was at this time most heart-rending. The new Premier, however, was quiet and calm, and would make no disclosure of his policy, but in the House of Lords, the Duke of Wellington did not hesitate to declare, that there was no deficiency of corn in the country, and that the food (juestion had nothing to do with the existing distress ; that it was owing to want of work and wages, and various other causes ; but that he had never heard how Parlia- ment could do anything in such a case. Amongst the advocates of Free Trade returned to the new Parliament besides Mr. Cobden, were Dr. Bowring, for Bolton ; Messrs. Mark Philips and Thomas Milner (iibson, for Man- chester, and Mr. Joseph Brotherton, for Salford. On the 25th August, 1841, in the debate on the address, Mr. Cobden told the case of the bread-winners in a way which fixed the attention of the House and the country upon him, and led to incjuiries as to his origin ; which was followed by the discovery that he was a calico printer from Manchester, who was ready to sacrifice his time, his talents, and his fortune, in the great cause of Corn Law repeal. It was remarked, that he did not receive very great courtesv, nor indeed could he expect it from an assembly composed so largely of representatives of the Landed hiterest ; and 54 Recollections of Cohdeii and tJie League. some of his most pathetic statements were received with jeers. He said, '" he did not know Avhethcr it was the suj;posed injustice of his cause, or the humble individual who advocated it, that excited this manifestation of feeling, but he persisted in the fact he had stated, that the noble- man's family paid to this bread tax but one halfpenny in every /^loo of his income, while the effect of the tax u])on the labouring man's family was 20 per cent, at least. He had lately had the opportunity of jjerusing a report on the state of our labouring population in all parts of the country. I'robably honourable gentlemen were aware that a \ery important meet- ing had been lately held at Manchester ; he alluded to the meeting of ministers of religion. (A laugh.) He understood that laugh ; but he should not ])ause in his statement of f;icts, l)Ut might perhaps notice it before concluding. He had seen a body of ministers of religion of all denominations. 650 in number, assembled from all parts of the countrv, at an ex- pense of from three to four thousand pounds, which was paid by their respective congregations. At that meeting most im- portant statements -of facts were made relating to the con- dition of the labouring classes. He would not trouble the House by reading those statements; but they showed that in every district of the country, the condition of the great l)ody of Her Majesty's subjects had deteriorated wofully within the last ten years, and more especially within the last three years; and that in proportion as the ])rice of food increasetl, in the same projjortion the comforts of the working classes were diminished. One word with respect to the manner in which his Mr. Cobdens Debut in Parliament. 55 allusion to this meeting had been received. He did not come there to vindicate the conduct of these Christian ministers in having assembled to take this subject into consideration. The parties who had to judge them were their own congregations. There were at that meeting members of the Established Church, of the Church of Rome, Independents, Baptists, members of the Church of Scotland, and of the Secession Church, Methodists, and, indeed, ministers of every denomination ; and if he were disposed to impugn the characters of those divines, he felt that in doing so he should be casting a stigma and a reproach upon the great body of i)rofessing Christians in this country. He happened to be the only member of the House who had been present at that meeting ; and he might be allowed to state, that when he heard the tales of misery there related, — when he heard those ministers declare that members of their congegations were kept away from places of worship during the morning service for want of decent clothes, and only crept out under cover of the darkness of the night ; when he heard them describe others as unfit to receive spiritual consolation, because they were sunk so low in physical destitution ; that the attendance at the Sunday schools was falhng off ;— when he heard these and such like statements, from such authority, he, who believed that the Corn Law, and the provision monopoly, were at the bottom of all that was endured, must say that he rejoiced to see gentlemen of such character come forward, and like Nathan, when he addressed the owner of flocks and herds who had plundered the poor man of his only lamb, say to the doer of injustice, whoever it might be, 'Thou 56 Recollectiom of CoIhL'h and the League. art the man!' The people, through their ministers, liad pro- tested against the Corn and Provision Laws. Those laws had been tested and condemned by the immutable morality of Scripture. Those reverend gentlemen had prepared and signed a petition in which tliey prayed for the removal of those law.s — laws which they said \ iolated the promises of the Scriptures, and prevented famishing children from having a portion of those fa- therly bounties which were intended for all people. He would remind honourable gentlemen, that besides the 650 ministers who were present, there were 1,500 others from whom letters had been received, and who were offering up i:)ray(jrs in their several localities to incline the will of Him who ruled princes and potentates, to turn the hearts of their rulers to justice and mercy. When they found so many ministers of religion forgetting their sectarian differences and joining liand and heart in a great cause, there could be no doubt of their earnestness. Englishmen had a respect for rank, — for wealth, perhaps too much respect. They felt an attachment to the laws of their country ; but there was another attribute in the minds of Englishmen — there was a paramount veneration for sacred things ; and where this sympathy, and respect, and deference, were enlisted in what they believed to be a sacred cause, 'you and yours,' declared the speaker, ad- dressing the Protectionists, " will vanish like chaff before the whirlwind." Some of the laughing members of the House of Commons called Mr. Cobden a Aletliodist parson, a pledged radical, a representative of the Manchester manufacturers, an embodi- The Siege of Bolton. 57 ment of cotton spinning, and therefore a sworn foe of the landed interest. Others there were who considered this a simple statement of a weighty matter, and who called it a great speech. On the 7th January, 1S42, the distress of some i)ortion of the working class of Bolton was graphically and pathetically described by Col. Peronett Thompson. After having become identified with the League, he had felt desirous to acquaint him- self with the state of Lancashire, and accepted my in\itation for that purpose. 1 accompanied him to the homes of a con- siderable number of the operative classes, and when he heard them describe their sufferings, his feelings became completel} overpowered, and the old soldier shed tears. On our return home in the evening he wrote to the Editor of " The Sun " newspaper the following letter : — "to ']hk kditor of the sun. "Sir, — I have betn at the siege of Bolton ; iox nothing but some such cause suggests itself as adequate to the phenomenon. And is it not a siege ? not carried on perhaps by an enemy within gun shot, but by one working on a wider radius, and making his blockade by sea upon the means of life. " Many sights it has been my chance to see. I think I know what is the minimum of help by which horse, ass, dog, hog, or monkey can sus- tain existence, and where it must go out for want of appliances and means of living. But anything like the squalid misery, the slow, mouldering, putrefying death by which the weak and the feeble of the working classes are perishing here, it never befel my eyes to behold, nor my imagination to conceive. And the creatures seem to have no idea of resisting, or even repining. They sit down with oriental submission, as if it was God, and not the Landlord, that was laying his hand upon 58 RccoIIcctiom of Cohdeii and flic League. them. And when their honourable representative in Parliament gave a description of their sufterings, 'liar' was the best word applied to him by the organs of tyrannj-. " Did 3^ou ever set eyes on a penny\sorth of mutton ? Come here and you shall see how rations are served out under the Landlord's state of siege. It might bait a rat-trap ; though a well-fed rat would hardly risk his personalities for such a pittance. Pennyworths of mutton, and halfpenny worths of bread cut off the loaf, arc what the shopkeepers of Bolton deal out to the inhabitants of their Jerusalem. I saw a woman come for one halfpenny worth of bread, which was to be the dinner of herself and children twain ; and when I reflected that of this transpa- rent slice the other one was gone to buy the Landlord's sack, astonish- ment possessed me at the endurance of that long-bearing ass the public, and the extent to which ignorance and divisions will prop the rich man's robbery. " I saw another mother of a family, who said she had not tasted mbat for many months; and on one of the children being sent oft" to the butcher's for some of the strange luxury, she was discovered making many efforts to intercept the messenger. Her anxiety was to instruct the boy to bring back nothing but one pennyw orth of bacon : there was a to-morrow, and to-morrow, and to-morrow, for \\hich she had conceived the idea of spinning out existence bv means of the remainder of the fund. " If you are curious in human misery, if you are anxious to know what a shabby tyranny can bring the rank and lile to suffer, come, at your leisure, to the 'leaguer"' of Bolton, and see what the people sleep upon, if they do sleep. Chopped dirt, the sweepings of a hen house mingled with a proportion of sparrows' nests, to show that men had heard of straw, would be the best representatives of what they liuddle upon in corners, and call it resting. And all this because Sir Having Greedy, votes in the House of Commons for closing honest trade, as the means of doubling his rents. " The minister, meanwhile, and his associates, are racking their tender hearts to find a remedy. As in O'ConnePs celebrated story of the horse, ' wii.i, 'rnI■.^■ try cokn ? " They will try anything except allow the sufferers to keep themselves ; for that would interfere with the plans of those who, being rich already, use their riches as the means of doubling iheiu b_\- confiscation of the poor man's bread. Lord J. Manners, Hon. Afr. Sniythc, 6^ //' B. Fcrrand, Af. P. 59 " There is danger in their schemes. Already people of all kinds are parodying the sentiment of the Italians — " ad ogm nomo vv/.zic.k yri:sTo KARRARo DoMiNio ;" which may be translated for English use, ' Neither man nor woman will endure this dynasty of clodhoppers." It uants nothing but the privates of the regiment to know what hurts them, and to get rid (as they are doing fast) of the various false lights thrown out to induce them to run in every direction that will preserve the evil ; and a quicker end than pleasant may be put to mischiefs, w liich nobod}' would remove by an earlier application of the prudential virtues.— Yours, very sincerely. " T. Pekonett Thomi'son." Soon afterwards I received an application from a Tor)- friend, to assist in a visit of the like character by Lord John Manners and the Hon. Mr. Smythe, two members of parliament who were well known protectionists, and I conducted them to the same places that 1 had shewn to Col. Thompson, and I regret to remark, that I did not observe the same deep symjjathy that the old soldier had exhibited, nor do I remember the same sort of alms-giving; but they indicated a good deal of curiosity, and made inquir\- about the previous condition and other circum- stances of the families they visited. At this time there was in i)arliament, and usually sitting beside Lord John Manners and his friend Smythe, another protectionist member, Mr. \Vm. Busfield Ferrand, M. P. for Ivitaresborough, whose character and conduct in J'arliament was sometimes characterised as '' ri/ffianly:' 'I'his gentleman niade it his parliamentary vocation to abuse the leaders of the League individually, and on one occasion, he chose to speak of me, in terms too atrocious to be l)elieved, .My case and my reputation were most effectively defended 6o Jiecol/(Xtioiis of Cobdcn and tlw League. by Dr. Bowring, one of the members for Bolton, wlio appealed for confirmation of his statements to Lord John Manners and his friend Mr. Smythe, who were then sitting side by side with Mr. Ferrand, but neither of them appeared willing to answer to the call. Upon a subseciucnt occasion, however, the matter being again referred to, Lord John Manners admitted having shared my hospitality and attention, and asserted his belief in my generosity and kindness to the poor ; but did not then fully disavow Mr. Ferrand's declamatory remarks. Amongst the many cases of distress which I visited, there was one which i)roduced a sense of grief and pain of unusual intensity. The fother of the family was sitting at the dinner table with his wife and 3 or 4 children. He was evidently familiar with the chief cause of the depression of trade, as illus- trated by the Lecturers of the League, and when he saw me enter his house, he rose up in a state of fiery indigniation ; he rolled uj) his shirt sleeves, and flourishing his l)rawnv muscular arms, he exclaimed, " they have brought me to this at last, and I know not what I am to come to."' I tried to tranquilise his feelings, and inquired who it was that he had referred to, and his reply was "those folk at Lunnon." Eventually I learned that he had formerly been a blacksmitli at Westhoughton. but had found more regular emi)loyment in the works of an eminent engineer in Bolton, until through bad trade the business of the engineer was stopped, and that he was now unemployed. On the table he had a loaf of bread and a pitcher of buttermilk, this being all the food in the house, and these he had purchased by ])awning one of his shirts. I never saw him again, but I heard Ebenezer Elliott, the Corn-Law Rliyincr. 6i that he had afterwards l^een removed to an Asylum and had died there. Poetry, chiefly of the plaintive and pathetic kind, also lent its aid to the League. That of Ebenezer Elliott was very touching ; and the " Song of the Shirt," by Tom Hood, although not purposely designed for the cause of the League, was a timely and api)ropriate illustration of human suffering. At this period the whole of the Island, from Cornwall to Caithness, was in commotion. To give a sketch of the meetings would fill a volume. Merchants, manufiicturers, and representatives of every class in all our poi)ulous towns, thronged together to listen and to learn, and to join in the outcry against man-made famine. I present here a specimen of the writings of Ebenezer Elliott, and I think that the reader will feel that they came straight from the heart of the writer, and were well calculated for the purpose which he sought to advance. CAGED RATS. Ye coop us up, and tax our bread. And wonder why we pine .• But ye are fat, and round, and red, And filled with tax-bought wine. Thus twelve rats starve, while three rats thrive, (Like you on mine and me,) When fifteen rats are caged alive, With food for nine and three. Hark! Havoc's torch begins to glow — The ending is begun ; Make haste ! Destruction tkinks ye slow ; Make haste to be undone ! 62 Recollections of Cohdeii ami tin- Lcoi^ne. Why are ye called "my Lord" and " Squire," While fed by mine and me, And wringing food, and clothes, and fire, From bread-taxed misery ? Make haste, slow rogues! prohibit trade, Proltibit honest gain ; Turn all the good that God hath made To fear, and hate, and pain ; Till beggars all, assassins all, All cannibals we be, And death shall have no funeral From shipless sea to sea. SONG. Child, is thy father dead ? Father is gone ! Why did they tax his bread ? God's will be done ! Mother has sold her bed ; Better to die than wed ! Where shall she lay her head ? Home we have none. I'ather clamm'd thrice a week — God's will be done ! Long for work did he seek W'ork he found none. Tears on his hollow cheek Told what no tongue could speak Why did his master break ? God's will be done I Ebenezcr Elliott, tin- Coni-Law RJiyiner. 63 Doctor said air was best — Food we had none ; Father with panting breast, Groaned to be gone : Now he is with the blest — Mother says death is best ! We have no place of rest — Yes, ye have one ! STANZA. The gnat sings through its little day ; The tiniest weeds how glad are they ! Man only lives on tears and sighs, A living death before he dies ! Yet while the tax-gorged lords of land Blast toil's stout heart, and skill's right hand, We curse not them who curse the soil ; We only ask for "leave to toil." For labour, food — to us our own ; For woven wool, a mutton bone ; A little rest, a little corn, For weary man, to trouble born ! But not the sneer of them we feed ! Their workhouse graves ! their chains for need ! The d} ing life of blighted flowers ! And early death for us and ours ! We only ask to toil and eat ! But hungrier men with us compete; For they who tax our bread, and smile, Deprive of bread our sister isle ! 64 Ri'CoUedious of Cobden and the League. And towards the end of the struggle, when session after session of Parliament had passed without visible progress, and men began to lose faith in the divine go\ernment of the world, Elliott wrote the following : — THE PEOPLE'S ANTHEM. Writ 1 1- II for Music, at the request of W. T. Wood, Esq. When wilt Thou save the people ? O God of mercy! When ? Not kings and lords, but nations ! Not thrones and crowns, but men ! Flowers of thy heart, O God, are they ! Let them not pass, like weeds, awaj- ! Their heritage a sunless day ! God, save tlie people ! Shall crime bring crime for ever. Strength aiding still the strong? Is it Thy will. Oh. Father, That man shall toil for wrong ? " No ! " say Thy mountains, " No ! " Thy skies, " Man's clouded sun shall brightly rise. And songs be heard instead of sights," God, save the people ! . When w ilt Thou save the people ? Oh, God of mercy ! When ? The people. Lord, the people ! Not thrones and crowns, but men ! God ! save the people, Thine they are, Thy children, as Thy angels fair: Save them from bondage, and despair ! God, save the people ! Copied from "More Verse and Prose," by the Corn-Law Rhymer. In 2 Vols., 1850. THE LEAGUE IN THE METROPOLIS. THE AGRICULTURAL PRO- TECTION SOCIETY. — THE MADDEST THING LORD MELBOURNE HAD EVER HEARD OF. LORD STANLEY ON THE DISTRICT OF TAMBOFF. — CURRY POWDER FOR I'OOD. — ADHESION OF EARLS FITZAVILLIAM, RADNOR, CLARENDON, AND LANSDOWNE. — THE SESSION OF 1842. SIX HUNDRED DEPUTIES IN LONDON. THE SLIDING SCALE. SIR ROBERT PEEL A FREE TRADER, EX- CEPT IN CORN AND SUGAR. — SUBSCRIPTIONS TO THE LEAGUE. —THE LEAGUE A GREAT FACT. — MR. COBDEN ON SIR ROBERT peel's PROPOSAL. — MR. T. B. MACAULAY. LONDON is proverbially difificult to move in public matters, but the work of Messrs. Villiers, Cobden, Bright, and others, had in spite of many obstacles, raised a spirit of enquiry into the wrongs inflicted by the policy of protection ; and the Council of the League, in order to secure the effective co-operation of the Metropolis in their work, sent a deputation, consisting of Messrs. R. H. Greg, William Evans, Hamer Stansfield, of Leeds, and myself, to London, and after several consultations with Mr. C. P. X'illiers, Mr. Thos. Milner Gibson, Mr. ^^■arburton, and Mr. E 66 Rccolkctious of C oh den and the League. Joseph Parkes, we hired rooms, at 67, Fleet-street, appointed a Secretary-, and advertised our presence by a stirring appeal to the citizens. We then solicited contributions, and in a short time tlie question of Corn Law Repeal became so popular, that Drury Lane Theatre could scarcely supply room enough for the audiences which attended the meetings. At length a number of the largest territorial proprietors began to manifest uneasiness, and the " x\gricultural Protection Society" engaged offices at 17, Old Bond-street, and adopted measures for the purpose of upholding the Corn Laws. The most prominent leaders were the Duke of Buckingham and the Duke of Richmond, and amongst their immediate supporters were some of the most powerful and influential of the Land owners and tenant Farmers of the kingdom. They did not dare to make a disjjlay of their strength by holding public meetings in London after the manner of the League, but they held small meetings in country places, in which they could collect and ad- dress some times as many as 200 or 300 persons. They issued a good many pamphlets and other small publications, written chiefly by land agents, and others who were immediately depen- dent on the pursuits of agriculture. The leading object of these publications was to show, that the free importation of foreign grain v>ould have the effect of destroying British Agriculture by throwing the land out of cultivation. They asserted that the cry for cheap food, as advocated by the League, really meant lower wages ; and endea\oured to persuade the working classes, tliat they were more interested in a high price for grain tlian a /oiu one. 'I'here was a good deal of bandying about of Lord Stanley on the District of Taiiiboff. 67 the discarded opinions of public men, and an imposing effect was created by sucli an authority as that of Lord Melbourne, who had said in the House of Lords, '* That lie had heard of many mad things in his life, but before God, the idea of repealing the Corn Laws was the maddest he had ever heard of,"' and his colleague in the ministry, Lord John Russell, who had counselled the House of Commons to refuse to hear evidence on the operations of the Corn Law. One noble Lord who was waited upon by 'a deputation, after hearing what they had to say on the subject of repeal, at once closed the interview by telling them that their agitation would be of no avail, that " they might as well attempt to overthrow the Monarchy as to repeal the Corn and Provision LaAvs." Lord Stanley (the 13th Earl of Derby), stated, evidently with a view to create alarm amongst the Farmers, that if the Corn Law was repealed, " this country would be inun- dated with foreign grain," and by way of proof, he assured them " that in one single province in Russia, that of Tam- boff, there was a surplus growth of 30 millions of (juarters of wheat per annum, which of itself would swamp the English market." It was afterwards discovered that he had been misinformed, and that the entire growth of wheat in the province of Tamboff did not exceed two millions of quarters. The Duke of Norfolk, who admitted the existence of distress, but upheld the Corn Law, was said to have recom- mended, perhaps from a feeling of compassion, that the operative classes, who were suffering from hunger, should take 68 Hico/Ircf/'ons of Cohdcu and the League. nn occasional pinch of cwxxy powder, in a little -water, to allay their craving for food. About this time, I was invited, through Mr. Parker, one of the members for Shefificld, to pay a visit to the Earl Fitzwilliam. Accordingly, I waited upon him, and when he had introduced the subject of the League, he inquired the n.ames of the leading members, and the general character of the proceedings of the body. I gave him the names of noblemen and other titled persons, and also some of the principal merchants and large manufacturers in the various towns in the nortli. who were contributors to the funds, and some of whom were actively associated with the proceedings of the League. He was agreeably impressed with all that I told him, and exjiressed liimself in favour of repeal, and by way of explanation stated that his reason for inquiry was, the i)revalence in certain quar- ters, of reports unfavourable to the character and standing of the principal parties to the movement, coupled witli insinuations that some of the Manchester people were great gamblers ; and that this latter impression arose from the fact that two or three (•()lumns of the Manchester newspapers were usually devoted to turf topics. Some time after my interview, ls\x. Cobden received an invitation to become his Lordship's guest at Wentworth Mouse, and to accompan\- him on 21st October, 1S43, to an Anti-Corn-l,a\v Meeting at Doncaster. The s])eakers at that meeting were Ivul Fitzwilliam, Mr. Cobden, ]N[r. Childers, and Mr. fohn IJriglU. who had arrived that morning from The Metropolitan Papers. 69 London, and who had for some time past taken an important part in the proceedings of the League. I received requests in Hke manner to wait upon Lord Radnor, upon Lord Clarendon, and upon Lord Lansdowne, and I found that all of them were in favour of the rejjeal of the Corn Laws, and that they were also desirous to ascertain the constitution and character of the Anti-Corn-Law League. 'I'hey had already become favourably impressed, and, conse- quently, their intpiiries were not so minute and searching as those of Earl Fitzwilliam. The excitement raised at the numerous meetings, which were being held in the manufacturing towns for charitable objects, together with the proceedings of the lecturers employed by the League, secured the attention of the literary profes- sion and the editors of po]jular newspapers. Dr. W. Cooke' Taylor visited most of the towns of Lancashire, and published in the "" Morning Chronicle "' '* Notes of a Tour in the Manu- facturing Districts ;" shewing in vivid colours the depression of trade, and the destitute condition of the people. But th interest of the general press was not secured without some difficulty in the early days of the League. Indeed the London l)ai)ers. with the exception of " The Sun,"' completely ignored our work for a considerable period, and the reports of the Conferences and other important proceedings were only secured in the Sun I)y a subvention of ^500 a year ; whilst various of the Provincial pajx-rs recpiired orders by the League of 1000 copies on the occasion of any lengthy reptjrt. At i)arliamcntary elections the League publications were sent Recollections of Cohdeii and t/ie League. to every elector. Fifty thousand pounds was suliscribed and spent at the rate of from ;^6.ooo to ^10,000 a year up to 1843, in the pursuit of enquiries into the condition of the country, in the distribution of tracts and serial ])ublications, in the employment of Lecturers, and tlie liolding of public meetings, when it was founil necessary to enlarge the area of operations, and a hundred thousand pounds was called for at once. When the meeting for this jjurpose was announced, the conductors of The Times sent reporters to Manchester, and the success of the movement, as evidenced by the enthusiasm of the P'ree Traders, and the immense amounts of mone)' sub- scribed in the meeting, fairly forced the leading journal to confess that the League was a great fact. Henceforth the other newspaper conductors needed no sub- sidies. The League and its ]>rominent members soon became objects of so much interest, that Messrs. Agnew undertook to publish the portraits of tliL- principal advocates, as a com- mercial speculation ; and at a later period, they employed an eminent artist, to ])aint a group picture of the Councirof the League as assembled in their room at Newall's Ikiildings ; where they had now descended to the first floor, and occupied a really handsome chamber for their deliberations. The wealthy population of London did not, however, afford the amount of ])ecuniary sujjport which was expected, and some of the more active members of the League volunteered to canvass for sul)S( riptions in the city. Amongst the mercantile and manufacturing classes, we found many free givers, and so The Session of 1842. 7 1 diligent were we in the work, that I was led to remark, that there was hardly a stone in ^^'ood Street over which we had not trodden in pursuit of our ol)ject. On Feb. 3rd, 1842, the Queen opened Parliament in person, and acknowledged, " with deep regret, the continued distress in the manufacturing districts of the country ;" admitting that the sufferings and privations which had resulted from it " had been borne with exemplary patience and fortitude,'" and recom- mended to the consideration of both Houses " the Laws which affect the imports of Corn and other articles." In the House of Commons Sir Robert Peel announced that on the following Wednesday he would state what his intentions were. On Feb. 7th. 1842, an Anti-Corn-Law Bazaar was opened in ^Llnchester, under the patronage of the lady friends of the League, and the sales realised nearly ^10,000. This method of propagandism was very attractive and popular, and gave increasing evidence of the power and progress of the League. On Tuesday, the 8th February, a meeting of deputies from various conferences and branch Anti-Corn-Law Associations, met at the Crown and Anchor in London. Nearly 600 persons assembled, and they resolved that they would accept nothing short of an entire abolition of the obnoxious Corn Law. The day following, being the day appointed by Sir Robert Peel to declare his intentions, about 500 of the deputies formed a procession from the hotel to the House of Commons, and, having applied for admission into the lobby for some portion of their number, they were refused. Seeing the cold imper- turbable demeanour of the Premier, and the declaration of his 72 Recollections of Cohden and the League. principal colleague, the Duke of Wellington, who asserted in the House of Lords, that there was no deficiency of corn in the country, and tliat the distress had nothing to do with tlic food question. The deputies to this conference were sum- moned again for 5th July, to meet at the King's Arms Palace Yard, Westminster, and they were asked to come furnished with the most recent facts, shewing the condition of their various localities, in order that they might again be fairly bYought before the government of the country. At the meeting, Mr. P. A. Taylor, (aftenvards M.P. for Leicester,) was called to the chair. Addresses were delivered by Mr. John Bright ; Mr. Thomas Plint, of Leeds ; Mr. Bailey, of Sheffield; Mr. Bonner, of Bilston ; Mr. Taunton and Mr. Taylor, of Coventry ; Mr. Nelstroj), INLayor of Stockport, and many others. yVt the request of the conference. Dr. Black and I under- took to make an abstract of the various reports presented, and 1 wrote an introduction, requesting that readers who found any erroneous statements therein, would oblige us with corrections, but no such corrections ever came to hand, nor was any question ever raised as to the authenticity of the facts stated, althougli 5,000 Copies of the Report were printed and circulated, bearing the signatures of P. A. Taylor, Henry Ash- worth, Hamer Stansfield, \N'illiain Rawson, and Roberts Black, Here are a few samijles of the reports of the deputies : — Bolton, December, 1841. — There are fifty cotton mills in Bolton, usually employing more than 8,000 hands, and of these there are 30 either now standing idle, or working four The State of the Country, 1S41-2. 73 days a week. By a comparison with previous years, it appears that the numl)er of Engineers, Mechanics, Carpenters, Masons and other well-paid operatives, has been reduced from 3,100 to 1,730. The amount raised for ])oors' rates in 1836, was ^,^1,558, and in 1S41, ;;^6,268. In the month of January^ 1842, the " Poor Protection Society" had 6,995 applicants for relief, whose net earnings were only 13d. per head per week. Visits were paid by agents of this Society to 1,003 f^imilies, consisting of 5,305 persons, whose earnings averaged less than i4|2d. per head per week. In 950 families, there were 1,553 beds ; 53 fomilies had no beds at all. There were only 466 blankets found in the course of this visit, being at the rate of about 10^^ persons to each blanket. Ver}' little furniture was met with, only two seats being found for every three persons. In 609 families they had no change of under clothing. Pledging or pawning had been resorted to in 511 families. In some cases, account was taken of the number of ]jawn tickets held in families, and these varied from fifteen to forty, and in one case, there were as many as 129 sejiarate tickets. There were 1,500 houses uninhabited, and a very large additional number were not yielding any rents. Sir Thomas Potter, the first Mayor of Manchester, speaking in a public meeting in the Town Hall, Manchester, on the increase of crime said, " I have been horror-struck to hear the observations from the prisoners brought up at the court, that they wished to be sent to jjrison, that they would prefer going to the New Bailey Prison, for there they would be better fed than they could be at home. (Cries of hear hear, from the 74 Ri'coUcctions of Colnhn and the League. crowd, and that's true.) Now this is a shocking state of things ! (Cries of we want to go.) No, no, you don't deserve to go; and I do say, that there is not a population in the world, who are bearing their sufferings with such fortitude and such resig- nation as )ou are bearing them. They cannot be endured long, gentlemen ; it is impossible."' Contrast this with an as- sertion made about the same time by the Duke of Wellington, " This is the only country in the world, in which a poor man who is industrious and sober, is sure to obtain a competence." In Manchester, there were ii6 mills and other works standing idle; 68 1 shops and offices untenanted; 5,492 dwellings unoccupied. In one district of Manchester, as reported by the Rev. Father Hearne, there were 2,000 families without a bed, and 8,666 persons whose weekly income was only 14)2(1. each. The patients in the various hospitals had increased by 15 per cent. The criminals in prison had nearly doubled. Certain cotton mills, of recent erection, deemed to be worth ^21 i,ooo, had been sold for ^,'66,000. The receipts of retail shop keepers were diminished b}' one half Stockport. — Since 1836, there have been 37 firms of master spinners in a state of insolvenc)-, and consequently great distress amongst the work])eople, 3,000 dwellings being shut up. Mr. Nelstrop, the Mayor ot Stockport, stated, that 73,314 individuals had recei\e(l relief, whose average weekly income |)er head, was 9i'-|,d. He wished Sir Robert I'eel to know, that he, as Mayor, would not be responsible for the conse- quences which might follow from the ])resent state of things. The Slate of the Country, 1841-2. 75 Thomas Cnrlyle, in his " Chartism," which he classed with Sociahsm and various other " isms," as meaning only a demand for a fair day's wages for a fair day's work, tells that a cynic had in droll earnest chalked upon a cottage shutter, " Stock- port to Let." Bury.— Out of 776 families visited, comprising 3,982 per- sons, only 1,107 were employed, and their average earnings- were 354^d. per day. Returns were also received from Rochdale, Preston, Oldham, Wigan, Accrington, Ashton-in-Makerfield, Ashton-under-Lyne, Colne, and Leigh. In all these towns, the distress was of the same character and extent as above described. Charitable societies were inaugurated everywhere, and the amount of pauperism was frightful. The Anti-Corn-Law deputies of the West Riding, held a meeting at Leeds, December 13th, 1841, and appointed a committee, to enquire into the state of trade, and the condition of the manufacturing population in the Leeds district. The returns received comprised Leeds, Bradford, Halifax, and other smaller places. Insolvency was everywhere pre- valent, and in Leeds alone, there had been 29 large failures in the three years, 1838 to 1841, the liabilities amounting to ^515,000. Taking the clothing districts generally, exclusive of Leeds township, during the last four years, the total amount of insolvency would probably be upwards of ^2,000,000. The capital engaged in the Woollen trade had become seriously diminished, and the diminution of working capital was more embarrassing than any other loss. The depreciation in the 76 J^ccfl/kiiio/is of Cohdcn and tlic J.iai:;iii. value of mill property had been ruinous. Pauperism was over- taking one class after another ; the local trade was approaching a fearful climax. Returns were also received from Stroud, Frome, and Brad- ford, in Wiltshire ; from Kendal, Barnard Castle, and Carlisle : from Coventr}'-, Middleton, and the silk manufocturing dis- tricts of Spitalfields, and Bethnal Green, in London ; from the Hosiery Trades of Nottingham, Leicester, Derby, Hinckley, and Mansfield ; from the Iron districts of Birmingham, Wol- verhampton, and Sheffield, and from the Iron districts of Scotland ; from the Forest of Dean ; from Pontypool, and other parts of Wales ; from the Potteries of Staffordshire ; from the Glass Trades of Warrington, Stourbridge, and St. Helens ; from the Glove trade of Yeovil ; from the paper trade in various places ; from the Shijjping trade of Liverpool and Newcastle ; from Dundee, Paisley, Perth, Aberdeen, and many other places in Scotland, shewing that in every instance, the same condition of disaster to a greater or less extent prevailed. It was also resolved by the Conference to issue a circular, of which the following is an abstract, to e\ery member of ]\irliament. Abstract of the circular referred to, dated, Kings' Arms Hotel, Palace Yard, June 25th, 1842. Sir, — We, whose names are ai)pende(l to this document. have been for some days in London seeking interviews witli Circular to Mci/ibcrs of Parliainent. 11 Her Majesty's Ministers, and with Members of Parliament of all political parties, that we might communicate to them fiicts which we deem most important respecting the present ver}' alarming condition of the country, and more particularly of the north of England. We have had ojiportunities of stating our sentiments to various members, and we have also had an interview with Sir Robert Peel. We propose to lay before you the substance of the statements which we endeavoured to press upon the attention of the Prime Minister, and we respectfully and earnestly request your consideration of the following fiicts : — In Glasgow, 12,000 persons are on the relief funds, and wages are still falling. In Dundee, the number of un- employed is increasing, and wages are falling. In 1836, Dundee consumed 150 head of cattle per week; in 1841, 91 head; and in 1842, only 71 head. In Accrington, out of a population of 9.000 persons, not more than 100 are fully employed. In Marsden, near Burnley, out of 5,000 persons, 2,000 are become paujjers, and the remainder are on the verge of i)auperism ; the poors' rate is i/- in the pound, per month. In Great Bolton, the amount levied in 1827, was ^3,951, and in 1841, ^16,740; the rated rental is upon- ^-/^86,ooo, and only ^36,000 is paying to the poor rates, the remainder being either empty property, or else the occupiers are unable to pay the rates. In Stockport, the poors' rate is 10/- in the pound, and the guardians are ^5,000 in debt. In Wigan, many families remain in bed during the da}-, because they feel hunger less intolerable when in a recumbent position. In Prescot. having 1,100 householders, principally employed 78 RecoUections of Cobdcii and the League. in watch-making, there were 200 recently summoned in one day, for non-payment of the poors' rate. A watch movement, which a few years ago was selHng for 30/-, may be bought for 4/6. In Saddleworth, from a survey made in December, 1841, there were 55 farms without tenants ; 26 mills were unoc- cupied, whilst most of the others were working short time, and matters are still getting worse. In Sheffield, the poors' rate of 1836 averaged J~i62 j)cr (juarter; in 1839, ^541, and in the June quarter of 1842, it was ;^4,2 53. In Leeds, with a population of 80,000 persons, there are 10,000 who have been supported from a voluntary relief fund, which is now exliausted. In Nottingham, the number of i)ersons receiving parish relief in 1841, was 4,453, and in 1842, 7.938. In the Midland Counties, one-third of the Hosiery popu- lation are unemployed, and in the glove trade, three-fifths are unemployed. Bodies of men, under leadership, ])arade the town of Leicester, asking for alms, and it has been deemed necessary to introduce a troop of horse soldiers, to preserve the peace of the place. In Manchester, the shopkeepers have stated at a public meeting, that such is the poverty of tlie people, that their trade has fallen off one-third, and iIkii lliere are thousands who bu)' their bread by half-penny and ])enn) worths, and tliat ])rivate charity is insufficient to relieve the necessitous. Details such as the foregoing might be increased indefiniteh'. Ciniihxr to Members of Parliament. 79 We have facts of an equally painful character from almost every part of the country. We believe, that if the Corn Laws be abolished, trade will revive, and the abodes of millions of the wretched will be filled with gratitude and joy. The predictions as to the consequences of delay, have already been more than fulfilled. You have passed a new Corn Law this Session, and grain has advanced in price since its enactment, and it still rises. You have turned the burden somewhat, but you have not lightened it. We ask you to open the ports for the free admission of foreign grain, and to do this before you separate. Justice, policy, humanity, the very safety of our common country imperatively require it. In your present course, your motives are doubted ; self- aggrandizement, rather than a regard for your country's wel- fare, is believed to be the object of your legislation. Your names are loaded with obloquy, and harsh terms are applied to you, on account of your unwillingness to liberate the in- dustry of your country. ^^'e feel bound to warn you of the evils which impend, if you prefer the unwise i)olicy you have hitherto adopted. We shall hail you as the deliverers of your country, if you have the wisdom to see what is right, and the courage to act boldly and immediately on what is w'ise. Our sense of the critical position of our country, has caused us thus to address you. The responsibility rests with you, and a heavy rcsj^onsibility il is. That the wisdom which cannot err, may guide your RecoUcctifliis of Cobdcn and the League. councils, is our fervent wish. We subscribe ourselves with the greatest respect, HAMER STANSFIELD, Leeds. WILLIAM RAWSOX, Manchester. WM. ROAFE, Independent Minister, Wigan. »• JAMES LEES, Saddleworth. JOHN BRIGHT, Rochdale. CHAS. BAKER, Baptist Minister, Stockport. WILLIAM DIXON, Accrinston. Sir Robert Peel, in the House of Commons, gave an exposi- tion of the Government proposals. He admitted and deplored the existence of distress, but said he could not attribute it in any degree to the operation of the Corn \a\\\\ but to a combi- nation of other causes acting concurrently ; and he enumerated, facility of credit, the monetary affoirs of the United States, and over-production at home. He said that the consumption of food per head in Prussia was less than in England, and the consumption of sugar in France was less than it was in England, and that wages were lower on the Continent than they were in England. A total rei^eal of the Corn Law, he said, would add agricultural to manufacturing distress, and he thought it would be well to be independent of foreign countries for bread. He did not mean to advocate an absolute indepen- dence ; there should be a suppl\- from abroad when there was scarcity at home : he wished to have the price of wheat to oscillate between 54/- and 58/- jxt ([uartcr. and he thought the agriculturists ought not to expect more. H e said th at Mr. Cohden on Sir Robert PeeT s New Tariff. 8i the duty at that time was 38/8, and he would reduce it to 20/-, and^ the duty on other kinds of grain in proportion. He spoke of the exdusive burdens on land as demanding con- sideration, but did not describe what they were. Mr. Cobden denounced the proposed measure as an insult to a suffering people; a people whose patience had been ex- tolled by Her Majesty, and by the Right Honourable Baronet himself, and who deserved very different treatment, both from the Landed Aristocracy, and from the Cabinet which was the instrument of that Aristocracy. On the following morning there was a meeting in London of more than 700 deputies, who after many expressions of dis- appointment, passed resolutions in solemn protest against the Government measure, as a denial of the just demands of the people ; as a selfish and unrighteous proposal, destructive of every interest in the country ; and expressing their unalter- able determination not to relax in their exertions until a measure of complete justice was obtained. In Manchester, a meeting was held in the Town Hall, in opposition to the Cabinet measure, and was adjourned to Stevenson Square, which was filled with people. Mr. Thomas Bazley (now Sir Thomas Bazley^ Bart., M.P.) was appointed chairman, and the meeting declared almost unanimously against the proposal of the government. The Manchester Chamber of Commerce held a meeting of its members for a similar ol)ject, and public meetings were also held in Salford, and in many other towns in the district, all under great excitement, and all passing very spirited 1' 82 Recollections of Cobden and the League. resolutions in opi)osition to the partial measures of relief proposed. On the 14th, 15th, and i6th February, 1842, the merits of a fixed duty of 8/- per quarter on foreign wheat, proposed as an amendment by Lord John Russell, instead of the sliding scale, Avas under discussion in the House of Commons, but the voting was in favour of the continuance of the sliding scale. (On the 1 6th, vSir Robert Peel again spoke, but evidently kept a restraint upon the other members of his party. He attempted to show, as on a previous occasion, that the prevailing distress was not to be attributed to the Corn Law alone, but to other causes, which were tem]3orar}' in their operation, such as injudicioiTs banking at home and in America ; and he commended the Bill which he had projiosed as being likely to prevent sudden inundations of foreign Corn, which, if permitted, would produce agricultural distress. This debate became memorable by a bold and telling speech from Mr. Cobden, who put the question : " How far is it just, honest, or expedient, that any tax whatever should be laid on the i)eoi)le's food ?" Mr. Cobden proceeded to controvert the fallacy that high wages accompanied high ])rices of food, and charged the House with ignorance on tin's ])art of the question. (Cries of oh ! oh ! and derisive laughter followed.) He repeated the charge of ignorance, and referring to the ])rices of bread for the last three years as having been higher than during any other three years of the last twenty, he shewed that the wages (jf labour in every branch of industry had suffered a L^reater decline at the same time, than in anv S/idi'/ig Scales for Mlicat and ]]\v^a. three years before. He would ask, (addressing the opponents of repeal,) to wliom do the energies of the British peo])le belong? Are they theirs, or are they yours? Referring to the advocacy by Mr Cayley of such legislation as would tend to keep the price of wheat at 64/- a quarter, cheese at 52/- to 60 - per cwt, wool and butter at i/- per lb. each, and other j^roduce in proportion, he said, "it maybevery amusing to find that there are a few gentlemen still at large who advocate the principle of parliamentary interposition, to fix the prices at which articles are to be sold ; but when we find a Prime ^linister coming down to Parliament, to avow such principles, it really becomes anything but amusing. (Cheering from the opposition.) I ask the right honourable Baronet, and I pause for a reply, is he prepared to carry out that principle in the articles of Cotton and Wool, as well as in Corn ?" (Hear hear !) Sir Robert Peel said it was impossible to fix the price of food by legislation — (loud ministerial cheers.) Mr Cobden resumed: "then on what are we legislating? (Counter cheers) I thank the right honourable baronet for his avowal. \\"ill he tr)- to legislate so as to keep up the price of cotton, silk and wool ? No reply. Then we come to this conclusion, that we are not legislating for the universal people !"' (Tremendous cheers.) " I ask the right honourable Baronet, whether, while he fixes liis scale of prices to secure to the Landowners 56/- per Quarter for wheat, has he any sliding scale for wages? (Cheers.) Will he give the people a law to keep up the rate of wages? He will say that you have passed resolutions to the effect that you 84 Rccollectioin of Cobdoi and the League. cannot keep u\^ tlie rate of wages ; but that is no reason why \-ou should })ass a law to mulct the workuig man of one third of the loaf he earns.'' '• What are the pretexts upon wliich tlie corn tax is justified? We ha\e lieard that there are exclusive burdens borne by the Agriculturists. I think the country has a riglit to know what they are, and that it is due to this House that they should be enumerated ! A witty gentleman who sits near me says, the only exclusive burdens upon land wliich he knows of are mortgages ! 1 tell the right honourable gentleman, that for every jjarticular burden he can shew me as pressing ui)on the land, I will show him ten exemptions. (Hear, hear.) In con- clusion, what I supplicate for, on the ])art of the starving people is, that they, and not you, shall be the judges of their need of corn ; that they, and not you, shall sa}' when it is wanted, — you, who never knew the want of a meal in your lives, do you presume to know when the people want bread ? The right honour- able Baronet is the cause of our present jjosition, and uix)n his shoulders will the people lay the whole of the responsibility. .\ddressing tlie House, he encjuired, " are you ])repared to carry out even-handed justice to the i)eo])lc? If not, \ our law will not stand na)-, your House itself, if leased upon injustice, will not stand!" (Ciieers.) The s[)eeches of Mr. Villicrs and of other gentlemen on this ([ueslion, i)Os.sessed great merit, and are deserving of being referred to as masterly denunciations of the ])olic\' of protection ; but the s])eeches of .Sir Robert Peel and Mr (lobden, ajijjear to consey all tlie leading characteristics of the contro\ersy. hnporhitiou of Cattle, Cit'C. 85 Another and most important matter for the consideration of the government at that time, was, how to adjust the revenue and expenditure of the country, which had become seriously de- ranged during the depression of commerce. The deficiency of income for the last year was z^-z millions sterling, and for the last six years it was 10 millions sterling. This state of things demanded a remedy, and Sir Robert Peel proposed to levy an income tax of 70. in the pound, or at the rate of 3 per cent, for a limited period ; and by way of reconciliation to the burden, he stated that there would be a removal of commercial duties upon 750 articles of import (as referred to by the report of Mr. Hume's Committee), and that the difference to individuals from this relief would be j£,2 i8s. 4d. in every ^100 of their incomes. Next to Corn the most important articles of food to import were live animals, which had hitherto been prohibited, but which were now proposed to be admitted at varying rates of duty, along with butter, cheese, salted meat, onions and potatoes. The discussion on the third reading of the new Tariff Bill commenced on tlie 7th of April, and the speech of Sir Robert Peel, on that occasion, occupied nine columns in the " Morning Chronicle.'' Referring to the })roposed ad- mission of foreign cattle, he endeavoured to dissipate the alarm of the Agriculturists, by assuring them that there was no ground for apprehending that we should ha\e any imjjorts of cattle from Spain, Portugal, France, Holland, Belgium, or Germany, but only from Holstein and Jutland; and, he would ask, supposing that 10,000, or even 20.000 additional cattle, were to be taken to Smithfield in the course of a year, would it 86 Recollections of Cobden and the League. make any material difterence to the prices? And, he added, " I believe the general annual consumption of cattle in Isngland is between thirteen and fifteen hundred thousand ; is there, tlierefore, any material ground for api)rehension that should justly alarm you?" He assured the House that the accounts of distress he was daily receiving were such as must come home to the feelings of any man. With respect to the Corn Law, he proposed that the present duties should be lowered, and the sliding scale adhered to and in-i])ro\ed, so that the public would be protected from the frauils and artifices practised under the old scale. He avowed himself an ultra free trader in everything but corn and sugar, adding. " 1 believe that on the general principle of free trade there is now no great difterence of o|)inion, and that all agree in the general rule that we should purchase in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest. I contend, however, that the Corn Law and the Sugar duties are exceptions to the general rule." Mr. Cobden moved, as an amendment on the third reading of this liill — "That, inasmuch as this House has repeatedly declared, by its votes, and through reports of committees, that it is beyond the power of Parliament to regulate the wages of labour in this countr\, it is inexi)edienl and unjust to pass a law to regulate, with a view to raise, unnaturally, the [jrices of food." Sir Robert Peel said in reply, that he had listened with great attention to the speech of Mr. Cobtlen in support of the amendment, but did not deem it necessary to further discuss the (juestion. The amendment of Mr. Cobden was then rejected, and lie entered a solemn protest The Tariff of I S42. 87 against the Bill, denouncing it as a robbery of the poor. On the 7th of April, 1842, the Corn Law Bill, as amended, was read a third time and passed, and the following scale of duties was thereby enacted for regulating the introduction of foreign wheat, viz: — s. s. d. When the average price of wheat is 50 or under per qr., the duty is 20 o „ » 63 „ „ 10 o » .. 72 M ,. 20 „ „ 73 or over ,, ,, 10 The following Table shews the amounts of duly as pre- viously levied under the Corn Law of 1838 : — s. s. d. When the average price of wheat is 36 per qr., the duty is 50 8 ,, 46 ,, „ 40 8 56 „ 30 8 62 24 8 72 2 8 73 or over , I The duties "upon other descriptions of grain were also ad- justed according to their relative value to that of wheat. Mr. T. B. Macaulay, aftenvards Lord Macaulay, advocated entire free trade, and he very properly characterised Sir Robert Peel's plan as " a measure which unsettles everything and settles nothing ; a measure which pleases nobody ; a measure which nobody asks for, and which nobody thanks' him for; a measure which will neither extend trade nor relieve distress." DEPUTATIONS TO CABINET MINISTERS. MESSRS. PAWSON AND HOLDFORTH, OF LEEDS ; CHAPPELL AND CARDNER, OF MAN- CHESTER ; ASHTON, OF HYDE; P,ROOK, OF HUDDERSFIELD ; AKROYD, OF HALIFAX; BIGGS, OF LEICESTER; WALKER, OF liURY ; HOOLE, OF SALFORD ; .ASHWORTH, OF BOLTON; AND JOHN BRI(;HT, of ROCHDALE, ON THE DISTRESS. EX- PLANATIONS BY SIR ROBERT PEEL. TEMPER OF SIR JAMES GRAHAM. — CLOSE OF THE LONDON CONFERENCE. — ADDRESS BY COUNCIL OF THE LEAGUE. THE alarming character of the crisis became so strongly imi)ressed upon tlie deputies who had answered tlie call of the League, that tliey were unwilling to separate without forming another deiJUtation, and making yet another ajjpeal to the Premier, to Sir James Graham, the Home Secretary, and to others who lield ])ositions of influence in parliament. This deputation consisted of Mr. Pawson. the mayor of I>ceds; Mr. Hoklforth, of Leeds; Mr. Cha])pell and Mr. Gardner, of Manchester ; Mr. Thomas Ashton, of Hyde ; Mr. Brook, of Huddersfield ; Mr. Edward Akroyd, of Halifax; Mr. Biggs, of Leicester ; Mr. J. Walker, of Bury ; Mr. Henry Deputation to the Premier. 89 Ashworth, of Bolton; Mr. Hoole, of Sal ford ; Mr. John Bright, of Rochdale, and other gentlemen. On the 25th of July, 1842, Sir Robert Peel received tlie deputation, and they remained standing in his presence during a conference which lasted two hours. Messrs. Pawson and Holdforth described the appalling condition of the working classes of Leeds, and the charitable efforts made there to provide food for the distressed. Mr. Alderman Chappell, of Manchester, described the exhausted condition of the cotton manufacturers, and gave a number of instances in which the depreciation in the value of mill property was utterly ruinous to the proprietors. Mr. Gardner confirmed the statement, and in his appeal, related a conversation with a working man who was going to x\merica, believing as he said that ''the manufacturers would soon be done up here." Mr. J. \\'alker, of Bury, referring to his own Inisiness as an Iron founder and Machine Maker, stated, that one of his concerns had l:)een twelve months closed, and in another the employment had so iallen off, that the wages payments had been reduced from ;^8oo to ^350 per week. Mr. Edward Akroyd stated, that since 1838, the number of persons receiving out-door relief, in Halifax, had increased by 130 per cent. The slaughtering of animals had been reduced to about one half Provision dealers were sustaining bad debts of serious amount. Serious disaffection was show- ing itself, and 15,000 chartists had met to consider about ulterior steps. 9© Recollections of Cohdcn and the League. Mr. Henry Ashworth assured the Right Hon. Baronet that the painful accounts he had Hstened to were by no means exaggerated, and in corroboration he stated, tliat in the Poor Law Union of Bolton, consisting of 90,000 persons, there were about 13,000 receiving parish relief, besides a great many others wliose immediate wants were provided for by \oluntar)' charity. The ratepayers themselves showed signs of severe embarrass- nient, only^9,ooo had been collected towards a rate of_^2 1,000, which had been laid a year ago. Amongst the destitute there were a considerable number who were either skilled workmen in engineering and the mechanical arts, or in the chemistry of printing, dyeing, and bleaching calicoes. To such persons, the want of food was not a mere physical suffering, but was even more liarrassing to the mind. They knew but little of the commercial difficulties wlience their distress had s]jrung, but they were looking impatiently for the remed)', and trying to accpaint themselves with the resources for food and employment in other countries. Some of tlie choicest of our skilled workmen were already emigrating, and his mill manager, who had a large salar}-, had latel)- removed with his family to the United States, for he said he had concluded, that the fate of this country was sealed, and he was desirous to have his family settled where they would have a more favourable chance of success in life. 'J'he attention of the i)Coi)le of Lancashire had recently been drawn to an impressi\e statement made to them by Mr. Curtis, of Ohio, who was on a visit to Manchester, Deputation to the Premier. 91 which gave an account of the enormous food productions of Ohio and the districts of the Mississippi; stating also that in tlie absence of tape, buttons, and thread, the clothes of the producers in that State were held together by strings made from the bark of trees. He (Mr. Curtis) had seen supplies of wheat, and barrels of animal food, consigned for sale at New Orleans, to an extent so far beyond the means of export and the purchasing power of the place, that at length this food became putrid, and led to pestilence and fever. Doubt- less a system of exchanges of our manufactures for food, if once put in motion, and not hindered by law, Avould alleviate the- sufferings of our own people, and tend to enrich the inhabitants of both countries. Sir Robert Peel in reply said, " You will admit that I have diminished the protection to Agriculture, more than has been done within any previous six months at any rate ?'' Mr. Ash worth said he considered that the alteration made in the Com Law was only nominal, and of no real advantage to the consumer. Sir Robert had reduced the import duty on wheat from 37/8 to 20/- per quarter, but he knew that six feet of water would drown a man just as well as six yards, and so a 20/- duty would exclude imports almost as com- pletely as 37/8. With regard to the New Tariff, and the 750 articles upon which the import dut}^ had been reduced or repealed, he, (Mr. Ashworth) was unable to see any sub- stantial benefit to the working man, whatc\er it might be to the other and more wealthy classes ; there was a reduction of the duty upon silk gloves, satin boots, spices, turtle, perfumery 92 Rtxollcctions of Cobdcn and the League. and cosmetics, but the chea])cning of these would avail but little to the operative classes. Sir Robert Peel remarked : " It is ratlier shallow to say that the poor don't care for cosmetics. It must be recollected too, that I have made a great reduction of the duty on the im- portation of meat." Mr. Ashworth was aware of that, but reminded him tliat l)ork which was now allowed to be imported, was being ])ur- chased at Cincinnati for 8/- i)er cwt., whilst the imjjort duty was also 8/-, or cent, per cent ; and we had little need to be surprised therefore that the Americans should impose a duty of 35 per cent, and upwards upon our manufactures. Sir Robert Peel said : '' I think we had better not discuss the Tariff." The day was very close and warm ; and Sir Robert, who appeared to be suffering from the heat, retired for a few minutes. On his return, Mr. Thomas Ashton referred to the great extent of tlie emigration of factory hands to America. He said that the best, the most careful, steady, and industrious men were leaving, and he very nmch regretted this, and thouglit that the good liands should l)e induced to stay at liome. Sir Robert Peel replied that he should say they went to America to invest what money they had in hand. Mr. Ashton rejoined : "1 should say to obtain employment." Sir Robert Peel then promised to convey the facts and statements of tlie de|)utation to Iiis colleagues. The deputation saw Lord Stanley at the Colonial Office; and Lord \MTarn(liffc at the Privy Council Office; Deputation to Sir James Graliam. 93 and Lord Ripon and Mr. Gladstone at the Board of Trade. They all appeared unwilling to discuss the subject at length, because they, as an administration, were agreed that the Corn Law was for the benefit of the country. On the 4th August, 1842, the deputation waited ujjon Sir James Graham at the colonial office. The interview was evidently unwelcome, and Sir James appeared cajjtious and uneasy during the whole time of the conference. The statements of the deputation confirmed the previous accounts of the extreme sufferings of the peoi)le, arising from the absence of employment in all the manufacturing districts. Sir James, in reply, referred to the report of Mr. Horner, the Factory Inspector, shewing that during the last five years, no less than 91 new mills had been erected for the Cotton, Flax, Silk, and Worsted Trades. Mr. Alderman Chappell, of Manchester, rejoined to the effect that many of these mills had never been com])leted, and that, had they been completed, the five years provision of mills would only have absorbed one years increase of the popu- lation, leaving the other four years increase totally unprovided for ; moreover that in the same districts, as the report would shew, there were 138 mills not working at all. whilst 139 others were working on short time. Sir James referred to a statement of Mr. Ficlden, M. P. for Oldham, to the effect that improvements in machinery had thrown out of emjjloyment 35 per cent, of the hands engaged, in those mills where the imijrovements had l)cen adopted. Mr. Alderman Chappell said, that was not the fact ; that it 94 Recollections of Cohdcn and the Lca^m was not so much a superseding of labour as a change of labour, which was caused by improvements in machinery. Mr. John Bright repudiated the idea of making it a question of mills, or of Manchester only, and said, that distress pre- vailed more largely in districts where there were no mills. Sir James wished to know, if trade was so bad, how it hapi)ened that the consumption of raw cotton was greater during the last six months, than during the corresponding period of last j'ear. Mr. Thomas Ashton said, they were spinning coarser num- bers, and therefore consumed a greater cpiantity of cotton with the same amount of labour and machinery Mr. Alderman Holdforth, of Leeds, Mr. Blyth, of Glasgow, Mr. Houtson, of Halifax, and other gentlemen, gave par- ticulars of the distress existing in their respective neighbour- hoods. Sir James replied, that the fact of the distress was admitted, and no one was more desirous than himself to apply a remedy, and that the ministry had proposed such measures as a)> pcared to them exjjcdient. Mr. Brook, of Huddersfield, objected to the doctrine of expediency, and said that justice, and not exiK'dicncy, ought to be tlie guide and policy of our rulers. Mr, John IJrooks, of Manchester, described the state of distress existing in that town, and spoke of the feverish dis- content as evidently leading to ])olitical troubles. Sir James interrupted him, exclaiming, " \\liy, you are a Chartist f ISIr. Wm. "Rawson interposed saying, '' Mr. Urooks is not a Deputation to Sir James Gra/iam. 95 Chartist ;" and he added, " If you will put that (luestion to me I will tell you whether I am a Chartist or not."' He then related some striking facts as to the extreme depression of the Hosiery trade, with which he liad long been connected. Mr. Henry Ashworth said, that for more tlian two centuries our countrymen had been the leading manufacturers of Hosiery for the world, and that now they were unable to pro- vide themselves with stockings. That it was the object of the deputation to avert, by a timely repeal of the Corn Laws, the still greater depth of suffering towards which our trade and population were rapidly approaching. It A\as evident from the frequent assembling of large masses of people that they were impatient and indignant, and that 66,000 of the working classes in Manchester and Salford had memorialised their representatives in Parliament to '• stop the supplies." Sir James Graham inquired, " How many amongst those 66,000 persons understood what they had asked for ?" Mr. Ashworth replied that it would be impossible for him to answer for the political intelligence of that large number ; but, doubtless, there were amongst them many well-informed persons who knew the importance of what they demanded, and they would know that the demand was not uncon- stitutional, but was based upon ancient and modern jjrecedents. He need not remind Sir James that until a comparatively recent time the national revenue was raised for the most part direct from the landlords, and that they could restrain the expenditure of Parliament by withholding, or threatening to withhold, the supplies. That since the period referred to a 96 Recollections of Cobden ami the League. T-egislature of Landlords had discovered a means of raising revenue by '• indirect taxation," and tlial in tliis way the landlords were relieved, and a heavy burden of taxation was made to foil upon commerce and industr}-. It could not therefore be wondered at, that the memorialists, who were themselves tax payers, and writhing under the pressure of the times, should take example from the landlords of a former period, or from the more recent example of the citizens of London, who, in 1832, memoralised in like manner for the stop- ])age of supplies, until the Reform Bill had passed. Moreover, the industrious classes were beginning to feel their importance to the country, and could show the advantages to the community arising from their skill and labour ; and they complained that whilst they were called upon to endure these grievous priva- tions, the landlords were enjoying protection by law, with rents greatly increased in amount, and with comforts unknown and undreamt of by their forefathers. Sir James Graham assumed an air of indignant surprise and exclaimed, " Why, you are a leveller," and in([uired if he was to understand that the labour- ing classes considered that they had some claim upon the land- lord's estates? — Mr. Ashworth, under some emotion, turned to the deputation and inquired whether in their opinion he had conveyed any such idea in what he had said? They at once cheered him, and declared that it was utterly imjjossible that such an impression should ha\c been con\c}ed in what he had said. Mr. Thomas Ashton appeared indignant at the imputation, and called out, ''do on Mr. Ashworth and never mind him." I\Tr. Ashworth proceeded, and reminded Sir Deputation to Sir James Graham. 97 James, that Sir Robert Peel had told the landlords that the manufacturing prosperity of this country was of far more value to them than any advantages they could possibly gain by the Corn Law ; and he (Mr. Ashworth) asserted, on his own deliberate judgment, that if the Corn Law was not soon repealed, and the manufacturing prosperity of the country restored, the remaining interests which landlords might possess in mortgaged and rack-rented estates, would soon become worth only a very few years' purchase. Upon the rising of the deputation Sir James Graham re- marked, in a way somewhat premonitory, that if any serious outbreak were, to take place, all the institutions of the country would in one week be reduced to their primitive elements — that the rights of property would be sacrificed, and that the labouring classes themselves would be amongst the greatest sufferers. Mr. Ashworth said, if Sir James Graham would also allow him to speculate in like manner upon the results of such a disaster he would venture to predict, that whatever might befal the rest, lie trusted and believed that the sound moral tone of our middle class would be retained, and though the industrial freedom of the country might pass through a severe ordeal, it would eventually be established, and the well-being of the country preserved. Tliis interview lasted two hours. The sittings of the Conference were now brought to a close ■ — deputies from every part of the countrj- had continued to arrive from day to day for about a month, all giving the most ])ainful details of the sufferings of tlie people in their several G 9S Recollections of Cohdeii and the League. localities, and these accounts were reported frc)m day to day in the public papers. The Conference before separating- adopted and published the following address : — " Again we liave assembled as a Con- ference, and we have proclaimed from the heart of the Empire, the impolicy and the wickedness of the Corn Law. We have obtained interviews with the principal members of the Execu- tive Government, and have addressed them with a freedom which our desire for the safety of our country authorised and enabled us to do. We have forced upon the attention of Par- liament the unwelcome subject of the national distress and its remedy; and we have sent through the public press, to the remotest corners of the country, facts and arguments on the great- principle of industrial freedom, and we know that our la- bours have not been in vain. The time for argument would appear to have ])assed, and our opponents now seek safety in a morose and obstinate silence. 'I'he springs of national ])ower and wealth are rapidly drying u]). A\'e would say, fellow countrymen, look to your representatives, let deputations wait upon them, tell them the people must live, even though i)arty should perish. Your own intclh'gence, your i)wn virtue, your own energy must deliver nou. We now separate, but are i)re- pared to re-assemble at sucli time and place as the Council in Manchester may determine. Providence has given plenty. A few men of wealth and title have op])osed their mandate to the will : Bright to the Men of Rochdale. 107 discontent, and you have turned eagerly to almost any scheme which gave hope of relief. " Your fellow-workmen in Ashton and Oldham turned out for an advance of wages; they invaded your town, and compelled you to turn out. Some of you, doubtless, were willing, but many of you were reluctant to join them. They urged you to treat the men of Bacup and Todmorden, as they had treated you. They told you that you had no courage, and that you would be unworthy the good opinion of your fellow-workmen, if you refused to act towards others as they had acted towards you. You became an invading force. You visited the peaceful villages of Bacup and Todmorden, and compelled your fellow-workmen to cease their labour. You were regardless of the sufferings you were bringing on their wives and children ; you relentlessly, and contrary to every principle of justice and freedom, deprived them of bread ! You have had many meetings to deliberate on your position and prospects. An advance of wages to the rate paid in 1840, and ten hours work per day, were the demands you were urged to make. But when the turning- out in this district was completed, and you had become evicted, these demands were abandoned, and you were then urged to refuse to work until the Charter became law. " Many of you know full well that neither an act of parliament nor the act of a multitude, can keep up wages. You know that trade has long been bad, and that with a bad trade wages cannot rise. If you are re- solved to compel an advance of wages, you cannot compel manufacturers to give you employment. Trade must yield a profit, or it will not long be carried on ; and an advance of wages now, would destroy all profit. You have a strong case now in the condition of the colliers and calico printers. The wages of the colliers are not so low as those in many other trades, but they suffer, because they are only employed two or three days per week. The wages of calico printers have only been reduced once during twenty or thirty years, and yet they are now earning as little as any class of workmen, having not more than two or three days' work per week. If they combined to double the rate of wages, they would gain nothing, unless they could secure increased regular employment. Your attempt to raise wages cannot succeed. Such attempts have always failed in the end ; and yours must fail. " To diminish the hours of labour at this time is equally impossible; it is, in effect, a rise of wages, and must also fail. You can have no io8 Recollections of Colnlcn and the League. rise of wages without a great demand for labour ; and you cannot dictate what hours you will work until workmen are scarce. " Your speakers, and self-constituted leaders, urge you to give up the question of wages, and stand upon the Charter. Against obtaining the Charter the laws of nature offer no impediment, as they do against a forcible advance of wages; but to obtain the Charter now, is just as impossible as to raise wages by force. " The aristocracy are powerful and determined ; and, unhappily, the middle classes are not yet intelligent enough to see the safety of ex- tending political power to the whole people. The working classes can never gain it of themselves. Physical force you wisely repudiate. It is immoral, and you have no arms, and little organisation. Moral force can only succeed through the electors, and these are not yet convinced. The principles of the Charter will one day be established; but years may pass over, months must pass over before that day arrives. You cannot stand idle till it comes. Your only means of living are from the produce of your own labour. Unhappily, you have wives and children, and all of you have the cravings of hunger, and you must live, and, in order to live, you must work. " Your speakers talk loudly. They tell you of your numbers and your power, and they promise marvellous results if you will but be firm. They deceive you ; perhaps they are themselves deceived. Some of them contrive to live on this deception, and some are content with the glory of their leadership They flatter you grossly, and they as grossly caluminate your employers. They pretend to be working out your political freedom ; they know that that freedom can only be obtained through the electoral body and the middle classes, and yet they incessantly abuse the parties whom it is your interest to conciliate and convince. For four years past they have held before your eyes an object at present unattainable, and they have urged you to pursue it ; they have laboured incessantly to prevent you following any practical object. They have vilified the substance and extolled the shadow. They have striven continually to exasperate you against those who alone will or can aid you, to overturn tiie usurpations of llie aristocracy. They have succeeded in creating suspicion and dissension, and upon that dis- sension many of tliem have lived. They have done their utmost to per- petuate your seven or eight shillings per week, and by their labours in that cause they ha\e enjoyed an income of three or four times that amount. Mr. Bright to the Men of Rochdale. 109 " My fellow-townsmen, — You have been in a fever during this week. Your conduct, unopposed as you have been, has been peaceable, and such as my intimate knowledge of you led me to expect from you. We are all liable to err ; you have committed an error, but it is not a fatal one — it may be retrieved. I believe you to be intelligent men, or I would not address you. As intelligent men you know you cannot remain out ; you cannot permanently raise wages by force ; you cannot get the Charter now. What are you to do then ? Return to your employment. It is more noble to confess your error than to persist in it, and the giving up of an error brings you nearer the truth. When you resume your labour do not give up the hope of political improve- ment — that would be even more to be deplored than your present move- ment. Cherish it still — a brighter day will come — and you and your children will j-et enjoy it. Your first step to entire freedom must be commercial freedom — freedom of industrj'. We .must put an end to the partial famine which is destroying trade, the demand for your labour, your wages, your comforts, and your independence. The aristocracy regard the Anti-Corn Law League as their greatest enemy. That which is the greatest enemy of the remorseless aristocracy of Britain must almost of necessity be your firmest friend. Every man who tells you to support the Corn Law is your enemy — every man who hastens, by a single hour, the abolition of the Corn Law, shortens by so much the duration of your sufferings. Whilst that inhuman law exists, your wages must decline. When it is abolished, and not till then, they v.'ill rise. " If every emploj'er and workman in the kingdom were to sv.'ear on their bended knees that wages should not fall, they would still assuredly fall if the Corn Law continues. No power on earth can maintain your wages at their present rate, if the Corn Law be not repealed. You ma}' doubt this now, but consider the past I beseech you — what the past tells you the future will confirm. You may not thank me for thus addressing you, but, nevertheless, I am your friend. Your own class does not include a man more sincerely anxious than I am, to obtain for you both industrial and political freedom. You have found me on all occasions, if a feeble, yet an honest and zealous defender ; and I trust in this matter, time Vv'ill work no change in me. My heart sympathizes deeply in your sufferings. I believe I know whence they mainly spring, and I would gladly relieve them. I would willingly become poor if that would make you comfortable and happy. no Recolkctioiis of Cobden and the League. " I now conclude. I ask only the exercise of your reason. If it be possible, lay aside your prejudices, and you will decide wisely. " To such of you who have been employed at the mills with which I am connected, I may add that as soon as you are disposed to resume your work, the doors shall be open to you. I invite you to come, and you shall be treated as, I trust, you have ever been — as I would ever wish you to treat me. " I am, with all sincerity, your friend, "John Bright." In other parts of the kingdom similar disturbances pre- vailed, and, in some places, less regard was shewn to life and property. Miss Martineau, writing of that period, says — " That the Chartists had got into the hands of Proctectionist guides or agents ; that they broke in upon free trade meetings, and denounced free trade in corn, and stirred up precisely those among the working classes who were suffering least — such as the pitmen of the coal districts, and the AVelsh miners. There were riots of nailers and miners at Dudley, and in the district around Stourbridge, requiring the active services of the military for their suppression. In the Potteries a force of 6,000 malcontents committed violence, broke into shops, burnt dwelling houses, and kejjt all Staffordshire in alarm, so that troops had to be encamped there." In a few weeks the Chartist strangers, who had been dropping in from a distance, and many of whom nobody knew, showed a depth of design, and an extent of rapacity, which disgusted the bulk of the Lanca- shire operatives, and they accordingly lost their hold, and the disorder gradually subsided through the last weeks of August and the beginning of September. Suiiiinary of Work by the League. The Chartist turn-out, made obvious the need of more popular teaching by the League, and increased efforts were made to indoctrinate the people with the principles of free trade. On the 15th and 29th September, and 6th October, meetings of the Council of the League were held, and the chairman, Mr. George Wilson, proposed that England should be formed into twelve districts, with a lecturer for each district ; and this pro- posal was carried unanimously. Up to the 13th October, 1842, 2,000 lectures had been delivered, and more than five millions of Anti-Corn Law tracts had been printed and circulated ; whilst petitions, with millions of signatures, had been presented to the legislature ; conferences of deputations from various parts of the kingdom had as- sembled five times in the metropolis, and had waited upon the executive government and upon other influential members of the legislature ; ministers of religion had met in large numbers in Manchester, in Edinburgh, and in Carnarvon, and had protested against the demoralizing influences which arose from the pernicious policy which interfered between the bounties of Providence and his creature man. A memorial had been presented to Her Majesty, signed by 255,271 of the women of Manchester and other towns ; another from the women of Edinburgh, signed by 34,428, and one from the women of Carlisle, signed by 6,216. Memorials had also been presented from many Dissenting congregations in the counties of Lancaster and York, all in fiivour of the total and immediate repeal of the Corn and Provision Laws. The pecuniary expenditure of the League had, from Recollections of Cobdcii and the League. its commencement up to this date, exceeded ;^i 00,000. Of ultimate success no one doubted, but much yet remained to be done, and the Council of the League, in entering upon tlic fifth year of their struggle for justice, and for industrial existence, appealed to their supjjortcrs to enable them to commence the ensuing year of agitation with a disposal)le fund of ;^5o,ooo, and they did not ask in vain. Public Meeting. — On Tuesday, November 22nd, 1S42, a public meeting of merchants, manufacturers, and other capitalists, was held at the Town Hall. ■Manchester, to consider the ruinous effect produced on trade by the operation of the Corn and Provision T^aws, and by our restrictive commercial policy. The meeting was convened by a circular from the Anti-Corn Law League, and was one of the largest assemblages of merchants, and wealthy an.d influential manu- facturers ever held in Manchester. 'J"he chair was taken by Robert Hyde Greg, Esq. He referred to a meeting of the cotton trade of this district, which had taken j)lace twelve months before on this subject, and said, that since that time our prospects had not improved. ]5y the report of the Factory Lispectors it appeared that ten per cent, of all the cotton mills, and twelve per cent, of all the woollen mills, in Lancashire and Yorkshire, were standing idle, and that of the rest only one-fourth were working full time. He directed attention to the increase of commercial failures, to the declining state of public institutions, to the acknowledged distress of our manufacturing towns, and to the falling revenue of the country, as evidence of the disastrous state of our trade The j£,sofiOO Fund. 113 and commerce. Speeches by Sir Thomas Potter, Messrs. B. Pearson, Thomas Ashton, Edmund Grundy, Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. J no. Brooks, Mr. Thoniasson, Mr. W. Bickham, Mr. Foster, Mr. J. Chadwick, and the Mayor of Manchester, followed, all corroborative of the statements of the chairman, and all insisting upon the Repeal of the Corn and Provision Laws, and the removal of all restrictions on trade, as indis- pensable to the restoration of commercial prosperity. Subscriptions were announced in the room, amounting to ^4,000, and the subscriptions announced from meetings held in other towns shewed the same spirit of liberality, viz.: Leeds, ^1,000; Huddersfield, ;^i,32o; Halifax, ^[.I'^o'j Bradford, ^,^42 5 ; Holmfirth, ^,"100; Blackburn, ^600; Rochdale, JT 1,100. In all the large towns committees were formed for collecting subscriptions, and so vital had the question become, that notwithstanding the heavy losses con- tinually occurring in trade, the whole sum of ;^5 0,000 was speedily subscribed. I was at this time in London, canvassing for subscriptions, and I wrote an address to the inhabitants of the Metropolis, on the general subject of the depression of trade and the destitution of the operative classes ; and shortly afterwards the Common Council of the City of London de- nounced the Corn Laws in the following resolution : — " Humphrey, Mayor. — At a Common Council, holden in the Chamber of the Guildhall, the 8th December, 1842. — Resolved : That the continued and increasing depression of the manufacturing, commercial, and agricultural interests of T 14 Recollections of Cobdeii and the League. this countr)-, and the wide-spreading distress of the working classes, arc most alarming ; manufacturers without a market, and shipping williout freight ; cajjital without investment ; trade witliout profit ; and farmers struggHng imder a system of high rents ; — Corn Laws to restrain the importation of food, and inducing a star\ing people to regard the laws of their country with a deep sense of their injustice. That this Court anxiously appeals to the first minister of the Crown to give practical effect to his declarations in favour cjf h'ree Trade, by bringing forward, at the earliest possible ])eriod, such measures for securing the unrestricted supply of food, and the employment of the people, as may effectually remove a condition of de- pression and distress too widely prevailing to co-exist with the safety and the preservation of our social and ])olitical insti- tutions. — Merkwkathek." LORDS KITZWILLIA.M AND RADNOR ON THE CORN LAW. TH]'. "times" NEWSPAPER ON THE PRINCIPAI, MEN OF THE LEAGUE. — THE ANTI-CORN-LAW LECTURERS. — MR. ACLAND AT BRILL. — MR. COBDEN AT NORWICH AND TAUNTON. IT was from time to time vehemently denied, by the IJuke of Buckingham and the principal advocates of protection, that the Corn Law was a contrivance to keep up rents ; and it will be interesting to prove at once the hollowness of the landlords' plea, and the sincerity and earnestness of the noble recruits to the cause of the League, by reference to a debate in the House of Lords, in ^lay, 1841, upon the proposal made by Lord John Russell, in the Commons, to impose a fixed duty of 8/- a quarter on wheat. Earl Fitzwilliam, referring to a recent letter, addressed by Lord Willoughby d'Eresby, to a meeting of the County of Lincoln, expressing his apprehension that the enactment of an 8/- duty for the sliding scale would be detrimental to the interests of the country, said, " But in my o])inion, the fears of my noble friend, and of those who agree with him, have pros- ii6 Recollections of Cobdcii and tlie League. trated their understandings. (Laughter.) My noble friend states in his letter, that a duty of 8/- a quarter upon corn, would have the effect of sweeping away one-tliird of the rents of the countr}-. (Cheers.) I believe, my lords, tliat it will have no such effect. (Oh. oh.) If you think, my lords, that it Avill have any such effect, what becomes of the charge wliich you so often make against me in speech and gesture, that I falsely accuse a part of the legislature with acting upon selfish motives in maintaining the present laws ? For if the ground of your lordships' apprehension be that tlie proposed alteration would sweep away one-third of your rents, then it follows that vou wish to maintain the law to prevent a reduction of your rents." Upon this same subject Earl Radnor said, " That the whole object of the Corn Law was to uphold rent. It was said that the object was to employ labour in the ciiUi\ati(^n of land. Now if that was the case, why was the produce of grass as well as of arable land ])rotected ? There was a tax upon the importation of horses, and also upon the importation of asses. (Laughter.) The im])ortation of liorned cattle was |)rohibited, and so were sheej) and swine. (Hear, hear.) 'I'urkeys, fowls, eggs, milk, and cheese were taxed. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) There was not an article of food of anv description which was nf)l taxed. What could be the object of that but to put money into the pockets of the landlords? Not only the produce of the land, but that of the sea also was taxed. (Hear, hear.) Now this latter was .said to be done for the ))tirpose of protecting the fisheries, and encouraging a race of seamen. How was the fact ? \\'hat fish was most Earl Radnor on Protection. 117 highly taxed ? Why sahiion,— the fishing of which had nothing to do with educating seamen. Several noble lords derived from this tax as much as ;^4,ooo or ^5,000 a year from their salmon fisheries. But what fish did their lordship's tliink was exempt from taxation ? They would sui)pose it was some ignoble fish, but it was no such thing. It was a fish that never was seen on the table of a poor man. It was turbot. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Yes, there was another fish which was not taxed. Was that a poor man's fish ? No, indeed, it was a lobster, that their lordship's might have sauce for their turbot. (Laughter.) This was not a subject to laugh at. Hundreds of thousands of their countrymen were starving around them, whilst every animal upon the earth, and every fish in the sea, and every bird of the air, was taxed to prevent its coming to those famished people." These speeches were delivered before the League became " a great fact," and it is not wonderful that noblemen, Avho were so clear sighted on the subject of import duties in general, should, on the rejection by the House of Commons of Lord John Russell's 8/- palliative, be driven by force of logic into the arms of the League. Meanwhile the leading journal was thus described in " The Anti-Bread Tax Circular," of November 4th, 1841 : — " The ' Times' has for several months assailed personally, and with savage rancour, all who have been prominently engaged in advocating the repeal of the Corn Law. An assembly of 650 christian ministers, including Dr. Pye Smith, Dr. Vaughan, and Dr. Cox, were designated 'varlets' in the leading columns of that journal; their coats Recollections of Cohdeu and the League. were said to be borrmvcd from the shelves of ' old clothes shojis,' and their shirts to be unfit for the hacks of footmen ; and the Lecturers of the League have in that journal been paraded as tap-room companions ; \\\\\\<,i fools, dolts, and fanatics, ■arc the epithets applied to our ])arliamentary champions : and. at last, by way of climax, that journal has dared to insinuate the charge — that the Anti-Corn Law League prompted the miscreants who fired the corn stacks at Stratford-on-Avon ! " I believe that throughout the whole career of the League only one suggestion was ever made, the carrying out of which, if adopted, might reasonably have been expected to lead to a breach of the peace. It was made by Mr. William Hill, of Wisbeach, in Cambridgeshire, and was to the effect that the League should i)romote a penny subscription by working men, for the purchase of a cargo of foreign corn, and that on its arrival in port they should go in a body to the ship, provided with small bags, to claim their property, and should refuse to pay the duty ; and if not allowed thus to land what they had already paid for, they were to be instructed to empty their bags into the sea. The Council of the I,eague saw the danger of the project, and at once refused, not only their aid. l)ut also their countenance to the scheme. And I think T may safely affirm, that there never was in this or any other country, so extensive, so energetic, so long continued, and so peaceful an ngitation upon anv other ])olitical subject; and if the o])ponents (ji the l,e.igue had been as determined as were tlie T,enguers themselves, to resort to no unfair or illegal practices, it would have been much better Un all parlies. Protectionist Tactics at Brill. 119 But the tactics of the oi^poneiits of the League rendered it advisable to send out Lecturers into the agricultural districts. Mr. Cobden himself went through the southern counties, during the parliamentary recess, holding meetings on market days, and maintaining his ground against all comers. The eyes of the farmers were by these means opened, and many of them joined the League. A few extracts from the reports of meetings, held by Mr. Cobden and his supporters, will shew the uphill work which had to be done, and how it was accom- pHshed. Speaking of a lecture at Brill by Mr. Acland, one of the mc^st active of the Lecturers employed by the League, the " Aylesbury News" wrote, " for a period of six days, the scum of the population, the bullies and bruisers of Brill and the neighbourhood, had been kept in a state of great excitement. On ]\Ir. Acland's arrival, half-a-dozen drunken brawlers rushed from the Sun Lin. shouting, ' We won't have him, no Acland, we'll have nobody but the Duke.' Fighting between the opponents and the supporters of Mr. Aclantl then became the order of the day. At five o'clock the constables of the town proceeded to the store of Mr. Parsons, the l)rewer. and returned with a barrel of strong ale, which was tapped and served out by Constable Stuchfield, in the public highway, immediately opposite the farm yard where Mr. Acland was to lecture. On Mr. Acland's approach he was hustled, abused, and threatened by the drunken retainers of the Duke's representative. He was with difficulty got within some railings which separated the yard from the garden, where he remained for nearly an hour a witness of the most dis- Recollections of Cobden and the Leiv^ue. graceful riot ever seen in the place. The bruisers of course won the battle, and then they mounted the late landlord of the Sun Inn upon a barrel for a song, and afterwards carried him round the yard on their shoulders. A solicitor, named Reid, then attempted to address the mob, in favour of "his friend and their friend, tlie Duke of Buckingham." On con- cluding his speech he was also carried round the yard in staggering procession. Mr. Acland then mounted a table, and commenced to address the crowd, when a rush was made by the drunken mob, and the struggle became desperate between them and the orderly labourers who had come to listen ; meanwhile Mr. Acland was pelted witli stones and mud, until the rioters broke through the palings and smashed the table which he had just vacated." This is a lair sample of the tactics of the opponents of the Anti-Corn Law League in Buckinghamshire, and the reader will not need to l)e informed that it is cliaracteristic of the ui)holders of every bad cause. ANTI-CORN LAW TRACTS. At one of the League meetings, when the reijorts of the stolid ignorance of the jjcoplc, the obstinacy of the ministr}- and of the most inllucntial members on both sides of the House of Commons, had made the council somew hat dull and sad, Mr Cobden jumped u]) and said, that they must no longer be contented to dispense simply J'Yee-lrade tracts, but they must circulate condensed libraries on the Corn Laws, and instead of raising a subscription of ^50,000, he thought they migjit as well ask for ^'100,000, at once. The Tracts of the League. Up to 1843 the sum of ^^47,814 towards the ;^5o,ooo fund had actually been received by the treasurer of the League, and nine millions of Tracts, weighing upwards of 100 Tons, and 20,000 copies weekly of the League newspaper, beside other publications, had been issued from the office. These tracts were sent to every parliamentary elector, and comprised 108 octavo pages, including 3 prize essays of 16 pages each ; the evidence of Mr. J. D. Hume before a committee of the House of Commons ; a tract by the Hon. and Rev. Baptist Noel ; extracts from the works of Col. Peronett Thompson, and from Mrs. Loudon's philanthrophic economy ; three tracts addressed specially to farmers ; an address to the Duke of Wellington ; and various extracts from twenty-four other popular authors. The solemn earnestness of the council of the League is sufficiently evidenced by the printed slip containing their own address, which was enclosed in each packet of tracts and I give it entire. " You are an Elector. To you is entrusted the privilege of choosing the lawmakers. It is a trust for the good of others ; and upon the right or wrong exercise of this trust depends the happiness or misery of millions of your fellow creatures. At the next parlia- mentary election you will be entitled to choose between a bread-taxer, (one lulio 7viihholds corn from the people), and a candidate who will untax the poor man's loaf The choice involves an awful responsibility. Think, solemnly and care- fully, before you decide. Examine the evidence which is now placed in your hands. Ignorance cannot be pleaded after knowledge has been freely given to you. Remember that you Recollections of Cohdcn and tJic Lcai^iic. will decide for plenty or for scarcity, for comfort or miser)-, for health or disease, for life or death, to many thousands of immortal beings. Remember, above all. that your decision will be recorded on high, and that you will be called to account for your \ote at that dread tribunal when all mankind will be judged — not by their professions, not by their prayers, but when the blessed will be told, ' I was an hungered, and }-e gave me meat.' " I will tr\' to compress into a kw words, some of the authorities (quoted in the tracts which were circulated witli this solemn ai^peal. " It is absurd to supi)ose that the most momentous of all raw materials should be ijrohibited or restrained in use for the sake of enriching a few monopolisers." — Dean Tucker. " The unlimited freedom of the corn trade is the only effective preventive of the miseries of fomine, and the best palliative of the inconveniences of a dearth." — Adain Smith. "' Wherever commerce is known to be always free, and the merchant absolute master of his conuuodity, there will always be a reasonable supply of corn." — Bcjijamin Franldin. " Of all things an indiscreet tampering witli the trade in pro- visions is the most dangerous.'' — Edmund JhirJce. " In England all other interests are overborne and crushed by the agricultural interest."— yi-nv/zy Bentham. '• All classes, except the landlords, will be injured by the increase in the ])rice of corn."— Z>. Ricardo. " The larger the surface from which a country draws its sup[)lies of food, the less likely is it to be injuriously affected by varieties in the harvests.''— y. R. The Tracts of the League. 123 McCitlloch. " To cut off any of the sources of supply can only tend to lessen its abundance ; to close against ourselves the cheapest markets for any commodity must enhance the price at which we purchase it, and to confine the consumer of corn to the produce of his own country, is to refuse ourselves that provision which Providence itself has made, for equalising to man the variations of climate and of seasons." — Protest by Lord Grenvillc and signed by ten Peers. " Food is the last thing upon which I would attempt to place any protection." — -James Deacon Hit me. " All protection means robbing somebody else." — Cohviel Thompson. " The Corn Law is an extension of the pension list to the whole of the aristocracy of Great Britain." — London Times. " A Corn Law is a mere excuse for keeping up high rents." — Mr. Baring against the Corn Bill of 1815. "No better notion of cheating a nation could be devised than the present Corn Laws." — Lord Morpeth. " Sir Thomas Robinson, you talk like a savage ; what sir, would you prevent any people from feeding themselves, if by any honest means they can do it?" — Bosivelfs Life of Johnson. "An importation of 50,000 head of cattle would produce an import trade of half-a-million of money, and would lead to an export trade of equal amount, which would contribute to increased labour and employment." — Mr. Gladstone, May 2jrd, 1842. " The Corn Law increases the price of bread. Rents rise with the rise in the price of corn. Wages do not rise with the rise in the price of Ijread." — Lord Stanley's admissions to John- Brooks at the Parliamentary election of 18 41." One of these tracts is by a farmer's son, and it sets forth, in 124 Recollections of Cobdcii and the Lcagne. a very clear manner, how even farmers are for their own sakes interested in the prosperity of trade. Here is the essence of the tract : — '' I am the son of a farmer, wliose father, grand- father, great grandfather, and great great grandfother, have occupied land on the same estate from the time of Queen Elizabeth. All my relatives in the last generation were employed in agriculture. I have never ceased to cherish the hope that I should be enabled to terminate an active life on a piece of land of my own, where I could follow out the employment whi( li had so many claims for me in youtli. ]My conviction tliat the Corn Law is injurious therefore, arises from no prejudice against the class of men from whom I have sprung. My father told us he could make no more than one son a farmer, for, said he, ' if I could, I would not, send three of you out to bid against my neighbours and to raise their rents or displace them.' And thus, when I had begun to pride m}self on ploughing a furrow as straight as a mathematical line, I was comjjelled to the solitude of a great town, and 1 have ever since been convinced, that farmers take a veiy mistaken view of their own interests, if they think they can be promoted at the expense of the trade in which a great portion of tlieir own faniiHes will liave to seek for employment. The farmer can bring up one son only to his employment, if he is to hold the .same station as his father; trade therefore becomes the resource of the surjilus ])opulation of the form." Then lullow statistics of 12 funilies known lo the writer, In which, out of 47 sons, only {owx were farmers, and of 32 daughters, onl)- four were married to farmers. The Tracts of the League. 125 Another tract is from Mrs. Loudon, and is made to say, '* The Saviour of mankind, in setting us an example that we should follow his footsteps, blessed a few small loaves, and by his divine mandate made them sufficient to feed five thousand persons. The Parliament of Christian England follows this example — How ? By cursing the bread of twenty-five millions of people, and changing, by their word, each poor labourer's portion into one half of that which his Creator has furnished him with the natural means of obtaining for himself Surely as much food as a man can buy, Avith as much wages as a man can get, for as much work as a man can do, is not more than the natural, inalienable birthright of every man whom God has created, with strength to labour, and with hands to work. Is it, or is it not, an infringement of this right, to compel our labourers by Act of Parliament— by law — to give as much money for half a sack of wheat as they could purchase a whole sack of wheat for, did no such Act of Parliament, no such abuse of brief authority, no such abuse of the principle of equal justice flowing from good will to all, did no such law exist ? That law too, made law, by the votes of those who put the difference into their own pockets." Another tract consists of extracts from three addresses, [jublished at different times, by Earl Fitzwilliam, in which he successfully combats the notion that agricultural labourers are benefited by the high price of corn. He gives a table, sliewing the wages of labourers in the month of May in each year, from 1797 to 1829, and the price of two-thirds of a bushel of wheat at each of the same dates ; from which it is 126 Recollections of Cob den and the League. clear, that notwithstanding the variations in the amount of money wages, the largest sum left over the necessary cost of bread, is almost invariably wlien wheat is lowest in j^rice. And Earl Fitzwilliam tells his brother landowners that " the painful confession must be made, that our own benefit is the true object for which this obnoxious code (the Corn I^aw,) is established." Another tract consists of extracts from the \arious works of Colonel Thompson, who \er\ properly follows up the confession of Earl Fitzwilliam, and says, " Every poor man, agricultural or other, that is brought upon the poor rates for relief, is brought there by the immediate act of the men who lord it over him at Quarter Sessions and Parish Vestries, as much as if they had made an Act of Parliament saying, ' Be it enacted, that Hob Carter, and Giles Ploughman, shall never have a shilling in their pockets without the Squire of the parish taking sixpence of it to keep his coach horses. ' " '''• " It is a cruel joke to talk about the e\'ils of an increasing population, when that population is cut off by law from selling the produce of its labour in the best market, for the sake of a nobler caste, who tell us plainly, like the French nol>L'ssi-,i\\:\\. they will pay no taxes, unless they may have liberty to take the amount again from other people, and who, if speedy change of mind be not vouchsafed them, will come to the same rough end." ■Y- ■:■ '< 'I'he strength of the country must depend upon food, ]jopulation, and manufactures ; or upon some or other of them. And all these must be cut down together, by having two bushels of corn instead of four." ■•'• '■■ " If Noah had shut The Tracts of the League. 127 himself up in his ark and let his family eat nothing but what could be grown upon his decks, he would soon have had an outcry against population, and the formation of an emigration committee ; and Shem, Ham, and Japhet, would have been distressed manufacturers ; and instead of reading lectures on not multiplying, his remedy would have been to let in foreign corn.'"' "•'• ••= " The origin and foundation of property is labour. The proposal to keep up rent by restrictions, virtually includes the essence of personal slavery, which consists in obliging one man to labour for the benefit of another without an equivalent." ''■'■ ''- " When a manufacturer produces goods and exchanges them abroad for corn, he may as truly be said to produce the corn as it it came out of his loom or his flatting mill. And if he is prohibited from doing this, it is Jiis production that in reality is stopped." '•' " " Does any m3stery of nature conceal the fact, that different countries have been created under such circumstances as to make it practically impossible that a partial failure in the harvests should not be remediable by communications with the others, if man in the wisdom of his absurdity could be persuaded not to stand by to prevent." -'^ ''■- " To say that the removal of restrictions would reduce the incomes of landowners, is at most only saying it would take away from them what they never ought to have had." Trite as these extracts read now, self evident as is their truthfulness, they had, in the struggle for the repeal of the Corn and Provision Laws, to be reiterated and argued for years, in order to procure their acceptance, and thereby induce 128 Recollections of Cohdcn and the League. such a state of mind as to force legislation in the proper course. Mr. J. Deacon Hume, late Secretary to the Board of Trade, in the evidence given by him before a Committee of the House of Commons, in 1839, estimated the Inirden of protection on wheat alone at ^^36, 000, 000 a year. Two of the Prize Essays on the Corn Law were by tenant farmers, and the third by Mr. W. R. Greg. These tracts argue the question from cver\- possible point of view, and tend to shew, Avhat everybody now acknowledges, that a jjolicy of ])rotection injures even the classes for whose benefit it is imposed ; and we all now know that whilst our foreign trade has been immensely increased, both landlords and farmers are far better off than they were under the Corn and Provision Laws ; and I think a single short extract from " The Financial Reformer," for August, 1876, will very properly sum up this whole question. " We tried the plan (of Protection) in this country with such remarkable success that '•' '■'" the exports of our produce and manu- factures having been ;^5 1,603,000 in 1815, were ^51,634,000 in 1841 ; we then arrived at the conclusion that Protection was ' all a lie,' and commenced a course of legislation, which has increased our exports, so that in 1875 they reached ^239,558,000." I may perhaijs as well add an extract from a letter, written by Mr. Hrighl. in acknowledgment of his election as an honorary member of " 'I'he I'oston Free Trade Club," in 1876 : — "Protection has upon ii a taint of the great wrong of slavery. It docs not steal the labourer, but it steals his labour ; it taxes it cruelly, it lessens its result and its profit, Thomas Carlylc on the Corn Law. 129 and turns it into channels less useful to the labourer. It says to your cultivator of the soil, you must not exchange your quarter of wheat or your barrel of flour with an Englishman for the cloth or hardware he would give you for it ; you must exchange it only with an American, who will give you so much less for it. It was so with us 30 years ago. Our weavers could not exchange with your farmers a piece of cloth for a barrel of flour, but only with an English farmer who offered him half a barrel. So the protective system has in it much of the evil of slavery, for the labour of the labourer is not free ; it is by force of law diminished in value." And to these extracts may very appropriately be added the following from Thomas Carlyle's reply to a letter of invitation to the Anti- Corn Law Banquet in 1843 • — " -^^ ^o^ the Corn Laws, my opinion, any time these Len years, has been complete ; and even, so to speak, more than complete. For these ten years I have heard no argument, or shadow of an argument, in behalf of them, which was not of a kind (too literally) ' to make the angels weep.' I consider that if there is a pernicious, por tentious, practical solecism, threatening huge ruin under the sun at present, it is that of Corn Laws in such an England as ours, of the year 1843. I consider that the Corn Laws lie on the threshold of all and every important improvement in our anomalous, distressed and distressing condition of society ; that they fatally block up all possibility of the innumerable improvements which are fast becoming indispensable, if England is to continue to exist. That it is the duty of al! English citizens to do wliatsoever is practicable for the removal 130 Recollections of Cobdcn and the League. of those laws. That they will have to be removed, unless this universe, and its eternal laws, are a chimera. That God declares against them, audibly to all just hearts ; and that man is now fast declaring — that all men cannot too soon declare, how much lies behind the Corn Laws, desperately calling for revision, for reformation, among us ; — and till the Corn Laws are removed, the problem cannot so much as begin." On the 2nd of Februar)', 1843, Parliament reassembled, but there was no increase of hopefulness in any quarter, indeed the distress in the country was deeper, and the revenue returns were still unfavourable. In January, 1843, occurred an event which, deplorable enough in itself, was converted into a malignant accusation against Mr. Cobden and the League. On this subject Miss Martineau writes as follows : — " Mr, Drummond, the private secretary of Sir Robert Peel, was shot in the street, and died of the wound, and as it happened at a season of political troubles, it was supposed that he had been mistaken for the Premier. The murderer was at once apiirehcnded, and proved to be a lunatic, and was committed to an asylum for life." In con- nexion with this event a strange and melancholy scene took place in the House of Commons. On the fifth night of the debate on the address, Mr. Cobden told the countr}' gentlemen some very straight-forw^ard and unwelcome truths, such as he had repeated frequently out of doors, to the effect that they could not call themselves Agriculturists, but merely rent-owners; and that the Corn and Provision Laws were not enacted to protect farmers and labourers, but to raise rents; and on this occasion no one Sir Robert Peels Responsibility. 131 attempted to answer his charges. He had more than once as- serted the responsibility of the Premier for this state of things without a single interruption or call to order, or any indication that any one believed the word responsibility to be used wdth any other than its usual parliamentary import. At the conclusion of Mr. Cobden's speech, Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Bankes rose together, and loud cries arose for " Bankes ;" but the Prime Minister, by violent gesticulations, striking upon a box on the table before him with furious violence, and with a countenance W'hich indicated extreme agitation, succeeded in obtaining the ear of the House, and he then spoke as follows : — " Sir, the honourable gentleman who has just sat down has stated here, very emphatically, what he has more than once stated at the Conference of the Anti-Corn Law League, that he holds me indi- vidually responsible* — responsible for the distress and suffering of the country ; that he holds me personally responsible — (re- newed cheering of the same character). Be the consequences of those insinuations what they may — (cheering renewed with great vehemence) — never will I be influenced by menaces — (continued cheering) — to adopt a course which I consider — (the rest of the sentence was lost in renewed shouts from the ministerial benches)." Mr. Cobden rose again and said : " I did not say that 1 held the right honourable gentleman personally responsible. — * These words were pronounced with much solemnity, and were followed by a loud and emphatic cheer from the ministerial benches, the House presenting an appearance of extreme excitement, the members in the galleries standing up, and many of those below whispering eagerly to each other. 132 Recollections of Cobden and the League. (Shouts from the ministerial benches of ' yes, yes ; you did, you did,' mingled with cries of 'order' and 'chair.') I have said that I hold the right honourable gentleman responsible by virtue of his office — (renewed shouts from the same quarter, cries of ' no, no,' and confusion) — as the whole context of what I said was sufficient to explain." (Renewed cries of "no, no," from the ministerial benches.) " The Morning Chronicle," in describing the scene, stated that Sir Robert Peel, in the opening of his speech, in a manner peculiarly his ov\'n, gave the signal for this new reading ; that then, and not till then, the sense so conveyed brought forth a frantic yell, which would ha\e better accorded with a company of savages who first saw and scented their victim, than a grave and dignified assembly, insulted by conduct which they deemed deserving of condemnation. The report stated that Mr. Cobden rose instantly and disavowed ha\ing used the word " personal," whilst Sir Robert Peel, from his seat, fiercely replied, " you did, you did." The rule of the House of Commons is, that the explanation given by a member of his words and meaning is always accepted. In this case Sir Robert violated the rule ; but upon reflection, and after Mr. Cobden's disclaimer, the Premier added : — " I will not overstate anything ; therefore J will not say that I am certain llic honourable gentlemen used the word ' personally.' Notwithstanding this retractation the protectionist press next day renewed the charge against Mr. Cobden, and indulged in the basest insinuations. The "Times" wrote as follows : — '■^ The TiDics" on Mr. Cohdcn. 133 '• We do not impute to Mr. Cobden an intent to murder ; but we do impute to him that with his eyes open, knowing fully the threatening consequences to Sir Robert Peel's life, of popular odium, and with no other purpose than to increase his own credit and power with the most violent class of politicians, he feels no scruple at recklessly and unceasingly labouring to direct that odium, personally and individually, on the Minister whose life has been once already attempted. It is difficult to avoid the suspicion that though he has no intention to use the pistol himself, he does not find himself at liberty to affront those who do. If he is not anxious to i)ut the Premier out of the world, he cannot, by the extreme of cliarity, be fancied very careful to keep him in it." This sort of incendiary language was bad enough, but it was surpassed in atrocity by that of many hireling pens, and the result was to injuriously influence the minds of the opponents of the League, whilst it only disgusted the great majority in the country. The League deputies were then in London, and at their next meeting Mr. Hamer Stansfield, of Leeds, being in the chair, the warmest indignation was expressed against tlie attempt to fix a stigma on the name of Richard Cobden. In the following week nearly ten thousand persons assembled in Manchester to testify their unabated attachment to the distinguished advocate of the cause of free trade, and they gave an emphatic denial of all alliance with any other than peaceful and moral means for the accomplishment of their object. An address to Mr. Cobden was unanimously adopted, from 134 Recollections of Cobden and the League. which I quote the following extract : — " We have seen with indignation, the attempts made by the monopoHsts to heap slanders upon the man who has been so powerfully instru- mental in denouncing the injustice of that legislation which has brought this once flourishing countiy to the verge of ruin ; and we can understand that the distinguished position in which you are placed is well calculated to excite the hostility of all who believe themselves interested in the continuance of the wrong which you have done so much to expose. " Fortified by the approl)ation of your own conscience, and by that of a vast majority of your fellow countrymen, who have watched your career with intense and increasing interest, you can well afford to despise the assaults and calumnies of the abettors of monopoly. We bid you go on ! Your country and mankind call upon you not to falter in your course, and may He who is the dispenser of all mercies, prosper you in your arduous labours." A great number of other addresses, from various parts of the country, were presented to Mr. Cobden, all condemning the conduct of Sir Robert Peel in having insinuated or imputed to him an alliance so atrocious. Some three years afterwards (in 1846), when the Corn and Provision Laws were doomed, Mr. Roebuck revived the subject in the House of Commons, and Sir Robert Peel then formally withdrew the imputation. • At a jjublic meeting, held in London a day or two after the debate, Mr. Cobden expressed his astonishment tliat he, who was a member of the Peace Society, and conscientiously believed Extraordinary Meeting in Manchester. 135 that it was worse than useless to take human life, even for murder, should be accused of instigating assassination. The meeting in Manchester, on the 23rd of Februarj-, was called as an " extraordinar)' general meeting" of the League, and was certainly one of the most " extraordinary" meetings ever held in Manchester or the country; the Free Trade Hall being crowded to excess, although calculated to hold 10,000 persons. The meeting was called " to repudiate the charges made in the legislature against the League, and more particularly against Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P." The word " charges" covered both the personal attack of Sir Robert Peel in the Commons, and Lord Brougham's bitter invectives upon the same subject in the Lords. Mr. George Wilson presided, and in the course of his address said : — " I deny all alliance Avith, and approbation and knowledge of any agent or means, other than those that are peaceful, moral, and in accordance with the British constitution, for the accomplishment of our object, and I hurl back the calumny as a most atrocious, most wilful, and most audacious falsehood." A letter was then read to the meeting, from the late Absolam Watkin (father of Sir Edward W. Watkin, M.P.), in which he said : — " They who made the charge do not believe it ; but it should nevertheless be repelled, in order that silence may not be mistaken for acquiescence, and the usefulness of the League be impeded by the infamous calumny. At the same time I think we ought to assert fully and clearly the constitutional doctrine of the 'individual and personal responsibility' of every minister of the crown. I am not aware that this 136 Recollections of Cohden and the League. responsibility has ever been doubted by any writer on the law of England. Sir Robert Peel is unquestionably responsible for all the measures which he recommends, and which his majority enables him to carry. He is in the habit, more than any minister whose speeches I can recollect, of speaking of those measures as distinctively and personally his. If he will assume all the credit, he must at least retain his legal portion of the responsibility. That responsibility is individual and personal. A minister may be impeached, he may be tried, convicted, and executed. All these things are individual and personal, and in this sense he is held, by the constitution, to be individually and personally responsible to the people of this country, acting by and through their representatives. ■'' * In the utter astonishment which INIr. Cobden must have felt at such a shameless perversion of his meaning, and in the midst of tlie hideous outcry by which those who cannot speak endeavoured to sustain their leader, it is no wonder that Mr. Cobden was more eager to disclaim an odious imputation than to re-assert a principle. But the members of the League have had time for consideration, and it is for them to supply what is wanting. It is their duty, while they disavow the odious charge which has been insinuated against them as a body, and while they do justice to the character of Mr. Cobden, to maintain and assert the uncpiestionable doctrine of the British constitution, that every minister of the crown, and conseciuently Sir Robert Peel, is individually and personally responsible for the measures which he adopts. The assertion of tlie principle appears to be called for, by the Extraordinary Meeting in Manchester. 137 treatment which Mr. Cobden has received from the monopolist majority, and may perhaps have some influence upon those who are inaccessible to higher motives." Resolutions were passed at this meeting expressing the highest respect for Mr. Cobden, and an address to him from the inhabitants of Manchester and Salford was also adopted, embodying their grateful acknowledgments for the valuable services he had rendered to the country. I was called upon to move the first resolution, which was as follows : — " That this meeting, having learnt that in the two Houses of Parliament the Anti-Corn Law League has been charged with encouraging, or countenancing, the employment of personal violence, in order to obtain the repeal of the Corn Law, feels called upon to repel so unjust and groundless an insinuation ; and especially to declare the indignation with which it views the attempt to misrepresent the expressions used by the Hon. member for Stockport, during the recent debate on the suffer- ing state of the country." In moving the resolution, I said : — " Gentlemen, I believe it may be taken for granted that with a wrong doer, nothing is so provoking as truth. Mr. Cobden made his speech, and what followed? Mr. Bankes, who had been assailed in that speech, immediately rose as Mr. Cobden sat down. At the same time Sir Robert Peel rose also ; and as a proof that there was no conception in the House that Mr. Cobden had made any reprehensible allusion to the Premier, the general cry was for ' Bankes.' There was no cry for Sir 138 Recollections of C oh den and the League. Robert Peel. It may therefore be supposed that if any injury had been inflicted, the House thought Mr, Bankes was the injured man, and not Sir Robert Peel. Sir Robert, how- ever, flourished his arm's, and struck his fists upon a wooden box in order to attract attention, and then the House consented to hear him. But what did they hear? Not a defence of his measures, but an enunciation of insinuations which, if they meant anything, meant an alliance of I\Ir. Cobden with the objects of the assassin McNaughten. I have seen the feeling of this meeting on the subject ; the offence will not soon be forgotten. It is a subject, as ^Mr. Cobden said last night at the Crown and Anchor, that will keep, and mend with keeping. When a man of acknowledged talent and superior mind abandons reasoning and takes to insinuation, what are we to think of him. I leave the consideration which it suggests to your minds. But let us not leave the subject, without a word of comment on the proud position of Mr. Cobden. It has become the privilege of the Hon. member for Stockport to defeat the highest man in the realm, and that too with the noblest weapon which human intellect and human tongue can wield. Gentlemen, if the offence of our friend is the charging of responsibility on the minister, I plead guilty to that • charge myself. I was one of a deputation to wait upon him last session, and I see men around mc now who were present at that interview. You will remember that during the session. Sir Robert Peel commended the conduct of the people who had borne their sufferings so patiently. At the interview we reminded him of this, but we Extraordinary Meeting in Manchester. 139 told him that though they had been so patient, there were embers smouldering underneath the mass, which but little seen, were yet known to have given indications of a sudden breaking out into flames. We told him of the Sunday meetings held in this neighbourhood. We told him of the language used at those meetings, we told him that banners were carried before the processions ha\'ing inscribed on them "Bread or Blood," and we implored him, as he valued the peace of the country, to remove the cause of the people's trouble. Gentlemen, if the leaders of the Anti-Corn Law League, who then declared the responsibity of ministers, are the violent men they are now represented to be by the ministerial organs, why were they not then rebuked ? If Sir Robert Peel and Sir James Graham thought that we deserved the title of in- cendiaries, why did they not then charge it upon us ? But Sir James Graham said on that occasion, ' I see you are men of station, property, and influence, and I call upon you as such to preserve the institutions and the peace of the country.' According to this confession then, we are not the men it is now sought to represent us to be. You will recollect that following these indications of danger, of which we gave the ministers friendly warning, painful scenes occurred. You know that after\vards militarj' force was brought amongst you to protect life and property, whilst the free importation of bread was refused. It must have been familiar to Sir Robert Peel and to Sir James Graham, that the people were starving at the cannon's mouth. And what did they do ? Did they pass an order in council to admit foreign wheat duty free ? No 140 Recollections of Cohden and the League. such thing. One stroke of the pen would have brought to our shores those barrels of flour which were lying in thousands in the storehouses of the United States, decaying and falling to pieces for want of mouths to eat thereof, and which would have restored happiness to thousands in this country who were pining away for want. But what did they do ? They passed an order in Council to enable us to export machinery duty free ! When the free importation of food might have given the people peaceful employment, was tliat a time to put our improved machinerj' into the hands of the foreigner, so as to deprive our people still further of work ? I am not one of those who oppose the sale of machinery abroad. Sell any- thing, I say, that we do not want to keep ourselves, but do let us have what we want in return for it. Now responsibility must rest somewhere, and those who made that order in Council, without taking off the duty on corn, are, in my opinion, responsible for much of the suffering and the misery which the people of this country have endured since that time." These sentiments were endorsed by the enthusiastic applause of the meeting. Mr. Thomas Bazley was the next speaker. He said he repelled on his own and on their behalf, with all the power he could command, the insinuation that they had used or countenanced violence in attempting to attain their object. He adde.d : — " Surely we should not use, as an instrument for obtaining justice, inhuman cruelty and injustice. We are engaged in a peaceful struggle. Our means are mental ; they are moral. We seek a conquest through conviction, by the Extraordinary Meeting in Manchester. 141 force of truth and reason ; not by a physical process. With my friend, Mr. Ashworth, I hold the Government of the country responsible for the people's sufferings ? May not the increased number of paupers in the workhouses hold Govern- ment responsible ? And there are the silent reproaches of those who lie in their still graves — whose cry is gone up to heaven — they reproach not, but I trust we shall see redressed the uTongs done to them. Shall I attempt to vindicate the character of Richard Cobden ? No, my friends, he stands upon a pinnacle too elevated for us to approach ! We may admire it, but we have no occasion to vindicate that position," Mr. Benjamin Pearson moved the following resolution :— " That whilst this meeting has witnessed, on all occasions when the Hon. memlier for Stockport has advocated the repeal of the Corn Law, that he has evinced a stern regard for justice, and for the real welfare of his country, it has been a source of peculiar satisfaction to observe that he has always, in his writings and in his speeches, maintained the importance and benefits of free trade, in a spirit with the principles of the constitution, the laws of the land, and the precepts of Christianity." Mr. Alderman Pearson said :- — " I have had an opportunity, I think, of knowing what are the real sentiments of Mr. Cobden. I have had opportunities, on some occasions, which were too private and too confidential to admit of or require reserve, to know the real sentiments of that noble character ; and I must declare that it has been to me a matter of the highest satisfaction to find in him so profound a reverence for the 142 Recollectmis of Cobdcn and the League. precepts of Christianity. When the disciples of Socrates lamented that he was suffering, being innocent ; ' What ! ' said he, 'would you have me suffer, guilty?' It is likely that in so large a body as the Anti-Com-Law League there will be found some who will evince feelings of retaliation for the thousands of our fellow-creatures who have been brought to premature graves by injustice; but I can confidently say, that no such sentiment has existed for a moment in the breast of Mr, Cobden." Sir Thomas Potter said : — " Suppose any individual in Manchester were to have the audacity to charge a person who is known to stand as high as a man can stand, with instigating murder, what should we think of him ? Why, he would be mobbed, and very deservedly mobbed too. I'll be bound he would never repeat the charge." The late Alderman Callender {father of the late William Romaine Callender, M.P, for Manchester) said : — He had been connected with the League from its formation, and he assured them that if he could not, as a Christian man, justify every step taken by the League, he would not appear amongst its members. "The object we have in view," said Mr. Callender, ''you all know, is to enlighten the minds of our fellow-countrymen ; and if it be a sin, I will bear my share of the odium. A .good deal has been said of Sir Robert Peel's attack. Now I take t^iis view of the matter — that he has been acting a little. He could not answer the home thrusts of our friend Mr. Cobden, and therefore he stood forward to act — what shall I call it ? — a very unworthy part for the Prime Minister Extraordinary Meeting in Manchester. 143 of England. As to being responsible, have we forgotten what the Right Hon. Baronet said at Tamworth before he took office? Have we forgotten the dinner he gave, and the appeal he made to one or two physicians, whether their responsibility was at all involved unless they were regularly called in ? ' Call me in,' he said, ' then I'll tell you what is to be done ?' Well, we have had the doctor called in with the leave of the State. Now, who ever heard of such a thing as that without responsibility? But if a man incurs a responsibility in a case where one life is placed under his care, what degree of responsibility must he incur when the lives of a nation are at his will ? I do not hesitate to say that he will have to answer for the performance of his trust, not merely at the bar of his country, but at the bar of his God. But who is the Right Hon. Baronet ? Some men, it is said, are a disgrace to their origin ; the origin of some is a disgrace to them. Old Sir Robert Peel was never ashamed to look at the block whence he was he\vn. But the present Sir Robert is not only ashamed to own his descent, but he comes forward on behalf of those iniquitous laws, which were not only enacted professedly to serve the landlordsat the expense of the manufacturers, but which are inflicting upon them the most deadly of evils. Well, then, we have seen Sir Robert not only as an actor but as a doctor ; and I cannot help repeating two lines which referred to an individual who was both a doctor and a writer of farces, and which may, I think, be applied to Sir Robert Peel : — ' In physic and farces, his equal there scarce is, His farce it is physic — his physic a farce is.' 144 RecoUectioiis of Cobden and the League. Now I think you will say that his physic — for you have had a pretty good sample of it — is one of the worst kinds ever produced in this country. It is to try how little i)eople can live upon. This doctor has brought millions down to starving point" Mr. John Bright was the next speaker. He began by saying that twenty-four hours ago he was addressing a crowded meeting in London on this question, but the present meeting gave him more pleasure, though the cause of it was mingled with regret. Mr. Bright thus proceeded : — " Every man must deplore the foct that the Prime Minister of this country should have degraded himself by such an exhibition as that which he made in the House of Commons last week. I rejoice that we have so speedily again an opportunity of meeting in this hall, to denounce the law which the Prime Minister acknow- ledges to be unjust, and which he knows full well must soon be repealed. Look at the miserable tactics of our opponents from the beginning. We are not at the climax of the game they have been playing. They treated us at first with ridicule. After- wards they pretended to meet us with a little of argument ; and that failed, as it was likely to foil. Then they hinted at the suppression of the League as an illegal association ; but though there are laws in this country with meshes so small that it might be jiossible we should not be able to get through them, yet these laws are laws which no minister dare enforce, unless he have the sanction of the great body of the intelligent population of this country; and I dare assert that on this question the intelligence of this country, and of the middle Mr. Bright at the Extraordinary Meeting. 145 classes in particular, is in direct antagonism to tlie ministry of the day. This project, then, of suppressing the League as an illegal association did not do, and slander was next resorted to." Mr. Bright then administered a scathing rebuke to Lord Brougham and Mr. Roebuck, for their " attempt to crush the League through its most distinguished advocate in the House of Commons ;" adding, " Never was an attempt more vain. ' Thrice is he armed that hath his quarrel just ; And he but naked, though locked up in steel, Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted.' I confess that I feel sensations of the deepest humility, when I sit in the galleiy of the House of Commons and see the Protectionists all conscience stricken. But what shall we say of him who is the leader of that band of men, and who shrinks from the just responsibility which has been laid upon him ? There was no obligation laid upon Sir Robert Peel to assume the reins of power. I hold that his own ambition made him seek that office ; and if he will seek the power, and patronage, and influence and fame of office, I for one, will never allow him to shrink from the resi)onsibility of office. " * If Sir Robert Peel had been a cotton-spinner— if he had followed his father's trade — I liave no doubt, nay, J solemnly believe, he would have been a Leaguer, for his opinions would ha\-e been realities, but as Prime Minister of the landlords, his opinions are merely abstractions. When he is asked wh)-, having free trade opinions, he cannot enforce them, the answer is, ' It is not the time.' I ask when it will be the time ? We 146 Recollections of Cobdeii and the League. thought it was time five years ago. AVhcn lie says it is not the time, he ought to be hooted out of any intelligent company in this country. I tell you that it is a hypocritical pretence to say that this is not the time. It is now the time ; the hour is now striking. It is absolutely necessary that this law should be repealed, in order to restore prosperity and avert from you calamities which I cannot contemplate without horror. I tell you, men of iNIanchester, that it is from you must come the deliverance of your country. You have the power to say to this monstrous, this hideous monopoly, * Go back to the den from which all such hideous things have come, and let honest men enjoy the life that God has given them.' I got up for the purpose of proposing that we should present an address to Richard Cobden. (Here the immense meeting burst into a tremendous round of cheering, waving hats and hand- kerchiefs, in which the ladies joined most heartily, and which lasted for several minutes.) They say that the people are proverbially ungrateful. It is a gross calumny upon them. I do not stand up to flatter the member. for Stockport. 1 believe him to be a very intelligent and very honest man. i believe that he will act with a single eye to the good of his country. I cannot suppose that the triumph of the great princii)les of whicli he is so distinguished an advocate, is far distant, and when that is accomplished, wc shall be amply repaid by the marvellous change which in a few years will take place in the moral aspect of this country," Miss Mariincau writes, ''the Anti-Corn ],aw League had not yet had time to win the respect and command the defer- The ''A B C;' of the League. 147 ence which it was soon to enjoy ; but it was known to be organised and led by men of station, character, and substance- men of enlarged education, and of that virtuous and decorous character which distinguishes the middle class of England. Yet it was believed — believed by men of education — by men in Parliament — by men in attendance on the Government, that the Anti-Corn Law League sanctioned assassination, and did not object to carry its aims by means of it. This is, perhaps, the strongest manifestation of the tribulation of the time." The publications of the "Agricultural Protection Society," issued about this time, rendered it advisable to procure reliable information on the position of agriculture and the views of the farmers, and a deputation, consisting of Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, and myself, was appointed, and undertook to visit some of the most highly cultivated parts of Durham, Northumberland, Cumberland, and East Lothian, for that purpose. AVe were engaged for several weeks, at the latter end of 1843, on this mission, and in our absence it was joco.sely remarked, upon the initials of our names, that the " A B C" of the League, were gone to study farming. Our reception by the farmers was c^^ery where most cordial, and they met all our inquiries without any appearance of reserve. In some places they had anticipated our arrival, and appointed public meetings, which Ave attended and addressed. In all the intercourse we had, we did not meet with a single farmer who said that the Com Laws had been of any benefit to him. ]\Iany of them complained, that in the absence of leases, tlicir fiarming operations were narrowed and made 148 Recollections of Cobden and the League. unremunerative. In East Lothian, we found that leases for 19 or 2 1 years were universal, tliat farms were mostly of 300 or 400 acres in extent, that the farmers were men of capital, and that the rents were payable as " grain rents," the amount being annually determined by the average jjrice of grain. These robust and independent men ridiculed the idea of land going out of cultivation after Corn Law repeal, and in our intercourse with them, whether singly or in company, the conclusion arrived at was uniformly the same, namely, that long leases and corn rents were indispensable to the welfare of the landlord as well as of the tenant formers. The gentlemen from whom we dcri\-ed the most important in- formation were Mr. x\dam Hope, and his son Mr. George Hope, both of Fenton Barns; and their neighbour, Mr. Waterson. The principal topics discussed were those whicli had been raised by the " Agricultural Protection Society," and the substance of the rcjjlies we received, will be found very fully embodied in the following extracts from a Prize Essay, by Mr. George Hope : — He says, " 1 wish to show, as a farmer, that however necessary a Corn Bill may be to enable landlords to obtain high money rents, it is not at all requisite for the well-being of the tenant formers, and still less for the agricultural labourers ; but, on the contrary, that it is a positive evil for both. The only honest and true plan of fostering agriculture has yet to be tried, and that method is, cherishing tlie growth of grain, and securing Ihc icclfare of the largest possible number of consumers. By the law of r8i5 importation was uliolly prohibited until Prize Essay on the Com Law. 149 wheat readied 80/- per (quarter. Farmers were found to state, ill evidence before Parliamentary Committees, that unless they got 80/- or 90/- per quarter for wheat, the great bulk of the wheat growing lands w'ould be thrown out of cultivation. This law practically secured a monopoly of the home market for the British growers. We all know the bitter disappointment of those who entered into contracts and leases with that idea, A few years experience made a solvent tenant almost a rarity. The law of 1828 was a new plan to prevent importation by means of a sliding scale of duties ; but it has been confessed by all parties to have proved beneficial only to gambling speculators. It has been tinkered anew by Sir Robert Peel (1842), but it is clear that this supposed amendment was not meant to go to the root of the evil, but was intended to keep the price of w^heat at 56/- per quarter. These artificial famine laws, compel the British farmers to occupy a singular position — they are ruined, not by bad crops, but by the very richness of the blessings of a bountiful Providence. From the evidence given before the Agricultural Society of 1836, it will be found, that though for years no foreign grain had been in the market, jet the farmers who pay money rents were distressed, while those whose rents were regulated by the prices of grairi had no cause of complaint." Mr. Hope, speaking as a tenant farmer on a lease of 21 years, and paying an average rent of ^^1,500 a year, the amount of rent depending on the price of grain, said, '' I would rejoice were the Corn Law to be abolished whenever Parliament meets, and I am by no means singular in holding Recollections of Cobdcn and the League. these views." — Speaking of the e\i)cnses of cultivation he says, " It is admitted that the nominal ])rice of labour is much lower on the Continent than here, but when the quantity of work done is taken into account, this difference \anishes. " I fearlessly appeal to you, my brother Farmers throughout the Kingdom, if there is not a mighty deal of humbug vented about the expense of raising grain. You and 1 know well that these expenses depend almost if not altogether upon the ren{. It is liigh money rents that make the Farmers sometimes think corn too cheap. " Free Trade would do away in jjart with the ruinous com- petition among farmers for land, b}' opening up other and more ])rofitable investments for capital. Where the rent is regulated by the price of grain, it is matter of comparative indifference to the farmers what the price may be, and it is sometimes their interest to have that price very moderate. A sliding scale api)ears to be solely calculated to accumulate stores of grain in bonded warehouses, until perhaps immediately before the harvest when the grain is almost wholly out of the hands of the farmers ; then only do prices reach the pitch to enable importers to i)ay, or rather to avoid jiaying, the dut\-, when the whole stock is thrown upon the market, just as we, the home growers, begin to dispose of our new croj); and it has happened repeatedly that when we farmers had little or nothing to sell, the bonded corn has been liberated just in time to forestall ou.r market, and thus in the time of harvest the new crop and the foreign supply] come to market together. Farmers without leases should have little cause to complain of free trade in grain, Prize Essay on the Corn Lmc. 151 as they can have no difificulty in making new arrangements with their landlords, and those who are paying i:^rain rents do not require any alteration. The landlords who refuse leases, have but an equi\'ocal title to be ranked amongst 'the farmers' friends.'" There is one argument in favour of free trade which will reach both the feelings and the judgment of every farmer who is a parent. " Farmers' sons cannot be all farmers, nor can their daughters all find settlements among their own class. We cannot, like the privileged orders, quarter our younger sons upon the State, or find them employment in the Army, the Church, or the Colonies. They must push their fortunes in trade and manufactures. A farmer with six children will probably keep a son and a daughter at home : but the other four will in all probability depend for their prospects in life upon the prosperity of trade and manu- factures, hence the family is more interested in trade than in farming, in the proportion of two to one." Upon the subject of protection Mr. Hope says, " You, as farmers, have always secured to you the natural protection of the cost of bringing the corn from distant countries. Upon an average I believe the freight and other charges upon corn, imported from the Baltic or from America, amount to ten shillings a qicartcr. Now this I say is a natural protection which nobody can deprive you of, and supposing you grow four quarters of wheat an acre, this protection of ten shillings a quarter is equal to two pounds an acre." Addressing himself to the farm labourers he says, " It is 152 Recollections of Cobden and the League. unblushingly declared, that it is on your account that we enjoy a Corn Law; but you will have observed that we still possess the fertile soil of Britain, and that ploughing, sowing, and harrowing, would under any circumstances go on much as usual. It has been said that with low priced food a reduction of wages would follow; but in Ireland, with high priced grain, wages are now from 8d. to i/- a day, whilst in America, with low priced food, they are a dollar, or 4s, 2d. a day ; so that wages, hke everything else, evidently depend on supply and demand. The Chartists in every village point to the palaces of the wealthy, and to the wretched hovels of the workmen. I am afraid of our Institutions when the labourer can say to the government, ' you tell us that we are unfit to govern ourselves, and you show your fitness to rule, by robbing us through your bread tax.' " Fenton Barns, by Haddington, N. B., 20th October, 1842. COUNTY MEETINGS. Although the Council of the League found it advisable to carry the agitation for Corn Law Repeal into the strong- holds of the enemy, and for this ]jurpose to obtain the services of a host of Lecturers, amongst whom were to be found some of the most eloquent men in the kingdom ; as for instance Wm. Johnson Fox, sometime M.P. for Oldham ; George Thompson, sometime M.P. for the Tower Hamlets ; Dr. J. Bowring, afterAvards M.P, for Bolton ; Mr. Sidney Smith, Mr. J. S. Buckingham, Mr. A. The County Meetings. 153 \\\ Paulton, Mr. James Acland, Mr. R. R. R. Moore, Barrister-at-Law ; Mr. T. Falvey, and many others ; yet the great leaders of the League did not at any time hold them- selves absolved from liard work. On the contrar)-, this ex- tension of the agitation only increased the desire of the people throughout the country, to listen to Messrs. Cobden and Bright; and they, although both engaged in, and dependent on their incomes from trade, yet left their establishments to the conduct of partners or assistants, whilst they devoted time, talent, health, and income, to explode a great fallacy ; to denounce and over- turn a piece of unjust and selfish legislation, and by so doing, to increase the welfare of the country at large ; and they did this at a time when even the utmost care and attention to business often failed to bring a profitable result. Mr. Cobden, besides fulfilling his duties in Parliament, and assisting at meetings of the League in Manchester, London, and other large towns, found time to address no less than thirty-one county meetings ; whilst Mr. Bright also attended thirty similar gatherings; and at fifteen meetings out of a total forty-six, both gentlemen attended and spoke. On these occasions they were frequently accom- panied by the veteran, Colonel Thompson, and occasionally by the Hon. C. P. Villiers, M.P. It would have been strange indeed if the calm, argumentative, and persuasive eloquence of Mr. Cobden, with the fiery energy and earnest denunciations of injustice and folly, levelled at the aristocracy and the Legis- lature by Mr. Bright, and the trenchant sarcasms of Colonel Thompson, had not told upon public opinion; and the numerous adhesions to the cause of Free Trade whicli followed 154 Recollections of Cohden and the League. these meetings, clearly shewed that the workers would not fail of their ultimate reward. I venture to collect and present to the reader a few extracts from the sjoeechcs at these meetings, as reported in the "Anti- Bread Tax Circular." At Norwich, 31st March, 1843, Mr. Cobden, appealing to the working men and farmers present, said : * * •:: " Who cats the bread in this country ? ^^'hy, the greater portion of the bread is eaten by the working men, their wives and children ; and if they do not eat bread they have to eat potatoes, and the more shame for it, for they ought to have bread. (Cheers and immense applause.) Now what is the Anti-Corn Law League seeking ? Who is to eat more bread wlien the Corn Laws are repealed? Do you think I should? (An interruption, and cries of ' turn him out.') Don't turn him out; if you will only keep him here we will make a convert of him. (Cheers, and hear, hear.) I know there are men in this room hired to make a disturbance, l)ut we will make friends of them before we have done. (Reiterated cries of 'Turn him out,' and ' No,' 'No.') Don't interfere with any one ; don't turn anybody out ; I want our enemies to hear us. (A \oice, ' Only keep them quiet.') I was going on to ask, who will eat the bread which the Anti- Corn Law League brings into this country? I shan't eat any more ; you may say I am not very fat, but I have as much bread as I want, and if bread were ten times dearer than it is, I have enough to buy what I want ; and if not, why I have where- withal to carry myself to where the bread is to be had, in the United States of America, and I could easily go there. (Cheers.) Mr. Cobdcn at JVonvt'ck. 155 If there is more bread brouglit into this country by the work of the Anti-Corn Law League, who is to eat the extra quantity ? why the working classes must; and those who are eating potatoes, and oatmeal, and barley bread, will then get wheaten bread instead. (Cheers.) Well, how is this corn to be paid for? If we bring in cargoes of corn, the Americans won't give us their cargoes of corn for nothing. We must give them something for it ; we must give the produce of labour, either out of the loom, or the spinning wheel, or the mine. 5»' 5»i '\' '\' ^ -I^ % My father lost his property as a tenant farmer, and I fled from the family occupation to a manufacturing district, in hopes of finding that independence which was denied to me in the far more preferable pursuit of farming." (Hear, hear.) Mr. Cobden continued by saying " that he wished first of all to ask what was the protection which the landlords and poli- ticians professed to give to their farmers — what was this pro- tection ? They professed to be able to give them a certain fixed price for their produce, through an Act of Parliament. But how do you think we can give any protection in Parlia- ment to any particular class ? How do you think we can give riches to any particular class by our votes in Parliament? AVe have no money in the House of Commons to give away. The House of Commons is as bare, aye, more bare than these walls were when we entered them. We don't find money enough in the House of Commons to pay the doorkeeper. W^ell, how then do we profess to enrich any class there? Why, simply by passing an Act of Parliament to take some- 156 Recollections of Cohden and the League. thing away from some other class. (Hear, hear, and great cheering.) '•' '■' '■' '•' '•' '•' Here is an illustration of liow we all depend upon each other. We send our manufactures to you in the agricultural districts, and you send your corn to us ; and yet there are j^olitical landlords who would fain persuade you that your interests and ours are opposed to each other. Did not Dr. Marsham, at the Buckingham dinner, say that five millions of the people of this country live upon oatmeal, and five millions more rejoice upon potatoe diet ? Let these people be fed as they ought to be fed. (Hear, hear, and great applause.) Let them be fed as the working population in America are fed — let them have wheaten bread every day — let them have butter and cheese — and let them have free scope for their industry, and they will then be able to buy these things — (hear, hear) — give to the artizans the free trade they ask for, and the demand for their labour will enable them to purchase the extra quantity of corn that will be brought in from abroad, and you will be left with plenty of customers still. " " . "'■ '•' " How is it that the English former cannot compete with the foreigner? You did compete with the foreigner 80 years ago. England then exported corn, and sold it at the door of the foreigner ; but now we are told that the farmer here cannot sell his corn in the home market in opposition to the foreigner, although the foreigner has to convey it clear of charges, over lumdreds or thousands of miles to our own duor. If this be so, lot us have a corn rent — let the farmers hire their forms as the Scotch farmers do, upon a corn rent, and ujjon long leases, and Mr. Cobden at Taunton. 157 then let them try whether, with the appHcation of skill, industry, and improvements in agricultural machinery, they will not be able to compete with the foreigners, as well as the manufacturer now«competes with them at their own doors. Let them be secure of the fruits of their labours, the interest of their capital, and the application of their skill and industry, and the English farmers can compete with the foreigners better than the manufacturers can. (Hear, hear.)" At Taunton, on 8th April, 1843, Mr. Cobden said : '■• * '■■' '■'• * "Since the present system of Corn and Provision Laws, which was adopted in 18 15, the farmers had been the least prosperous part of the community, judging by their own declarations. They had either been great h}i:)0crites in saying they had been distressed and unprosperous, or else they had been the most unfortunate part of tlie community. (Hear, hear.) It began in 1815, and the professed object of the law which was passed in that year was, to give the farmers a high and steady price for their wheat. Well, from 18 15 to the present time, there had been five successive periods of agricultural distress ; five times had the farmers, as a body, been up in arms, complaining of what they called un- paralelled distress and difficulty. Could they say that any other class of traders, such as drapers, grocers, dec, or pro- fessional men, had been found up in arms in a similar manner complaining of their condition ? If this unparalleled distress had only come upon the farmers, was not that prima fack evidence that something had particularly interfered with their Interests? (Hear, and cheers.) He would go back to 1S15 158 Recollections of Cobdeii and the League. to see how the law had produced distress. The law was made for keeping corn up to 80/- per quarter. Some of those who advocated what they called protection denied that, but the evidence taken before the House of Commons in 1814 went to show that they passed the law to keep the price of wheat up to 80/- per quarter, and for this purpose to keep out foreign wheat. When they had got the law, the landlords and their stewards went and bargained with the farmers for their rents, and they (the formers), under the impression that they were to get 80s. per quarter for their wheat, entered into arrangements accordingly. What was tlie consequence ? In 1822, seven years after this arrangement, wheat was selling in the English market at 42/- per quarter. ''■' ''■'■ ''■' Then in 1828 the farmers got another law, and they then thought that they had got the perfection of protection. The sliding scale of duty was adopted in 1828, and the object of that scale was to keep corn up, at from 65/- to 70/- ])er quarter ; and the farmers again entered into arrangements with the landlord's and their stewards ; and the land agents were again set to work to fix the proper rental of the land. AVhat followed ? Why, in December, 1S35, wheat was sold for 36/- per quarter. (Hear, hear.) " Thus the effect of the Corn l^aw was to ruin trade and starve the people. It so destroyed trade that peoi)le could not even buy wheat at 36/- a ([uarier. The i)Oor were dying off, and women, and children, and weak men, iterislied by tliousands during these years. (Heai-, hear.) They (the Taunton farmers) were interested in something besides the Taunton Mr, Bright at Taunton. 159 market every Saturday. (Hear.) Their market was regulated by Mark-lane, and they knew they could not get higlier prices than the London prices. And what governed the London markets, but tlie consumption in Manchester, Leeds, and other large manufacturing towns ? If these towns took less food the prices fell, and the fate of the manufacturers sealed the fate of the farmers." (Hear, and cheers.) Mr. Bright followed and said : ■■ "■ If he were to ask a farmer (he would not ask him there, as men would not always avow their sentiments in i)ublic) what he would have, in order that lie might be as prosperous as possible ? The reply would be that he should like to have high prices and low rents. (Laughter.) Now., the Corn Law had given them, in times of deficient harvest, unhealthy high prices, which had been followed constantly by unnaturally high rents ; and as con- stantly accompanied by high poor rates, and high rates of tithe. Every outgoing which the farmer had to pay, was increased during the operation of this law, in seasons of deficient harvest. He had high rents, which were constantly in- creasing. Well, he had his produce to sell ; and he had his price for it ; but a price which was not increased in pro- portion to the increase of his outlay. Then there came a plentiful harvest, and the farmer was ruined ; he was plunged lower than if this unnatural increase of prices had not taken place; his customers were ruined also, and it was utterly impossible for him to sell his produce. (Hear, hear.) When a farmer failed, they scarcely ever saw his name in the Gazette; the people who made the corn law, made also i6o Recollections of Cobden and the League. another law, by which, on a failure taking place, everything owing to the landlords must be paid first, and a man generally left as much stock upon his farm as would be swept into the huge drag-net of the political landowner. (Cheers.) The farmer went from his old home, he might emigrate, or he might take a wayside public-house, or he might become an agri- cultural labourer, for ought they cared. And what was the consequence ? ^Vhy, twenty others were ready to step into his shoes, and to bid more rent than the ruined man had given. A man must have an homestead, and the new tenant lived upon hope— hoping that times would mend, and he went struggling on and on, until he also sank down into the vortex which had swallowed those who had gone before him." (Hear, hear.) At Liskeard, April 15th, 1843, Mr. Bright said : ''As one of a deputation from the National Anti-Corn Law League, he felt that he stood there under circumstances of some difficulty, and of some suspicion ; although he believed that a majority of tlie population in the northern counties of P'ngland did give them credit for honesty and good intentions, yet, he doubted not, there were many in the southern counties, who were led to believe that the League had objects and interests different to those of the landowner, the farmer, and tlic farm labourer. '■■' -■■ '''• '''• But they of the League thought that by spreading information, and by holding meetings such as this, tlicy sliouki, before very long, bring the whole population to believe that a great fraud had been practised upon tliem by the Corn Law, and by all other Mr. Bright at Liskeard. i6i monopolies, such as are generally called protections to any- particular interest. * * * There are, said he, three millions of people in Lancashire and Yorkshire, one- ninth of the whole population of the kingdom, who are chiefly maintained by the cotton and woollen trades. If these two trades were injured by the impossibility of buying goods in return for their own productions, these three millions of people would sink into distress ; they would cease to buy a fair portion of what you produce, and the industry of the whole country would be injured in consequence. * * * One half of the people in Sheffield, in Birmingham, and other large towns, are employed in working on articles which are sold abroad ; but in consequence of our refusing in this country to take the productions of foreign soil, foreigners refuse to take our goods, except under very disadvantageous circumstances. They place very high import duties on goods taken into their countries, so high that we are unable to sell in those countries except by beating down wages at home. (Hear, hear.) Take America as an instance. We had a large trade with America. Some of the States grow a great deal of wheat, and pork, and so on, and they wanted it to come into England. The English government would not allow it, except under high import duties ; and then the Americans said, " If you put a duty upon our corn, we will put a duty upon your manufactures in retaliation for your Corn Law. * ■'• ''•' Now many persons say that this course cannot hurt the workmen, because wages will rise when food rises in price. Nothing could be more untrue. Wages always fall in such cases. L iG2 Recollections of Cohdeu and the League. (Hear, hear.) There is no instance on record where a scarcity of food has caused a rise of wages. '■' '•' The farmers have been told to rely on the Corn Law as the true source of their prosperity, and hence it has been the custom for landlords to tell their friends, that the Com Law is their sheet anchor of safety, and that the farmers would be ruined without it. He threw all such propositions to the winds, as being the grossest fallacy ever put into the heads of the people. Mr. R. R. R. Moore followed and said : '■•' " * "In 1824 Mr. Huskisson proposed to reduce the import duty on wool, and to substitute id. per lb. for 6d. The landed interests made an outcry against it, and the farmers also petitioned against the proposal. '•' '•' The ministry of that day was strong, and they were enabled to reduce the duty to id. a pound, and the quantity of wool introduced in 1841 was 56,ooo,ooolbs., being 5i,ooo,ooolbs. more than was imported in 1824; and yet the price of wool in 1841 was i/io per lb., instead of 1/6 as in 1824. (Hear, hear.) That happened in this way. The whole quantity of wool in the country being increased, the employment of the workers at the woollen trades was increased, a greater number of people could buy woollen clothes, and the farmer had a settled demand for his produce, because there was a greater number of customers. That would be precisely the case if the Corn Law was repealed." At Hertford, on 29th April, 1843, Mr. Cobden said: * '•' '•' " Farming, for many years past, had been the Mr. Bright at Dorchester. 163 worst of all trades, notwithstanding the protection it had received from Parliament. There had never been any mem- bers representing the particular interests of grocers, drapers, innkeepers, or other trading persons, sitting in the House of Commons. Whatever Parliament might do, farmers could command good prices for their produce only so long as their customers could afford to pay them, and the farmers' customers were the town population, the traders, manufacturers, and merchants of the kingdom; and when distress existed amongst them, it could not fail to reach the agriculturists, and what the latter body was now suffering from was the reaction of distress suffered by the former, which was as sure to follow as night to succeed the setting of the sun." At Dorchester, on 13th May, 1843, ^'^^- Bright attended and said : " " '•' " The Corn Law, by preventing imports of corn, and thereby unduly raising prices during seasons of deficient harvests, takes from the people so much of their earnings, as to leave them without the means of keeping up their usual consumption of such articles of clothing, furniture, &c., as they require, and by the making of which, millions of people are profitably employed, and paid, and earn a livelihood ; and thus when the general demand for these articles falls off, and men are without employment, distress is brought upon large masses of the people. The home trade, or demand for home products, is thus greatly injured, and whilst this process is going on, the Corn Law is also preventing the extension of the foreign trade, by raising up high duties abroad, and by diminishing the home con- 164 Recollections of Cobden and the League, sumption of foreign commodities, and thus diminishing the amount of exports required to pay for those commodities. But however injurious the Corn Law has been to manufacturers, it has been more destructive of the well-being of the tenant farmers. If it has injured and impoverished the farmer's customers, it must have injured the farmers. '■' ''•' '•' The Corn Law renders the farmers wholly dependent upon their landlords. They can scarcely think or act for themselves. They are cajoled or bullied into voting for the landlords' candidate, who, as a legislator, maintains the Com Law by which trade is destroyed, and farming made a hazardous and unprofitable business." Mr. Moore, addressing the meeting, said : '•' " " " The question for the English farmer is a very simple one. The able-bodied pauper now buys nothing from you; but you have to keep hundreds of thousands of them by means of poor's rates ; the question is, will you let them buy their wheat abroad, and let them work at home to pay for that wheat, so that they may then be able to buy other articles from you? or will you still keep them as paupers living upon the industry of others ? The Corn Law makes the farmers dread abundance. The New Fanner's Journal proposes a plan by which no more wheat shall be grown than the country can give a high price for. ^\■hat a daring outrage upon the laws of Providence is this ! Shall the sun shine, and the showers fall, and the earth yield her increase, and shall man say this increase is a curse ? Why not send for the men at tlie time of harvest, not to reap, but to trample down Mr. Cobden at Uxhridge. 165 and destroy a portion of the crops, so that what is left may sell for a famine price ? Sir E. Knatchbull, the other night, said the Corn Law must be kept on, in order to keep up the marriage settlements of the landowner's daughters ! Have farmers' daughters no marriage settlements to be secured ? Have labourers no rights of this kind to be maintained ? The Corn Law is evidently intended to keep the tenantry as tools in the hands of the landlords, to pillage the community, to keep up rents and marriage settlements, and to pay mortgage interests." At Uxbridge, on 17th May, 1843, ^^'^' Cobden said: ''' * '■•' " The farmers were in 18 15 promised 80/- a quarter for their corn, and their farms were valued upon that supposition. (Hear, hear.) In 1827 wheat was as low as 42/- a quarter, and all must remember the ruin and bankruptcy in which the farming interest was at that time involved. In a single newspaper, published at Norwich, there were 120 advertisements of sales of farming stock in one day. The political landlords continually called out for protection, and in 1828 the sliding scale of import duties was established, which was to have given the farmers 64/- per quarter for their wheat, and according to that sum the tenant farmer then had his rent valued. Agricultural distress continued, and in 1841 another alteration was made in the law, with a view of securing a price of from 54/- to 58/- a quarter. That was a reduction of 20 per cent. The price of corn at Uxbridge that day might be rather more, but the average throughout the kingdom was at least 10/- lower; and if the present crops were well got in, it was the opinion of the wisest heads in London that wheat 1 66 Recollections of Cohdeii and the League. would be down to 36/- a quarter. (Hear, hear.) Such had been the resuU of 2 7 years' experience of the working of the Corn Law. The only way in which farmers could hope to obtain high prices, was by improving the condition of their customers. '■•'■ '■■'■ =*= It had been formerly argued that the country would be ruined by the intro- duction of railways, and he recollected the present Duke of Buckingham presiding at a meeting at Salt Hill, to oppose the making of the Great 'Western Railway, on Avhich occasion his Grace represented railways as the most pestiferous things in the country — just as, in former ages, some people had been found to weep and mourn when they could no longer burn old women for witchcraft, declaring that the country would be ruined by the alteration in the law on that subject. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) He would take a more recent case. Previous to 1824 the duty upon foreign wool was 6d. per lb. The manufacturers complained that they could not carry on their business, if the duty was maintained at this high price. A Parliamentary Committee was appointed, and the reduction of the duty to id. per lb. was ultimately determined u])on, notwithstanding strong opposition on the part of the landlords. What was the result ? British wool advanced in price from iid. to 22d. per lb., whilst the imports increased from five millions of pounds avoirdupois, at high duly, to fifty-six millions of i)0unds when the duty was lowered. (Hear, hear.) Take another case. The import duty on skins had been reduced by about one half; but they never heard of the butcher or the grazier having any difficulty in finding Mr. Cobden at Bedford. 167 a market for his skins. If the duty were still as high as formerly, who would cease to wear shoes ? Not the rich, but the poor, for they would be compelled, as on the continent of Europe, to wear wooden shoes." Mr. Cobden fought for six hours in a county meeting at Bedford, on Saturday, June 3rd, 1843. The meeting was called in the Castle rooms, but had to be adjourned to a field outside the town. Lord Charles Russell occupied the chair. He stated that he had been placed in the chair, partly by the confidence which he enjoyed amongst the farmers, and partly by the confidence of Mr. Cobden, a confidence which he thought he had no right to expect from a perfect stranger. Lord Charles was gallant enough to say, that when he learned that Mr. Cobden was coming to visit them, " I at once felt that whatever opinions I had with regard to his views, honour Avas due to his chivalrous bearing, in coming among a set of farmers to advocate a measure to which they have hitherto been so strongly opposed ; and as I know- that the truth will prevail, I came to use what little influence I have to induce you to give him a fair hearing." The chief opponent of Mr. Cobden on this occasion was Mr. Pym, the chairman of Quarter Sessions, who moved the following reso- lution : " That protection to native industry, particularly to the agriculture of the country, is essential to the well-being of the state, and any attempt, however plausible, to abolish that protection and further depreciate the productions of our own soil, will only end in the spread of inevitable ruin throughout the rural districts, and ultimately deprive the manufacturers of 1 68 Recollections of Cobden and tJu League. their best and surest customers." This resolution was seconded by Mr. Bennett, of Luton, after which the following amend- ment was proposed by Mr. Metcalfe, and seconded by Mr. Lattimore : — " That in the opinion of this meeting the Corn Law, and every other law which protects one class at the expense of other classes, must prove injurious to the national prosperity ; and therefore all monopolies, whether passed under the pretext of benefitting the agricultural, colonial, or manufacturing interests, ought to be immediately abolished." This amendment was supported by Mr. R. R. Moore, and was carried by at least two to one. The Anti-Bread Tax Circular wrote of this and other meetings to the following effect : — " Mr. Cobden has gained another victory over monopoly, in one of its strongholds. He is a sort of Napier in his way, and likes to carry the war into the enemies camp, no matter what the odds in numbers, or what preparations they have made for defence. At Bedford the Squires, like the Belooches, died hard. They neither gave nor took quarter. At Hertford their tactics were different. They affected to treat the meeting there with contempt and were beaten by two to one. At Uxbridge they tried argument, with what success poor Colonel Wood may say ! At Bedford they wisely resolved not to trust too much to reason, but to canvass the county betimes, in the belief that the fivrmers must stand by their opinions, if once put down in black and white. This excess of caution bespeaks alarm ; it shows that experience is getting the better of prejudice amongst the tenantry, and that the land- lords dare not trust their own jury, however dexterously packed. The Anti-Bread Tax Circular on the Bedford Meeting. 169 The fact is, that a few leading truths have been knocked into men's heads by Mr. Cobden, which have found the readier reception because they explain a phenomenon occurring peri- odically, in the emptiness of their pockets, in spite of a law which promises them a higher price than they have ever yet got, for all the wheat and barley which they grow. They formerly be- lieved that Parliament could fix the prices of corn just as easily as it creates a turnpike trust ; and although they sometimes got a glimpse of the fact that the largest portion of the gain must go into the pockets of the landlord, they hoped that time would give them a fairer share of the cake. Their faith is now com- pletely shaken, by Mr. Cobden's proofs that no Com Law can ever guarantee them even 36/- a quarter, and they may well ask, as they did at Bedford, ' What is the use of a Com Law, if tenants are to get Dantzic prices and topay English rents?'" This is the secret of Mr. Cobden's success, he pins his opponents to the very point which they are most anxious to avoid. " How, when, or where, have farmers and farm labourers benefitted by the Corn Law ?" And he was fortunate enough to find at Bedford, in the only persons who attempted to interrupt the proceedings, landowners or land valuers — red tape men, as he happily christened them, — whose interest obviously lies the other way. The consequence was that the bona-fide farming portion of his audience were all with him, and that in spite of the long muster roll of written names pro- duced by Mr. Bennett and Mr. Biggar, the latter of whom had personally canvassed thirty-seven parishes, and obtained 486 rjo Recollections of Cohdcn and the League. signatures, disapproving of the object of the meeting, a reso- lution to aboHsh all protection to agriculture, manufactures, or colonies, was carried by a majority of three to two, according to the judgment of the chairman. Lord Charles Russell, who was not in favour of repeal. At the meeting, held at Rye, June loth, 1843, Mr. Cobden said : — " He had come to tell them that this Corn Law, and all Corn Laws, had been more injurious to the tenant farmer than to any other class of society. He should be glad to hear, on this occasion, from the gentlemen around him, what good the farmers and farm labourers had ever derived from such laws. Had they come prepared to shew that the farmers and farm labourers had derived any advantage ? It was not enough that he should have the landlord, or the agent, or the clerg}'- men, who might possibly benefit by a system of this sort ; but what he wanted to know was, how, when, and where the tenant farmers and farm labourers had been benefitted by this system- The Corn Law was a law passed professedly for the purpose of protecting the farmer; that was, a certain number of gentlemen got together in the House of Commons — all landlords, by the by — and passed a law to raise the price of corn for the benefit of the farmer and the labourer ! They had not succeeded in keeping up the price. The Corn Law of 1815 was to keep up corn to 80/- a quarter, and it fell, in 1822, to 42/-. The law of 1828 was to keep prices up to 64/- a ([uarter; and they soon fell as low as 36/-. Now, a system of law, which causes a fluctuation in price must be injurious to the farmer, because he cannot make his calculations with any degree of safety, he Mr. Cohden at Rye. 171 cannot tell whether five years hence he is to be still a respectable man, keeping a farm, with capital enough to work it properly, or to be in a union workhouse. That is the operation of the law. If you had none of these interferences — Corn and Provision Laws — the trade of a farmer would be the safest in the kingdom ; you require only to let the operations of nature go on, so that your wheat is not forced up one year to 70/- a quarter, and down another to 25/-. " The parties I come against are parties who want to make this a political — a church and king question — who want to i:)la}' a game of chess, in which they are to be kings, and queens, and castles, and you are to be the pawns. These are the men whom I have denounced in the House of Commons more strongly than ever I denounced them behind their backs, and they do not come to answer me. These are the men who never give leases, such as the Duke of Buckingham. He never gave a lease, and boasts he never will ; and when an election comes, these political landlords run about the country and say, ' Turn out this administration, and we will come in to power and give you prosperity.' " Well the farmers brought in their own men in 1841, under the promise that they were to receive some especial benefit, and they are now left in the lurch ; but what have the 'farmers' friends' got? They can afford that you should be losing; but what have they got by getting into power and place? (A voice : ' That is where you want to go.') No, they could not give me a place good enough. I can do better by the industry of my hands and the use of my brains than they can 172 Recollections of Cobden and the League. do for me. (At this point some interruption occurred.) That man who interrupts is a poHtician or a land valuer. (No, no.) Then he is a Tory, I'll bet a penny. (Laughter and cheers.) I am told that I am right ; the gentleman is a Tory, and he has a right to be. Well, gentlemen, if I come into power, it will not be by humbugging the farmers, because I am here to expose the trick. I come to tell you that all legislation to benefit them is humbug. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) And now I come to the political landlords. What have they got by turning out the other side ? Why, a considerable plunder ; they have got the church, the navy, and the army. There is an ex penditure of something like twenty millions a year — that is pretty good. I say nothing of the crowds of civil offices in the cabinet and out of it,tidewaiters,and custom-house ofificers innumerable. " I want to guard you against another thing ; the Whigs are now out and the Tories are in, and the Whigs want to get in again, and they will tell you that if you will only have a fixed duty on corn, you will have j^rosperity for ever, and the question will be settled. Now do not let them deceive you ; a fixed duty of even one shilling a (juarter is a fixed injustice. I will shew you in a few minutes why we cannot have a fixed duty on corn. What I want to know is, why there should be any meddling with the farmer more than with any other trade. Why is the trade of a farmer to be protected, more than that of a butcher, or a grocer, or a draper? But with all this jjrotection, where is the farmer who, with the same capital, has made more money than those who have followed the other trades that I have mentioned ? We have not had a set of landlords, sitting Mr. Cobden at Rye. 173 night after night, to protect grocers, or cabinet makers, and yet, according to their own admission, they have done better, as a rule, than the farmers have with all this protection, as they call it. I know that you have the same feeling as I have, in private, and that farmers say to one another, ' This is only a landlord's question.' Then, I say, why cannot farming be carried on without being meddled with by legislation ? " To hear us talk in Parliament about farmers, one might suppose that farming was not a trade, but an office under the government, and that we voted you a certain sum of money annually out of the taxes. I shall be told by some of those men who advocate a little monopoly, that you could not carry on farming without being protected. Now I have travelled a good deal, and I never found foreigners work harder than English- men, nor cheaper ; and I believe that in England, taking into account the quantity of labour performed in a given time, it is cheaper than on the continent. We shall be told that farmers have exclusive burdens. I say quite the contrary. The landlords have taken off all exclusive burdens, not to benefit the farmers, but to raise the rents and benefit themselves. If there be these exclusive burdens, why do they not prove them ? We have challenged them to do so in the House of Commons, but they have declined. But if they have made a mistake in overtaxing themselves, why not arrange it, and not place this bungling tax on the poor man's loaf? The landlords understand it in private, and the farmers understand it in private. I wish they could overhear each other. The political landlords, in private, talk to each other about jointures, and mortgages, and settlements, 174 Recollections of Cobdeii and the League. and sometimes one of their number, not over sharp, lets out the whole secret. (Laughter.) Sir Edward Knatchbull could not have made a better speech for the League than tliat whicli he made lately even if he were paid f(jr it. I roared so witli laughter that he called me specially to order, and I begged his pardon, for he is the last man in the world I would offend, we are all so much obliged to him. He said they could not do without this Com Law, because, if it were repealed, they could not pay the jointures, charged on their estates. Lord Mount- cashel, too, (he's not over sharp) said that one half the land was mortgaged, and they could not pay the interest unless they had a tax upon bread. In Lancashire, when a man gets into debt and can't pay, he goes into the Gazette, and what is good for a manufacturer is, I think, good for a landlord." Mr. Cobden then moved the following resolution : — "That in the opinion of this meeting the Com Law is injurious to the interest and independence of the tenant farmer and farm labourer, and that it ought to be totally and immediately repealed." Major Curteiss moved, as an amend- ment, " That in order to prevent tlie depreciation of the pro])erty of the tenant farmer, which must ensue from an immediate repeal of the Com Laws, a fixed duty is desirable for the present." Mr. Selmes seconded it. On a division, the original motion, for a total and immediate repeal, was carried almost unanimously. At a meeting, held at Huntingdon, on the 27th June, 1843, Mr. Bright said : — " We must bear in mind that the Corn Law is a law not made by farmers. It is a law, whether good Mr. Bright at Huntingdon. 175 or bad, (and it is not proved to be either the one or the other by what I am now saying,) made by the owners of the land, and not by the cultivators at the plough. (Cheers, and cries of ' no, no.') * * '■' It is a law which was not made because the farmers clamoured for it, or because they had discovered the want of such a measure. I will not dispute that many landowners think that the farmers do, in some way or other, benefit by the Corn Law ; but, I believe, that if they imagine so, they are mistaken ; that if they fancy that even they (the landowners) themselves as a class, profit by the existence of the Corn Law, I believe they labour under a great delusion. But whether they do so or not, the law is here, and I will now maintain that it is most prejudicial to the interests of the country, and that whether it raises rents or not, it is essentially a rent law, and nothing else, (Loud cries of ' hear, hear,' and ' no, no ;' ' you can't identify it with that.') I do not say it raises rents, but if it does not do that, it does nothing else for the landlords. There is not a man present who can place his hand upon his heart, and say he does not believe that the farmers have been tricked by political jugglery. (Cries of ' hear, hear,' and ' no, no.') The men whom you elect, derive more advantage from the present ministry being in power than anything they can gain from the Corn Law. This government has hundreds and thousands of offices at its disposal, there being no less than five hundred appointments in Lidia alone ; and the political landlord says, ' by going to Parliament, I can, by-and-by, give up the farmers, and get my son or my brother into some 176 Recollections of Cobden and the League. lucrative office, and settle myself down then in a well-feathered nest.' It becomes very much like Tom Moore's description of the Whigs upon one occasion, and the same would equally apply to the Tories : — ' As bees on flowers alighting cease their hum. So, settling upon places, Whigs grow dumb.' (Laughter and cheers.) I conclude by telling you that the Anti-Corn-Law League, which you have been taught to consider your enemy, is a body of individuals comi)osed of all classes, united in one strong desire that every portion of the people should prosper. I have a business as large as any man in this assembly, and with as much property at stake in it, and I am so convinced of the evil of this law — not to me only, but to you— that if trade were prosperous, which it is not, I would still come among you, and tell you that the Corn Law is a curse to agriculture, even more blasting than ever it has been to manufacturers." A meeting was held on Pencnden Heath, June 29th, 1S43, when Mr. Cobden attended and said : — " Protection was like the broad arrow, or, as it had been not inaptly termed, the ' Devil's Claw,' confiscating their property for the benefit of the landlords and the government. He remembered, as a matter of history, that w^hen the Corn Law was first passed, the men of Kent behaved nobly, and routed a meeting of the aristocracy, presided over by Lord Darnley, held on the jjlace where they were then assembled, and drove the monopolists into the back parlour of an inn at Maidstone, where they passed their Air. Cobden on Penenden Heath. 177 resloutions. (Laughter.) Agricultural distress soon followed the enactment, and from time to time parliamentary committees of enquiry were appointed— farces he called them, for they were mere excuses, intended to keep the farmers off the right scent — he meant the adjustment of rents and tenure. In 1 84 1 the farmers' friends came into the provinces and told them, that they should then really have protection, and suffer no more adversity, if they would only help them (the Tories) to kick the Whigs out of office ; and this the of 90 farmers were good enough to do — returning a majority advocates of ' protection.' The result of this victory was a fresh Corn Law, professedly to secure an average of 66/- per quarter — the new tariff also allowing the importation. of cattle subject to duty, a Canada bill, and a bill for grinding com in bond. The alleged evil of importing foreign corn was like the cry of * Old Bogy,' to frighten children out of a closet where sugar plums were kept. The sturdy yeomanry and hardy peasantry of England could as well compete with foreigners as manu- facturers could, provided they had a fair system of rents and tenure. Did they suppose that this was the only country in Europe that was taxed ? Did not the continental powers do what all other governments did — tax the people to the uttermost farthing they could bear ? It was a gross absurdity, to talk of bringing in corn grown without taxes. Measuring the value of labour, not by time, but by the quantity of work done, labour was cheaper in England than in any other country in Europe. The English farmer actually did now compete with foreigners in the article of wool, which realised the highest price ever known 178 Recollections of Cohdai and the League. in the year when there was the largest imi)ortation. There were eight or ten miUions of people in tliis kingdom, who never tasted wheaten bread except as a luxury. Such was the condition of the inhabitants of Ireland, whom lie called his own country- men. (Loud cheers.) He was glad to hear that cheer, and he (Mr. Cobden) would say, ' Hurrah for Ireland.' (Renewed clieering.) The object of the Corn Law repealers was to in- crease the quantity of corn, in order that all might be enabled to get bread — (hear, hear) — and this could only be done by increasing the foreign trade of the countr}\ Their unprincipled opponents told their workmen, that tlie object of the Corn Law repealers was to procure cheap bread, in order that they might reduce their labourers' wages. Having first invented the lie, they endeavoured to profit by it, at the expense of their opi)onents. The landlords had made the Corn Law a sort of Church and Queen question — something nearly connected with orthodoxy in religion, and with soundness in morals. As connected with the existence of the monarchy and the well- being of the state, he would not advise them to insult those, who talked in this way, but he recommended them to turn on their heels, and let them know that tlicy would no longer be gammoned. (Cheers.) When the Corn and Provision Laws were got rid of, the keystone of the arch of monopoly would be destroyed, and the whole structure would come tumbling down. (Hear, licar, and cheers.) The restrictions on the trade in sugar interfered especially with their trade as fruit growers, both in London and in the north of l-viigland, preventing large numbers of people from consuming their own jjroduce for Mr. Cobdcn at Colchester. 179 preserves, &c. He asked thein, wlien they went home, to tell their wives that for every knob or spoonful of sugar, which they took out of their basin, there was a certain unseen per- sonage who dipped his unhallowed fingers in, and extracted a like quantity ; and if they asked for the name of this mysterious personage, let them tell their wives it was ' Pro- tection.' "' A meeting was arranged for Colchester, to be held July Sth, 1843, 2.nd on this occasion the agricultural associations, throwing aside their non-political character, were brought into active exercise in marshalling the forces of monopoly ; and their chief champion, Sir John T. T}Trel, accompanied by the redoubtable member for Knaresborough, ]\Ir. ^\'. B. Ferrand, were, it was reported, to enter Colchester at the head of 1,000 stout yeomen, good and true. These circumstances, coupled with the known fact that a great number of the clergy of the country had been canvassing most anxiously on the part of the Pro-Corn-Law party, induced them to rely upon victory as confidently as though it had been already won, and the laurels entAvined around the brow of Sir John. By way of weakening the Anti-Corn-Law party, a singular ruse was had recourse to. Upwards of fifty of the active liberals of the district were sworn in as special constables, and quietly stationed in the castle, away from the meeting, to await their being called into active service should occasion require. A vast deal of manceu\ring was also practised with reference to the field of battle. The place originally appointed by Mr. Cobden's party was the Mechanics' Institute, which was soon I So Recollections of Cobdcn and the League. abandoned as being too small. Subseciuently the High-street, in front of the Three Cups Inn, was selected by the East Essex Agricultural Association. This arrangement was put an end to by the Mayor, Dr. Nunn, who issued a proclamation prohibiting the meeting at this spot. The free traders, how- ever, knowing from previous experience the monoi)olist pro- pensity of the Pro-Corn-Law party, took the matter into their own hands, and erected, in a field near the East Bridge, com- modious hustings, in a place capable of containing 20,000 persons, the admission to which was by tickets, half of which were sent to the opposing party, who, at one o'clock on the day of meeting, sent a message to Mr. Cobden, declining to meet him anywhere, except on St. John's Green. The honourable member was not however to be out-generalled, and the monopo- lists subsequently thought proper to give way, and march down to the field where the hustings were erected. It will be seen by the seiiuel, that notwithstanding the formidable preparations and admirable organisation of the Pro-Corn-Law party, the anticipations which they had so confidently formed of .sending back Mr. Cobden and his Anti-Corn-Law resolutions, were doomed to signal disappointment, and that the ]-)rinciples of free trade achieved by for the greatest triumj)]! tliey have ever (lone in the hands of Mr. Cobden, or any other advocate of similar oi)inions. The appearance of the town during the day resembled that usually caused by a contested election, wanting only banners and music ; and the oldest inhabitants of the (|uiet town of Colchester declared they scarcely ever re- membered having seen the town so full. Mr. Cobdcn at Colchester. iSr At the hour of meeting, three o'clock, there could not have been less than 5,000 persons on the ground ; and it was a subject of general remark, how small a proportion of mechanics were among them. At a few minutes before the above hour, Mr. Cobden, accompanied by the Hon. C. P. Villiers, M.P., Mr. Robert R. R. Moore, Mr. Hurnard, Mr. Esdale, and several other influential residents in the town, mounted the hustings. Their appearance was the signal for loud and continued cheering, which lasted some minutes. Shortly after Sir John Tyrrel, Bart. M.P., C. J. Round, Esq., M.P., and W. B. Ferrand, Esq., M.P., arrived, and took up the position allotted them on the hustings. Amongst those present at this period were SirG. H. Smyth, M.P. for the borough of Colchester; Colonel Addison, of Sudbury; Lieutenant-General Sir John Malcolm, George Round, Esq., the Revs. R. Strong, W. Tucker, Charles Tyrrel, brother of the member for the county; Messrs. Duffield, Warren, Halward, &:c., and a host of the most respectable farmers from every district in Essex. Mr. Cobden presented himself, and began by stating "that he should have apologised for holding that meeting, if he did not believe that before they separated they would be perfectly unanimous upon the subject he came to discuss with them. (Laughter.) He was sure that the question was of such importance to every one there, that none of them would begrudge a little of their time and attention to what he had to say, for he was convinced the subject came home to the bosoms of every one of them. (Hisses and cheers.) He should be allowed, then, to say, he appeared before 1 82 RecoUcdions of Cohdcn and the League. that audience with very great pleasure, notwithstanding that his presence tliere was licralded with no very flattering prospects — (laughter, cheers, and hisses) — and althougli the best motives in the world, he admitted, were not attributed to his coming among them. (Renewed hisses and cheers.) Yet he ventured to meet gentlemen whose minds had been prejudiced against himself and his motives, not only without dread of personal violence — (" oh, oh,' and groans, mingled with ])artial clieers) — but he might say he had done so as a total stranger, unknown to any of them — (hear, hear) — and he appeared before them with confidence that he should get that fair plaj- and gentlemanly courtesy from the men of Essex which he knew Englishmen always gave to strangers. He was deter- mined to follow the chairman's advice by keeping as closely as possible to the question for discussion, which was, ' How the Corn LaAv affected the agricultural interests of this country ?' He Avould show that whatever interest the land- lords had in it, their tenants had suffered more than any other class of the community under the operation of the Corn Laws. The Corn Laws were called 'protective laws,' but he was prepared to prove that that was a delusion — a perfect deception ; and that it was nothing else ever since those laws were enacted. Then, whatever they believed of him, he wished the tenant farmers not to suppose that he intended to dei)rive them of any ])rotcction, tliough he was called their enemy ; and, though it was attempted to persuade them, that he had come to that meeting to take something from them, he most flatly denied it, because he did not acknowledge that Mr. Cobdcn at Colchester. the Corn Law gave them any protection at all, but quite the contrary ; and, therefore it was, that he asserted that he had not come there to deprive the fami tenants of any advantage whatever. He had asked the question in many places, whether the farmers, as a class, had made more money than any other class of traders? (Hear, hear.) He should like to hear that question answered by a tenant farmer, not by a landowner, or a farmer, or a clerg>'man, or a valuator. (A laugh.) He wanted that question to be honestly answered b}- a tenant farmer. He had asked it elsewhere, and the answer he had got was, ' they had not.' (Hear.) Take a man, for instance, with a capital of ;^3,ooo, and give him ten years to cultivate his farm. Could that man, under the existing laws, possibly make as much money by the end of that time as the coachmaker, or the manufacturer could, beginning with the same amount of capital ? (' No, no,' and cheers.) Then, that was the whole question he had come there to prove. (Cheers.) That was the whole of his case. If his opponents made such an admission as that they gave up their whole case. (Laughter and cheers.) Now, if he had been told that the fanners had made more money than an)- other class of traders, notwithstanding their ' protection,' he should have probably thought that they might be benefitted by the Corn Laws ; but he found on looking over the blue books of the House of Commons, that there had been no less than five or six committees of the House of Commons appointed, all to inquire into the state of distress of the farmers of the countr)-. (Cheers.) 184 Recollections of Cobden and the League. "In 1836 a gentleman, named Christopher Comyn Parker, (who might possibly be then present) was examined as to the state of the county of Essex ; he was an extensive farmer, and had the management of more than 20,000 acres of land. The first question put to that gentleman was, ' whether, taking the whole of the farmers of the county, he thought they had at that time as much capital as in 1821 and 1822 ?' and his answer was, ' certainly not.' According to that, the farmers of the county must have been labouring 15 years for nothing. (Hear, hear.) They had had no return at all for their industry. (Hear, and cheers.) The next witness, John Kemp, was asked a similar question, and in reply he stated that the capital of the farmers in the whole county had very much diminished. Charles ]\ayne, another witness, was asked ' whether he had gained or lost the previous year by his farm ?' His answer was, ' that he had lost by it every year since he had been in business.' (Hear, hear.) And he also stated that the formers' capital had diminished very materially, whilst their arrears of rent had been very much increasing. (Cheers.) That was tlie evidence of men who lived in the county of Essex, the very neighbours of those who were then assembled at that meeting. (Cheers, and cries of ' what has that to do with the (juestion ?') It liad, asserted the hon. member, everything to do with it ; it was the testimony of gentlemen, not only of respectability, but of considerable reputation as good ])ractical farmers. The only object the House of Commons had in going through the farce of appointing committees to incjuire into their depre.ssed condition, was to keep the farmers off the right scent in Mr. Cob den at Coldicster. 185 obtaining their just rights, which was a settlement of rents and tenure. Were they better off now than in 1836 ? The land- owners, instead of assisting them in cultivating their farms, in cropping and manuring them, sympathised with them by inquiring into their distresses, and by giving them an Act of Parliament. (Hear.) In 1828, they had another Corn Law passed, which was to be the perfection of legislation — it was to I:>e called ' the sliding scale.' (Laughter.) That was to give the formers from 60/- to 68/- a quarter for their corn ; and 64/- was the average ])rice which the farmers expected to receive. Again the red tai)e men, \-aluators, lawyers, &c., began to value upon that ground ; but soon the average price was 39/- and 40/- a <[uarter, and it was afterwards as low as 35/- a quarter. Were not those facts the most convincing proofs that the Corn Laws had deceived the farmers by making promises which they never performed ? (Hear, hear, and no, no.) But suppose the Corn Laws could perform all that was promised ; suppose an 8/- duty would raise the price of com, what benefit would that confer upon the farmer ? If there was a permanent rise in corn there would also be a permanent rise in rents. (Hear, hear, and no, no.) Suppose the owners of the back streets in Colchester had the power, and made an Act of Parliament making their houses as valuable as the houses in High-street ; would any one believe that they would let those houses for one i)enny less than the houses in High-street ? It was the .same thing precisely with the farmers and the landowners. He looked upon the landowners of the country whilst legis- lating upon that question as 'a packed jury.' (Laughter.) 1 86 Recollections of Cohden and the League. The landowners acted invariably in such a way that if they had been empanelled as a jury, they might reasonably and justl}- be challenged. (Laughter.) He was anxious to have the opinion of the meeting whether that system of plunder, of extortion — (oh ! oh !) — and of starvation, for it amounted to that, had been carried on merely for the benefit of the farmer, the tenant farmer, and the labourer." (Cheers and counter cheers.) Mr. Cobden concluded, at the recjuest of Sir John Tyrrel, (and contrar}' to his usual custom.) by proposing the following resolution : — " That in the opinion of this meeting, the Corn Law, and every other law which favours one class at the expense of other classes, is injurious and unjust to the community at large." Sir John Tyrrel then presented himself to the meeting, and after a few remarks moved the following amendment : — " That in the opinion of this meeting, while the present charges on land remain, the home grower of corn cannot compete with the foreign grower without a protective duty." Sir John Tyrrel then, contrary to all precedent, without providing himself with a seconder, or deferring to the customary authority of the chairman upon such occasions, proceeded to take the sense of the meeting upon his amend- ment, when somewhat less than one-third held up their hands for it, the remainder of the meeting being in favour of free trade. 'I'his novel proceeding of the eccentric baronet, ])re- maturely disclosing the numerical inferiority of the monopoli.sts at the meeting, caused the utmost consternation among his Sir John Tyrrel's Ameudmoit. 187 l)arty, in the midst of which Sir John said, upon reflection, he saw he had been wrong in putting his amendment to a show of hands at that time, and tlierefore begged to withdraw it. The meeting loudly protested against this course, which, under the sanction of the chairman, was ultimately adopted, on the ground of the irregularity of the proceeding; and having been returned to the hon. baronet's pocket, nothing further was heard of a Pro-Corn-Law amendment during the remainder of the day. The Hon. C. P. Villiers next addressed the meeting, and referring to the Parliamentary Committee appointed to inquire into the agricultural distress in 1836, said: — "The first land agent called was Mr. Thomas Neve, a resident in Kent, who, on being asked, " Comparing the state of the farmers in that district of the country, at the present time, with their state in 1833, do you consider it better or worse ?— Answer : I think where they are de])endant principally on corn the}' are in a worse condition." Then comes Mr. John Houghton, land agent on property in Bucks, Lincoln, Middlesex, Surrey, Sussex, Northampton and .Suffolk, who was asked : " Do you find that the capital of the farmers has been diminishing? — Answer : Certainly. Have the farmers been paying their rent out of the produce of their farms, or out of their capital ? — Answer : If you take the heavy clay lands, they have certainl)- been paying out of their capital. When T have been paying workmen in i)rovincial towns they have said, ' You take all the money of the place for rent, and I find that the tenants cannot pay me.' " Then Mr. Wm. Cox, of Scotsgrovc, 1 88 Recollections of Cobden and the League. Buckinghamshire, was asked : " Are the farmers doing well or ill? — Answer: A great part have failed; and more than half the rest, if they were to reckon up, would be insolvent." Next, Mr. John Rolfe, of Beaconsfield, Bucks, was asked : " Do you mean to say that one half of the tenantry in your district are insolvent? — Answer: Yes, I do." Then follows Mr. William Thurnhall, of Daxford, Cambridge, who was asked : " What, in your opinion, is the condition of the tenantr}^ generally, in your neighbourhood ? — Answer : I think, verging on insolvency, the most desperate state men can be in ; not only in Cambridge, but, generally speaking, in a great part of Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex." Then Mr. Thomas Bower was asked : " What is the condition generally of the tenantry in Huntingdonshire? — Answer: They are at a very low ebb indeed. I think nearly half of them have next to nothing." Next, Mr. Evan, of Daird, was asked : — ••' Is there much distress among the farmers in Glamorgan- shire? — Answer: Yes, very much; the capital of the tenantry has been disappearing in the last ten, twelve, or fifteen years. Are there many insolvent now ? — Answer : Yes, many have become insolvent, and I could name several others whose losses have been very great. I should say, ^^45,000, almost, has been sunk by four-and-twenty farmers within ten miles of me." Then Mr. Charles Howard, of the East Riding, York, was asked : '' Arc the ])resent wages of labourers paid out of the profits of the form, or out of his capital ? — Answer : Out of his capital," Next comes, Mr. J. G. Cooper, of Blytebury, Suffolk, who was asked : " What is the state of the Air. Cobden at Chelmsford. 189 farmer? — Answer: The condition of the fanner I consider to be bordering on ruin." There was much more to the same effect." Chelmsford, July 28th, 1843. — ^"^ the Colchester meeting Sir John Tyrrel tauntingly challenged Mr. Cobden to meet him at Chelmsford, and a sneering insinuation Avas thrown out at the same time, that the hon. member for Stockport was too good a judge to face the farmers of that locality. The gauntlet was, however, promptly taken up by Mr. Cobden, who instantly named the 28th of July for the meeting. The announcement was made public, and the curiosity of the Essex fanners was raised to a high pitch by the anticipated contest. True to his word, Mr. Cobden, accompanied by Mr. Robert R. R. Moore, fearles.sly pre- sented himself in the field of action at the appointed time, prepared to defend the principles of free trade against Sir John Tyrrel and all comers. The monopoly knight was anxiously looked for, but in vain ; inquiries were then made in every direction — " Where is Sir John ? Cobden is here, but who knows where Sir John is?" To the surprise of almost every one it was at last ascertained that the challenger, not- withstanding his haughty defiance at Colchester, had " taken his departure into a; far country," leaving his supporters to fight the battle as they best could. The meeting took place in a large field at the back of the Bell Inn, where commodious hustings had been erected. Before three o'clock, a large number of respectable persons had arrived, and at a few minutes after that hour, ]\Ir. IQO Recollections of Cobdcn and tlw League. Cobden, accompanied by Mr. Robert R. R. ^loore, and two or three gentlemen of local importance, mounted the platform. Among those i)resent at this time were, A. Holt White, Esc]., Rev. B. Marriott, Captain Schneider, of Billericay ; Rev. Joseph Gray, Mr May, of Maldon ; Mr Myddleton of Aveley ; Mr. Cross, of Rayleigh; Messrs. D. Archer, of Mulcock, Messrs. Barnes, Joyner, Chalk, Clapham, Trussell, Christy, Marriage, Meggy, Bridge, Bell, Taylor, Croper, Cole, Merrington, Moss, Bereton, Buckingham, Grove, Philips, Heywood, Brumvins, Gray, Pordway, Hughes, Lucas, &c., &c. Tlie meeting numbered upwards of 2,000 persons, and included, beside those named, a large number of practical farmers, from all parts of the county. ^Ir. J. Copeland was called to the chair. Mr. Cobden then addressed the meeting, and Mr. Holt AVhite spoke on the other side. Mr Cobden having briefly replied, the original (piestion and amendment were put to the meeting, and the former was declared to be carried by a large majority. After a resolution of thanks to the chairman, the meeting separated. At Alnwick on 8th July, 1843, ^I"" Bright attended and addressing the meeting, ridiculed the possibility of " i)ro- tecting" one class except at the expense of other classes, and traced the dreadful effects produced upon the great mass of the peo])le, by the scarcity which the Corn law had inflicted ujjon them during the i)revious five years. He argued that the corn law is an unjust law, as it denies the right of exchange, and an unnatural law, as it operates to pre- vent abundance of liuman food. He contended that legal J/r. Bright ai Alimnck. 191 enactments could not give permanently high prices to farmers, because high prices, the result of scarcity, impoverish the farmers' customers, and are consequently followed by low prices. He shewed that if high prices could be secured by law, farmers would not get the benefit, as their numbers made them comjjete with each other, and give all the gain of the Com law to the landlords. He brought forward some valuable focts connected with the wool trade, to ])rove that " pro- tection'' had injured the growers of wool, and that in this article bad trade had always reduced its price, in spite of the operation of the protecting duty. He implored the farmers to unite in doing justice to the people, as the surest mode of securing their own prosperity and independence. He described the sufferings of the industrial labourers of Great Britain, and appealed to the kind and honest hearts of the Northumber- land farmers, on behalf of the trampled upon and suffering millions. He declared himself the friend of the tenantry, and in the name of the League held out the right hand of fellowship to them. His speech produced a very powerful effect, and many a countenance afforded an index of the response his appeal met with in that large assembly. A burst of cheering at the close attested the deep impression produced. At Winchester, July 14th and 15th, 1843. — Mr. Bright said, " I am here to assert, first, that the Corn law is injurious to the great body of the people of this country, and that it is founded upon principles which involve great injustice and loss to the community, and contravene the principles of Divine Provi- dence. (Hear, hear.) T am here also to assert that the Corn 192 Recollectiojis 0/ Cobdcn and the League. law cannot permanently secure to the tenantry of England a high price for the produce of their farms ; and, thirdly, that if it did do so, they would not get the benefit of that increase. (Cheers.) If I ]jrove these three points, I have a right to expect that you will liave the candour and honesty to do justice to your countrymen, and to yourselves, and ne\-er henceforth utter a syllable in favour of the Com law ; but if myself and my friend Richard Cobden, should fail in convincing you on these points, then you may go home resolved to maintain your present opinions on this law." (Hear, hear, hear.) After a very eloquent and effective speech, the hon- ourable gentleman resumed his seat amid loud cheering from every part of the meeting. Mr Cobden next came forward and was loudly cheered. He said, " Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen. I have little else to do but to gather u]) the chaff, as the corn has been already so' well thrashed out by my friend John Bright. (Hear hear.) He, however, has not put one question to you, which I always put wherever I go. 1 will put to you, farmers of Hampshire, the question I have put before in Bedfordshire, Nottingham- shire, Essex, and Kent, and eveiywhcre else ; Has farming with a given capital — say of ^^2,000 or ^^3, 000— been as good a trade ujjon an average of ten years as that of grocers, cabinet-makers, and other trades in Winchester? (Cries of 'No, no — nothing like so good.') 1 have never yet heard in any agricultural town any person who did not admit that the shoi)keei)ers had been the most prosperous. (Hear, hear.) AVcll then. I have not come to rob vou of anything, at all Aft: Cobden at Letves. 193 events. Protection has done you no good, and what we aim at is to put you on precisely the same footing as other trades, for whom there has been no body of landlords sitting up all night in the House of Commons, looking after their pro- tection, and who yet have made more money than you. I liavc come to tell you that this protection is all rank delusion, fudge, and humbug. (Hear.) (A A-oice — ' what wages do you pay?') Better than are paid in the agricultural districts. I employ 600 people, a great number of whom are unskilled labourers, and there is not one of tlicm to whom I gw^ less than 12/-; and I have numbers who earn from 20/- to 30 - per week. (Hear, hear.) I mention this to show that if there has been any benefit derived from the Corn Law, it has not reached the agricultural labourer, inasmuch as the manufac- turers are paying higher wages than the agriculturists. (Hear, hear.) I do not charge farmers v/ith giving less wages than they ought to do, for wages must always be regulated by the supply and demand, and if there are more men than masters need, wages Avill fall, and if there are more masters than can get men, they will rise. The object of the Anti-Corn-Law League is to depopulate the union workhouses, and to give your surplus labourers employment in the manufacturing towns. (Hear, hear.)" The hon. member, after a speech to which we can only thus shortly advert, retired amidst the most enthusiastic cheering. At Lewes, July iSth, 1843, Mr Col)den said : "All that the manufacturer wanted, was liberty to make a free exchange of his productions all over the world, and when he asked this, 194 Recollections of Cobdcn and the League. he was content to gi\e the same advantage to those who purchased liis manuflictures. '■ The further people were removed from the manufacturuii; districts, the worse was their condition. In the purely agri- cultural counties of Bucks, Wilts, and Dorset, the condition of the labourers was worse than in any other part of the Kingdom. He (Mr. Cobden)em])loyed a great numberof unskilled labourers in his business, and he paid none less than 12 shillings per week. He took no merit to himself on that account — he paid only as much as his neighbours ; but he mentioned it merely to show that if any benefit was derived from the Corn law, none accrued to the agricultural labourer. (Hear, hear. ) Badly off as they were in the manufacturing districts, they were still worse off in many of the agricultural counties. (Hear.) Lancashire alone contained 60,000 Irishmen, besides a large number of people from all the various counties in England, and none would be so fooli.sh as to migrate to a distant county, unless higher wages were obtained. (Hear, liear.) The effect of free trade would be to increase employ- ment on every side." At Hereford, July 26th. 1843, Mr Cobdcn, upon coming forward, was recciwd with loud cheers. He said : " Gentle- men, your excellent chairman has very properly stated that this meeting is a grand jur)- for ilie pu.pose of trying the Corn Law. Now, (ientlemen, 1 come from another tribunal— the House of Commons, where 1 maintain we try this question before a l)acked jur)-. (Hear, and laugliter.) For three-fourths of that body belie\e tiiemselves to be interested in keeping up Mr. Cobdeii at Ihirford. 195 this system of Com and Provision Laws. Now my object in coniing liere is to show the farmers and the agriculturists generally in this county, the strong bond of union and of interest which subsists between the people in the manu- facturing and trading towns, and you people in this county of Hereford — to show you that in future your dependance for prosperity must be upon their well-being, and not upon the circumstance of your having a majority of this or that political faction in the House of Commons. (Cheers.) Now you, the people of Hereford, are famous for rearing some of the finest beasts in the Kingdom. I call the Hereford farmer a good manufacturer of cattle, (loud laughter,) they put the greatest jjossible quantity of flesh upon the least bone. But, besides growing good meat, I believe you raise good corn too ; and 1 am glad to come among the maniificturers of a county who excel in all they produce. •'Two or three years age we were in great distress in the north of England ; the townspeople were all turned paupers or beggared, and the poor-rates' were raised 100 per cent, through- out those districts. In the borough which I represent (Stock- ])ort) one half of the manufacturers failed, and the remainder were paying ^7,000 a week less last year than they did in 1836. Think of that I ^^-000 a week less in wages, or ^360,000 a year less in 1842 than in 1836. Did it never strike you, farmers of Herefordshire, and you, landowners, too, I mean those of you who arc n(jt politicians, that if there were less money si)ent in the manufacturing districts, there would be a smaller quantity of meat consumed ; and although f()G Rccolhrfio/is of Cohdcn and the Lragiic. it might not come on you for the next six months, yet this distress would reach you in time : and now, at length, you have got it. I will show you what it is that has caused this distress. A reverend friend of mine in Stockport took some pains to ascertain wliat the falling off in the consumption of cattle was between 1835 and 1S42 ; and in the former year, in the three months of July, August, and September, there were sold 814 head of catde in the borough of Stockport: whilst in the corresponding three months of 1842 onl\- 194 head were sold, being about one-third of the (juantity which was consumed in the same period of 1835. Now, if there was this falling off to the amount of 600 head of cattle in three months in Stockport, the same melancholy fact was also observable in Manchester and other manufacturing towns. If all this diminution was going on in the consumi)tion. it does not require much philosophy to sec tliat it would not be long before you would be compelled to take a less price for your cattle; for as your customers diminish in number, you will get a less price for what you have to divide among them. The Corn Law a Protection 1 It is a deception, a tlclusion, a fraud ! W'c manufa<'turers have no protection, and yet, mark me ! the lal)ourcrs and masters amongst us are doing better than you are. 1 am a farmer's son ; although I am not half or a ([uarter so rich as some of ihesi- monoj)olists endeavour to make out ; some of them say 1 am a rich man, and worth ^500,000. I shossession of government, and then levy taxes upon their fellow subjects for their own benefit." At JUiry St. Edmunds, August 5th, 1S43, Mr. Cobden said : '• The woollen trade had formerly wliat was called a protection, by means of a tax on foreign wool, and was fostered and dandled like a child, the Lord Chancellor sitting upon a woolsack, and a law was even enacted that no person should be allowed to be buried, except in a woollen shroud, in order that the woollen trade might flourish; aiul yet the cotton manufacturer, without any such i)atronage. ha\ing to fetch his raw material from America and from India, has been more prosperous than the woollen manufacturer with his protection." The hon. gentleman continued : " In coming to lUiry he had ])asscd through the \alley of the Stour, and ()l)S(jr\e(l its rich soil and line callle. \\'()uld any one tell him thai the men in possession of such land, required pro- lection against the i'ole and the Russian? The farmers had merely been used by the landlords, as a stepping-stone to Mr. Bright at Salisbury. 199 l)olitical power, which gave them the patronage of the army, the navy, the church, and the colonies, to the amount of 15 or 20 millions annually." ]\fr. Cobden ended by saying : " The jjarliamentar)^ returns showed that when food was at the highest price, pauperism was vastly greater in the agricultural than in the manufacturing districts, and the degree of pauperism would always be found increasing in proportion as the district referred to became more purely agricultural." JNIr. Cobden sat down amid great applause. At Salisbur}-, August 8th, 1843, Mr. Bright addressed the meeting and said : " I feel the responsibility Ave have incurred in having called so many thousands of you together ; but holding the opinions we do, our responsibility would be much greater if we neglected to bring them before the minds of the people. Many things have been done by certain parties, to induce you to sui)pose that the Anti-Corn l,aw League was a merciless and farmer-devouring association, anxious only to destroy the landowner, the tenant, and the labourer. (Cheers.) We are of opinion that an association which asks for nothing more than justice, and which Avill be content with no less, is one which is as friendly to the flirmers of England as to any other class of the inhabitants of this empire. Are we treating you now as if we despised, or feared, or hated you. There c:an be no greater enemy to the welfare of the farmer, and of the people at large, than the man who endeavours to create a feeling of class interest, and who sows dissension and ill-feeling amongst the community. \\'hat are fiirmers ? Are tliev not manufacturers of food ? And what are those who are Recollections of Cobdcn and i/ic League. commonly known as manufacturers ? Are they not the pro- ducers of clothing? And in this climate clothing is as necessary as food, and those who make the one are as neces- sary to the existence of the people as the other. Both are manufacturers ; and whatever is destructive to the interests of the one, must be equally injurious to the interests of the other. (Hear, hear.) The customers of the manufiicturers are also the customers of the flirmers, and there is not a single human being in these kingdoms, or out of them, who is not also a customer for the produce of the looms and spindles of Lanca- shire and Yorkshire, for the cutlery establishments of Sheffield, and for the various manufactures carried on in various parts of the kingdom. (Cheers.) If the Corn Law has injured my customer, (for I am a manufacturer) it has necessarily injured yours ; and if those who have been accustomed to purchase cotton goods, are now in great part impoverished and pauperised, they assuredly cannot give you a good price for the i)roduce of your farms. Let us have a total and immediate repeal, not of the Corn Law alone, but of all commercial monopolies. Let the farmers and all other classes buy and sell everything at its natural price, and then injustice will be done to none, and thus the increasing strife of parties may be put an end to." Mr. Bright then referred to the evil effects of the Corn Law upon the tenant farmers, as compared with its effects upon the manufacturers, and continued : " If it has scourged us with thongs, it has lashed you with scorpions. It has made your trade fluctuating and hazardous, it has dejjrived you of political Mr. Cobden at Salisbury. independence, it has surrounded you with discontented and impoverished labourers, it has raised your poor-rates ; and, by making you compete with each other for farms, it has raised your rents ; and all this has been done under cover of professing to protect you. We come among you to ask your assistance in the great struggle we are engaged in, a struggle which will be crowned with complete and early success, a success which will deliver you and our country, from the most destructive and disgraceful imposition which any government ever practised upon any people. (Loud cheers.) In. coming down from London to-day we have passed through many miles of waving corn ; we have seen how the sun and the shower, the beautiful machinery of an all-wise and merciful providence, have blessed the earth with fruitfulness ; we have felt in many places how secure is the reliance on the unfailing goodness of Him who sends seed-time and harvest, and who has promised that they shall never fail ; we have faith in His bounty and superintending care ; and we ask only that we may have what he offers us freely, that we may in security enjoy what He is pleased to grant us ; we ask that our fellow-men may not impiously interpose between the good gifts of the Creator and the wants of his creatures, and we ask the farmers, and inhabitants of this ancient city, and of this county, to give us their cordial support in our endeavour to do justice to the much injured and oppressed population of our suffering country." Mr. Cobden then rose and said : " After the very eloquent si)eech of my friend Mr. Bright little remains for me to say; Recollections of Cobden and the League. lie has so thoroughly thrashed out the subject, that all I can ho])e is to find a few grains of argument in the chaff that he has left behind. (Hear, hear.) 1 must, however, say that I am disappointed in not meeting on this platform certain gentle- men of your county, who, at a recent agricultural meeting at Devizes, threatened that if the ' evil spirit ' which was abroad should pay a visit to this county, they would confront it. (Laughter, and cries of ' where's Benett?') The Corn and Provision Laws are a fraud and a cheat upon the poor labourers. It was said at a meeting of the Agricultural Society at Devizes, that the farmers ought to give higher wages ; but if their cajMtal was absorbed in paying rent, how could they do so, or even employ the labourers at all .^ I come here to tlirow upon the political landlords, who dare not come to meet me, all the responsibility of finding employment for the agricultural labourers, whom Mr. Nield, Mr. Benett, and the Rev. Mr. Ashe say, the farmers must find employment for during the coming winter ; \. on the contrary, affirm that they are throwing upon the fiirmers the responsibility which belongs to them- selves." (Hear, hear.) Mr. Cobden said he came there merely to denounce those political landlords who mixed up blue ribbons, church and state, and political party cries with the business of farming. He, and they who worked with him were deter- mined, tliat whatever taxes were raised, should be ]xaid to Queen Victoria, for the service of the state ; and not to enable Mr. Benett to pay the interest of his mortgages, nor Sir Edward KnatchbuU his daughters' fortunes, nor Lord Mount- cashel his land incumbrances. He retired amid loud and long Mr. Bright at Canterbury. 203 continued clieering, which was renewed over and over again. At Canterbury-, 12th August, 1843, ^^^- Bright on coming forward was loudly cheered. He commenced by observing "that nothing but a full conviction of the immense importance of the subject they had assembled to discuss, to everj' class of the community, would have induced him or his colleague to visit Kent for the purpose of inviting the inhabitants of that county, and the farmers especially, to co-operate with them in procuring what they believed to be justice, to the "great body of the people. It could not be imagined, that any man opi)osed to the interest of a large class of persons, would come among them unfriended and unknown, to lay before them principles hostile to their welfare. (Hear, hear.) Agri- culturists and manufacturers were alike interested in justice and truth being made the basis of all legislation, and any law which was detrimental to the interest of the one, must be in- jurious to the Avelfare of the other. (Hear, hear.) He came there to assert boldly that the Corn Law had been more destructive to the interests of the tenant farmer, than that of any other class. The agriculturists had unfortunately supported this law, but it was not the first time that men had shown ignorance of their real interests." At Reading, August 19th, 1S43, "'' ii-ddition to a personal canvass of the landlords among their tenantry, the following hostile circular was issued during the week before the meeting, by a society calling itself the " Berkshire Association for the Protection of British Agriculture and other branches of native industry" : — 204- Recollections of Cobden and the League. *' Farmers of Berkshire ! At a meeting of the committee of the Berkshire Agricultural Association, held this day, Saturday, August 12th, at the Upper Ship Inn, Reading, Mr. Thomas Pearman in the chair, it was unanimously resolved : — • In consequence of an advertisement, announcing that Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P., earnestly invites the farmers of Berkshire to meet him at the Town Hall, Reading, on Saturday next, to hear his opinions on the Corn Laws, that this committee earnestly advise their brother farmers to abstain from attending or taking any part in it, knowing, from past experience, that their views and feelings have at all such pre\ ious meetings been grossly misrepresented, and their attendance taken as an admission of acquiescence in the free-trade doctrines of the Anti-Corn Law League ; and also that such meeting is altogether unnecessary, as the farmers of Berkshire most emphatically gave expression to their hostility to any measure affecting the present protective laws, at the late im])ortant county meeting.'" It was stated that this resolution was adojited under the advice of Mr. Walter, and up to within a few hours of the meeting it was expected by many persons that the ex-member for Nottingham would ai)pear and again try the fate of his fixed duty amendment. The League adopted a ])lan in this instance, at once novel and excellent, to defeat the intentions of the monopolists. A full report of the proceedings was published in a local paper, and two coi)ies were sent to every farmer, who, ujjon reference to the county register, was found to have voted in flivour of Mr. Cob den at Reading. 205 a monopolist candidate at the last election. Thus, although the landlords may have prevented the tenants from hearing the speeches in favour of free trade, an opportunity was afforded them of studying the arguments of the free-trade deputation by their own firesides. ]Mr. Cobden commenced his address by stating '• that some apology, or at least explanation, was due to the farmers of Berkshire for calling them together on such an occasion, at that hour of the day, and at a season of the year when their occupations were certainly of a most important character. In attempting to remove the Corn Law as the foundation-stone of all other monopolies, they of the League, were met in the House of Commons by a body of laiidowners, who told them that this Corn Law was necessary for the benefit of the farmer and of the farm labourer. If those men would avow their own reasons for maintaining the Corn Law, the task of the League would be comparatively easy ; but when they thus put fonvard the farmer and the farm labourer, saying that all they did was for their benefit, it became a doubly difficult matter to get rid of the Corn Law. He had always had his sus[)icions, since he was a boy on his flxther's form, that the Corn Lawv/as no l)enefit to the farmer or to the form labourer. From the first moment he could think at all on the subject, he confessed that he had always viewed the Corn Law as a rent law, increasing rent to the landlord, and tithe to the titheowner ; and since maturer years had given him an opportunity of looking more narrowly into the subject, and examining the evidence contained in the blue books of the House of Commons, on agriculture, the suspicion 2o6 Recollections of Cobden and the League. he had before entertained had become a conviction — that, instead of it being a benefit to the farmer and farm labourer, the Corn Law was an injur}' to them all. He, therefore, left the House of Commons, and went to the country to challenge discussion on this subject — to call upon the su])- porters of the Corn Law in the rural districts, to meet him and defend it before their neighbours and friends ; and if they shrank from meeting him in a place like Reading, whatever their ])retence might be, it must be that they felt convinced that their cause was a bad one, and that they could not main- tain it." (Cheers.) Mr, Bright, M.P., who was also received with cheering, said: ■' That as he came down from London he was meditating on the sign of the times afforded by two manufacturers, such as he and his hon. friend were, coming down in this way at the rate of thirty miles an hour, into the very heart of an agri- cultural county, to discuss with the farmers themselves, for the first time, the ([uestion of the continuance of tlie Corn Law. (Hear.) ilo could not but think, also, that such meetings as these were calculated to have a great effect on the future course of events in this country." (Hear.) He then jjroceeded to argue at length against the Corn Law, and concluded by calling upon them t your caps at him. (A laugh.) Yes, there's not a farmer here who won't confess it ; he'll hang down his head, like that man there, but he'll confess it never- theless. (More laughter.) Well, I heard your 'friends' pro- pose their last Corn Law. Sir Robert Peel brought it fonvard. and he said he would give you, as far as legislation could secure it, a ])rice ranging from 54'- to 58 - a quarter for your corn. Well, in less than 18 months after he had made that ]^romise, what were the prices of Avheat ? From 46/- to 47/- a ([uarter — 10/- less than had been promised to the farmer only twehc months before ! I say, therefore, that those legis- lative acts have never realised to the farmer what they Ijromised ; and I say further, that .Vets of Parliament never can give you high prices. (Hear, hear.) The farmers have taken farms on the strength of these acts, and they have been ruined because they could not pay the rents for which thc\- had taken ihem : and it is because these acts have ruined you, that I am here to day, to denounce what is called legislati\e protection." '• Your prosperity," he continued. '■ depends on the manu- Recollections of Cobden and tJic League. facturers. Believe me, whatever designing people may tell you, you cannot injure the manufacturing j)opulation, without the distress and suffering returning u])on your class. But I will tell ycHi how you may make us your best customers ; 1 will tell you how you may im])rove our means of dealing with you. Knock off our fetters ; give us freedom for our industr}- ; let us grow and shoot as freely as garden trees ; let us expand under the influence of the burning sun of liberty, and I will promise you then that we shall not ha\e taken root in vain."' Lord Camoys then addressed the meeting, in favour of a moderate fixed duty, and moved the following resolution : — " Resolved, that the agricultural interest being the paramount interest in this i;ountry, to depress that interest would be injurious to the whole community ; that suddenl\- to adopt free-trade in corn might produce that effect, and that, therefore, it is the opinion of this meeting, that a moderate fixed duty upon the importation of foreign corn is the one best adapted to the present j)osition of the agricultural interests, and to the welfare of the connnunity."' Mr. I-angston, M.P., seconded ihc rescjlution. and Mr. Urighl. M.I'., ihcn came forward, and was received with loud ( hccrs. He addressed the meeting at very great length. In one pari of his si)ee( h lie said : " We come here to-day to oifer \()u a reincdy for jour grievances. \\ e want the winter to pass over \<)ur heads witlunU iiicendiary fires. (Cheers.) We want \()u Id h.uc as small a poor-rale as ])Ossil)le ; we want ycnir renl-day to pass witJK^ut misery — your elections to jjroceed in such a maimer that vou may give an unfettered Mr. Bright at Oxford. vote, free from a landlord's influence. (A groan, and a cry of ' Oh ! Norreys.') With respect to the resolution that had been moved by Lord Camoys, as that noble lord had been ])artly converted by his attendance in the House of Lords, he hoped he would be wholly converted by his attendance at Oxford. (Cheers.) They had heard from Mr. Cobden what the law had already done ; did they want another legislative alteration? (No, no.) But Lord Camoys hinted that the fixed duty might be reduced. He had proposed a duty of 6/-. Let them consider what that would do. First of all, it would raise by so much the price of bread to the poor ; secondly, the farmer would be only the means of conveying that price from the pockets of the poor to the pockets of the landlords. W^ould they attempt such a change, too, when they knew it could only Ijc a partial one? There was, they must recollect, an organised body, which had sworn, over and over again. to use all their time, to exert all their influence, to employ all their money and all their talent, to obtain a total repeal of the Corn I^aw. ^^^ould it be worth their A\hile, then, to adopt a change which would only tend to protract the agitation.'' Lord Norreys, Mr. Langston, ^M.P., and Mr. Henley, M.P., having addressed the meeting, Mr. Cobden briefly replied, and Mr. Towle (a tenant farmer), mo\ed the following amendment : — "That in the opinion of this meeting the i)rinciples of free- trade are in accordance with the laws of nature, and conducive to the welfare of mankind, and that all laws which interfere with the intercourse of nations, under pretence of in-otection 2 1 2 Recollections of Cohden and the League. to the agricultural, colonial, or manuf;\cturing interests, ought to be forthwith abolished." The Chairman then took a show of liands on tlie original motion and the amendment. For the latter nearly every hand in the crowd was held up. whilst the former only appeared to meet the approval of some five persons out of i,8oo or 2,000 who were itresent. METROPOLITAN MEETINGS. Various meetings having been heki in Londfjn, in the Anchor Tavern. Strand, and the P'reemason's Tavern, all of which were crowded and enthusiastic ; it was resolved to centralize the efforts of the League by engaging the largest available room in the Metropolis, the Drury Lane Theatre, and to hold weekly meetings in an arena which hitherto only a love of i)leasurt* could decently fill, and to advocate there in serious earnest, in opposition to the bulk of the rank, fashion, and wealth of the Metropolis, a serious change in the laws and policy of the nation. The first meeting was held on A\'^ednesda3% March r5th, 1843. C'oming immediately after the i)ainful scene i)elween the Premier and Mr. Cobden in the House of Com- mons it excited extraordinary interest. Mr. George Wilson look the chair, and was received with loud clicering, which having subsided, the ('hairman rose and said "'that three weeks had scarcely elapsed since, in accordance with the recommen- dation of some of the warmest friends of the cause of Corn Law repeal, the League held their first weekly meeting in Tlic First Meeting in Drmy La/ir TJieatre. London. To those who had witnessed their proceedings from tlie time when they had first assembled at the Crown and Anchor, up to tlie time when this splendid meeting was held within the walls of Driiry I.ane — (cheers) — it would be un- necessary to ask whether the experiment of holding these meetings in London had been a wise and judicious one or not. (Loud cheers.) They had been told, indeed, that in the North the League was powerful, because the question of the repeal of the Corn T^aw was a manufacturer's question, and that the people there were interested in the progress of manufactures, but that in the South no such interest prevailed. They had, however, sent out their lecturers, and their agents had delivered their tracts in the agricultural districts of the South. (Cheers.) They found no obstruction to their work, and no impediments were thrown in their way on the part of the intelligent occupiers of land. (Cheers.) The jjoor agricultural labourer, living upon his vegetable regimen, offered them no obstruction. (Cheers.) 'I'hey had no feelings of apprehension from the importation of foreign cattle, or from the importation of foreign corn. (Cheers.) They had made enquiries on every side, and they had never been able to discover any one single man, beyond rhe ])roprietors of the soil and their immediate dependents, who could be said to have the slightest interest, immediately or remotely, in the maintenance of the present law. (Cheer.s.) It was true they did hear, occasionally, that their tracts had been designated as bad books — (cheers and laughter) — by those who had wished the people not to read them. It was true they liad fre(]uently heard that ]iersons had been told that it was 14 Recollections of Cobden ami the League. their duty not to pay any attention to tlic information whicli tlie Anti-Corn-Law League had put into circulation. This was tlic advice of those who were unable to answer their arguments. (Cheers.) Their enemies, he sup])osed, imagined that these would be the best means of silencing the agitation of this (juestion; but he would venture to tell them that they would find themselves most miserably mistaken. (Loud cheers.) Let them look back for the last four years, and the}- would see the impression that had been made upon the public mind by their proceedings, their lectures, and their publications. (C'heers.) If they could blot out of recollection all the sufferings and the evils which the Corn I^aw had inflicted during that period, then, indeed, the enemies of the League might hope to be succe.ssful. (Cheers.) If they could restore to their homes the thousands of emigrants, who had been compelled to leave tlie shores of their native land — (loud cheers) — then might their enemies hope to succeed. (Cheers.) If they could call back from their graves the thousands of persons who within that time had been consigned to them in consetiuence of the Corn Law — (loutl <:heers) — then indeed the enemies of the League might hope for success. He had, as chairman of the League, in connnon with many others of his friends, the honour of making his first appearance on these boards. (Cheers and laughter.) They would now begin with the first scene of the first act, which their opponents said was ' Much Ado about Nothing." to which his re])ly was, 'As }ou Like it.' (Loud cheers, and laughter.) \\'hatever might be the oi)ening of the drama, he was convinced that the concluding scene would be, the opening Mr. Cobdcn at Dniry Lane Theatre. 215 of the ports of the whole globe to their commerce, and the diffusion to every man, woman, and child in Great Britain, of peace, and of plenty. (Cheers.) The proceedings would be opened by their excellent friend the member for Dumfries, Mr. Ewart. (Loud cheers.) He should then be delighted to introduce to them their excellent friend Mr. Cobden. (At the mention of Mr. Cobden's name the Avhole audience rose, and amidst the waving of hats and handkerchiefs, a roof-rending shout of applause burst from them, succeeded by continuous cheering, which lasted several minutes.) The proceedings of the evening would be incomplete without an address from their worthy friend John Bright — (loud cheers) — and if there should be still sufficient time, Mr. Villiers would close the proceedings." Mr. Cobden. in one part of his address, said : " What is this Corn Law? You understood it in London when it was first passed. (Cheers.) There was not a working man in London who, in the year 181 5, did not foresee all those horrible evils and sufferings which have sprung from it. I need not tell those of you, who have passed the age of fifty years, and have lived in this Metropolis, the scenes which were enacted when this measure was passed — how the House of Commons was sur- rounded by armed soldiers for its protection, and to keep off the infinite crowds which pressed to its doors; and how members of that House who went down to give their votes in favour of this enactment, had their clothing torn in their pro- gress, and were in danger of being injured or even murdered — how the caricature shops of that day were filled with this all-pervading topic — how John Bull, just escaped from a 2i6 Recollections of Cobden and the League. twenty years' war, was being choked with the bread-tax — or how, being pinioned down between two monopoHsts, another and a greater monopolist was seen pushing a roll down his throat, marked ' bread-tax.' (Hear, hear, and laughter.) But what are the pretences under which the law is now supported ? We are told, and this is said to be the great object of the Corn Law, that you must keep land and cultivate it, in order to secure employment for the people. 1 will call to your minds that if the object was to keep the people in employment, there is another mode of securing this object without maintaining the Corn Law. You might have the Corn Law repealed, and if you chose to keep some men in employment, you might support them b}' means of taxation, without creating high prices for those Aery articles which form the necessaries of life. (Cheers.) Then, suppose the object is to legislate, so as to secure the employment of the people : or, in the event of such employment not being obtainable, to support them by taxation, 1 say, why imjiose a tax upon the bread of the population of the whole country, when the same object could be obtained by a direct tax on income, or even on steam engines, if they liked it better? (Hear, hear, and laughter.) But I say, do not let them hamper and restrict our trade — do not let them manacle and fetter our exertions, and doom us to the pining miseries which we are now enduring, in order to keep a few more men at work in Dorsetshire at 7/- a week. (Cheers and laughter.) But we have said too much about the agriculturist and the manu- lacturer upon this subject, and their respective interests. I should be glad to meet Mr. Bankes here, and to prove to Mr. Cobden at Drury Lane. 21'j him tliat the formers have suffered more than any other class of the community from the operation of this law — (cheers) — or, if there be any exception, it is the agricultural labourers — (hear) — who, as Lord Fitzwilliam has justly said, suffer more than any other classes from the operation of these Corn and Provision Laws. How do I prove this ? If we go back to the time when this law was passed, the year 1815, we find that since that time we have had the farmers, as a class, five times up in arms, and proclaiming themselves to be suffering from unparalleled distress. (Hear, hear.) There were com- mittees of the House of Commons sitting in 1 816, in 182 1, 1822, 1833, and 1836, to enquire into the state of distress to which the farmers were reduced. Do we find amongst any other class of the community — amongst any class of shopkeepers^ — as grocers, tailors, drapers, &c., any case in which one particular trade throughout the country is suffering from exclusive and peculiar distress — (cheers) — has such a thing ever hajjpened as all the grocers of the country running together, and holding delegate meetings in Palace Yard, and complaining that they were all suffering from severe distress ? (Cheers.) 1 will ask the farmers another question, and that is a home thrust ; it is a question about which, as the son of a farmer myself, I may be presumed to possess some knowledge. I ask them, have you, as a class, since the year 181 5, done as well, made as much money, and realised as much profit, on a given amount of capital, as the retail trader — the grocer, the linen draper, the tailor— in the nearest market town ? Why, when such a question is put the Recollections of Cobden and the League. farmer throws up his eyes, in anger, that he should be called upon to solve such a (juestion. ' Why, make as much ?' he says, ' No, we never did ; if we can live, and send our children to school and make both ends meet, that is all wc expect." (Hear, hear, hear.) And as to settlements with their land- lords, and payments of money, why, the generality of them have endless accounts with Mr. Redtape, the steward, and indeed they are never settled. (Cheers.) 'J'hc arrears, it is true, are sometimes paid up in dear years, and then they run on again, until another period of high prices enables them once again to clear them off. The farmer of this country is on precisely the same footing, with regard to the landlords, as the Fellah i)opulation of h^gypt is with Mehcmet Ali. I went once, when in Egypt, into the fields with my gun, and I asked a farmer how he settled his accounts Avith the Pacha : do you have any settlements, I asked — how are the accounts arranged? 'Oh, sir,' said he, 'the accounts are as long as your gun I' (Cheers and laughter.) 'We have no settlements of accounts : he takes all we produce, and leaves us just enough to liw upon.' (Renev.-ed cheering.) And so it is with our farmers. How is it, I ask, that they liave l)een so hoodwinked, so beguiled by the landlords ? 1 will tell you tlie whole secret. It is because they have been foolish enough to allow the landlords to play the game of politics with them : and any man who mixes uj) politics with trade, and wlio tliiiiks to get more money by rendering himself subservient to a political opponent, unless indeed he be the son or the nephe\\- of a w^^\^\c lord or a duke, is a blockhead. (Cheers.) I will tell you how the Mr. Cobden at Drvry Lane. 219 farmers have been hoodwinked by the landlords; I have been a sufferer by the system. These political landlords assume tlie title of the farmers' friend. They call themselves agri- culturists, though I have always told the farmer that the landowner is no more an agriculturist than the shipowner is a sailor. However, they call themselves so ; and they sit at t!ie farmer's table, and say, ' We will give you protection ; we will pass an Act of Parliament which will ensure you 70/- a (luarterfor yourwheat ;'and thefarmer believes it — (cheers) — and pays rent in proportion — (great cheering) — or at least promises to do so. (Renewed cheering.) Having made his bargain, the political landlord comes up to London as a Parliament man ; but then he has to change his character. He puts off the garb of the farmer s friend, and the profession of agri- culturist, and he has his little understandings with the Prime Minister at St. Stephen's. (Cheers and laughter.) The Prime Minister knows how to deal with these political landlords. He has an appointment for a troublesome nephew in the colonies ; or a mastership in Chancery for a }'ounger son, who is not very clever, or not very successful at the bar — (cheers) — and then, if he finds from his proceedings and his conduct that he is very unmanageable, why, he closes his lips with a blue ribbon. (Cheers, and a voice exclaimed, ' So much for Buckingham.') Let us see how this system worked at the last election. The farmers threw U]> their caps, and cried, ' no surrender ' — (cheers)— the landlords shouted, ' stand by the Corn Law.' Then the landlords came up to Parliament ; and the Prime Minister was in a fix ; 'he must do something with Recolledions of Cohden and the Lea^te. this Corn Law ; the Anti-Corn-Law League was becoming very troublesome.' (Cheers.) Then they set to work to alter the tariff — to alter the Corn Law ; and when all this is done they go down again to the country, and say, ' There's no harm done.' (Laughter and cheers.) Well, the farmers are not exactly sure of that, because they find prices lower than they were — (hear, hear) — but then Mr. Bankes tells them, • this is only a panic' (Laughter and cheers.) Parliament meets again, and now the Prime Alinister is in another fix, and ' What is to be done ?' becomes again the question. ' Why, it is quite evident,' say Her Majesty's ministers to the political landlords, * that something must be done to open the trade with the United States.' Well, but the political landlord has given a promise to keep out the corn of the United States ; and then there is some clever friend who steps in and says, * Never mind, the front door is shut, but the back door through Canada is open, and they will never know it.' (Loud cheers.) Now, take the map of the United States — one of the latest — aud look to Michigan, to Indiana, and to Illinois, running up to those great chains of lakes, the waters of which find their exit by the river St. Lawrence, and you will find that it is about as near a way to England for the wheat of those districts as down the Mississippi ; ' but then the farmers do not know that,' the landlords say. (Cheers.) Well, but that is not the whole of the game. 1 am now behind tlie scenes — (hear, hear) — and I am let into a few secrets. (Hear, hear.) There must be another plot to make this go off well with the farmer — there must be a resolute band of some 70 or 80 patriots in the Mr. Cohden at Driiry Lane. House of Commons — led on by some chief, to say that they will prohibit the introduction of long horns and short horns — that they will not allow corn to be introduced through Canada, nor allow these beasts to come in at all. (Hear, hear.) A motion is made, an amendment is put, but when it comes to a division we generally find that these 70 or 80 gentlemen are quite sure that they will do no harm. (Cheers.) We always find that there are just so many of the farmers' friends opposing the minister, as it is quite sure can do him no harm. (Hear, hear.) Now, that is the way in which the farmer is laughed at, and victimised, and deluded. (Cheers.) When will he be put on the same footing as your honest trader ? He deserves as good treatment — quite as good as the best of us. (Cheers.) When the farmers get together, without their landlords, and declare and pass resolutions that they will never allow politics to be mixed up with their rent bargains again, but that they will take their land from the landowners just in the same manner as they buy their harness from the saddler, or their carts from the wheelwright, then they will get an lionest pennyworth for their penny. (Cheers.) But so long as they allow the land- lords to come to them, and talk of a modification of the Corn Law, and of passing other measures in their interest, so long will they be in danger of having their property swept away, and their happiness and hopes of prosperity destroyed. (Cheers.) They must utterly and entirely abolish the ("orn J, aw. (Loud cheers.) They must not abolish it bit by bit. it must be done at once and for ever." * "■' " To hear people talk in the House of Commons about pro- Recolleitiotis of Cobden and the League. tection, you would imagine that there was some mine of gold under the speaker's chair, and that he had the power, with some modern Aladdin's lamp, to go down and dig u]) unlimited stores of treasure, wherewith to enrich any class which the House of Commons may choose to enrich. But what is the fact ? Those who passed and who support these Corn and Pro- vision Laws in Parliament, for the purpose of protecting- a particular class, can only do so at the expense of some other, or of all other classes. (Hear, hear.) How does Parliament protect, or profess to protect, the farmer ? By passing laws to force the customers of those farmers to give them certain high prices for their produce. But do you not think it would be \ery much wiser if they were to pass laws for free trade, to enable the customers of the farmers to give that price ? (Cheers.) The farmer can be enriched, can get on, in no othi-'- way than by his customers ; yet the landlords, the farmers' friends, pass laws to cripple, to hamper, to destroy the prosperity, the very existence of the customers by whom the farmers live.' * '•'' * '■■■ - - * " When tlic land- owners denounce the manufacturing system, let them bear in mind that there must be something worse in the agricultural districts, to induce the agriculturists to come in crowds to seek work in tlie manufacturing towns. (Hear, hear.) To niy own knowledge, in the town of Stockport, there are scores and hundreds of persons, who ha\e no claim on tlie ])arish there, who are pining to death for want of sufficient nourishment— (shame !)— and yet they say to the relieving officers, that, rather than apply for relief from the parish, and be returned to Messrs. Cob den and Bright at Drury Lane. 223 their own parishes in the agricultural districts, they would perish under their looms. (Hear, hear.) Oh, you have been most grossly bamboozled — (' we have, we have' ) — most grossly deceived and gulled ! most effectually practised on by the monopolists in London about the factory system ! (Hear, hear.)" " ■•'• ■'- * " You have been told that the people engaged in this agitation are a mere set of factory owners and millowners, who want, for their own purposes, to pull down wages. If we wanted to pull down wages, our simplest and most effectual way would be to let things continue as they are. (Hear. ) But no one who knows us will believe that such is our object ; it is as little our interest as our inclination. (Hear, hear.) We want a repeal of the Corn Laws, in order that we may have a greater demand for labour, that the labourer may have more to do for us, and tliat we may be able to jjay him higher rewards for his services. (Hear, hear.)" '•• ■■'- * ''■- ■'■ (The hon. member sat down amidst loud and long-continued cheering.) 'i'he Chairman then introduced to the meeting Mr. Bright, who said : " Was not the Corn Law an abuse — (yes, yes) — an abomination? (Yes, and cheers.) Was it not a famine creating law? (Loud cries of 'yes, yes.') Was it not passed in order to raise the price of food ? (Yes, yes.) And how could the price of food be raised except by diminishing the quantity of food? If they diminished the quantity greatly, did they not cause a famine ? If the law was very severe and restrictive, would not the famine be severe ? Must not the jjeople suffer? The Corn Law had been proved to raise the prices and diminisli 2 24 Recollections of CoMcn and the Lcagi(c. the supply of food, and tliey were aware that for several years the amount of food had been very small, and that many of the people had been obliged to go short. The meeting knew that — although it was not known by tliosc who went from their mansions in Belgrave Square to the Chapel of St. Stephen's — Hundreds and thousands of the people, during the last five years, had not had an adequate supply of even the most wTetched means of subsistence. (Hear, hear.) The law was at the same time professing to ])ut an end to scarcit}" while it really introduced famine. ''If the industrious father of a family, careful for the welfare of his offspring, were to do what was done by our boasting legis- lature, what would be thought of him ? Would not such a father give his family above all things plenty of food ? lUu did our paternal legislature shew any such care of the people ? Had it not reduced many of them from three meals a day to two ? (A voice : ' ]\Iany of them ha\c none at all.') The effects of the law did not touch the rich — did not reach tliose that lived in splendid mansions around the. sijuares of the metropolis — but touched very severe!)- the people who inhabited the back lanes. \n touching them they would afterwards reach the rest, for they were neighbours. Tlie misery of such large classes soon became the misery of all. 'i'he misery which had at length reached this Metropolis was, he knew, very great in Lancashire. Was such a law righteous and just : was it to be supported as a good law : and was it consistent with the order of nature and of (lod? Kdmund l>urkc, when he re]M-esented Bristol, voted for a law to open the trade with Ireland. There- Mr. Bright, at Driiry Lane. 225 upon several merchants of Bristol, who, he supposed, were not more enlightened than some of the present merchants of the metropolis, had protested against him for giving his vote for opening the trade with Ireland. But Burke wrote to them, saying, 'God has given the earth to the children of men, and he has un- doubtedly, in giving it to them, given them abundantly sufficient for all their exigencies — not a scanty, but a most liberal provision for them all. The Author of our nature has written it strongly in that nature, and has promulgated the same law in his written word, that man shall eat his bread by his labour ; and I am persuaded that no man, and no combination of men, from their own ideas of particular profit, can, without great impiety, undertake to say he shall not do so ; that they have no sort of right either to prevent the labour, or to withhold the bread.' He asked, then, had the government not withheld bread from the people? (Yes.) Look at the state of this country in 1838. The harvest then failed, and the price of com rose immediately, and that rise in food prevented the people from having as much food as they had before. Did the law then allow the peojjle to supply themselves witli food? It did not. Our country abounded in mines of coal, iron, and other minerals, which Providence had given us as a means of supplying our Avants. Had God said that mankind were to supply themselves entirely from the surface of the earth, and were not to go beneath that surface if the}- could turn it to their purposes? (No, no.) Was it not then in their power in 1838 to have sent abroad the produce of their coal and iron mines, the produce of their manufactures, and to have pur- p 2 26 Recollections of Cohden and the League. chased food therewith from all parts of the world? But the crops had failed for five years, and though the people had this power, they were not allowed to use it by this accursed law — (cheers) — which, far from relievinL; the wants of the people, had, day after day, destroyed them, and caused them to suffer, to starve, and to die. (Loud and long-continued cheering.) Had not the wages of the peojjle during those five years been all expended for food ? All their earnings went to the baker's shop, and from the baker to the miller, and from the miller to the farmer, and from the farmer they went to the landowner ; so that five millions of the working classes, consuming all their wages in food, had been unable to buy manufactures. There were many things which were impossible, and yet were believed to be probable ; and there was nothing more impossible, however probable some folks might su])pose it, than that wages should rise with the ])rice of food. It was saying you could make much out of little, a great deal out of a small tjuantity. Prices rose because the i)roduce was scarce. A\'as it i)ossible, then, that each man could have as much as before the prices rose? Was it i}Ossil)le that he should go on receiving better wages, day after day, as the ])rices of food rose ? It was not l)Ossil)le ; and if it were, where wcnild be ihc benefit? ll Avould jjc only transferring his capital to the landowner. (Hear, hear.) 'Die landlords kept a great truck sho)) ; they were the only accredited provision dealers authorised by law. and they fixed by law the i)rices of the commodities they hatl to sell. They were the i)eo])le who said that raising prices did ikH affect wages, and tliey who called others sordid, taxed A[r. JSn'g/it at Drury Lane. 227 the poorest classes in order to enrich themselves. (Cheers.) Such was the act of our paternal legislature. It made a law to settle the prices of what the lando\niers sold, but it had no power to give the people wages with which to buy. " It was said of the celebrated writer, Mr. Dickens, that he had described low life so well that he must have lived in a workhouse. The reply was, that he had lived in England, which was one great workhouse. (Hear, hear.) The country was filled with paupers. \\'e were now de\"0uring each other. In Leeds there were 40,000 ])ersons subsisting on charity. A friend of his who was then in the room told him that in Sheffield there were no less than 12,000 paupers, and that there were as many more who were as badly off as the paupers themselves. (A voice, 'worse.') Those towns were desolated, and did they tliink that when the manufacturing districts were involved in ruin, that the Metropolis could be safe ? They were all neighbours. ^Vas the labouring population of Dorsetshire any better than the others? Why, every seventh man was a pauper, and the number was not diminishing. The return from which he (juoted that, \\as made two years ago, and since then the number of paupers had increased. When and where was the deterioration to stop? It was so general that no pettifogging law, no trifling error of legislation, could have caused it ; nothing could effect such general mischief but that desolating and hideous monopoly, the Corn Law legislation, which spread its baneful influence throughout the land. (Cheers.) " Sir James Graham, our Home Secretary, said that the 2 28 Recollections of Cohdeii and f/ie League. ])hysical condition of the people was very bad. He admitted that now, though he had formerly denied it ; but he would not, even now, when he was asked, admit that the time had arri\ed to consider the physical condition of the people. Well, then, ulien would the time arrive ? Four years ago the League asked Parliament to consider it : and the Parliament refused. Three years ago it refused, two )ears ago it refused, one year ago it refused, and even now it still refuses. When, then, would the time come for amending the ])hysical condition of the people? ('\Vhen we make them." shouted a loud voice. Great cheers.) 'I"he monopolists, he believed, would never find out that the time was come for doing justice to the IK'ople. All that he loved was in Kngland : his all was at stake here ; hut they had seen in neighbouring kingdoms, not far distant, thrones tumbled down and irowns jirostrate in the dust, and he feared that such would be the case in luigland. But in the midst of all that destruction there was one part} which had survived, .xnd that party was the i)eople. Whatever calamities might befall the other classes, however great might Ik' their distress and sufferings, wliatexer might be the fixte of aristocracies and kings, lie was satisfied that the people would survive them all and flourish. He was afraiil that Sir R. Peel had forgotten whence he sprung. Was he nt)t. instead of protecting that industry to wliich he owed all his greatness, crushing it, or allowing il to be i rushed by a bad law? A great man, bord Stowell. had said. •Ambition breaks the ties of blood and forgets the obligations of gratitude." He was afraid that sut h was the case of Sir R. Peel : but. if he ^f|■. Brii:;/if a1 Dniry Lane. 229 neglected his duty, what, he would ask was their duty. They had a duty to perform, and they must not shrink from it. ^^'as tlien our country to be the prey of monopolists ? AVere the people only sojourners and lodgers, to exist on sufferance, depending on the will of the monopolists of the soil ? Were they to sow and weave, and spin, and forge, and sweat with toil, and were they never to reap? Monopoly said yes. The people would boldly answer, no. (Enthusiastic cheers.) He had attended many meetings scarcely less numerous, and not less enthusiastic than this, and they had all said, no. The provinces had spoken out. The Anti-Corn-Law League said it wanted ^^50,000. It asked for the money, and it received it. (Cheers.) The Council of the League had stated what it would do with the money, and wliat it had promised, that it had done. The Council now found that it would require a larger sum than _;;^5o,ooo, and he knew that they would get it. The men of London had a great deal in their ])ockets of what the Council of the League wanted. The time would arrive — and he believed it was not far off — when the repeal would be carried by their exertions, and they would rejoice that they had contributed to aid it. The Anti-Corn-Law League was a powerful lever to obtain repeal ; and he wished every man present to exert himself in such a holy cause. There were many bright pages in the history of the Metropolis ; but if they neglected this oppor- tunity — if they shrunk from su])porting this good cause — if they failed to accom})lish this great work — or if when once engaged'in it, they turned back, they might wish that all the Recollections of Cohdcii and the League. pages of their history should be destroyed, and that no his- torian sliould ever transmit to future generations the history of the age in whidi \vc now live." The Cliairman announced that tlic following members of Parliament were also present at the meeting : — Messrs. AV. S. Crawford, Richard Cobden, Dr. Bowring, AA'illiam Williams, William Ewart, Thomas Thorneley, Joshua Schofield, Robert Wallace, J. L. Ricardo, J. T. i,eader, W. 1). Christie, Richard Walker, Sir \'alentine Blake, and 'I'homas Milner (libson. In addition to the meeting, at which the above addresses w-ere given, there were six other similar meetings held in Drury Tane Theatre, on the 22nd and 28th of March, the 5th, 1 2th, and 26th of April, and 3rd of Ma}', 1843, ^ti" spectivel}'. AlEK'l'l\{;S IN COVKXT CARDF.X THIOATRF:. It was intended by the Council of the League after the close of the summer season, to resume their weekly meetings in Drury Lane Theatre, but the}- were not able to make satisfactory arrangements with the Lessee, and the}- therefore hired the rival Theatre, in Covent (larden, for the purpose. The first meeting was held 28th Septemlier, 1843. when the accounts for die pre\ious year were read, shewing total recei]jts ^^50,290 I4.S-. o^/., and e\])endilure ^47,814 y. c)d: This e\i)enditure coniiirised, amongst other matters, the printing and distribution of 9,026,000 tracts and stamped publications, the salaries of f )urteen Lecturers, the hire of rooms and cost of Meeting in Coi'ent Garden TJieatre. 231 advertisements for 65 1 lectures ; the expenses of deputations to 156 public meetings in counties and boroughs, and various other necessary matters. The Chairman, (Mr. George Wilson,) in speaking of the meetings which had been held in the agricultural districts, remarked : — " That it had always been said : ' Oh ! of course the mill- owners, and manufacturers, and shipowners, and shopkeepers, and so on, are in favour of free trade ; but the great masses — those engaged in agriculture — are dead against you.' In order to test the correctness of this statement, Mr. Cobden commenced his agricultural meetings, (loud cheers.) and what had been the result ? (Cheers.) Mr. Cobden Avent among the agriculturists an entire stranger to them, except in name; the meetings he called together were bona fide public meetings of farmers, county meetings, open-air meetings, most if not all of them being open to all who chose to attend them. (Cheers.) The first meeting was held — the second was held — a third was held. In these they met with some little opposition, but so little that their opponents actually disclaimed it. They were told that tliese meetings might do in Buckinghamshire and Herefordshire, and such outlandish places ; but there were place'^ wh.ere they would not do ; — -in Essex for instance, Sir John Tyrrel said. Why did they not try Essex ? (Cheers and laughter.) They supposed that Mr. Cobden was afraid of Sir John Tyrrel. However, it was determined to try Essex. (Cheers.) The monopolists exerted themselves to the utmost — they strained every nerve. The squires mounted their horses, Recolkciions of Cohdeii and the League. and posted up and down the countrj-, beating up for recruits to oppose Mr. Cobden and the Free Traders. The day came, the resolution was proposed, and Sir John 'lyrrel, who, up to that time, had held the chief rule o\er the opinions of the constituency of that county for thirty years, found that, for once in his life, he had calculated wrongly ; the principal resolution was put and carried in favour of Free Trade, and a total abolition of the Corn Law. (Cheers.) And such had been the result in twenty-six county meetings Avhich had been held, with one exception, and that was the meeting at Hun- tingdon, where the di\ision had been so equal that, although the chairman had given it in favour of the monopolists, a number of gentlemen who were present, reporters and others, \\\\o were used to public meetings, had given it as their opinion tlial the decision of the meeting was the contrary way. .Still, giving the monojjolists the full benefit of their \ictory, if such they chose to call il, at Huntingdon, it would appear that at twenty-six different jjublic meetings, called under every variety of circumstances, in places purely and .strictly agri- cultural, whether tliey had l)een convened b}- the League, or had been county meetings called by the Higli Sheriff, or had been convened by requisition from the farmers, the same- un- varying success had attended them everywhere. ( lo wherfj they would, they had found no i)arty in the country, out of Par- liament, whicli had argued in supi)ort of tlie Corn Law. (Loud cheers.) Not all the i)oliti(-al inlluence of monojiolist landlords — not all the influence of the highest rank, drawn from tlie ashes of the brightest names in our liistory — was sufficient to array Meeting in Ccrcent Garden Theatre. 233 effectual opposition to the banners raised by the opponents of monopoly on this ([uestion. It was in Parliament and in Parliament alone, that the question had to be discussed and decided. There was no great party out of Parliament that was in favour of monojioly ; and their future plan of proceeding, which it was intended Mr. Cobden should bring under their notice that night, (Cheers,) had especial reference to that portion of the subject. Of course that plan would meet with severe animadversion from the supporters of monopoly, but they cared not what might be the opinion of the monopolists on the subject. (Cheers.) They had never shaped their course to please them, and they proposed to abide by the consequences, whatever those might be, of their hostility. (Loud cheers.) Perhaps their opposition might assume the same shape this year as it liad done in the last. They might accuse them of foully abetting assassination. (Cheers, and cries of ' Oh, Oh 1' and laughter.) The Prime Minister might get up a scene in the House of Commons, on the subject of personal responsibility (cheers and laughter); a noble lord in the other House of Parliament might " play fantastic tricks before high heaven;" and the Qimrtcrly Rei'ic^iCi might publish 700 pages instead of seventy, for the purpose of endeavouring to show that they had been getting up a strike ; but neither the pages of Quarterly Rcvietv^, nor the tricks of noble lords, nor the scenes of prime ministers, could divert the League from the fulfilment of the duty which they had undertaken, of bringing about the final settlement of this question. (Cheers.) It had the blessing of heaven upon 234 Recollections of Cohdev and the League. it, and its accomplishment rested in the hands of omnipotence, (Cheers.)"' After the report had been read, Mr. Cobden came forward, and in tlie course of his address, said : — " You will have obsen^ed in the monopolist newspapers, that they place con- siderable reliance, in seeking to make out a case, upon the recent revival of trade and manufactures, and they tell you that this revival is not only to terminate our agitation, but that it is the best possible refutation of the truth of our principles. Now I tell them that it will not i)Ut an end to our agitation, and I am i)rcpared to show them and you that it is a triumphant proof of the truth of our jmnciples. (Cheers.) I admit the partial revival of trade and manufactures ; I wish I could say it was a general revival. I wish I could say that it was half as extensive as the monopolist exaggerations repre- sent it to be, (Hear, hear.) What is the cause of the revival? I am not in the habit of troubling such meetings as this with reading statistical documents — they are generally most in- ap])ropriate — but by way of showing )-ou what the cause of the recent revival in trade is, as an illustration better than any other I could give you of the truth of our principles, I will just ask your attention to one short statistical statement. The average price of wheat in the three )-ears 1839, 1840, and [841, was 67/1 ; the price in 1839 being 70/6 ; the price in 1840 being 66/4, and tlie price in 1S41 64/5. 'I'hese three years were years of unparalleled suffering and distress in this country. Last autumn rro\idencc blessed us with an abundant iiarvcst, and this, witli an importation of foreign corn to tlie Ah: Cohden at Coven t Garden. 235 extent of three millions of quarters, so reduced the price of wheat, that the average price of that article for the first six months of the present year was only 47/7. Now, if there had been no revival of trade, under such circumstances, I should not haAC dared to appear before you. (Hear, hear.) I should deserve, indeed, the character of an impostor, as to all I have said on this subject, had there been no revival of trade under such circumstances. You will have observed, from what I have said, that wheat was about 20/- a quarter less for the first six months of the present year than for the three years 1839, 1840, and 1841 ; and while there was this reduction in the price of wheat, there was, at the same time, a reduction in all other kinds of grain of 8/- a quarter. In order to understand the magnitude and importance of the subject Avith which we have to deal, I will mention that the estimated consumption of grain per annum in this countr}' is twenty million quarters of wheat, and forty million quarters- of all other kinds of grain. It follows, therefore, that the additional cost of grain in each of the three years of distress was. say — twenty millions of quarters of wheat, at 20;'- a quarter, twenty millions sterling ; forty million quarters of all other other kinds of grain, at 8/- a quarter, sixteen millions sterling ; together, thirty-six millions sterling. But grain is not the only article of agricultural pro- duce, though grain governs the prices of the other articles. It is estimated that the consumi^tion of potatoes, meat, cheese, and all other articles of agricultural produce, equal the quantity of grain (60,000,000 quarters) ; and the price of the one being, as I have said, governed by the other, taking the advance in price 236 Recollections of Cohdcii and the Leai^ue. as equal to 8/- a quarter, liere is a further addition of twenty- four millions sterling, making a total of sixty millions sterling ]:)er annum, or thirty millions sterling for the half-year, or five millions per month. (Hear, hear.) All this difference in price was left in the pockets of the people during the first six months of the present year, which saving, after supplying food and other articles of agricultural produce, they were thus able to spend in other ways, in buying articles of cotton and linen manu- facture, hats, bonnets, and so forth. This accounts for the increased demand for the labour of those who make linen and cotton goods, hats, bonnets, and so forth — (hear, hear) — and this accounts too for the people being able to buy an extra quantity of tea, sugar, and other articles in this cheap year, beyond what they consume in dear years, and it again accounts for tlie foreign trade in those articles imjiroving. This, I say, accounts for the partial revival we have observed in trade ; but, then, this revival has been accompanied by a corresponding depression in the agricultural interest. The agricultural and manufacturing interests would seem to be like tlie two buckets in a draw-well, the one going down empty as the other comes up full. (Hear, hear.) In proportion as there is a revival in manufactures, consecpient ui)on the moderate prices of food, we hear the cry of agricultural distress. 'J'his has always been so much the case, that 1 challenge anyone to point out an instance, ever since these Corn and I'rovision Taws were introduced, wherein the manufacturers and agricul- turists have had simultaneous prosperity. Now, I ask, is this a natural stale of tliinus ? Ts this alternation of (h'stress this Mr. Cobdcn ai Coveni Garden. 237 intermittent fever, now attacking one portion of the body politic, and then the other — this distress falling on the farmer when heaven has blessed him with an abundant harvest— is this a natural state of things? (No.) And yet in every instance when the farmers have been plunged in the greatest distress and suffering, it has been in the midst of the most bountiful harvests, and the most genial seasons. Any man who takes these facts alone into consideration, must have a very undue and irreverent notion of the great Creator of the world, if he supposes that this is a natural or a designed state of things. (Hear, hear.) No, there is an unnatural cause for this un- natural state of things, and that unnatural cause is the law which interferes with the decrees of Divine Providence, and sub- stitutes the law of wicked men for the law of nature. (Cheers.) During the three years to which I have adverted, the owners of the soil might have been expected to have suffered in consecjuence of the bad seasons; but what has been the fact? The landlords have been revelling in prosperity — a bloated and diseased prosperity — at the very time when the people ha\e been suffering the greatest privations and want of food- Rents have been rising — I say it boldly — it cannot be denied — rents have been generally, if not universally, raised during the th.ree years of which I have been speaking. How stands the case of the landowner during the years of short crops and suffering to the whole community ? He then extorts his rents from the distress of the operative, the capital of the employer, or the savings of those who live upon the accumulations of themselves or their forefathers. And when the seasons arc Recollections of Cob den and the League. favourable — when heaven smiles upon the fields, and our harvests are again abundant, the landlord extorts his rent from the distress and capital of the former. Nobody can deny that for a series of years the landowners have been raising their rents, not from the legitimate prosperity of the tillers of the soil, or from tlie prosijerity of the manufacturing classes, but from the capital and labour of the trading community, or from the capital of their own deluded victims, the farmers. (Cheers.) The landowners — Oh, shame upon the order ! (Cheers.) J say shame upon the landowners and their order, unless they rescue themselves from this pitiable— this degrading dilemna. The landowners will very soon be ashamed to hold up their heads, and to own themselves to be English landowners and members of our aristocracy in any enlightened country in Europe. Do I seek to injure the landowners, even pecuniarily ? I have never owned it where I should be most ready to tell my opinions to their face— in the iiouse of Commons. They have nothing i»ecuniarily, or otlicrwisc, to dread from free trade in corn;, but then instead of letting them extort their rents from the distress of every class in the country, 1 say let us throw them back upon tlieir own resources ; for there are riches hidden in the soil, if they will employ their capital and intelligence, as other classes are forced to do, in other pursuits — there are undeveloped bounties on the surface of the earth, and there are ten times more beneath tlic surface, whicli would soon make them richer, happier, and better men, if they would only cast aside their monoi)oly. Last week, in addressing the formers of Cheshire, 1 Mr. Cobdai at Covcnt Garden. 239 said 1 would bring a jury of Scotch agriculturists before the House of Commons — if their verdict could be taken there — who would state upon oath that the surface of Cheshire, if properly cultivated, would yield three times the amount of its present produce. If you were travelling by the railroad and were to mark the country from Stafford to Whitmore, and then from Whit- more to Crewe, and thence over the thirty miles to Manchester, you might challenge all England to show such a disgraceful jncture — three-fourths of the fields being left to the undisputed possession of rushes — not a shilling being spent in draining, although it is now universally acknoAvledged that draining is the means of doubling the produce of such soils — hedgerows of every possible shape, except straight ; fields of every imaginable form but the right one. And these are the men who content themselves with sluggish indolence, and who draw incomes from the impoverishment of the people ; and even pick the pockets of the hand-loom weavers, rather than by a right application of their intellect and their caj^ital, double the cjuantity of grain, butter, or cheese, which the land is capable of producing. And then, if free-trade did compel them to sell their articles at a less price, they would be the means of enabling the people of the country to have a double supply of food. They would have the market for food doubled, and the landowner would then be an honest i)olitician. We are now told that the state of the manufacturing and trading classes will put an end to the agitation for the repeal of the Corn Law. Why, gentlemen, I think we have a few mementoes left yet, to remind us that wc have a Corn Law monopoly, first in the shape of an income-tax. 240 Recollections of Cobdeii and the Leai^ue. then in our extra poor-rates, extra count)-rates, extra taxation for the five thousand troops that were added to the army in 1839, on the first outbreak consecjuent on the fomine which o\erspread tlie land. ^Ve have these and other memorials of monopoly ; and if some of us have survived the hurricane, can we forget the thousands and tens of thousands who fell victims to the distress of 1839, 1840. and 1841 ? Shall wc forget that 500,000 of our countrymen, have, since the August of 1838, expatriated themselves from our soil, to seek in more hospitable lands the food which is denied them here. (Cheers.) Can we forget the hundreds who have dropped into premature graves, famine-stricken, during tliat time ? Can we forget the scores who, by the records of the coroner's court, have died by their own hands, to escape lingering deaths by starvation ? No, if we were selfish enough -we who have outlived the hurricane, who ha\-e braved the storm — oursehes to forget these things, we will think of these events ; and that we are not going to forget them, and that we will make tliis the occasion for re- doubling our exertions, the plan which I shall have the ])leasure of laying before you, and submitting to \()ur appro- bation as the plan of the League for future proceedings, will be sufficient to demonstrate. "'I'he more powerful sections of the ckcloral body are to be brought to a union with ihe more \uUKrai)le portions. " 1 ha\e been to your ( atliedral cities and rural boroughs, which are now re[jresented b) monopolists : and 1 have heard upon the best authority, that tin-ee-fourlhs of the inhabitants are heart and soul free traders. Therefore ue propose to Air. Cohden on the New Progra»ime. 241 provide a copy of the registration list for every borougli and every county in the kingdom. We intend to bring these registers to a central ofifice in London, and to open a cor- respondence the most extensive, probably, that ever was contemplated, and the most extensive that ever, I am sure, was undertaken. Those electors amount to 800,000 ; but I will take 300,000, thus excluding those in the already safe boroughs, as forming the numbers necessary to constitute the return of a majority in the House of Commons. We propose to correspond with those 300,000 to begin with. (Cheers.) We intend, then, to keep the constituencies well informed b)' means of the penny postage, enclosing all useful information connected with our question, together with tracts containing the most recent illustrations of it. What could be more desirable than to send to-morrow to those three hundred thousand electors copies of the newspapers containing the best reports of this meeting. (Cheers.) But we propose to send them one letter each a week, and that will cost twopence for the stamp and the enclosure. That will be ^^2,500. Besides this correspondence, we shall urge upon our friends to organize themselves, and to commence a canvass of the constituencies, to ascertain the number of Free Traders ; and in every case where it is possible to obtain a majority of electors in favour of Free Trade, that majority is to be asked to memorialize their members where they have not hitherto ^•oted rightly, to vote in favour of Mr. Villiers' motion, which will be brought on early next session. Besides that, deputations will urge upon the electors to have a Free Trade candidate ready to supplant ever\ 242 Recollections of Cohden and the League. monopolist who still retains a seat for a borough ; and the League will pledge itself, where a borough constituency finds itself at a loss for a candidate, to furnish it with one. and to give to every borough in which a vacancy occurs, an opportunity for its electors to record their votes in fa\'our of Free Trade principles. {A voice: 'The City.') We'll talk of that by-and-by. Now it may be objected to us — and it has been objected — that by such means no good can be accomplished. I reply that if the good we seek cannot be accomplished by such means, it cannot be righteously accomplished at all. " It is not the intention of the League to recommend any further petitioning to the present House of Commons. (At this announcement the audience, almost in one mass, rose and burst into a scries of tlie most enthusiastic cheers, which lasted for several minutes, accompanied by waving of liats and handkerchiefs, and other tokens of satisfaction.) So soon as the proceedings in reference to the electoral body to which ! have alluded shall have reached such a point as to justify the step, the Council will recommend the electors — not to petition Parliament, of tliat enough has been done already — but to memorialise the Queen — (vehement cheering) — that she may be pleased to dissolve the ])resent Parliament — (renewed cheering) — which, like everything generated in corruption, must necessarily be short-lived ; and to give to the electors an oi)i)ortunity of using the light and exi)erience which they have acquired, since the last election, to enable them to return a different class of nien from those who constitute the majority of the present House of Conunons. I have now told you the Mr. Cobdeit on the Ne-io Proi:;raiiiine. plan we have to submit, and I ask your sanction to-night ; and 1 have further to tell you that as a means of cariying on these proceedings, and in order to furnish the money for doing so, the Council are resolved to raise the sum of ;i/^i 00,000. (Cheers.) Yes, and it may save a waste of ink and paper to-morrow, to tell the monopolist scribes that the money will be raised, and that now, as heretofore, the men who have taken, and who will continue to take, the greatest amount of labour, and who did so before they were heard of beyond the ])recincts of their own localities, will also, as they did from tlie beginning, lead the van, in the amount of their sub- scriptions for the great object we have in view, ^Ve ask no persons to give us money, unless they are fully convinced that we are in earnest in the iirinciples which we advocate. We ask none to contribute, unless they believe that tlie characters, personal, private, and public, of the men wlio will hereafter take the responsible part in this agitation, are such as they can approve and trust ; and we do not ask anybody to join us now, who will not be prepared, when the time shall come, to give full effect to their opinions and convictions, by standing firmly to the principles upon whicli the League is founded. Let there be no misunderstanding as to that. This is not a move, to serve any existing political party — we care nothing for political parties. We do not seek to interfere with any man's jjolitical opinions ; there are no ulterior objects in the view of this Association. I say it solemnly, on behalf of the men with whom I am daily associating, that they have no second or collateral object in 244 Recollections of Cobdcn ami lite League. view, that I am acquainted witli. The single and undisguised object of the League is to put down commercial monopoly : but that cannot be done by saddling on our backs a fixed duty on corn, which means also a differential duty on coffee and sugar, and a monopoly in every other article. "I'his is the great tree of monopoly, under whose baneful shadow ever\- other restriction exists. Cut it down by the roots, and it will destroy the others in its fall. The sole object of the League is to put an end to. and to extinguish, at once and for ever, the principle of maintaining taxes for the benefit of a ])articular class. The object is to make the revenue what it ought to be — a stream flowing into the Queen's exchequer, not a j^enny of it being intercepted by the Duke of Buckingham, to i)ay off his mortgages, or by .Sir E. KnatchbuU for his settlements : or by I^ord Mountcashcl to discharge his burdens or his del)ts : or by any other ])erson, for any other object. There are other gentlemen to follow me, and 1 will only sa}-, unfeignedly, that we are engaged in an agitation which has no ulterior views, and that while so engaged, we are utterly regardless of the im]:)Utations which may be cast upon us by our oi)i)onents. 1 could sj)are the monopolist ])apers oceans of ink, and great midnight labour in [)reparing their vituperations, if I could only make them believe that their attacks ui)on me fall as harmlessly as the water falls from the sky. We have no desire to be politicians. If I were not convinced that this question comi)rises a great moral ])rin(i[)le, and involves the greatest moral revolution ever yet accomi)lished for mankind, I should not take the part I do in this agitation. Free Mr. Bright at Coven t Garden. 245 Trade ! What is it ? Why, breaking down the barriers that separate nations — those barriers, behind which nestle the feehngs of pride, revenge, hatred, and jealousy, which every now and then burst their bounds, and deluge whole countries with blood — (cheers) — those feelings which nourish the poison of war and conquest, thinking that without conquest we can have no trade — which foster a love for conquest and do- minion, and send forth your warrior chiefs to scatter devastation in other lands, and then to return enthroned securely in your passions, to harrass and oppress you at home. (Loud cheers.) It is because I think that I have a full a]:>prehension of the moral bearings of this question, that I take pride and gratification in sharing the present agitation ; and I invite you all to take part in it, for there is room and glory and fame enough for all of us, in the achievement of the great triumph of Corn l^aw repeal. (Loud and con- tinued cheering.") j\Ir. R. R. R. Moore then read, amidst much cheering, the address of the Council. Mr. John Bright, M.P. for Durham, said " it was a truly refreshing thing to look upon this vast assembly; and the sight was doubly agreeable when he remembered that, from influences not the most creditable to the parties, they were some time ago prevented from holding the weekly meetings of the League at another place. He was not sorry to discover more foults in monopoly, and in tlie abettors of monopoly. (Cheers.) Monopoly itself was of a miserable and paltry nature, and the a1)ettors of monopoly partook of its nature. 246 Recollections of Cobdeu and the League. (Cheers and laughter.) Monopoly Avould put do'wn discussion — Avould be content that the twenty-seven millions of people of Great Britain and Ireland should suffer for ever from its exactions, and be for ever prevented from inciuiring, dis- cussing, or remonstrating. This meeting was still more pleasant as a i)roof of the progress of the great cause. But it was somewhat humiliating to think that an assembly of 4,000 or 5,000 people should be required to be called together at this time of day, to protest against a law so evidently bad and unjust as the Corn Law, and to assert a right so clear and evident as that which they wished to gain for the people — perfect freedom for their industry. (Loud cheers.) And when they were travelling about the country, he felt humbled that his species had made so little progress — that so much must still be done to make them see or acknowledge their true interests, and to make them pursue their real line of duty. (Cheers.) But still, when they were travelling to expose the hideousness and deformity of monopoly — to point the finger of scorn at this foul creature, generated in the slime of an unnatural selfishness — when they were working to direct the burning and indignant glance of a plundered ])eoi)le on this most foul and glaring injustice^ — they were compensated for all they did, by the glad and cordial greetings which they met with from thousands on every hand (cheers) ; and they were animated to pursue their labours — nay, to work if possible, and if necessary, ten times harder, by the con- sciousness that they were even now in anticii)ation of carrying hnppiness to thousands of desolated homes, (Cheers.) They Mr. Bright at Covciit Gardc/i. 247 asserted this principle — that every man had a right to the fruits of his own industry, and a right to exchange it witli any (jther man — a right to dispose of it wherever he could get most for it. (Cheers.) They had asserted that an infringe- ment of this great law, brought with it a great national calamity; that its infringement, in respect to food especially, brought with it disasters to every interest. Their opponents denied this ; but the course of events ever since the hour when the League was first formed, had gone to accumulate fresh proofs in favour of the sentiments and doctrines of its members. (Cheers.) Their opponents stated that high prices in agricultural produce and national prosperity went together, and that low prices of agricultural produce were accompanied by national and commercial depression. But more than this — their opponents had stated that the great cause of the distress which had prevailed during the last four years, had been over production. (Derisive laughter.) At the last meeting in the county of Oxford, a young man who was called a representati\'e of that county — and it was a county in which there should be some knowledge of what was good for man, both as .to liis temporal and eternal interests ; (laughter) well this- young man, Lord Norreys, said that the Corn Law had nothing to do with the existing distress. (Oh, oh I) He (]uite admitted that agriculture and commerce were bound up together ; but lie believed that it was over-production which had first ruined commerce, and which was then reacting upon agriculture. (Oh, and laughter.) He talked of over-production. The opposite of over-production was surely under-production; 248 Recollections of Cob den and the League. of greater production, less production ; and what then did less production mean ? Why, less of employment, less of wages, and less of everything that wages could produce. (Cheers.) Their opponents boasted of the present improvement in trade. Well, there was an improvement. They knew that an improve- ment would come, either when a bountiful Providence sent a good harvest, or when their legislators chose to repeal the Corn Law. The Standard (loud laughter and hisses) had promised that soon it would be able to bring before the public certain facts as to the state of carriage on the canals at Manchester and Liverpool, showing such an enormous increase of trade as would astonish all its readers. Now they did not dispute the great amount of carriage at present going over these canals. There had been considerable speculation in cotton lately ; but even if such was not the case, there was undoubtedly an increase of business. Yet, with all this there was a time Avhen the Standard said " that England would be as i)rosperous as she now is, and that all useful Englishmen would be as happy as they now are, if the whole of the manufacturing districts of the Empire were involved in one common ruin." (Loud hisses, and cries of ' shame.') But now the Standard^ in attempting to i)ro|) up the administration to which it had sold itself — he would not say body and soul, for there was no soul connected with it — (cheers) — the Standard, he repeated, now turned to the manufacturing districts for the only atom of consolation it could find, wherewith to administer comfort to the Government, and to its partisans out of doors, (Cheers.) This man (the editor of the Standard) and their J/r. Bright at Covcnt Garden. 249 opponents flattered themselves that the improvement in trade was to stop the League. That showed what these people were made of, but it showed also that they knew little of what the League was made. (Cheers.) Would not bad harvests return again ? Had there been any revelation from Heaven, saying that in future the earth should always yield abundantly? Would not the return of bad harvests bring with it the return of all the calamities from which he trusted some portion of the people were now escaping? And if they had suffered so much for five years past — if honourable men had become bankrupt from no fault of their own ; and if multitudes of honest, industrious, and meritorious artizans had been driven into the degradation of pauperism, and not a few into crime, through the pressure of tliese Corn and Provision Laws ; if that was so, was it to be thought that they, who had put their hands to the plough, would now turn back from the work? (Cheers.) No, he told them that the people in the north, who had sub- scribed most largely to the Anti-Corn Law Funds, were rejoicing deeply in the present improvement of trade, because they hoped that in consequence of it they would be enabled to make a more gigantic effort than they otherwise could, for the overthrow of monopoly. Was it not a singular thing that the monopolists were now rejoicing in the prosperity of the manufacturing districts ? Last year its advocates trembled as they thought of them ; now the Home Secretary could rub his hands, and say, ' all will go right again; the storm has blown over.' Lancashire was the only part of the country, on which, to the eye of the ministrv the sun seemed to shine brilliantly, and cotton was 250 Recollections of Cobdeu and the League. the only article on which these statesmen could at present find any repose. But what had become of their arguments against machinery ? Machinery, they said, did a vast deal of mischief, and even the Premier did not hesitate to insinuate that it had more to do with the general distress than the Corn Law. (Oh, oh.) How came it then, that where there was the best and the most perfect machinery, the revival in trade was the most evident and came the soonest? (Hear, hear.) They had now a little sun- shine in Lancashire. He fervently hoped that it might never again be overcast; but the monopolists had other prospects not ([uite so pleasant to look upon. They had a contest in Ireland, which bade fair to become unpleasant. (Hear, hear.) He did not mean unpleasant as respected violence against the Government, or to secure the dismemberment of the Empire, but unpleasant for that i)ortion of the community against wliom they were now struggling — the landowners. Yes, the landowners of Ireland were now engaged in a contest witli the people of Ireland, as to who should possess the land in future. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) They had not got so far in England \ they wanted no man's estate ; they would not object to landowners building high walls round their j^arks wlien- cver they chose : they would not object to their having as large a rpiantity of game as they chose ; all they wanted was, that if the landowners did what they liked with their own, that the ])eople should be permitted to do what they liked with their own. (Loud cheers.) They did not want the landowners to quit the country; they merely wanted that, having tlie land, tliey should not ask for anytliing else, unless they ])aid for it. Mr. Bt\^ht at Covcnf Garden. (Cheers.) But the fanners of England were not contented. He was at Oxford the other day, at a meeting over which the High Sheriff of the county presided. It was attended by the county members. Two lords were there. (Laughter.) He just mentioned this to show that some persons were there of whom the countrj- sometimes heard the names. There Avas a large number of farmers there. Before the meeting, they dined with uj^wards of thirty farmers at the ordinary'. One of these gentlemen, a large farmer, said he would give a thousand pounds to any man who would go with him to his farm and show him how to pay the rent. Another respectable farmer assured them, that not one farmer in ten in Oxfordshire, had made anything more than the interest of his money for tlie last twenty years. They told the farmers that when they took stock in Lancashire, they crossed off five per cent, of interest before they began to calculate their profits ; and the farmers rejoined, that if they in Oxfordshire did so, there would be nothing left. They told the farmers that they were placed in this unpleasant position; they had capital, but all they got from their labour was not more than the interest of that capital. whicli interest they might obtain by investing it in railways, mortgages, or in any other mode ; so that now they sat dowi, and cultivated their farms, enduring much labour, undergoing many anxieties and many risks ; and they did all this that they might get rent for their landlords, and nothing for themselves. (Loud cheers.) It put him in mind of what he had heard of a man working u])on the conditions of nothing a day and finding himself (Loud laughter.) The farmers admitted 252 Recollections of Cobden and the League. that this was the state of things in that county, and the same tale had been told them wherever thej' went. Now if it were all true that they heard with respect to the im])rovement of trade in Lancashire, did they think, knowing the state in which the farmers were, that the League could (juietly sit down and leave them to be ruined ? The farmers had not injured them intentionally. No men were more honourable and well- meaning than those very farmers by whose votes, mistakenly given, the Corn and Provision Laws were supported. But they (the manufacturers) knew better ; they had no i)lea of ignorance to shelter themselves under, and they would, indeed, be recreants to their principles, if they were now to stay at home, if they were to refuse to come to the relief of the distressed agriculturists, and to ask the honest farmers to listen to the plain truths which they promulgated; to shake hands with them, and to entreat them to form one great fraternity with the manufacturers, to abolish a scourge as destructi\e to one class as to the other. (Cheers.) He heard everywhere, and he saw trumpeted forth in every newspaper, that my Lord This, or Mr. Such-a-one had generously remitted from 10 to 25 per cent, of his tenant^' rents. (Oh, oh !) Yes, it was a very easy way of being generous, that of giving up what there was not the mo-st remote possibility of obtaining. (Laughter.) What was the position of the English landowner? He might be great, titled, rich, learned, jjossessed of vast estates, but still his position was one of unmixed littleness. In Parliament the landowners had nothing to say for themselves ; in tlie country they liad just as little. Lord Norreys, indeed, said at the late Mr. Bright at Ccn'Ctit Garden. 253 meeting in Oxford, that the great cause of mischief was over- production ; and Mr. Henley, one of the members for the county, said, that all the manufacturers wanted was, to reduce the wages of the people. (Oh, oh !) The monopolist landowners tried to keep their tenanti)- away from meetings where they might hear the Corn Law discussed. And why ? For the same reason that they tried to shut up Drur^- Lane Theatre. (Cheers.) They did not wish to have the matter touched — they felt that it would not bear handling, that it would not bear to be examined. They knew that the pretences on which the Corn and Pro- vision Laws Avere maintained, were unfounded and dishonest. They wished their tenants, therefore, not to hear the matter discussed ; but they Avere greatly deceived if they flattered themselves that the farmers would not make amends for their exclusion from hearing by reading, for the report of this meeting would be sent to nearly every occupying farmer in some one or more of the counties of England. (Loud and continued cheering.) They had a great deal to do to deliver this country from the tyranny of the landowners. Land was given them all to li\-e upon ; but certain men becoming possessors of it, usurped a power which the Creator never intended they should possess. Yet, let them bear in mind that all landlords were not unjust. Men might possess land and be as good as those who possessed anything else, or as any of those who possessed nothing else ; but he would like to see a broad line of demarcation drawn between those landlords who were ready to do justice, and those who were determined to continue injustice. The injustice which 254 Recollections of Cohdcn and t/ic League. characterised one portion of the lando\\Tiers was endangering the ])roperty and characters of the whole. It was so now in Ireland and Wales, and unless the evils of which they complained were remedied, they would see the same thing in England ere long. (Hear, hear.) They all knew that there- were many men — members of the aristocracy — who had con- siderable sympathy with their operations ; there were several who subscribed to their funds ; why did not such men in greater numbers come boldly out and show what side they were really on — the just or the unjust ? Let them rest assured that the time would soon come when they would have so to declare themselves. (Cheers.) Some of them were not only Corn Law Repealers, but Free Traders in the widest sense of the word. (Cheers.) They believed that Free Trade would bless the world, and would especially bless this country. As England was the greatest trading nation in the world, so Free Trade would benefit her most. She was the most com- mercial country, because she possessed the greatest powers of production and consumption, and by production and con- sumption, which rendered exchange a necessity, the trade of the world was carried on. (Cheers.) They wanted to have the (juestion settled for the world, as well as for England. They were tired of what were called the natural divisions of emi:)ires. They wanted not that the Channel should separate this country from France — they hoped and wished that Frenchmen and Englishmen should no longer consider each other as naturally hostile nations. (Loud cheers.) It was common to speak of rivers, and mountains, and seas, as the natural J//'. Bright at Covcut Garden. divisions of countries, separating one nation from another from all time, and for all time ; l)ut there was no barrier which nature had reared which was a thousandth part so detrimental to the interests of mankind, or so much calculated to embitter their feelings and promote hostilities, as were those miserable and unnatural barriers which legal restrictions on trade had imposed, and which were upheld by lines of custom- houses between nation and nation. (Loud cheers.) " It is too true (continued tlie hon. gentleman), that one half of the world knows not how the other half lives. Here they knew not the miser)- which surrounded them ; they had vast streets and squares, and magnificent mansions and equipages ; and their occupants saw not the poverty whicii existed along with and in the midst of these things. In his part of the country there was the same misery, the same poverty. In the United Kingdom, there were four millions of paupers ; it was really terrible to think that the Queen, a lady who, from all they knew of her, possessed sympathies like the rest of her sex — sympathies that would love and bless all on whom she could pour blessings — should wield a sceptre, not over twenty- seven millions of happy, independent people, but over three or four and twenty millions, living as they best could, and over four millions of absolute and hopeless paupers. Well, the League would stand between these helpless beings and their oppressors, between the heartless selfishness of monopolists, and the victims they would relentlessly trample on. And we ask you whether you will stand by us in such a work ; whether, as in the past year, we shall have your confidence. (' Yes, yes !') 256 Recollections of Cobdcii and the League. " We have a perfect faith in the beaut)^ excellence, and perfection of the principles we promulgate ; and we know that Heaven will prosi>er those who are working in a cause that shall bless the world ; and wc know that the })romises of Omnipotence are to those who bless his creatures, and who bring happiness to their hearts and their homes. (Cheers.) We shall go onward then ; Ave shall have no slackening in our ranks because cotton is a little dearer than it was. We did not buckle on our armour for a sham contest. We our- selves were not hungering ; I never had a meal the less, however many of my countrymen suffered, and my business has always yielded some profit. ^\'e ha\e no other motive to action than the wish to do away with this cruel injustice. Our opponents knoAv tliat they are unjust, and they now know that we know it ; and we are resolved that the millions amongst whom we live, shall no longer be trampled on by the iron hoof of monopoh'. AVe have fought this battle with the confidence of success, and we know that success awaits us, for we remember in faith and gratitude that royal lijjs have declared, by the inspiration of the Eternal S^jirit, that ' the needy shall not always be forgotten, tliat the expectation of the i)Oor shall not ])crish for ever.'" (The hon. gentleman sat down amidst loud and long-continued cheering.) Mr. W. J. Fox on coming forward, was received with loud cheers; he said: — "Ladies and (ientlemen. -In the able speeches of the mover and seconder of llie address, two points have been slightly passed over, or only incidentally mentioned, which I think tend verv much to re<-ommend Mr. IV. J. Fox at Coven t Garden. 257 that address to the public, and the objects of its authors to their co-operation. One characteristic feature of the address is the frankness and plainness with which the plans of the League are told out. There are no claims of implicit confidence — there are no ambiguous promises— there is no endeavour to lead on the people to results not specified ; there is no saying, like a certain state physician, ' Let me into office, give me the fee, and then you shall see my prescription.' (Loud cheers and laughter.) But the succession of measures is distinctly marked out, all tending towards a definite point, which point gained, the objects of the League must needs be accomplished ; and towards which a movement is now made as distinct, and, I apprehend, as these measures in succession are realised, as resistless as the great operations of nature. They conduct us towards a result which no ad- ministration can resist, against which no law can stand, to that declaration of the will of the possessors of the political power of a great empire, which must be respected by all who aspire to minister its affairs ; which cannot be resisted but in the dissolution of society, and before which any opposing power, any law, any institution even, however time-honoured, must ])ass away, as the leaves fall before the winds of autumn, or as the snow vanishes in the sunshine of spring. (Loud cheers.) And the men who propose this course of measures, are plainly as honest as they are earnest in that for which they ask your co-operation. They themselves make the largest sacrifices that are made ; and the very fact whicli has been thrown in their teeth, that thev have an interest in 2 58 Recollections of Cobden and the League. this object, is their best justification. (Hear, hear, hear.) The interest of honest industry is surely one of the objects of the pohcy of a great empire. They have an interest in it, so have you, so have we all. Who has not an interest in repealing the Bread Tax, that lives by eating bread ? Who has not an interest in Free Trade, that is endeavouring to support himself and his family by commerce ? Who has not an interest in what advances the general prosperity of tlie country, even though his pursuits are artistical or intellectual, ministering to the spiritual rather than the material portions of our nature. For as one thrives well, all thrive — they re-act the one upon the other ; the starving do not encourage litera- ture and art ; but we are all bound together by the ties which Providence formed to uphold society ; and it is because they and we have an interest in this matter that we are determined the question shall not drop, until it is satisfactorily settled. (Loud cheers.) I say all classes have an interest in this matter, even they who are represented as the great opposing class — the landlord class. For what lias niade England the paradise of landowners, but its being the workshop of the world? (Loud cheers.) In the progress of manuflictures, if machinery lias enabled one man to do the work of 200, it has also employed 200, and even 2,000 wliere before only one was employed, all of them being bread-eaters, and coming to the farmer for his produce. And while the manufactures of this country have been thus advancing during the last century, the growth of wheat has been trii)led, and the rents of the farmers have been in many cases (juadrupled. Mr. W. J. Fox at Coi'ciii Garden. 259 The landlords gain by railways, which enhance the worth of their property ; they gain by the rich and flourishing community arising around them ; and if for a while they should have to make some slight sacrifice — if at first their rents should fall in the change now demanded — they will still be gaining that which gold can never buy. By graceful concession they would be gaining the goodwill and gratitude of their fellow-countrymen; they would gain for them- selves an exemption from the execration that now pursues their class, from the infamy of their names in history, from the reprobation of their own consciences, and the pollution of their own souls. (Loud and continued cheering.) The confi- dence which the Council expresses in the successful operations of the measures they trace out, is, 1 think, a well-founded one. For when have recognised principles failed of meeting with success — when in all the world's history ? Some affect to sneer at abstract principles, but abstract good is the real practical good after all ; the exceptions made to it, are some little dirty contrivances of those who would have trade free for (jthei's, but would reserve monopoly for themselves — would liave free trade as to what they buy, but restrictions' as to what they sell^ — and who tell us that our principles are sound and excellent things in reference to all other com- modities whatever, but that there is some exception left — the exception of that in which the exceptor himself deals ; and each in turn will tell you that Free Trade is the noblest thing in the world, except for corn, except for sugar, except for coffee, and except for this, that, and the other, till once, even in 2 6o Recollections of Cobden and the League. the House of Commons, it came to an exception of second- hand glass bottles. (Loud cheers and laughter.) 1 say this is a principle recognised by all, recognised even by the govern- ment in its measures of last year, however paltry their nature and limited their operation; recognised in their Canada Corn Bill, recognised in their repeal of the laws against the ex- ])ortation of machinery, the last rag of that form of monopoly : and I say that the repeal of the duties on imports, must follow that of restriction on exports. A principle thus |)ractically recognised by foes as well as by friends, is certain of success. " And this is the second ])oint in the address on which 1 wish to fix your attention — the imi)ortance that it assigns to tOAvns and cities ; because it is in towns and cities that the wrong most deeply exists, which it is the aim of the League in its noble efforts to redress. It is in cities that tlie pressure is felt most extensively — that the iron enters most deeply into the soul. It is not merely in the exi)ression and feeling of such an assemblage as this, that I read the condemnation of the laws which uj^hold monopoly; it is in what you and I know, it is in what leads you here. It is something — it is much to many in this vast and brilliant assemblage — that from day to day the pressure upon tlieir circumstances is rendered more and more hard by the artificial limitations of trade ; it is something — it is much to many here — that from time to time one hostile tariff after another makes its appearance, shutting us out from the markets of the continent which had been open ; it is something — it is uuuh to ma!iy liere — thai Air. W. J. Fox at Covcut Garden. 261 in the most frequented thoroughfares of this great Metropolis, house after house should be shut up, exhibiting a spectacle of desolation, where once were thriving tradesmen and happy faniilies ; it is something — it is much to many here — that the l)ressure comes at each extremity, that the candle is burning at both ends ; that on one side they are exhausted by paying to the relief of the poor, and on the other they are plundered by claims upon them for income-tax, (Loud cheers.) It is something — it is much to many here — that through every class, in every rank in life, the pressure is felt — that the demon appears to be omnipresent, and they cannot possibly escape his pestiferous influence. (Cheers.) But even this is not the dead- liest e\il of the Corn Laws. Did one want to exhibit it in this great theatre, it might be done — not by calling together such an audience as I now see here, but by going into the by-places, the alleys, dark courts, the garrets and cellars of this Metropolis, and by bringing out thence their wretched and famished in- mates. Oh ! we might crowd them here — boxes, pit, and galleries — and with their shrunk and shrivelled forms, with their wan and pallid cheeks, with their distressful looks — perhaps with dark and bitter passions depicted in their countenances — we might thus exhibit a scene that would appal the stoutest heart, and melt the hardest — a scene that we would wish the Prime Minister of this country to see — (immense cheering) — when we would say to him, ' There, delegate of majesty ! leader of legislators, conservator of institutions, look upon that mass of misery 1 That is what your laws and your jjower, if they did not create, have failed to cure or even to mitigate.' (Loud and long 262 Recollections of Cobdeii and the League. continued cheering.) And supposing this to be done, su])posing this scene to be reaHsed, we know what Avould be said. We sliould be told that there has ahvays been poverty in the world : that there are numerous ills which laws can neither make nor cure ; that whatever is done much distress will still exist. They will say, ' It is the mysterious dispensation of Providence, and there we must leave it.' Hypocrites ! hypocrites ! I would say to them, ' urge not that plea yet, you have no right to it. Strike off every fetter upon industry ; take the last grain of the poison of monopoly out of the cup of i)overty \ give labour its full rights; throw open the markets of the world to an industrious people ; and then, if after all there be poverty, you will have earned your right to c|ualify for the unenviable dignity of a blasphemer of Providence' — (loud cheers) — but until then, whatever restriction exists, while any impediment is raised to the well-being of the many for the sordid profit of tlie few — till then, you cannot, you dare not, look this gaunt spectre in the face and exclaim, ' Thou can'st not say I did it.' (T^oud cheering.) AVhy, the Corn Law and the general policy of our agricultural legislators, hunt poverty and wretchedness from their own districts into ours. In the natural growth of the po[)ulation in the rural districts, they find a superfluous population — and that sui)erfluity is continually on tlie increase. \\^ell, in this way there is more of the surplus population Avho go (jn in the natural course of wretchedness — who fall from (;ne stage to another — in the agricultural districts, than any- where else. Up they troop to some great town ; they come, men, women, and children, they toil their way along the high Mr. W. J. Fox at Covent Garden. 263 roads, and then, without friends or help, they look around them ; they look for work, they ask for alms, they endeavour in vain to find that for which they are seeking, for monopoly has been there beforehand ; and having driven them out of the country, it bars the occasion for their employment in the towns, and so they are beaten and battered from pillar to post ; and they have, perhaps, to incur the frown of power for some irregular attempt to support themselves. The police hunt and hound them for endeavouring to sell apples or lucifers in the streets ; they are sent to the station-house, they are brought out to be committed to gaol ; they pass through various stages of disease to the only factories into which they can get — into those great factories of typhus which abound in great towns. One union workhouse sends them to another, the overseers send them to the magistrates, and the magistrates send them back to the overseers ; and at last, in this hopeless and heartless strife, they drop out by the way. Death completes what monopoly began ; and we, inhabitants of great towns, know that all this is passing around us, and we are quiet and acquiescing, and conscience never demands, ' Are you not accessory to these murders?' (Loud cheers.) Wisely has the Council appealed to the great towns, for in them is the power. What can the poor farmer do ? His money is in his landlord's ground, and the man who has money in another man's ground must needs be a slave. His freedom is buried there with it, not like the grain to germinate, but only to rot and dissolve in corruption. It is where great bodies are congregated, where they can stand by one another, where not the importance of 264 Recollections of Cobden and the League. the individual, but the importance of the many, is the great thing for all. And how independent are such places, if they but knew their position, of all that aristocracy is, or can do. Landlords ! They built not this magnificent Metropolis — they covered not these forty square miles with the great mass of human dwellings that spread over them — they crowd not our port with shipping — they filled not your city with its monu- ments of science and art, with its institutions of literature and its temples of religion — they poured not that stream of com- mercial prosperity into the country, which, during the last century, has made the grandeur of London, quadrupling its population, and showing that it has one heart beating within • the entire community. They ! Why, if you were to impose upon them the laws they would impose upon you, if they were bound to spend in this INIetropolis all their rents — if there were no toleration for French wines or foreign luxuries — if they were prohibited from locking up in their remote galleries, works of art, real or pretended, which they prize as their property — if here, amongst, the shopkeepers of London, they were bound to spend all that which they had obtained by their rents, it would be but A\retched i)ayment to you for what you have forfeited by the absence of Free Trade. (Loud cheers.) For Free Trade principles are the dictates of nature, plainly written on the face of land and ocean, so that the simplest may read them, and imbibe their si)irit ; for that Power which stretched abroad the land, i)oured forth the ocean, and jjiled up tlie mountains — that Power which gave Western America its broad prairies, and reared the The Morning Post on the Covent Garden Meeting. 265 gigantic forests of the north — that Power Avhich covered with rich vineyards the smiHng hills of France — which wafts sweet odours from the spicey shores of Arabia the blessed — which has endowed this country with its minerals, and its insular advantages, and its people with their indomitable Saxon energy — with their skill, their hardihood, their perseverance, their enterprise — that Power which does all this, evidently designed it for the common good, for the reciprocal advantage of all — (cheers) — intended that all should enrich all by the freest interchange, thus making the world no longer the patri- mony of a class, but the heritage and the paradise of humanity." The Morning Post, September 29th, 1843, in reporting the above meeting, said : — " Sir Robert Peel has induced parlia- mentary landowners to give in their adhesion to the Anti-Corn Law League. In obedience to the requisition of the Minister, parliamentary landowners have falsified their professions — have forfeited the love and confidence of their tenants — and have sacrificed large portions of their own property. Have these frightful sacrifices (juieted the League, or rendered that confederacy less formidable? Let landowners look around before they answer that question ! The League is more vigorous than ever. The League has, once more, opened a campaign in London. The League has not failed, in short, to profit by the ministerial adoption of I^eague principles. During the late session of Parliament Cobden bullied in the House of Commons all the representatives of the agricultural interest. During the recess Cobden has carried the war into the agricultural camp. He has reared the banner of I'^ree 3 66 Recollections of Cohdcii and the League. Trade, in districts where ' protection to native industry ' has formerly been the rallying cry ; and he has scattered, like chaff, the few supporters of the ministerial policy who have ventured to encounter him. In Parliament, and out of Parliament, agriculturists seem to crouch before the League. Let landowners awake now, or prepare to fall for ever. Their situation is one of surprising peril. Ministers have deserted them. The League denounces them. Their tenants distrust them. Nothing can now save them, save the readoption of the old maxims of industrial policy. Let them make common cause once more with the oppressed order of labourers — let them once more secure to the children of toil ' a fair day's wages for an honest day's Avork,' and the labourers of England will, in turn, even yet bring to nought all the machinations of the League. But time flies fast ; and, if landowners will still cling to the principles of Free Trade, these principles will assuredly destroy them." On February 21st, 1844, a meeting was held, which was addressed by Mr. O'Connell. I give a digest of the speeches. The Cliairman, Mr. George Wilson, referring to the monopo- list meetings, said : " We could refer to meetings at which the l)ublic have been told there were 200 persons i)resent, actually held in small, smoky rooms, which, when completely filled, would not contain more than 50 individuals ; and we could tell you of eloquent speeches which were never made, but wliich were nevertheless fully reported ; of resolutions said to have been ])assed, but which were never proposed for the Mr. George Wilson at Covent Gai-deii. 267 adoption of any such meetings ; of subscriptions said to be put down by various individuals, but which were never promised, and which most assuredly will never be paid. (Hear, and laughter.) Gentlemen, at one of these meetings a noble earl, whose station in society would have led you t« expect from him at least an equal amount of good breeding with that which would be exhibited by the members of the Anti-Corn Law League, or of agricultural societies generally, is reported to have described the Anti-Corn Law League as one of the most bloody, revolutionary, and unconstitutional societies which ever disgraced this country. (Loud cries of ' shame ! shame !' ' Name, name.') The name of the nobleman who made this modest statement is the Earl of Winchilsea. (This announce- ment produced a storm of groans and hisses.) For the information of that illustrious personage I may state that the League is not unconstitutional, nor in any respect opposed to the laws of this country. (Hear, hear.) We admire the pro- vision that has been made by our constitution, that such pre- eminent wisdom as his should be secured to the country — (loud laughter) — by a seat in the higher House of the Legislature ; but we repudiate the term 'bloody;' it belongs not to us. We seek the abolition of the Corn Law by peaceful and con- stitutional means alone. That iniquitous measure Avas imposed amidst the sacrifice of human life, and it will be repealed amidst the rejoicings of millions of our fellow-countrymen, who watch this struggle with an interest superior even to that which we feel in it. (Cheers.) It would be unbecoming in me to waste the time of the meeting by any lengthened 2 68 Recollections of Cob den and the League. address. I shall, therefore, at once proceed to the immediate business of the evening by calling upon Mr. James Wilson to address you." (Loud cheers.) Mr. James Wilson said : '•' '•' '•- " We meet here, for the sim}Die purpose of discussing whether the interests of the country and the faculties of the human mind are best developed by the principles of freedom of competition, or by those of protection ; I may say of delusive protection, for never was jDrotection contemplated to be given by law to any party that it did not prove delusive ; for this simple and obvious reason, that it is impossible by an Act of Parliament to raise any particular interests — to add wealth to that or any class — without extracting an equal amount from some other part of the community. JJuring the period (1815 to 1842) there has not been one single additional hand occupied in agriculture. The poijulation of the country has increased by several millions, and yet there has not been one more hand employed in agriculture. It has been in manufactures alone that the necessary increase of employment has been found. At an agricultural meeting, held last week, an agricul- turist was boasting, or rather saying, that he saw no reason why the people ought to complain of the effects of the Corn Law, because the i)rice of corn was not now higher than it was at the commencement of the jiresent century. Here then you have the contrast — the ])rice of corn and of agricultural produce is retained at the same i)rices, while those of manufactured goods have been lowered one lialf. But if the i)riccs of agricultural produce be what they were at the former jjcriod, let us inquire Mr. James Wilson at Covnit Garden. 269 what becomes of the extra fund for which the extra agricultural l)roduce sells. Is the labourer paid the same rate of wages that he was then? He then received 12/-, 15/-, or 18/- a week, according to the district in which he lived ; he now receives only 8 '-, 9/-, or 10/- a week. The farmer was then said to be a prosperous man ; he is now stated on all hands to be the reverse. I have put the question frequently to owners of land, and have said to them, ' Why, your labourers are paid less than one-half what they were at the commencement of the century. Vour farmers, instead of being ]jrosperous, are now, you admit, in a bad state. Then what has become of the whole residue of the price of the produce you receive now, seeing that you employ no more labourers, and that you give the lal )Ourers you have much less wages ; and seeing that the por- tion of profit which falls to the farmer is considerably smaller now than then ?' The whole additional quantity must needs resolve itself into rent. From this state of things it is quite obvious that the landlord has two pre-eminent advantages : — First of all, that of regularly and gradually increasing rents ; and secondly, that of uniformly and gradually diminishing l)rices for everything that he has to buy. On the other hand the labourer has two disadvantages : — He has had a constantl}' decreasing rate of wages, while he has had the same fixed imce to pay for the first necessaries of life during the whole period. (Cheers.) Now what we contend is, that if agri- culturists were exposed to the same principle as manufacturers ^^re—to free competition — the same improvements might have taken place in agriculture which have been witnessed under 270 Recollections of Cobden and the League. competition in manufactures. (Hear.) We contend therefore, that without Free Trade you will never have the energies of the tillers of the soil, any more than those of the workers of the loom, brought out in the way they ought to be." Mr. O'Connell then rose, and was greeted with the inost enthusiastic outbursts of applause. The hon. gentleman made several attempts to speak, but the cheering drowned his voice ; but silence having been at length restored, he proceeded to address the meeting as follows : — " Your highly respected chairman was good enough to introduce me to you with a very short preface. He did me but justice in saying that 1 am, and have been, the constant friend of the Anti-Corn Law League. (Cheers.) I am so not from preference and predi- lection, but from a thorough conviction that its principles are for the good of the people. I was elected to tlie ])reseiit Parliament by two counties in Ireland, containing jointly a population of upwards of 1,100,000. 1 allude to tlie counties of Meath and Cork. I represent in Parliament the latter county, which contains an agricultural population of 750,000. I had no means of purchasing their votes, or of intimidating them in any way. I jjossessed no landlord influence to over- rule their conscientious convictions ; my election cost me not a single shilling ; and a majority of 1,100 voters, among an agricultural population, sent me to Parliament, knowing well my sentiments with respect to the Corn Laws, and that 1 was the determined enemy of any tax on the bread of the i)eople — (loud cheers) — nay, more ; not only knowing that I had an- nounced this oi)inion, but had given my reason so often tliat I Mr. G Connell at Covent Garden. 271 had convinced every one of them ; and this result has followed my election — the agriculturists have not attempted one single Corn Law meeting in Ireland. Oh yes ! they did try one, and they were defeated. (Laughter.) My Lord Mountcashel was present. (Groans and hisses.) Poor gentleman ! he was there, and really he made a most piteous case of it, for he said : ' We, of the nobility, owe debts ; we have money to pay ; we have mortgages upon our estates ; we have family charges upon us.' A poor fellow in the crowd at the time said, ' Why don't you pay them, then?' (Laughter.) What was his answer, or rather what did it amount to ? ' No, thank you,' said he, ' I will not pay them, but the working classes of England shall pay them. I owe money, and others shall pay it. I get a higher price for my corn under the present system ; I am disposed to be a very good landlord, and I would reduce my rents if I could afford it ; but as I owe money, I will keep up my rents on my tenants, sell my corn where it must be bought at my price, and out of the high price thus extorted I will pay my debts — when I choose^ (Great cheering.) There was only one proposition wliich was perfectly certain, that he will have the highest price for his corn ; but as to the payments, they remain in what the learned call the paulo-post fiitiiriiin tense ; that is, it will happen one time or other. (Laughter.) And then again, no later than yesterday, out comes the Duke of Northumberland, and says, in ' a proclamation' to his tenants, ' You must get up Leagues in favour of the Corn Law, for those exceedingly conspiring wretches, the Anti-Corn Law League, tell you that if you abolish the Corn Law you Recollections of Cobden and tlie League. will have cheaj) bread. Do not believe a word of it,' says he. (Laughter.) I do not believe him — (cheers) — and I think I can prove that he does not believe himself. Now, would it not be a mighty pretty thing to see a Duke on a table, obliged to acknowledge that he did not believe a word tliat he himself said? (Laughter.) Now I will show you that he does not l)elieve it; 'because,' he said, 'we must have protection.' But what is the meaning of ' protection ?' Protection means an additional sixpence for each loaf ; that is the Irish of it. (T^oud cheers.) If he had not the ])rotection, the loaf would sell for i/- ; but if he has protection it will sell for i/6. Pro- tection is the English for sixpence ; and what is worse it is the English for an extorted sixpence. The real meaning of ' i>rotection,' therefore, is robbery — (cheers)— robbery of the poor by the rich. (Cheers.) Eor what signifies the (quantity of loaves that are consumed in the Duke of Nortliumberland's establishment ? To be sure he pays the additional sixpence ; but well he may, for not one-thousandth part of his expenditure <:onsists in the purchase of bread ; Init the labouring man and tlie poor widow with her children, nine-tenths of their income goes in the jirice of bread : tliey ])ay to/- for every sixpence he pays, and he pockets the difference. IJut then, he is one of your miglity aristocrats of the land : one of your exceedingly great men, whose shadow scarcely dares to follow him. (Loud cheers.) But then, out comes another Landlord ' Leaguer,' a man of the League for making bread dear, .-mother protectionist, another robbery-man; he says,— ' Oh, don't make bread cheap: that would be horrible I" This man says, ' it would be horrible Mr. O^ Council fit Covent Garden. 273 to make bread cheap, for if you did, there would be less employment and lower wages. ' We will see how that is. If the bread were cheap, you would get it cheap by getting corn from foreign countries, where it is grown cheaply, but from whence it cannot be imported now. AVhat is the conse- quence? If it had been imported, then for every pound's worth of corn that you obtained, a pound's worth of your manu- factured goods would be sent out to pay for it. Those who had not formerly the means of paying for your manufactures, would now have them, because you would buy their bread. So that, instead of lessening employment, it would increase it ; and then it is as clear as that two and two make four, that you must also have increased wages : therefore the argument totally fails. Why, I speak from iny own knowledge of Ireland, and as one of the representatives of Ireland, and, I say that if the Corn Law was of any use anywhere, it would be valuable in Ireland, which is essentially an agricultural country. If that enactment raised wages anywhere, it would do so in a country purely agricultural. But are wages raised in Ireland in consetjuencc of its existence? Oh, no, for, unhappily, you can get men to work there for fouri:)ence a day. (Shame.) The labourer there thinks he is a bountiful benefactor who pays him sixpence a day ; and he feels supremely blessed if he gets eightpence a day. There is the effect of the Corn Law for you. It is in full force in Ireland, and doing all it can for that country, and yet this is the state of wages there ; and what is worse, there is very little emi)loyment for the labourer, even at these rates. Therefore the people of Ireland, and s 2 74 Recollections of Cob den and the League. those of the gentry who take a conscientious view of affairs, and are kind to the people, regard this matter in the same Hght that I do; so that, instead of Ireland being an impediment in the way, or one of your 'difficulties,' (laughter.) you have the people of that countr}- heart and soul at your side. (Cheers.) " I declare to you, that the injustice and iniquity of the landed aristocracy overcome me with horror and loathing which I cannot describe ! Why, if there were no Corn Law now existing, and the Ministers were bold enough to bring in a bill to tax the people's bread — if they yjlaccd, as they do in some despotic countries, a man at the door of the baker "s shop to insist on one-third part of the price of the bread, which the baker would of course be obliged to charge to the customer — if this were attempted, there is not a man in the country would endure such a tax. It would be of no avail for the Minister to say, ' I want the money for my financial plans ; I cannot make the year's accounts balance unless I ha\e such a tax.' John Bull would roar out, ' No ! tax anything else you jilease, but you must not tax bread!' Yet, by the swindling scheme of ' protection,' as it is called, they do the very same thing. They tax the bread, not for the good of the state, in which you might all ei|ual!y participate— not for protection against a foreign enemy, or to keep domestic peace —but for the benefit of one jjarticular class, all the rest of the community are taxed, that that tax may not go into the purse of the pujjlic, but that it may go into the pockets of private individuals. (Hear, hear.) \\1iy, really, it is too bad that Mr. O'Connell at Cm'ent Garden. 275 you should be called sensible people, and bear this. I, of course, mean you no disrespect, but there is a thickheadedness about it that I cannot understand. (Cheers.) Duke of Nor- thumberland, you are not my king ! I owe you no allegiance — I will pay you no tax ! (Loud cheers.) Duke of Richmond — there have been Richmonds flourishing before you, and you may have connexion with royalty, but you are not my king yet, and no tax shall you have ! I owe you no allegiance, and I will pay you no tax ! (Cheers.) Take them altogether, we owe them no allegiance, and we are bound to stand together one and all — (loud cheers) — in peaceable conduct, but in determination — in tranquillity, but with firmness — resolved that we will not be cheated — that we will not be robbed — that we will not be humbugged. (Cheers.) I should like to see one of those great Dukes levying his tax in kind. I should like to behold him going into one of the lanes in our manu- facturing towns, to a poor wretched family, where the father after a day's fatigue was affecting to have no appetite, that he might leave a few more mouthfuls of bread for his famishing children, — or the wretched mother endeavouring to give nutri- ment to one babe, while another was screaming because it had no food, — I should like to see this great Duke, with his stars and garter, walking into such an assembly, and laying hold of the biggest hunch of the loaf, and saying, ' This is my bread-tax, and you may eat the rest of it as you like.' (Cheers.) If the tax were levied in kind, it would not be tolerated; and yet this is exactly what the Duke does in another way. He does not let you have the pleasure of 276 Recollections of Cobdcii and the League. looking at the hunch of bread and then take it away ; but he takes care that you shall not have it, for he charges you that price for the entire loaf, for which the man would have got the loaf and the hunch, if it had not been for him. (Cheers.) " I repeat the ]jhrase in idcntiial terms, over and over again, because I want to infix in the mind of ever}' one who hears me, the nature of this plunder — this robbery. Increase of wages I ^Vhy, if I chose to open the books of ])olitical economy, and give you dates which you have had before, and ])articulars witli which you may be conversant, T could show that whene^■er bread was cheap wages Avere high : that the}' AS ere doubly high comparatively, because the man was able to buy more articles for his money, and thus his wages were doubly useful to himself. Yes, and all these truths are as clear as the sun at noonday ! And we are stalking about— animals on two legs — apparently having no head at all. and. still more strange, as if we had no hearts. Oh, put an end to the system ! (Cheers.) .Why, is not the present Parliament principally backed by these bread-taxers ? (Hear, hear.) Did they not send two-thirds of tlic members to the House, not only from the counties by means of the Chandos clause, but also by purchasing boroughs ? Indeed, two sessions ago 1 heard it admitted, from one side of the House, and the other, that there never had been so much bribery and corrujjtion in electing any Parliament as the ])resent one. IMr. Roebuck proclaimed it on one side of the House, and Sir Rcjbert Peel admitted it on the other. 'J'hough they disagreed in every- Air. O'ConiieU at Coven f Garden. thing else they agreed unanimously in that. And yet here are your models of virtue and piety — the men who are to sustain the church — who are ready to punish the poor wretch who happens to stray from the road on Sunday, if he be not walking towards some church, while they enjoy their own carriage-drives quite unscathed and free ; yes, these great examples of the morality of the country, turn up the whites of their eyes to heaven at the enormity of other mens' iniquitv, while they are, at the same time, putting their hands into tlie pockets of the wretched man who wishes only to feed his own family. (Great cheering.) If they stand by the poor and humble, oh ! may every blessing that hea\"en has in store be poured upon them ; but if they insist that the poor man shall be poorer, and the wretched man suffer more — that destitution shall be augmented and poverty increased — that they may grow wealthy and pay off their mortgages by means of this tax on human food, then, I say, shame upon all those who do not lift up their voices until the human sound, like the roll of thunder, affrights the culprits, and sets the land and the people free. (Loud cheers.) '* \Vhy do they not give the farmers leases ? ^^'ould not that enable them to feed their labourers, and assist in every charitable act in their neighbourhoods ? Oh no ! the great landowner is to have all. His name is Behemoth, and he must swallow the entire. (Cheers.) Vou arc engaged then in a glorious struggle, and J am proud to be allowed to take jjart in it with you. It is delightful to me to be able to lend to it the aid of my talents, small as they are, and the sound of my 278 Recollections of Cobden and the League. voice, which ought to be pretty well worn out with practice by this time ; but such as they are, I lend them heartily to your sacred cause. I venture to say of myself that I have been found on the side of liberty in every question which has been agitated since I came to Parliament. (Cheers.) I care not of what caste, or creed, or colour, any human being may be. I claim for him the privileges, the rights, the protection which is due to man. Not the protection of robbery and spoil, but pro- tection against every iniquity, whatever it may be. (Cheers.) I cannot, therefore, but cheer you on ; and whate^■er may be my own fate — be it the dungeon or be it the scaffold — (loud cries of ' no, no,' and enthusiastic cheering) — yes, I am convinced if it were left to your votes you would decide differently. (Cheers.) I I gratifies me that I am engaged in this struggle with you. I see all its bearings — I know all its value. I know how success would increase your commerce, by giving you consumers who are now unable to buy from you. f know how it would increase your comfort, by giving you employment on the one hand, and food on the other. I know how it Would put down the iniquity of class legislation, for the great and mighty reason why classification exists, to the prejudice of the poor and humble in this country, is this very Corn Law, which seems to ine to be the very root and ground of all the evils under which the nation suffers. (Cheers.) To me it is a cause that stimulates to every inicjuity. 'i'he landlords know the injustice of their position, and they want to fence it round with all the formalities of the law and all the force of legishition ; but it will not do. 'I'lie i)ublic eyes are open — the ])ublic mind is roused. Yes, Mr. OConnell at Cm'ent Garden. 279 England never willed, and willed in vain. (Cheers.) Scotland will join in the struggle ; the manufacturing classes are already arrayed ; the labourers and agriculturists find that their interests are identified with ours ; the farmers understand the chicaner}' of the great proprietors, who are making that kind of bustle and noise which the rats make, when the stack is about to be thrown down. (Cheers and laughter.) Yes, the time is approaching — the force is irresistible. They may delude miserable constituents here and there ; they may overrule them in other places ; but the public intellect is on its march, like the mighty waves of the ocean with the incoming tide. The tyrant of old, bade the sea stop at his mandate ; and yet the waves came on and overwhelmed him who thought to arrest their progress. We don't want to overwhelm them ; we only wish to wet their feet a little. (Laughter.) The pro- gress of this great cause is magnificent. What countr}' on the face of the earth could do what you have done ? Last year you subscribed ;^5o,ooo, the income of two or three sovereign princes in Germany ; this year you subscribe your ;j^ioo,ooo ; and if it be necessary next year you will double it — (cheers) — it is not double or win, but double and win. Yes, the move- ment is on its majestic progress. From day to day new recruits fall into your ranks. We, who are veterans in the contest, are able to look on with delight, at the rapidity witli which our armies are augmented, and our peaceful troops assembled. (Cheers.) The force of })ublic opinion is manifesting itself everywhere. The sentiment of England is awakened and abroad ; it never will sleep again until the poor are righted, and the 28o Recollections of Cohden and the League. rich compelled to be honest." (The hon. and learned member resumed his seat amidst prolonged and most A-ehement cheering.) In addition to the above meetings, 29 others were held, whicli were addressed by all the principal men in connection with the League. The first of these meetings, as already stated, was held on October 14th, 1843, and the others were held on the following dates : — On October 27 th and No- vember 30th, 1843 ; on January 25th, Fel)ruary ist, Sth, 15th, 2ist and 27th, March 6th, 2otIi and 27th, Ajjril 17th and 24th, May ist, Sth, 15th, 22nd and 29th, June 5th and 19th, July 3rd, and August 7th, 1844; on January 15th, February 19th, March 5th, April 9th, June i8th, and December 19th, 1845 ; and on January 14th and 30th, 1846. L ri THE CAMPAIGN OF 1 844. THE MARQUIS OF WESTMINSTER'S ADHESION.— THE LEAGUE OPERATIONS. THE COUNTY REGIS- TRATION MOVEMENT. THE COVENT GARDEN BAZAAR. MISS MARTINEAU ON THE BAZAAR. THE " TIMES " AND THE "league" on THE BAZAAR. ^ — MR. \V. J. FOX ON THE LEAGUK PRINCIPLES. SPECIAL BURDENS UPON LAND. THE COM- MITTEE TO INQUIRE THEREINTO. — MR. GREG AND MR. HENRY ASHWORTH ISEFORE THE COMMITTEE. DURING the year 1844, the League prosecuted its various operations with increasing zeal and vigour. In the beginning of the year the Marquis of Westminster, the wealthiest nobleman in the kingdom, sent a congratulatory letter, and a cheque for ^500 towards the funds of the League. Lord Morpeth addressed a Free Trade meeting at Wakefield, and his address showed, that although not yet fully converted, he was fast arriving to that position. There were held during the year no less than 150 public meetings in parliamentary boroughs, and there were also held various great meetings in Covent Garden Theatre, London, and in the Free Trade Hall, Manchester. The lecturers of the League delivered over 600 3eague, a stipend ; and although we were then poor, and liardly knew Testimonial to Mr. George Wilson. 333 where to raise funds for our humble agitation, I proposed to him to receive ^500 a year, to abstract himself from business, and give his attention almost exclusively to the League affairs. As our friends increased, we pressed upon him to accept ;j^i,ooo a year. Both these offers were refused. Gentlemen, the services of Mr. Wilson have not been on the surface like those of some of us. He has had the labours of this body entirely under his control — and the practical details of the business of the League have been entirely under the care of Mr. Wilson ; and I will say, after seeing many public men, and knowing something of public business, that I never met with a man who possesses such instinctive sagacity in ascer- taining the principles and motives which actuate men, and such a comprehensive power of dealing with matters of busi- ness as my friend INIr. Wilson. Now I believe we shall have in our power, after meeting all engagements, the means of pressing upon his acceptance the receipt of a sum of not less than ;^io,ooo. (Loud and repeated shouts of applause.) I liave not said a word to him as to his feelings in this matter, but my friend Mr. Wilson possesses sound common sense, and is not a churlish man — (laughter) — and I therefore hope that he will not refuse us the satisfaction of paying this tribute to his worth." (Loud cheers.) I therefore move : — " That this meeting views with feelings of unfeigned satis- faction and admiration the long, arduous, and invaluable services rendered to the League by the Chairman of its Council, Mr. George Wilson, and hereby authorises the Executive Council to present to him, and to ask him to accept 334 Recollections of Cohdeii and the League. a sum of not less than ;^i 0,000, to be paid out of the funds of the League." Mr. Archibald Prentice seconded the resolution, and it was carried with acclamation, in the most enthusiastic manner, all the members of the Council standing up and cheering vociferously. Mr. Rathbone, of Liveq^ool, briefly moved :— " That the members of the Executive Council of the League are entitled to the warmest gratitude of the League, and of the country, for their high-principled, laborious, and most successful ex- ertions, during the seven years of our constitutional agitation ; and that a committee be appointed, consisting of Joseph Brotherton, Esq., M.P., and such gentlemen as he may asso- ciate with himself, to determinate on some suitable memorial, to be presented to those gentlemen out of the funds of the League." Mr. Wm. P>iggs, of Leicester, seconded the resolution, and it was carried with applause. The Chairman : " As no other gentleman has anything to address to this meeting, it is now my duty to saj^, that the Anti-Corn-Law League stands conditionally dissolved." A deep silence followed tliis announcement for a few seconds, when some one called out for " three cheers," and Mr. Cobden rising, said : " I don't think we can get up a cheer — (hear, hear) — for, as I have just been observing to my friends on my right and left, I never felt so ' flat' in all my life. (Laughter.) I never heard speeches that fell so flat, and never saw an audience that looked so flat as the audience Dissolution of tlie Anti-Corn-Laiu League, 335 of to-day. It is right it should be so, for we have been celebrating the obsequies of the League. We began in solemnity, and we end in solemnity. (Hear, hear.) The world will see, at all events, that whatever else we may be, we are earnest men wlio have engaged in this work. (Hear, hear.) If you would like to have a cheer, let us try if we can't get up a few sepulcliral ones. (Loud cries of ' hear, hear,' and laughter.) Come, I'll be your fugleman." The honourable gentlemen then led off, and was followed with right goodwill by the meeting, in very loud, prolonged, and effective cheering. "The Queen" was then named, and the mention of Her Majesty's name was received with a long and hearty burst of applause, and the meeting then separated. THE TESTIMONIAL TO MR. COBDEN.— HIS ACKNOWLEDGMENT THEREOF. — COLLAPSE OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL's MINISTRY, AND ACCESSION OF LORD DERBY TO OFFICE IN 1 85 2. THE ATTEMPTED REVIVAL OF PROTECTION. THE MEETING OF LEAGUE EXECUTIVE. LORD DERBY ON OUR FISCAL SYSTEM. — GREAT MEETING OF THE COUNCIL AND FRIENDS OF THE LEAGUE, AT MANCHESTER. LORD DERBY ON THE APPROACH- ING DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.^ — GENERAL ELECTION, AND RETURN OF A FREE-TRADE MAJORITY. FRENCH TREATY OF COMMERCE, OF 1860. — MR. COBDEN's NEGOTIATIONS THERE- ON. — CONCLUSION. IN September, 1845, Mr. Edmund Potter and Mr. William Hunter, two of Mr. Cobdcn's most intimate friends, waited upon me at " The Oaks," with the view of advising him to retire from Parliament, in order that he might devote the whole attention to his business, which had suffered so much by his continued absence as to cause great anxiety to his friends as well as to himself He had, some time previously, retired from the partnershi];) with Mr. Sheriff and Mr. Foster, and had removed to the Print Works, at Cross Hall ; and he had entrusted the Testimonial to Mi: Cohdcu. practical management of the business to two of his brothers, who were comparatively inexperienced in the trade, and hence came his ijecuniary troubles. At a second meeting on this matter Mr. Cobden was present, but no decision was then arrived at. Just at this time the country was thrown into a state of alarm at the prevalence of the potato disease in Ireland, and at such a crisis our sympathies, as well as our patriotic feelings, became awakened to the vital importance of maintaining Mr. Cobden's position and influence in Parlia- ment. The assurances and advice of a small circle of friends removed all anxiety from his mind, and he at once re-entered with alacrity and confidence upon his mission, and with what success has already been told. But the foregoing facts may serve to show to some extent what were the pecuniary and other sacrifices, which Mr. Cobden found himself called upon to make for the repeal of the Corn and Provision Laws ; and it may also be added, that in order to shew their appreciation of his services, a portion of his countrymen raised a voluntary contribution, amounting to p/,76,759 14^-. od. The list is here appended : — COBDEN TESTIMONIAL FUND. SUBSCRIPTIONS :— LANCASHIRE: £ s. d. Manchester .. .. 25,318 3 9 T- 1 o o , Preston 724 11 o Liverpool .. .. 8,170 18 5 ' ^ £ s. d. Oldham 825 5 6 Ashton-under-Lyne. 4,119 15 o Bolton 1,392 2 9 Accrington . . . . 676 8 6 Bacup 511 Bury 967 4 3 ; Carried forward ^42,705 9 2 W • Rciolhrtioiis of Cohdcn and the League. £ s. d. Brought forward 42,705 9 2 Burnley 463 16 o Blackburn .. .. 347 17 6 Rochdale 314 8 9 Lancaster .. .. 239 17 6 Darwen 232 1 1 o Clitheroe 208 16 o Todmorden .. .. 203 8 3 Sabden 200 o o Rawtenstall .. .. 200 o o Eccles 200 o o Wigan 157 II 6 Warrington . . . . 105 o o Fairfield 100 o o Contributions from other parts of Lancashire . . 364 ^o 4 ^46,043 6 o YORKSHIRE : Leeds 997 o o Huddersfield .. .. 713 ^5 ^ Halifax 605 o o Bradford 591 6 6 Sheffield 398 iS 3 Contributions from other places . . 592 15 6 Cheshire . . Devonshire • 2,799 o 3 39 15 10 Brought forward 2,838 16 i Cumberland .. .. 543 ^9 o Sussex 26 6 o Warwickshire.. .. 1,284 2 o Worcestershire . . 160 9 o Westmoreland .. 243 19 6 Norfolk 226 19 6 Leicestershire.. .. 515 2 o Wiltshire 7246 Lincolnshire .. .. 14 o 3 Gloucestershire (in- cluding Bristol).. 539 16 9 Somersetshire . . . • 97 2 o Dorset, Cambridge, and Herts.. .. 27 18 6 Middlesex (outside of London) .. .. 400 " 8 Nottinghamshire .. 525 7 3 Staffordshire .. .. 149 o o Shropshire .. .. 655 11 o Hereford, Essex, and Bucks .... .. 20 I 6 Derbyshire . . . . 593 3 ^ Oxfordshire . . . . 59 3 " Hants 3S 15 6 Bedfordshire .. .. 19 12 o Surrey 140 o o Northumberland .. 124 5 o Durham 107 7 o Northamptonshire & Kent 12 6 o Carried forward ^62,838 i6 i ;C9,435 18 o Subscriptions to the Cohdcn Testimonial Fund. 339 £ s. d. Edinburgh .. .. 313 4 4 Dundee & Forfarshire 530 o 5 Paisley 46 2 6 Glasgow 4,206 12 5 Contributions from other parts of Scotland .. .. 372 10 11 £5,468 ID 8 From Wales . . ,, Ireland . . „ Holland ,, France . . ,, Isle of Weight 127 I 6 10 £ s. d. 6 o 10 10 o 330 2 10 o £149 14 6 £ s. d. The net amount of the foregoing Subscriptions 64,996 5 o Net amount of the London Subscriptions .. 11,763 g o Total of Subscriptions ;£^76.759 14 o R. H. GREG, \ GEORGE WILSON, I WM. RAWSON, I Examined and found correct, by HENRY ASHWORTH, | SALIS SCHWABE, / Treasurers. Auditors. The following is Mr. Cobden's acknowledgment : — "to the subscribers to the cobden testimonial fund. " My Friends, — The Treasurers having placed at my dis- ])Osal the amount of ' the Cobden Testimonial Fund,' par- ticulars of which are given in the accompanying pages, the agreeable duty now devolves upon me, of offering you my grateful acknowledgments for your munificient contributions. At the time of the dissolution of the Anti-Corn-Law League, 34° Recollections of Cobdeii and the League. circumstances had determined me to withdraw from pubHc life, and to devote myself, for some time, to the exclusive care of my pri\'ate affairs, when the proposal which was unexpectedly made, to raise a fund for me by public subscription, and the generous response with which it was met from all parts of the kingdom, induced me to abandon my determination. " Since my return from the continent, I have, by the advice of my friends, withdrawn altogether from the risks and anxieties of business. By this arrangement, I have incurred some heavy sacrifices, but through your liberality I am left in possession of an ample competence. " 'Whilst acknowledging that it is by your bounty alone that T am placed in a position to be able to devote myself to public business, I think it foir to guard you from being held re- sponsible for my future career. I accept the testimonial at your hands, with the understanding that it commits the donors to an approval of my Free-Trade principles only, and that it leaves you at liberty to take an unfettered course on all other public questions. Having secured my independence, }"ou have a right to expect, that in all matters affecting the i)ublic interests, 1 shall act up to the dictates of a conscientious con- viction, — that I shall not become the slave of a part}-, the parasite of the great, or the flatterer of the people ; and in these expectations you shall not be disappointed. Happy indeed shall I be to find that my opinions generally have the sanction of your ajjprobation. T have entered \\\)0\\ this ex])lanation solely to prevent any attempt hereafter to place you in a false position, for want of a frank understanding upon Acii'ssioii of Lord Derby's Profeciioiiist Afi/iisfry. 341 our future political relationship. Let it not be thought for a moment, that this candour is incompatible with the most pro- found and grateful sense of your generosity. I feel an in- expressible pride, in owing my fortune to the spontaneous contributions of my countrymen. " To be thus exalted by you, as a successful labourer in the cause of Free-Trade, is a distinction that I would not relinquish for all the honours or rewards, which have ever been bestowed upon successful conquerors. " With the sincerest wishes for your happiness, " I remain, my friends, " Your obliged and faithful servant, ''London, May 2yd, 184S. ''Richard Cobden." The Whig Ministry of Lord John Russell, after many vicissitudes, came to grief on the 20th of February, 1852. He was defeated on the Militia Bill, by a coalition of a section of the Whig party, headed by Lord Palmerston, with the Pro- tectionists ; and, therefore, the Ministry resigned its functions. Lord Derby was then called in and formed a Ministry, which was protectionist to the backbone. These events, being already provided for by the reso- lutions at the final meeting of the League, in 1846, led to the princii)al friends of the League in Manchester being called together at a few hours' notice. After speeches by jNIr. George ^Vilson, Mr. J. C. Dyer, Mr. Alderman Harvey, Mr. P. R. Arrowsmith, myself, and others, shewing the reality of the danger, that the settlement of the Corn Law question, 342 J'iciollccthuis of Cobdcii and the League. effected by Sir Robert Peel, and upheld by the Russell Ad- ministration, Avould be tampered \\ith l)y the new government, it was unanimously resolved : — " That the gentlemen forming the Executive Council of the late Anti-Corn-Law League, be requested to watch the pro- ceedings of the new administration, and, should the necessity arise, call together the parties wlio formed the general Council of the League." That the danger was not magnified tlie following extract from Lord Derby's declaration in the House of Lords, on the 27th of February, will shew: — Lord Derby said: "That looking to our fiscal system it was fairly ojjcn to revision. The tariff of the United States levied duties upon imports, and mainly on those articles which came into competition with their own produce. We had jjroceeded on a different system, admitting some foreign articles free, and imposing duties upon others which come into general consumption. In his oi)inion. whilst imposing duties upon other articles of import, there was no reason why the single one of corn should be omitted ; but this was a question which could only be solved by an appeal to the country. A change so great could o ily be dealt with by a government strong in the confidence of the country. In the other House he knew the government were in a minority, and he knew not whether in this House he should have a majority, but at this period of the year he should be unwilling to interrupt the sittings of tlie other House." The necessity for immediate action liaving thus become apparent, the following circular was addressed to all Free- The calling together of the Friends of Free-Trade. 343 Traders, who had taken an interest or prominent part in the agitation against the Corn Laws : — "Newall's Buildings, Manchester, Feb. 25th, 1852. " Dear Sir, — The accession of the Earl of Derby to office, pledged to an attempt to restore the Corn La^c, is now a fact beyond dispute. The question, which the country and the Parliament of 1846 decided, is to be re-opened, and the verdict of the English people is again to be demanded. " No time should be lost in preparing for the struggle, which is now inevitable. It will not be a long contest, but it will be decisive, for on it depends the liberties and the future tranquillity of our country. " I am instructed by a preliminary meeting of gentlemen, in whom the friends of Free-Trade have heretofore confided, to summon a meeting of all those who may be disposed to join them, with a view to deciding upon such steps as may be necessary, to defeat the mad and wicked attempt to re-impose a tax upon corn, and thus to limit the supply of food to the population of the United Kingdom. " The meeting will be held in Newall's Buildings, on Tuesday next, IN-i^rch 2nd, at three o'clock. Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Gibson Mr. Kershaw, and other gentlemen will be present, and you are earnestly invited to meet them, with a view to consultation, and to such further proceedings as the circumstances may require. — I am, dear sir, very respectfully yours, &c. " George Wilson." The Manchester Examiner and Times, reporting the meeting called by the above circular, said : — " Yesterday afternoon, at 344 Recollections of Cobden and the League. three o'clock, we found ourselves in the crush of a throng of the principal friends of Free-Trade, who had come from various parts of the country, and who were crowding into the large room of Newall's Buildings. It had been agreed, at a meeting held immediately after Lord Derby's accession to power, to reconstitute the 'Anti-Corn-Law League,' as soon as he gave such a declaration of opinion as might produce con- viction that such a step was necessary. His speech delivered on Friday evening, in the House of Lords, showed his prin- ciples to be unchanged. The members of ' the Council of the League,' and its chief suj^porters, were therefore summoned to gather as of yore, and the great meeting of yesterday was held. On entering the room we found it completely filled, and saw on the platform a number of gentlemen well-known in this locality, and distinguished by their influential position in society, by their extensive manufacturing and commercial establishments, and also by their wealth, talent, and energy. There sat George Wilson, in the old chair. Around him were Messrs. Cobden, Bright, Gibson, Henry, Heywood, Kershaw, Hindley, and Milligan — all members of Parliament, witli many tried and trusted chiefs of the Free-Trade movement from Liverpool, Huddersfield, Bradford, Sheffield, and other jjlaces; — men of the widest diversity of opinion in other matters. And ministers of the gospel were there, to testify that religion would be invoked to struggle against the reversal of a righteous policy, which had already greatly jjromoted the interests of knowledge and morality — the diffusion of the i)rinciples and influences of true Christianity. Every one in the meeting Mr. G. Wilson at the Great Free-Trade Meeting. 345 seemed to be gratified with the sight effaces which were famiHar in former days, and to be elated with the demonstration of ])eaceful power, which visibly declared that the men who were there would keep what they had won. And to show that words and arguments were not alone to be employed, but that means to convey and apply them would be furnished in all needful abundance, the contributions of money, which above everything else, evince determination and power, began to be given. Every announcement of a thousand pounds seemed to imjjart additional animation to the meeting, and every shout that Avas raised, was to our ears the sound of another nail driven into the coffin of protection." Mr. George Wilson, the chairman, on rising, was received with frequently renewed cheering. He spoke as follows : — " Gentlemen, — We have taken the liberty of convening the Council of the late Anti-Corn-Law League, and the friends of Free-Trade generally, to confer together upon the present important aspect of the question. (Hear, hear.) I think you will agree with me, that nothing less than a matter of the greatest importance could justify us in once more summoning together the Council of that constitutional body, which some time ago closed its labours, under the impression that it would never more be required to be called into existence. (Hear, hear.) But we have to deal now, not with a Conservative Administration as such — for tlic members of the Council of the League repudiate the smallest allusion to party politics, whoever may hold the reins of office — but we have to deal with Lord Derby, not as the head of a Conservative Adminis- 54(3 Recollections of Cobdcu and the League. tration, but as the head of a Protectionist (Government, sur- rounded and sup])orted, from first to last, by members who are pledged, and have been pledged for years past, to the restoration of protection — (cheers) — ^and if any further justifi- cation could be required for the convening of this meeting, in the middle of a market day, it must be found in the meeting itself. (Cheers.) I need not tell you, that previous to taking such an important step as this, we took counsel and advice from all those excellent friends of the T^eague, who, during our seven years of work, afforded us their support, their advice, and their concurrence ; and from all of them, as far as we are at present in receipt of communications — and we have liad an ample supply — there has come but one opinion, and that is, to advise you to-day to take into consideration the propriety of reconstituting the League, under the rules and regulations wliich formerly governed it. (Loud cheers.) A resolution to this effect is not the onl}- one that will be sub- mitted for your consideration, and, 1 hope, for your unanimous adoption. A preliminary meeting was held last night, at which, after the fullest discussion, it was agreed to recommend certain resolutions to you to-day ; and in order that each of you may have an oi)portunity of considering them, I will take the liberty of reading them at once." The Chairman concluded by reading the resolutions, and called u])on Mr. Cobden to propose the first of them, as follows : - " That an administration having been formed, committed by every ])ledge that can bind the honour of public men, to attempt to reim])Ose a duty on corn, it is resolved, that the Mr. Cobdcn at the Great Free-Trade Meeting. 347 Anti- Corn-Law League be reconstituted, under the rules and regulations by which that body was formerly organised." Mr. Cobden said : — " Gentlemen, when we in 1 846, resolved to lay down our arms, and to commit suicide as an Anti-Corn League, it was said, even by our enemies, that the fairest and best part of all our conduct was the close of our existence. Ever}'body admitted that the Anti-Corn-Law League had kept faith with the world at large — that we did not seek to divert the influence and power which we had obtained by the successful advocacy of our one question, to be the means of aggrandising any individual, or any bodies of men, in any other direction. I can say for myself, and I am sure too, I can say for all those around me, that so far as concerns any influence we acquired, by having been mainly instrumental in placing a new government in power, we have never sought at the hands of any government any recompense or reward, official or otherwise ; we have ne\er sought to obtain influence over any administration, nor in any way to use the power which we obtained through your confidence and kindness, to promote any personal objects. (Cheers.) I say this now, because in appearing before you and proposing to take part, if you think proper, in renewed efforts for maintaining the ground we have already won on this question, I intend to pursue entirely the same course as in former times. I have no other object in view, and no wish to serve any party of politicians. If we renew our effort, it shall be under the same rules and regu- lations which led us triumphantly to victory on the last occasion. We will strictly confine ourselves to the object 348 Recollections of Cohdcn and the League. for which we liave met together. I solemnly declare for myself, that in the most exaggerated flights of fancy, I never expected so great a result from the labours of the League, as has been witnessed during the last four years. (Cheers.) Take for instance a single fact, Avhich comprises almost our main case. Since the day when we laid down our arms, there has been imported into this country in grain, and flour of all kinds, an amount of human subsistence equal to up- wards of fifty millions of quarters of grain — a larger quantity than had been imported from foreign countries during the 31 years preceding 1846, that is, from the peace of 18 15 down to the time at which wc brought our labours to a close. Now, gentlemen, in that one fact is comprised our case. You have had at the lowest computation, five millions of your country- men, or countrywomen, or children, subsisting on the corn that has been brouglit from foreign countries. And wliat does that say? What does it say of the comfort you have brought to the homes of those families? What does it say of the peace and prosperity, and serenity of domestic life in those houses, where fifty millions of quarters of grain extra have been introduced, and where, but for your exertions, the inmates might have been left either in hopeless penury, or subsisting on potatoes? Bui I need not go into statistics to show wliat the beneficial consequences have been, you may see for yourselves your triumph in the nation's eyes, you may read it in the count- enances of the ])eople of all classes, you may trace it in their improved clothing, and in llicir improved habits — you may see it in the diminislied pau})crism and crime tliroughout the Mr. Cohdeii on the Results of Corn Law Repeal. 349 whole country. You may see it in every aspect in which you can test, as touching the pulse of society, the condition of the great mass of the people. Well, gentlemen, if we have done so much, \\hat have we averted ? How much of pain and anguish lies behind the privations Avhich the mass of the people must ha\-e suffered, if it had not been for your triumph ? How much of vice and crime, and consequent misery, must have pervaded the great mass of the people, if they had been kept in the state of destitution and privation which they must have been, but for the introduction of this great amount of human sub- sistence ? These, then, are our reasons, and they are surely a sufficient justification for renewing the effort to maintain the ground which we have achieved, assuming that we confine ourselves to the one question we have in hand, as we did before. It cannot be concealed that there are many gentlemen who say — 'Why don't you go for a large measure of par- liamentary reform, which will not only enable you to carry Free-Trade in corn, but to do a great man}- other things also?' Now, the fallacy that underlies this argument, or entreaty, is this. It is assumed that because we are going to make an effort to put an end for ever to this controversy of Free-Trade, that therefore we intend to exclude other people from entering on the consideration of other questions. We do not say, that because gentlemen join in this new movement of the Anti- Corn Law League, they are to abandon those other principles, and neglect those other movements in which they are now or may be hereafter engaged; but having shown you the vast social benefits that have arisen from the emancipation of the Recollections of Cohden and the League. people in the article of food, and from the establishment of Free-Trade in this commodity, we say that while we feel morally certain that in a few months we can put this (question for ever out of the category of controversial questions, we do not feel justified in placing ourselves at a disadvantage, by taking up other questions, on which the public are not so well informed, or so well united. We, the men who have had a responsible position, and who have taken an active part in this agitation before, do not think it justifiable that we should change our position in the House of Commons from a majority to a minority, or retard the definite settlement of this question, from three or four months, to as many or more years. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, with regard to the course which has been recommended in the resolution you have just heard, it is jjroposed that you should reorgnnise the League — that you should send out circulars to all your old friends and colleagues throughout the country, to arouse them into action, in order to prevent the return to Parliament of anyone who is not ])ledged to Free-Trade in corn. Ikit it is l)roposed further, that you should memorialise the Queen, and that you .should call upon your friends in all i)arts of the country to organise societies, and arrange public meetings, in order to memorialise Her Majesty to the same purport, viz. — to dissolve the Parliament, and to give to the country an 0])i)ortunity of recording a final judgment on tliis (jucstion. In the terms of the resolution, you are to memorialise the Queen to dissolve the Parliament at once — immediately. Now it will very likely be said, why should you dissolve Parliament and Mr. Cobdcn on the probable Tactics of the Protectionists. 351 seek an immediate issue on this question ? ( Gentlemen, I have the strongest behef that we are safe from everything but delay, and the tricks of politicians which will be practised during that delay. (Great cheering.) I want to bring this (question to a definite issue, without its being mixed up with any other (luestions. We have not only friends amongst us who wish to blend other questions with ours, by which as I think we might materially damage our cause, and probably altogether sacrifice it ; but our enemies will play the same game, for it is their only chance. Leave this question in suspense during the the whole session of Parliament, and what Avill be the result ? In the first place, we all know from experience that it is not very easy to keep popular enthusiasm for any extended period in that high and fervid state to which you can probably bring it in the course of a few weeks ; you cannot possibly keep it up for a number of months. But whilst your enthusiasm may- be cooling, your enemies will be practising their arts of de- ception and misrepresentation ; and one of those arts will be, to try and mix up other questions with this, and, if possible, to thrust some other question before it. Already 1 see the enemy hoisting the flag, and trying to raise up the banner of intolerance in religion, so that you may have the questions of Protestantism and Popery thrust before the bread tax. It is the old thing over again ; your enemies will tiy to be religious; they will pretend to l)e the only religious part of the community; t/iey who tax the people's bread will profess to be the great champions of religion. (Cheers and laughter.) You know, in olden time, they that Recollections of Cobden and the League. devoured widows' houses made long prayers for a pretence. And you will have infidelity, popery, and all sorts of charges held out against you, if by that means our opponents can change the issue from Free-Trade to some other question. I should not wonder if they even tried to raise the issue of the monarchy itself! You in Lancashire will be de- nounced by these bread-taxers, with being enemies of the monarchy, and promoters of revolution. I should not be surprised at any charge that may be brought against you, with a view to direct attention from this question, if you will only give your enemies time. Noav I say, give them no time ; let this question of the Corn Law occupy the front rank ; let this be the only question for those who think that it can be settled by one effort more, in the course of the next three months ; let this question take precedence of all that the enemy can bring to baffle and confuse you; and then you will soon bring it to a successful issue. (Cheers.) But I am told that we must allow the protectionists to remain in office for twelve months, because that will give them the opportunity of abandoning all their professions and princi])les, and of cheating their friends. Now, 1 tell you candidly, I do not believe Lord Derby and his colleagues are one half so base as these advisers take them to be. What ! the men who hunted that illustrious statesman (Sir R. Peel) almost to his grave, for having abolished the Corn Law — whose sole political capital, from that time to this, has been the sarcasms and obloquy with which they have covered his name and fame, and the abuse and denunciations with which Mt: Cohdeii on the Rnnval of the League. 353 they have loaded the gentlemen of the Manchester school — are these men going to do, not what Sir Robert Peel did, but ten times worse ! Are we now to believe that Lord Derby and his colleagues are coming into office simply and solely that they may immediately get rid of the principles which they have hitherto advocated, and which they have denounced their former leader for having abandoned ? I say I do not believe it. I believe that such a thing would show that we have fallen into a lower status of political morality than it is alleged they now have in France. I, on the contrary, believe the ministry to be sincere in their professions. I believe they come into office with a view to carrying out those professions. But are you going to allow them to remain in office, to be sharpening their weapons in order that they may stab you when they find you off your guard? (Cheers.) Then if I correctly interpret the feeling of this meeting, the course we have to pursue is clear. We must raise this question at once, and keep it as the question before the House of Commons and the country, until it be finally disposed of You know Mr. Villiers, our old and trusty representative in the House, has given notice— (great cheering) — of a motion to bring the House to the test on this question. Now, as it has been said that Mr. Villiers is the brother of Lord Clarendon, and that he may have a Whig object in bringing forward this motion, I may as well state at once that it was at our instance, at the instance of those with whom you are associated, that Mr. Villiers gave notice of that motion — and that he foresaw — (I speak it from my own knowledge), he foresaw what would be 354 Recollections of Cohden and the League. said as to his wishing to reinstate the fallen ministry, and he proposed to leave out the part which refers to the adminis- tration ; because he did not wish to give it the semblance of a party attack on the government. But I do say that if there be any difficulty in bringing this question to an issue by the terms of the motion of which Mr. Villiers has given notice, I am sure that Mr. Villiers will be ready to yield to your wishes on the subject ; and if it be necessary to bring forward a vote of want of confidence in the ministry, I hope he will do it, rather than let this (question remain undecided before the country. (Cheers.) You are told that it is a very wrong time for dissolving Parliament. Now I tell you candidly — and it is perhaps a secret, as coming from a member of Parliament — that I never yet knew a jiroper time, in the eyes of members of Parliament, for a dissolution. (Laughter.) And, if by ]jossibility, two or three months might be gained, why such is the dread of a large portion of t!ie representatives of the people, to be sent back to their constituents, that they are willing to make any possible compliance and sacrifice in order to put off the evil day. Put if you memorialise the Queen, and communicate to members of Parliament that you think it desirable that in A])ril or May this (juestion should be settled, — if the House of Commons are made to understand that that is tlie determination of the country — well, then, when a motion is brought forward to suspend the voting of supjjlies, by merely voting a sum on account instead of the whole estimates, or wlicn a direct vote of want of confidence in ministers is pro])Osed, — if you are thus vigilant, the House Mr. Cobdeii on the Ra'ival of the League. 355 of Commons will then pluck up courage and face the dis- solution, rather than incur the liability of your displeasure in another way. " Now, I think the greatest of all evils which the country can suffer is, to have all the great trading interests kept in suspense on this vital question. (Cheers.) I see every newspaper now contains columns of electioneering proceedings ; every member of Parliament is beginning to look after his seat, or is beginning to show great attention and civility to his constituents. But besides these gentlemen, you, manufacturers and merchants, and our shipowners and colonists, all require to know how and when this thing is to be finally settled ; for you and they want to enter into transactions extending over a year or two years ; in fact all the wages and profits of this empire are bound up in this one question. (Cheers.) When this question is settled the protectionist party will disappear. You will have one dis- solution on this question, and then you will never find a poli tician tying to his tail the tin-kettle of protection afterwards. (Cheers.) They are all anxious to get rid of it, no doubt ; and when you have abolished the j^rotectionist part}-, it will not be so difficult to manage the business of the House of Commons. The whole of the difficulties have arisen from the fact that you have had 200 or 230 gentlemen bound together apparently with the most intense self-interest, and with the determination to upset any government that did not consult their interests. This party, led on by a gentlemen (Mr. Disraeli), who, I think, has at all times shown himself to Idc a tactician, who is willing to take all advantages, you have 35^ Recollections of Cobden and the League. seen constantly upsetting the Wliig government; and why? Because they have beheved that upsetting the Whigs was the necessary preUminary to the accession of the protectionist party to power. And the great difficulty in cariying on the government has been from the existence of this, the most compact body in the House of Commons, led on by the gentleman who is now their Chancellor of the Exchequer. But, I say, if a dissolution abolishes that protectionist party, )-ou will no longer be in the same difficult)-, you will no longer have these attempts to trip up the government. Only jjut these i)rotectionists out of the wa}-, and after a dissolution shall have settled this question, you will never again have a party in Parliament founded on the principle of protection ; you will no longer ha\e some people claiming merit for being Free-Traders, for all will be Free-Traders ; and the politicians who have been hitherto, perhaps, getting a little popularity by declaiming against Free-Trade, will have to take in a reef of their sail, or to go on a new tack altogether ; and I have some confidence that the protectionist leaders, when they find they have no longer protection to talk about, will find something else, something intelligible, useful, and patriotic to talk about instead, and which we may be quite as much in- terested in carrying as they are. (Cheers.) I have thus got rid of the objection as to the difficulty of carrying on the government. But ours is not a question of tactics ; I say, in conclusion, we are not here to discuss the pretensions of Whigs or Tories, or what can be done in Parliament by this l)arty, or by that party. \Ve have a plain, straightforward Mr. Cobdcn on the Plans of the Frcc-Tradc Party. 357 course to pursue. I am not surprised that, on a great question, which involved the interests of the whole community, and which divided parties on their most sensitive point, their material interests, we have had the effect of breaking up governments. I have said, years ago, we shall destroy two or three governments before this question is settled ; and now I say, not dreading the consequences, not caring for the conse- quences — let us all unite in this country, the humblest as well as the richest, who all live by bread — let us put this govern- ment to one of three courses ; — either they must fully recant this principle of protection, or they must resign their places in the government, or they must dissolve Parliament ; and one of these three courses we will compel them to take. (Cheers.) When you have accomplished either of these objects, then you will have effected all that you have in view. Don't doubt but the governmcTit of this country will be carried on; I do not see that there is any necessity for our despairing of finding other men, as good in every other respect, if not as good protectionists, as the present government ; but let everybody join in forcing the government to one of these three courses ; and having done so, let us not be alarmed at any bugbears, but pursue our straight course as we did before ; and you will, in less than four months from the present time, be relieved from all the labours on which you are now embarking." (Great cheering.) Mr. Robert Ashton, of Hyde, seconded the resolution, and it was carried unanimously. Mr, T. M. Gibson, M.P., ])roposed the following resolution: 358 Recollections of Cobdc/i and the League. " That the Council of the League be requested to put them- selves into immediate communication with their friends in all parts of the kingdom, urging them to immediate action, to prevent the return to Parliament of candidates in favour of the re-enactment, under whatever pretence or form, of any duty upon the imj)orts of foreign grain." Mr. J. Heywood, M.P., seconded the resolution, and it was carried unanimously. Mr. Bright now stepped forward, and said : — " I am afraid that there is one objection which will be brought against our proceedings to-day, and one which, on the face of it. appears rather formidable. It will be said that to call the old Anti- Corn Law League to life again, on an occasion of this sort, is like what has been described by the poet as — ' Ocean into tempest tossed, To waft a feather, or to drown a fly.' But 1 think it may be made to appear conclusively that there are very good grounds for the course we are taking, and that this course is the one which will soonest bring us to the end, that for about fifteen years we have looked for, — a complete, final, and irrevocable settlement of the question, whether the people of this country shall, or shall not, have liberty to purchase their food as cheaply as it can be obtained in the markets of the whole world. (Cheers.) Now, I am one of those who believe that we ought to treat the government as if it intended to do, when in office, that which its different members have a thousand times said, when in opposition they would do; and I think that any proposition which is ^fr. Bright on flic Revival of the League. 359 founded upon the idea that they now intend to do nothing, is precisely that whicli, as we know their intentions, is most likely to end in their doing something. Now, nothing has been said by the gentlemen who have preceded me, as to the personal character of this government. You have heard that their ad- dresses are a sort of political slipslop, out of which no man can get nourishment of any kind. (Laughter.) Now, I happen to be in a position to know all these men more or less personally — certainly all those who are in the House of Commons ; and I must say that ha\ing watched their conduct in that House from 1843 to 1846, when they sat on the ministerial side, and having watched their conduct with equal attention from 1 846 to this present time, when they have been sitting on the oppo- sition side of the House, nothing has ever led me to suppose for one moment, that they were not thoroughly in earnest — some of them in believing that the Corn and Provision Laws were good for the country — all of them in expressing the deter- mination that had they had the power, the Corn Law never would have been repealed, and that had they the power now to re-enact that law, it would immediately re-appear upon the statute book. We are asked to give them a fair trial. Why, we have been trying them all our lives. We have tried both them and the Corn Law, and so far as they are connected with that question, we say that a party more hostile to the true rights of this country, more revolutionary in its character — (loud cheers) — never held the reins of office ; and so long as they remain connected with that (juestion, so long will it be our bounden dutv, and our first dutv, to drive them from the 360 Recoil txf ions of Cohdcn and the League. offices, where, I am sure, in accordance with the public opinion of this country, they have no right whatsoever to be. Now, I am quite of opinion that we ought not here to say a word, or to take a step adverse to the jjresent government in con- nection with, or in relation to, any other question than tliat of Free-Trade. It would be improper in me to argue against Lord Derby's government, on the ground that Lord Derby has pledged himself to oppose all measures of parliamentary reform ; and it would be equally improper in me, to ask you here to oppose him on the ground that he would hand over the education of the people to the parochial clergy. On that j^oint I would only say, that I hope his scholars will get some knowledge of geography from the parochial clergy, and get some knowledge of the position on the earth's surface of the province of Tam- boff, and of the produce of corn which we may expect from it. (Laughter.) Now, with regard to \\\q. personnel of the govern- ment, let us recollect what we are, and where we are. We are in this meeting as large a number of merchants, manufacturers, spinners, men of capital, and men of industry of this district, as probably was ever gathered together in one room. ^V'e are here in the centre of a district which goes a very long way in our day to make the life, and the power, and the greatness of this country ; and we have what is said to be a popular representation, on paper; a House of Commons repre- senting the people, and, of course, the government sliould also represent the peo])le, it being chosen or jjcrmitted to exist by the House of Commons. Now, this government which comes forward on protectionist principles, which, as J/r. Bright on the Proposed Plans of the League. 361 soon as it can and dare, will attem]:)t to re-enact the Corn Law, is a government of county representatives, and of the representatives of boroughs where corruption and patronage are supreme ; and we have Lord Derby's own authority that, with regard to county representatives, give him the names and politics of half-a-dozen of the principal landowners, and he'll tell you what \nll be the poUtics of the county representative. Well, now, here is what strikes me forcibly ; that, seeing the government is thus composed, and knowing that they have re- jected every man who represents a large and free constituency, that they are chosen exclusively from the representatives of counties, and from rotten boroughs, I say it is a government, which, on a question of industrial freedom, has not and cannot have any sympathy with either the wants or wishes, or interests of the population of the great towns and cities of the United Kingdom. (Loud cheers.) Well, if this be so, I object to giving what is called a fair trial to these men ; we have given the question a trial, and we have given them a trial ; and we ask them simply, in obedience to the common requirements and demands of the constitution, if they have a policy which five years ago was rejected by the countr}-, but which is still a sound and useful policy, to not let it be kept under a mask ; but to let it be brought out to the country ; and bad, and faulty, and fraudulent as is the representation of the United Kingdom at present, I have not the shadow of a doubt that if that question be put fairly to the constituencies, a large majority will, in 1852, ratify, confirm, and seal for ever, the policy which was adopted in 1846. (Cheers.) The 362 Recollections of Cob den and the League. resolution which I have to propose, and on which I have not spoken, because it was explained with sufficient fullness by Mr. Cobden in his opening speech, is:—' That, considering how essential it is to the welfare of the agricultural, manufacturing, colonial, and shipping interests, as well as to the peace and prosperity of the great body of the people, that the Free-Trade question should be permanently settled by an appeal to the countr)', — Resolved, that a memorial to the Queen, praying for an immediate dissolution of Parliament, be signed by the chairman, on behalf of this meeting, and transmitted for pre- sentation to Her Majesty.' " Now, if we are unanimously and heartily in favour of that resolution, and, if in other parts of the country, men who are in favour of Free-Trade will take the same course, we shall have an opportunity of pronouncing our opinion upon a system which we have once already condemned, but which the recklessness of the party now in office is endeavouring to revive, and to revive precisely at a time, Avhen through all ranks and classes in the countrj-, I believe the conviction is spreading, that not only is tlie comfort of millions of homes increased, but tliat the political and social safety of this country during the last four years, has been owing in a large degree to the policy of 1846." (Thunders of applause.) Thomas Bazlcy, Esq., seconded the resolution, and it was unanimously passed. I then said that I wished, in a few words, to advance the object of the meeting by proposing a practical measure. " Vou are called upon (I continued,) on this occasion, in a Mr. Henry AsJnvorth on the Revival of the League. 363 conservative capacity, to discharge your duty as faithful subjects in upholding the laws of your countrj-. In times gone by, it has been alleged, that you had designs upon the wealth, or the property, or the institutions of the country. On this occasion you are called upon to defend the laws, and also to save, not the property of the rich from the invasion of the poor, but to save the property and industry of the poor from the invasion of the rich. The proceedings which have characterised this body have caused the appellation of the ' Manchester School ' to be given to it. You are now about to re-enter upon your duties, and to meet those who compose a school that resembles Rob Roy's school. But, before you can take any step in advance, you want the sinews of war. You want the organisation which has been spoken of to be carried out faithfully and effectively. You are now called upon to meet in open field the aggressors of a previous day ; and we want now to obtain the meeting's sanction and support on this as on the pre\aous occasion. Those who had confidence in the circumspection of the League in times gone by, will not, it is hoped, withdraw that confidence in an emergency like the present. The motion which I am about to submit is the following : — ' That in order to carry out the above resolutions, a subscription be forth- with commenced, and that a call of ten per cent, upon all subscriptions of £10 and upwards be made; subscriptions under that amount to be paid in full.' "^Ve have had abundance of support already offered, and the money matter has been made somewhat difficult to deal M Recollections of Cohden and the League. with, because the enthusiasm of some would carry them so far as to deter the more prudent from entering the field. Some gen- tlemen have so much confidence in the Council of the League, that it would seem as if they would trust them with all they had. Others, of course, require for their own safety, that they should not be dragged to any unnecessary length in regard to outgoings ; and upon the whole it has been deemed advisable that large subscriptions should be put down first, though not exceeding ^i,ooo each. Taking into account the effort which has to be made, and the immense importance of the object, I hope gentlemen have come here as practical men, and are prepared to carry out a practical object." (Cheers.) Mr. James Kershaw, M.P., seconded the resolution, and it was passed unanimously. Subscriptions were then handed in and announced, amidst much cheering, to the amount of about ;^26,ooo, as follows : — £ Robert Piatt, Oldham . . . . looo Kershaw, Leese & Co., Stock- port looo Robert Matley, Mottram . . looo Robt. Leese & Sons, Dukin- field looo John Whittaker & Sons . . looo A. & S.Henry & Co. Manchtr. looo W. Bayley&Bros. Stalybridge looo J. and N. Philips & Co. .. looo Thos. Ashton & Sons, Hyde, looo Thos. Thomasson, Bolton . . looo Robert Ashton, Hyde . . . . looo James Chadwick, Eccles] .. looo Titus Salt, Bradford .. .. looo £ R. Milligan, M.P., Bradford looo Simpson, Thompson & Co.. 500 John Bright & Bros 500 George Foster, Sabden . . 500 Sir E. Armitage & Sons . . 500 W. B. Watkins, Manchester 500 Findlater & Mackie „ 500 F. Schwann, Huddersfield. . 500 H. & E. Ashworth, Bolton . . 500 James Heywood, M.P. .. 500 Richard Cobden, M.P 500 SalisSchwabe& Co. Manchtr. 500 E. Potter & Co. ,, 500 T. Whitehead & Bro., Raw- tenstall 500 The Revival Subscription. ;65 £ Thos. Taylor & Bros., Wigan 500 Heald, Wilson & Co. Manchr. 300 Chas. Potter, Darwen . . . . 300 Thomas Wrigley, Bury . . 250 Harvey, Tysoe & Co. Manchr. 250 Binyons, Robinson & Co. . . 250 Joseph Crook, Bolton . . . . 250 Hibberts & Alcock, Hyde . . 250 Thomas Turton & Sons, Sheffield 250 Proprietors " Examiner and Times" 200 Thomas Roberts, Manchester 200 John Goodair, Preston . . 200 John Hawkins, Preston , . 200 Wm." Bickham, Manchester 200 William Wilding, Padiham 200 Wm. Eckroyd & Son, Burnley 150 Joseph Schofield, Littleboro' 150 W. Allcard, Warrington . . 100 B. Nicholls, Manchester Rawlins ct Sons, Liverpool J. Marshall, Leeds R. Solly, Sheffield,. .. J. Wilkinson, Leeds . . Alexander Kay, Manchester Thomas Hunter, John Fildes, Alderman Bradford, William Bradford, William Woodcock, Thomas Johnson William Johnson, Wigan . . William Rawson, Manchester Richard Holroyd, Rochdale . . Joseph Livesey, Preston Goodier, Krauss & Co., Man- chester Thos. Woolley, Manchester £ 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Besides many subscriptions of ;£S'^j ^^'^^ other small sums. This subscription list amounted to close upon ^70,000 at the latter end of March, and was still increasing. That Mr. Cobden's prognostications, with respect to the tactics of the government, were not far from the mark, the following statement of Lord Derby, in the House of Lords, on March T5th, 1852, will show : — After announcing that the government did not intend to l)ropose any return to the policy of Protection, during the present session, nor at any future time, unless the government could command a great majority in Parliament, which could only be secured by an appeal to the country, he said : 366 Recollections of Cohden and the League. " When I appeal to the country I shall appeal to it in such language as this — Will you, be you Free-Traders or Pro- tectionists, who value the interests of the country — will you place confidence in and give your support to a government which, in the hour of peril and danger, did not hesitate to take the post when your helmsman had left the helm ? Will you support the government which is endeavouring to place your country in such a position as will render it. perfectly capable of resisting any hostile attack, and to maintain the peace of the world ? Will you support a government which is determined to uphold the Protestant institutions of this country, and to spread to the utmost of their power, religious and moral education throughout the land, and which will exert itself, I do not hesitate to say, to oppose a barrier against that continually encroaching democratic influence, which threatens to overwhehn the whole power and property of the country — an influence that is nominally in the hands of the masses, but is practically lodged in the hands of a few demagogues, who exercise it over the unthinking people? Will you support a government which will preserve inviolate the prerogatives of the crown, as well as the rights of your lord- ships' House, and the rights of the freely elected House of Commons ? These are the questions wliich, when I go to the country, I will make the appeal on. 1 will appeal on behalf of myself and the country, and in the words of the meanest felon in the dock, which are not unworthy of lacing uttered by the first Minister of the first Sovereign in the world^' I elect to be tried by my (iod and my country.'" Upon being Lord Derby's Appeal to the Country. 36 7 interrogated, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, a few days after, announced that the government intended to dissolve Parliament during the year, and not later than the autumn. From the date of the great meeting described above, the newly constituted League began work in earnest. Meetings were held, lecturers appointed and set to work, memorials were sent to Her Majesty, and all and every means that had been used previously, were now again put into operation. These operations continued till the dissolution of Parliament, on the ist of July, and the election of a new one, when all suspense and fear was removed by the return of a large majority in favour of Free-Trade, and the Aberdeen Cabinet, consisting of a coalition of Peelites and Whigs, being raised to power. My "Recollections of Cobden and the League" would be incomplete if I should omit to notice the negotiations on the French Treaty of i860, and the many untoward events relating to that memorable transaction. In the year 1859, Mr. Cobden found himself much embarrassed, by his engagements to meet calls upon American Railway Shares which he held, and in order to satisfy himself upon the character of his trans- atlantic investments, he paid a visit to the United States. The result of this visit, and his investigations, proved very disheartening, and to this disappointment was superadded the l)ainful recollection of business losses which he had pre- viously sustained. On his return from America, he j^aid me a visit, to take counsel upon his pecuniary affairs and prospects. At the same time he told me that he had 368 Recollections of Cohden and the League. found, awaiting his return home, an important letter from his friend Mons. Michel Chevalier, requesting that he would proceed to Paris, to confer with the Emperor Napoleon III. on the subject of a Treaty of Commerce betwixt France and this countiy. Before entering upon the details of Mr. Cobden's mission to Paris, I must give some account of an effort made on his behalf by Mr. Bazley, Mr. Slagg, and myself We approached with great delicacy some of the most ardent and wealthy of those who had shown their appreciation of Mr. Cobden's devoted public services, informing them of his j^osition and his anxieties, and whilst pressing them for aid, we did not hesitate to state that whatever money we might receive, it would not be publicly advertised, nor would e\en the names of the donors be made known to Mr. Cobden. We very soon obtained a subscription of more tlian forty thousand pounds, and Mr. Cobden never knew from whom the money had been received. The names of the subscribers to the last Cobden Fund were kept from him, out of respect to his feelings ; tlie decease of INIrs. Cobden makes it unnecessary to conceal them any longer, and I therefore ap])end the roll of lionour for the information of the i)ublic. TJie Cobdcn Fund of i860. 369 SUBSCRIPTIONS TO THE COBDEN FUND, i860. Thomas Thomasson Frederick Pennington Joseph Leese James Mellor Thomas Barnes T. B. Potter Sam Mendel Thomas Ashton and a Friend Butterworth and Brooks E. R. Langworthy. . Alexander Henry . . Robert Stuart James Dugdale, Jun. Edward Potter Eccles Shorrock . . John Pender and Co. George Thomas Copestake, Moore and Co. . . J. and J. Coleman. . The Rothschilds . . H. and E. Ashworth Thomas Bazley Pilkington, Brothers and Co. Samuel Gurney Samuel Morley £ s. d. 5000 1000 1000 1000 1000 500 500 750 500 . . . . . 500 500 500 500 500 500 500 500 500 500 500 500 500 500 500 500 V 370 Recollections of Cohdeii and ihc League. £ s. d. W. Leaf . . . . . . . . . . 500 o o James Kershaw .. .. .. .. 500 o o James Sidebottom.. .. .. .. 500 o o Wm. Hargreaves . . . . . . . . 500 o o John Slagg . . . . . , . , 500 o o John Piatt . . . . . . . . 500 o o George and John Crosfield . . . . . . 500 o o Sir Elkanah Armitage .. .. .. 500 o o George Moffat . . . . . . . . 500 o o Joseph Whitvvorth . . . . . . 500 o o F. Steiner . . . . . , . . 500 o o Henry Christy . . . . . . . . 500 o o J. B. Smith , , . . . . . . 500 o o Robert Piatt George Hadfield Ivie Mackie 500 o o 500 o o 500 o o J. and P. Coats . . . . . . . . 500 o o Mrs. Lock Crossley and Sons Titus Salt R. and J. S. Hodgson John Whittaker . . . . . . . . 500 o o James Burton Hugh Mason Benjamin Nicholls M. T. Tiass 500 o o 500 o o 500 o o 500 o o 300 o o 300 o o 300 o o 250 o o R.N.Philips .. .. .. .. 250 o o Sir James Watts . . . . . . . . 250 o o James Burton and Sons .. .. .. 200 o o TJic Cohdcii Fund of i860. ;7i Richard Fort Sir Morton Peto . . W. B. Watkins . . S. L. Behrens S. Ratcliffe and Sons Robert Heywood . . T. A. Mitchell, M.P. J. H. Macrae James Murray James Reiss John Holdsworth . . W. Horsfall B, M. Willcox, M.P. George Foster George Dewhurst . . A. Anderson E. Tennant and Co. Joseph Townsend . . William Hewitson.. William Ecroyd and Sons James Heywood . . Thomas Ashworth John Fenton Oxford Road Twist Co. Smith Harrison W. Holme James Chadwick . . Erskine Beveridge . . Julius Liepmann . . £ s. d. 200 o o 200 o o 200 o o 200 o o 100 o o 100 o o 100 o o 100 o o 100 o o 100 o o lOD O O 100 o o 100 o o 100 o o 100 o o 100 o o 100 o o 100 o o 100 o o 100 o o 50 o o 50 o o 50 o o 50 o o 50 o o 50 o o 50 o o 50 o o 2S O O 372 Recollections of Cobden and the League. Edward Smith — Stainforth William McConnel James McConnel . . Birmingham Subscriptions Glasgow Subscriptions Bradford Subscriptions Thomas Thomasson Banker's Interest Allowed £ s- d. 25 6 S 20 o o 100 o o 100 o o 1020 o o 2006 4 5 530 o o 1150 o o 654 ig 9 £40,531 10 10 Mr. Cobden did not fail to give expression to his gratitude for the generosity of the donors to the foregoing Fund, and especially for the services of Mr. Bazley, Mr. Slagg, and myself; but he simply and very feelingly made the request, that I would favour him with a list, under seal, of the names of the Sub- scribers to this fund, observing that at some future time, ])erhaps after his decease, his widow and his children might be desirous to know from whom they had derived so substantial a benefit. I therefore prepared and gave him the list of names, as desired, and after his decease, his Executors found the paper in his desk, with the seal still unbroken. The depressed state of feeling under which he suffered at this time, caused him to hesitate about accepting the invitation to Paris, and he also expressed misgivings about the propriety of his taking any personal part in negotiating commercial treaties. He con- sidered that it would be more dignified, to simply refer the Emperor to the example of this country, and the success of Mr. Cobden and the Emperor of the French. 373 the Free-Trade measures which England had already so tri- umphantly placed before the world. In a prolonged conver- sation which we had on the important interests involved in such a mission, and after taking into account the indifference of the French people to the study of political economy, it was concluded, that it might be of incalculable importance to the commerce of both countries, if he could so far overlook what he considered the independent and sound character of economic principles, as to undertake the proffered service pro- posed by the Emperor, and by such means assist to bring the two nations into more intimate relationship with each other. NEGOTIATION OF THE FRENCH TREATY. Mr. Cobden, after due consideration, finding himself released from the pressure of pecuniary troubles, took his departure to Paris, and was speedily presented to the Emperor by his friend Mons. Chevalier. His reception was most favourable, and the subject of the mission was immediately entered upon ; and he very soon arrived at a perfect understanding with the Emperor. He then returned to London, feeling confident that an opening lay before him for beneficial service to both countries, and he submitted to the cabinet of Lord Palmerston, the patriotic scheme which he had already initiated. The cabinet council after deliberation upon upon the matter, empowered him officially to undertake tlie contemplated sendee. Mr. Cobden proceeded again to Paris, and having before 374 Recollections of Cobdeu and the League. him the prospect of a prolonged absence from home, he was accompanied by Mrs. Cobden and their eldest daughter. He engaged a suite of rooms for business purposes, and found that a commission, with French experts, had been promptly appointed by the Emperor to confer with him. It was, of course, to be expected, that when a gentleman had undertaken from the government a trust of such magnitude and importance as the arrangement of a Commercial Treaty, he might count upon receiving the full confidence and support which was due to his appointment as special plenipotentiary ; but unhai^pily Mr. Cobden found it otherwise, and the hindrances which were afterwards thrown in his way, rendered the fact of his appointment by the Cabinet very unaccount- able, not to say ridiculous. It is matter of question, to what extent the altered views of the government, which soon became apj^arent by their acts, were to be attributed to the peculiar composition of our governing body, who are usually selected from the families of the nobility, and who for the most part, look upon commerce as not very genteel ; or how far the wicked idea, once so prevalent, that the French are our natural enemies, might have been excited in the Cabinet. Certain it is, that Mr. Cobden, whilst very earnestly engaged on the affairs of his mission, began to receive from certain members of the Cabinet, marks of obstructive treatment; and letters which indicated an impression, not to say an expectation, that he might as well resign his position, and abandon his purpose. Lord Palmerston chose this very time to announce in Parliament The French Invasion Paiiic. 375 his alarm about a French invasion of England. The pretended discovery of warlike preparations by the French, created a great sensation : the Premier said that he had observed a men- acing attitude on the part of the French, and he stated, as if on good authority, that an enormous fleet of ships of war (which he enumerated and described) was being prepared for this service. By such means, he succeeded in obtaining votes for ten or twelve miUions sterling, to be expended in fortifications, and produced an excitement not only in this country, but in P'rance also, which made Mr. Cobden's work almost im- possible, and which at home developed the military fervour, out of which sprung the volunteer movement. Mr. Cobden was appealed to in very excited language, by members of the French Administration, enquiring very impatiently, " ^Vhat are we to understand by your presence here, when we find that those who have appointed you on the Commission, are most unjustly reproaching us with designs of conquest by the invasion of your countrj^ ? Pray what can this mean?" The confusion and anger thus occasioned, required great coolness and ability on the part of Mr. Cobden to overcome ; but he appeared to thoroughly understand the insincerity of the plot which had led to this panic, and being well sustained in his efforts by Lord Cowley, our Minister at Paris, he was able, after a time, to reassure the French Ministry, who then allowed the negotiations for the Treaty to proceed. After the negotiations had recommenced, an unlooked-for visit to Mr. Cobden, by Captain Hore, R. N., who had been for 376 Recollections of Cob den and the I^cague. some time in Paris, led to friendly intercourse with Admiral Foulichow, of the French Navy, who, referring, in conver- sation, to the speech of Lord Palmerston, made it obvious that his lordship, in his enumeration of the French fleet of war vessels, must have included the French canal boats. Amongst the various protected manufactures of France, cotton held a prominent place, and those who were engaged upon this material had become serioush^ alarmed, and undertook a wide scheme of defence, by a parade of the advantages of the English manufacturers, and of their own inability to cope with them in skill and economy. On the part of the English cotton manufacturers, Mr. Slagg, Mr. M. Ross, and myself, were in attendance; and when we Avere ready to enter upon the subject, we were introduced (not to the French manufacturers themselves), but to a gentleman who was a member of the legal- profession, and who had been engaged by them, and had spent several months under training, with a, view to meet us in discussion. We very soon found that although he was thoroughly conversant with the technical phraseolog}' in relation to cotton spinning and weaving, he could not discourse upon the practical application of his knowledge, in any way except obstructively. The case of protection in cotton spinning, was not so much defended by practical evidence, as by the conclusions of a pamphlet, written by a gentlemen, w^ho appeared to have some superficial knowledge of the trade, and who liad recently visited a cotton mill at Oldham, in Lancashire. This pamphlet had been circulated \"cry widely in the manufacturing dis- The Protectionists in France. 2>11 tricts of France, and its great point was, that in this Oldham mill a profit of ^10,000 a year was being made from an invested capital of ;^3o,ooo, and so startling a disclosure necessarily made a profound impression in favour of French protection. I was the only member of the deputation who was practically acquainted with cotton spinning, and I was there- fore called upon to examine and reply to the allegations of the pamphlet in question, and I soon found that amidst a few facts, the writer had made a number of important omissions, as well as misrepresentations and errors, so that when the affairs of • this Oldham concern Avere fairly disclosed, the alleged profit of ;i^io,ooo a year became ;^3,ooo, or just 10 per cent, upon the capital. When our deputation had returned to Manchester, j\Ir. Cobden found it necessary to have us recalled to Paris, to renew the discussion upon a number of questions which were again raised, after having been, as we thought, previously settled. It will not be necessary to go at length into the many and varied interests with which Mr. Cobden had to deal; but when, after infinite pains, the terms of the Treaty had been agreed upon, Lord Palmerston actually refused to sign it; and he did not sign it, until a considerable amount of importunity and remonstrance had been brought to bear upon him. Mr. Cobden, on his return home, was received with great favour by the commercial public, and, at the request of some his friends, I undertook to wait upon a member of the Privy Council who was on terms of friendship with him, and I sub- mitted to him the propriety of making some public recompense 378 Recollections of Cobdcn and the League. to Cobden beyond the mere payment of his tavern bill of The subject was laid before the Cabinet, and I was informed, in reply, that no precedent had been found for rewarding any public service in the interest of commerce; but that Mr. Cobden might have a baronetcy if he liked, or he might have a salaried appointment under the govern- ment if one should offer, but that this would necessitate the vacation of his seat in Parliament. Cobden's services had not been naAal or military, and hence the absence of reward. The commercial importance of this Treaty, to the peoples of England and France, may be estimated by the appended figures exhibited in an address to the Chambers of Commerce and the people of France, by the Manchester Chamber of Com- merce, dated November 22nd, 1876 : — Year. Imports from France. Exports to France. 1858 ^13,271,890 ^9,242,201 T875 ^46,72o,ior ;;^27, 292,455 And the world-wide advantage of this 'I'reaty may also be seen from a i)aper Avhich was read in March, 1876, before the Statistical Society of London, by Professor I .cone Levi. It appears that since the Commercial Treaty witli France has l)een adopted, there ha\e been no less than 27 other 'J'reaties signed, betwixt the various nations of Europe, the beneficial effects of whicli may be estimated by tlic increase of trade whicli has followed. Benefits of the Treaty, &c. 379 COMPARISON OF SPECIAL IMPORTS AND EXPORTS IN THE YEARS i860 AND 1 87 4. Imports (Special). 0) jJ Ho ' Exports (Special). 2io i i860 1874 ►S ^ i860 1874 Austria .... 21,000,000: 57,000,000 171 26,000,000 44,000,000 69 Belgium 21,000,000 52,000,000 147 19,000,000 45,000,000 137 France .... 76,000,000 140,000,000 84 91,000,000 148,000,000! 63 Holland .... 25,000,000 54,000,000 116 1 20,000,000 42,000,000 no Italy (1862) 1 33,000,000 52,000,000 1 57 23,000 000 39,000,000 69 1 Ud. Kingdom 182,000,000313,000,000 1 72 136,000,000 240,000,000 76 77 Total ..;^ 358,000,000 668,000,000 86 '315,000,000 558,000,000 The increase of business, as indicated above, has amounted to 82 per cent., which must have had the effect of pro- ducing a corresponding increase of wealth and prosperity in these various countries. The increase of population over the same area, during the same period, has been only /"So per cent. In an article in the " Fortnightly Review," for March, 1877, Mr. J. Slagg quotes from a letter of Mr. Cobden's, written during the Treaty negotiations, as follows : — In May, i860, Mr. Cobden wrote of the French Treaty : — " The French Government have entered upon their new com- mercial policy, not for the benefit of England, but from an enlightened appreciation of the advantages it will confer on the people of France ; and were I to doubt the success of the 380 RtxoUcdions of Cohdcn and the League. experiment, or fear that they will not persevere in the career on which they have entered, I should be faithless to those principles the application of which has conferred such incal- culable advantages and blessings on my o\w\ countrymen. The present treaty will inaugurate a new era in the commercial intercourse of France and England, and it will only require a few years to develop that state of mutual dependence which forms the solid basis for the peace and happiness of nations." Again, in reference to the hindrances which he encountered from the English government in his work : — " When I filled the post of commercial traveller," he wrote, under the sense of this humiliation, " at the age of twenty, I was entrusted with more discretionary power than is now shared by Lord Cowley and myself, whilst filling the office of her Majesty's plenipotentiaries." Upon this subject Mr. Slagg writes as follows : — " The majority of the cabinet were clearly not very eager for Cobden's complete success. The tone of the court was hostile to the French Emperor, and, in the then nearly balanced state of political parties, the court had great influence. '■' '''" '■' M. Rouher was amazed that a commercial country like England should allow a great economical question to be treated in this contemptuous way. Here was a treaty of commerce between England and a nation of thirty-six millions of jjeople within two hours of its shores, probably the greatest event in her commercial annals, and it did not seem to create sufficient interest in the English government, to induce the President of the Board of Trade to remain a few days at his post, or Mr. Slagg on the French Invasion Panic. 381 even to leave an address Avhere a dispatch might find him. Cobden's great consolation under these discouragements, was in the faith that his work was only a step in the path which by a natural progress would lead eventually to perfect freedom of trade. " One of Cobden's first and chief difficulties in negotiating tlie treaty, lay in the abject fear of the handful of interested protectionists which ever swayed the action of M. Rouher and the Emperor. He expressed his astonishment that men who, when physical force was alone in question, could seize their opponents in bed and carry them off to prison, should be so wanting in moral courage as to be frightened by a handful of men whose only apparent claim for consideration was their own i)rivate interests, as against the well-being of the State. Yet their influence was so great as constantl}^ to imperil the success of the negotiations, and the business of the treaty had to be conducted almost secretly, so as to avoid their intrigues and obstructions. '■' ''•- * " Perhaps the chief difficulty which confronted Cobden in his work was the treatment he received from his own govern- ment. During Lord Palmerston's administration the air was full of rumours of French invasion, got up and promulgated, there is good reason to fear, solely for the purpose of frightening the people of this country into a huge expenditure on military preparations. Without one solid pretext, without a single mis- giving as to the conduct of the Emperor, Avhich could not have been dispelled by the most ordinary inquiry, the Premier raised the invasion panic, the newspapers wrote invasion 382 Recollections of Cob den and the League. articles, and the people blindly followed. In vain did Cobden plead, that a large addition to the expenditure should not be made until at least the terms of the treaty were sealed and published, so that the public might know what were the prospects of an extended commerce between the two countries, and then be in a position to judge whether it was wise to take any further precautions for the contingency of a rupture with our new customer. There were perhaps not more than two men in the cabinet who cared whether the expenditure of the government was a dozen millions more or less ; and just then, unfortunately, the country was nearly as indifferent as the government. Cobden had promised the Emperor that if he entered on a j^ath of Free-Trade without reserve, it would be accepted by the English people as a proof that he meditated a policy of peace. Yet in the midst of his labours upon the details of the tariff, in which he had every day fresh proofs of the honest intentions of the Emperor, there was a constant increase in tlie military preparations in England. Lord Palmerston's project for fortifying the British coasts at the cost of ten or twelve millions, and his constant allusions to France as the i)robable aggressor upon England, were a mockery and an insult to Cobden wlien engaged in framing a peaceful treaty of commerce ; and so keenly did he feel the sting and the humihation of this position, that had not his heart been too keenly in the work, he would probably have returned home, and directed his efforts to preventing the popular party from being committed to a policy so outrageous. " Cobden took enormous pains in gathering information Mi: Slagg oil the Reciprocity Agitation. 383 to prove that no such warHke intentions existed in the Emperor's mind ; that the naval preparations of France existed only in the brains of Enghshmen ; that our coast defences and ships were sufficient for all possible contingencies ; and that to tax the people for fortifications against a French invasion, was very like a plot to get possession of their money. Lord Palmerston was more disposed to lend an ear to the silly canards which were ingeniously manufactured for him by industrious panic-mongers, than to listen to the voice of fact and probability. '•' "'' * " It would indeed have been no matter for wonder if, under such a combination of adverse influences, the treaty had entirely collapsed. Cobden, however, supported by the Emperor, held bravely to his task; and, in November, 1S60, the treaty was signed, and a new era dawned on the commerce of the two countries." Mr. Slagg refers to the various attempts at reaction since i860 thus : — " In 1869 a Reciprocity Association was formed in Man- chester, which sought to account for the depression of trade then existing, by the importation of foreign goods in com- petitition with English industry. These gentlemen appeared . to think that because the French consumer would not buy in the cheapest possible market, it would mend matters here if we followed suit, and, by imposing duties, should cause our people to pay higher than was necessary for French products. This movement was of a purely party character, and incident- ally to throw discredit on the government of the day for other 384 Recollections of Cohdeit and the League. matters besides its treaty policy. Though it had only a feeble life, arid died almost in its birth, it is to be regretted that Manchester should have to bear the discredit of so ridiculous an exploit. " The next attempt to call in question the advantages of Mr. Cobden's work, emanated also, by a strange irony, from Manchester. In the session of 1870 a motion was made for a select committee to inquire into the operations of the French treaty, in regard to all branches of trade affected by it. Though the supporters of this motion disclaimed any intention of attacking the treaty, they evidently thought there was reason for the complaint that the lowering of our duties had acted injuriously on our working population, and it was necessary, even at that time of day, to explain in the House of Commons that the commercial policy of this country had ceased to foster the advantage of any class, or any industry, at the expense of the whole community. " Before the treaty was confirmed, the French millowners set their faces steadily against it, either on the open plea of pro- tecting themselves and their own industry, or under cover of a claim for wliat they termed compensation ; this claim being based on the idea that, as the English industry is in a position to produce fabrics cheaper than the French, it was only fair that a sufficient tax should be imposed on our products to place our producers on an exact level with those of France. ■'- " ''•• So great, however, was the influence of the manufacturers and their friends in the government, that the Corps Legislatif was forced to allow a jjarliamcntary inquiry into the Mr. Slagg on the Attempts at Reaction. 385 working of the treaty in general, and its influence on the cotton industry of France in particular. I attended that inquiry, with two colleagues deputed by the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, to give evidence in favour of the treaty and its principle, and to refute the gross exaggerations and misstatements which were put forward by the French protectionists. But we produced little effect. The affair was simply a Protectionist Trades Union, and must be recorded as one more effort on the part of men who knew, or ought to have known, better, to march back into the desert of pro- hibition and privilege." He also quotes the evidence of Mons. Chevalier to the following effect : — " It may be said, without exaggeration, that this wholesome policy, followed since i860, although restricted and timid as it must be in the outset, has added so much to the resources of France, that it enabled her to bear the heavy burdens arising from the tremendous war of 1870, including the sum, amounting to more than two hundred millions sterling, exacted from her by the victor." Higher testimony in favour of the treaty could hardly emanate from a higher authority, for he continues, " If, then, Free-Trade has produced such fruits, even when some of its largest roots are wanting, and some of its finest branches cut off, what will it not produce when all its roots and branches are allowed to develop themselves freely and fully ?" Expressing his own opinion of commercial treaties in general, Mr. Slagg says : — 386 RccoUcctious of Cohden and the League. " The time has now arrived when economists in both countries should put aside all subterfuges and compromises, and go in boldly for the advocacy of absolutely free exports and imports between the two countries, nor should they rest content with anything short of that, ^^"e have practised the commercial goose-step long enough by the treaty system, and it is surely time to quick-march. "We shall of course be confronted with the usual wail about loss of revenue. But our French friends may take heart from the experience of this country, where the same cr)' was raised. The aggregate estimated loss of customs' revenue from reductions and repeal of duties between 1840 and 1869, amounted to more than ^^23, 000, 000, and yet we are able to draw almost as much revenue from customs in 1869 as in 1840. Our export trade rose from the almost stationary sum of ;^5o,ooo,ooo in 1840, to so great a total as ^190,000,000 'w\ 1869. And this is of course independent of the increased prosperity which accompanies such a trade, and the corres- pondingly increased area for direct taxation." Mr. Slagg concludes his very able article as follows : — " As to the forthcoming arrangement of a new commercial treaty with France, it rests, in the absence of a jjroper organ- ization for administering the question, mainly with the com- mercial community and their representatives in Parliament to deal with. Let us hope that on our side a determined stand will now be made for Free-Trade, pure and simple, and that the Free-Traders of France will second us by repeating the famous old answer which the French mercliants gave to Rrcision of the Ftench Treaty of rSyy. 387 Colbert, when he asked them how he could best promote commerce — Laissez nous fat re P MR. COBDEN'S MINOR UNDERTAKINGS. The French Treaty of i860 is now under revision, and with- out in any way reflecting upon the men who are engaged in the work on the English side, it may fairly be affirmed that success in the negotiation in the Free Trade sense, would be much more certain, if we had now a Cobden to undertake the task. His clear intellect, his great experience, his powers of argument and his suavity of manner, would be invaluable. His pamphlet on Russia, Turkey, and England, although a third of a Century old, reads as if it had been written by an observer of present events, and after the lapse of more than a generation the nation at large is only now adopting his views. Mr. Cobden was a most simple- minded man, endued with a profound faith that what is right in principle, cannot be wrong in practice. He was a thorough believer in the value of personal freedom, in freedom of thought and expression, and its consequent freedom of action. He lent valuable assistance to the movement which repealed the advertisement duty, the Newspaper stamp duty, and the Excise on the manufacture of paper; together with the law which obliged the proprietors of newspapers to find securities against the publication of libels, and which also obliged them to register every printing press. The practical outcome of tliese measures has been, to reduce the Times Newspaper from 388 Recollections of Cobden and the League. six-pence to three-pence, the Daily News and Standard from four-pence half-penny to one penny each per copy, to double the size, and vastly imi)rove the quality of our provincial papers, reducing them at the same time from four-])ence half-penny to one penny each, to inaugurate a considerable number of half-penny papers, and to so increase newspapers generally, that there is now scarcely a populous village in the land without its local organ. Workmen in London instead of going to the public-house in the evening to hear the paper read, can now have the Daily News or Standard delivered at their houses before breakfast in the morning, and thus become promptly acquainted v»ith, and able to take an intelligent part in discussing the affairs of the' nation, and even the most im- portant events of the world at large. Mr. Cobden's i)olitical career commenced as we have seen, when the nation was suffering from a series of bad harvests, and when nearly every foreign import was heavily taxed ; so that while Home Trade was impossible because of scarcity, foreign trade was made equally impossible by legal enactments. People in England died for want of work and food, wliilst corn rotted in Russia, in Turkey, and in America, for want of purchasers, and the growers thereof were only half clothed, for want of the manufactures which English workmen were begging their employers to be allowed to produce. All this Mr. Cobden saw, and he thought that the facts which were so clear to him had only to be laid before the public, in order to secure entire freedom of trade, and by its means also to establish, what in his mind was at least ec]ually im])ortant, international peace. The Character of Air. Cobden. 389 I can bear witness to the truth of the statement made by liim at the final meeting of the League, that he ahvays went before the pubUc with reluctance ; I know him to have been a devoted husband and a most affectionate father, and hence I infer that when he determined to go into the agitation for the repeal of the Corn and Provision Laws, he must have sadly miscalculated the amount of labour necessary for the purpose. He never could have reckoned on the frequent and prolonged absences from home which became necessary, during the process of the agitation, for he intended to give liberally to the sustentation fund, and to be only an honorary worker for the cause; and could never have foreseen the commercial failure which arose from his entire devotion to the interests of the public. Mr. Cobden very soon became not only the leader, but the very personification of the League ; he was necessary to its existence ; and the Council by endeavouring to compensate him for his trading losses and thus to retain his further services, acted in their own interests, as well as for the best interests of the country. At a later period Mr. Bright took a full share of the work, and contributed freely of his pecuniary wealth, in addition to his splendid oratorical and argumentative talents. But whilst other men gave of their superfluities, to advance the cause of freedom and prosperity, Mr. Cobden, the leader of the League, and Mr. George Wilson, the Chairman of the Council, each gave his whole living. INIeasured by the success attained by other men in Mr. Cobden's trade, the gifts made to him, like the ^10,000, voted to Mr Wilson, and the Library presented to Mr. Bright, were the merest acknowledgments 390 Recollections of Cohdcn and the League. of splendid services, which still left the Subscribers and the nation at large very much their debtors. It will be interesting here to observe, that a sum of about ^i,ioo, which remained after payment of all demands against the League, was put out to interest ; and that after some twenty years accumulation, it sufficed to give p^2,ooo, to endovv- the chair of Political economy in the Owens College, Manchester, and left enough to solace the last days of Mr. James Acland, one of the most active and talented of the League Lecturers, who was disabled by paralysis for a year or two before his death. Many people seem to think and speak as if the Tariff reforms accomplished by Sir Robert Peel, and those added by his most accomplished disciple Mr. W. E. Gladstone, had, so far as England is concerned, fulfilled the requirements of the theory of Free-Trade ; but this was not the opinion of Mr. Cobden, for he sanctioned the doctrines of the Liverpool Financial Reform Association, which require the abrogation of all import duties, and the abolition of all indirect taxation, together with such a reform of, the laws which regulate the transfer of land, as will enable it to pass from hand to hand as freely as Railway or Bank shares. And there is no doubt that great as is the benefit we now enjoy from the measure of free- trade already accomplished, there lies before us a still wider field for beneficial works in the future. A fitting tribute was paid to the memory of the League and Mr. Cobden by a distinguished Frenchman, thirty years after its labours had ended. In May 1875, Mons. Chevalier was entertained at the Mons. CJievaller on Cobdcn and the League. 391 Queens Hotel, Manchester, by the Chamber of Commerce, when, in replying to a toast, he said, '' The memory of Richard Cobden was to be connected for centuries with the history of the Chamber of Commerce, because he was the consummation of a deed which their body had achieved in the formation of the celebrated Anti-Corn-Law-League, to the indefatigable exertions of which was due the total change in the commercial policy of Great Britain. The rules established by the laws of the Realm, for international Commerce, had had for their foundation, privilege and monopoly. The Anti-Corn-Law- League rose against these abnoxious mistakes, and worked hard to have them erased from the Statute Book. It undertook to have them replaced by sound principles, in conformity with equity, and the general interests of the country. It published a declaration of rights, in accordance with the wants of the nation, and in accordance also with its best wishes. The device inscribed on its flag was "Freedom of Labour" in every shape, and it soon attracted the attention and lively solicitude of a great number of Englishmen. The leaders of the Anti-Corn-Law-League had so strong a conviction, they bore so evident a mark of disinteres- tedness, everything like ambition was so clearly absent from their minds, that in the course of two years the great mass of the English nation was converted to their creed. The power of the League became irresistable. They wanted money to enable them to diffuse useful publications, and immediately subscriptions poured into their coffers. The largest rooms which their orators opened to the public were too narrow for the audiences, and the Free-Trade policy gained the favour of 392 Recollections of Cobden and the League. public opinion, and of many members of Parliament before it was officially voted and accepted; but at last in Feb. 1846, the principle was proclaimed by Sir Robert Peel, to the great satisfaction of the League, and to the astonishment of all the nations of Continental Europe. Members of this Chamber of of Commerce fought that memorable Ixittle where no blood was spilt, no treasure squandered ; and as the result of which, the comfort of all classes, but especially of the labouring classes of the United Kingdom, were so much increased. The names of these men, so deserving to be })reserved for ages, ouglil to be inscribed in letters of gold on the walls of the meeting room of the Chamber of Commerce of Manchester. The first name would be that of Richard Cobden ; next would come the name of John Bright; and the President of that e\-ening, Mr. Edmund AsliAvorth partook with his brother Henry Ashworth, the honour of having been from the first one of the most devoted and most resolute members of the League." APPENDIX REC0LLECTI0N3 RICHARD COBDEN, M. P, Jlttli-lottt-law j«ii APPENDIX RELATING TO IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. AS I have already explained the policy and proceedings of the League, which led to the overthrow of the Corn Law and other monopolies, it has now become my pleasing duty to supply, from the evidence of the Board of Trade, what have been the anticipated results, namely, an enormous increase of our national commerce, as denoted by the published returns of our Imports and Exports. In order to render the subject more familiar, I propose to l)lace before you in parallel columns, the several amounts of each, with a view to facility of comparison of the two periods, namely, that of 1 840-1-2, which was before the repeal of the Corn Law, and that of the years 1872-3-4, which fairly in- dicates the results of the repeal of the Corn Law and other monopolies. A careful perusal and comparison of these returns, afford- ing as they do a veiy accurate measure of our national prosperity, will supply a valuable lesson in economic science, and fully demonstrate the importance of statistics, when 4 Appendix. rightly used. It will be readily seen, that a single page of figures may often convey more pregnant meaning than a whole essay of descriptive or historical matter. I may here remark that however little any of us can ])redi- cate of the future, nevertheless Ave may, through e\il report or good report, always rely with safety ui)on correct principles of action. Throughout the course of the agitation for Corn Law repeal, Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, and their colleagues, declared most emphatically in favour of the sound principle of inter- national freedom of exchange, and against those laws which prevented this freedom ; showing the impolicy of " protection,"" which sought to force upon each nation the necessity to pro- duce for itself not only those articles for which its climate and soil, and the aptitude of its peoi)le most fitted it, but also those necessaries, conveniences, and luxuries, for which they were least fitted. l>y way of contrast wliat sliall be said of tlie policy of tlieir opponents, who declared that it was neither right nor safe to become dependent upon foreigners for the chief necessaries of life. That this was the infiituated policy of the leading statesmen of tlie tory protectionist school of the j^criod re ferred to, may be gathered from the ex])ressions of alarm of the late Lord Derby, who made a most unauthorised assertion (before alluded to,) tliat a single small district of Russia would overwhelm this country with wheat, and as the English farmer could not grow wheat at less than 80/- a quarter, they would be ruined. The late Sir Robert Peel said, tliat to repeal the Com Law Appendix. 5 would add agricultural to manufacturing distress, and so bring ruin upon the whole country. The late Sir James (Iraham, finding himself confronted with most painful facts of tlie manufacturing distress, incpiired very bluntly of the deputation before him, whether they thought that these distressed people conceived that they had some claim upon the property of the landlords ? His Grace the Duke of Wellington, who appeared to know less of economic science than about fighting, undertook to say, that the existing distress was due, not to the Corn Law, but to bad trade and to the want of employment, and that he had never heard that parliament could deal with such matters. Regardless of the political pretensions indicated by the above cabinet ministers and their adherents, the Council of the League continued to give expression to their fullest con- fidence, that our dependence for supplies of bread from foreign countries, was rendered eminently safe by reason of the plurality of the sources of supply, and that it was also equally safe by reason of the dependence of foreign countries upon us, for their supplies of clothing, and the untold number of other articles of British manufacture of primaiy necessity and convenience. To all sensible observers it had become obvious, that if our English farmers could not grow wheat as cheaply as foreigners, such a fact would imply either want of skill or capital, or that they were paying the landlord too much rent for his land. It was generally denied by those who are called the upper ten thousand, that the maintenance of the Corn Law was a 6 Appendix. landlord's (jucstion, altliough it Avas occasionally admitted by the less astute amongst them, that a decrease of rents would render the payment of mortgage interest difficult, and the ])rovision of daughters' dowries impossible. The correctness of the views entertained by the League, may be estimated l)y the \ariety and abundance of social and national advantages which have become apparent in ever)' direction, as the result of the removal of restrictions upon our international trade. This may be said to amount to a prac- tical extension of the area of our country. Our farmers, no longer affrighted by the cheap fiarming of foreigners, have embarked their capital, drained their land, improved their agricultural machinery, and thus the produce of the home land has been largely increased; meanwhile they have also increased the wages of their labourers ; and it may be added, that although the population of the country has increased by about J 7/^ per cent, since 1841, the extent of pauperism has been diminished by upwards of 25 per cent, during the same period. The increased means of sustenance from abroad are abun- dantly apparent in the returns ijublished by the Board of Trade, but it may be of importance to notice some particular items of the account. Previous to the repeal of the Corn Law, .say about the years 1840-1-2, our im])orts of wheat and wheaten flour would average about three millions of quarters per annum, and at the ]:)resent time they are from ten to sixteen millions, being an increase of more than 300 per cent., and of other corn the increased imports amount to 2,443 per cent. Appendix. 7 The importation of foreign cattle, which was previously prohibited, has now reached 200,000 head, besides 1,300 tons of beef, 800,000 sheej) and lambs, and 140 tons of liams and bacon, annually. It may desene remark in passing, that such an immense importation of animal food has not ruined our stock farmers, but that on the contrary, an advance of 50 per cent, in the price of butchers' meat has been sustained. Butter and Lard, being no longer.'* spoiled " at the Custom House, have been received in greatly enlarged quantities, the former to the extent of 450 per cent., and the latter 4.374 l)cr cent. The increase of cheese has been 476 per cent., of eggs 574 per cent., of currants and raisins 250 per cent., of rice 1,329 per cent., of sugar 255 per cent., of tea 413 per cent, and of potatoes 103,177 per cent. The increased import of raw silk has been 66 per cent., of sheep and lambs' skins 558 per cent., of goats' skins 1,173 PS'" cent., of sheep's wool 539 per cent., of BerHn wool and yarn 16,796 per cent., of metals, 5,436 per cent., of hemp and jute 310 per cent., and of raw cotton 179 ])er cent. When we come to consider the enormous amount of human food, and the raw material for manufactures, thus brought to our markets for consumption, we may reasonably conclude, that our former starvation came of protection, so called, and that commercial freedom has happily restored abundance of food and employment to our people. Our export trade, the twin sister of our imports, has also S Appendix. become Increased in the i)eriod of free trade, in the following proportions, (in addition to our increased supplies for home use,) namely : — Cotton yarn 70 per cent., cotton piece goods 467 per cent, printed and dyed goods 229 per cent., and of mixed materials 1 82 1 per cent. Of ai)parel and slops the increase is 455 per cent, of millinery 967 per cent, of linen and jute yams 76 per cent, of linen manufactures 160 per cent, Avhilst of jute manufactures, whicli in the former period were wholly insig- nificant, the amount now annually exijorted is 97.732,660 yards. The increase in the export of silk yarn is 2,041 per cent, of silk manufactures 215 per cent., of woollen and worsted yam 646 per cent., of woollen manufactures 552 jxr cent The exports of iron shew an increase of 741 per cent., of steel 4,993 per cent., of brass 1,120 per cent., and of zinc 1,729 per cent. Of earthenware the increased export is 234 per cent., of hardware and cutlery 230 per cent., of steam engines 1,028 per cent, and of otlier machinery 1,987 per cent Of coal and other fuel the increase is 628 per cent., of cement, (formerly nominal,) we now export 4,452,180 cwts., of chemical jjroducls the increase is 1,164 per cent., and of boots and shoes, fornicrl\ an insignificant trade, we now export about ,/^ 2,000,000 in value annually, showing an increase of 648 per cent. The total value of our Imports in 1840 was jQ62,oo4,ooo. and the average for each of the }ears 1872-3-4, was jQ3^5j3S4^5^S^ shewing an increase of 489 per cent The value of the I'^xjjorts of Britisli Produce in 1S40 was j[^ 1, 308,"/ 40, and the average for each of the years 1S72-3-4. Appendix. 9 was jQ2^o,j26,6go, shewing an increase of 387 per cent. To give a concise and clear view of the progress of the period above referred to, as respects a few of the necessaries of hfe, I api)end an extract from Tlie Financial Reform Almanac for 1876, shewing the quantities per head of the l)opulation, imported in 1842 and in 1874. Average annual imports per head of the following articles : — 1842. ^874. Bacon and Hams .. .. 0.2 lbs. 7.84 lbs. Butter 0.75 ,, 5.51 ,, Cheese 0.74 ,, 5.03 ,, Wheat and Wheat Flour. , 52.41 ,, 162. 11 „ Potatoes 0.05 ,, i3'77 » Rice I. or ,, 10.18 ,, Sugar 16.04 >. 56.37 » Tea 1.38 „ 4.23 „ So that every family in the country is, on the average, in- debted to the foreigner for about 2^4 lbs. of bread stuffs, and ?4^ lbs. of sugar per day; for j lbs. of bacon, for ]4. lb. of I)utter, for 23^ lbs. of cheese, for one lb. of rice, and for .\ lb. of tea per week. Directing attention to the following array of figures, which denote our interchange of commodities, how manifestly do these facts indicate that the human race constitute only one family, that we are all necessary to each others comfort, that there is only one Father, and that the whole world is kin. — Th 00 o CO bO O^C<} roNO ON in CO I* On w r^ P u-l ■* 01 01 CO tJ-nO O- >-■ w On as\0 t-^iO'-'C/S O loO u-iM O LOTl-r^O OCO OO '^L^'^'^'*"^ 0^ O^CrlO^^OMT^q_-^roC^a^ t-;-CO_ r; , <:?>vd" o o •^viT rf irico' r^ o^" cT )h" in^' Tj- o ON u-1 M I-' 1 CO O « u-1 CiCO m •* O 't- 0\N0 OJTl-roOf^'-'-^Oi-it^ m" c^ i-T m" t^ cn n ih m o Tt- in M >0 Tt W HI M Q "w CO NO 00 O IT) "O 1-1 00 \0 •^00 >-< m >0 lO N 00 in in •^ vo>-iONMio>-ir->o •^^ o ro n r^co m onO n ro rr m < 00 On O t^ 1-1 1-1 (V,00 On 1-1 M >n t^ -rf rOVO ro ^^^ ^ ^ '^ ^ fnoo c-r w" ci T? ^ On r^ On in d~ o' oi ro r^ Lo r^ fo -"f no po H On in rh^ Cn t1-nO i-(>-i(NCONOOroiN mCO On N m Oi Mt^inM oONCJi-i'-i'^O'^ON'i^inro rnv3 r>. 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ULl. ^ ^ti» ID -r REC'D lO-URL- FEB J 5198} MAY «{; IVI 11 Form La-25w-9,'47(A5619)444 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELG8 3 1158 00848 8297 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY AA 001 014 529