THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE <^(CVfctr0 -^r /^z (-JvV)-S^v/p/n2>e^ 5 lv because his father took him, when very young, into his own sliip to teach him the rudiments of his destined profession, and, occasionally, employed him in such menial offices as were likely to in- struct him in the ordinary duties of the service. Analogous to these misrepresentations is R. Sy- monds's account of the origin of Bradshaw, the Prer-ident of the High Court of Justice — "Brad- shaw, the most impudent lawyer that judged the King to die, was the son of a collar- maker in Chester."* This reputed parentage may have been truly stated, but Symonds might have remarked * Historical Notes, p. 82. D 34 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. that the family of Bradshaw, or Bradshaigh, to which the President l^elonged, was one of the oldest and best in Lancashire. Clarendon, indeed, says that " the lawyers employed against the King were conspicuous only from their obscurity;"* but he only means that they were not known as leaders of the bar, which was probably the truth, for they were juniors, and, as such, naturally in search of employment, and indifferent as to the quarter from whicli it was to come. Party is a barrister's voca- tion, and generally his surest road to promotion; and who ever condemns a young lawyer for taking up with any political party — or credits him with sincerity in the expression of any political opinions ? Here and there we may find one who prefers his principles to his interests, but the case is rare, and the man " a monster." Bradshaw, no doubt, was in want of a lucrative employment, and embraced the one offered to him without any scruples of conscience. His detractors might have been content with stigmatizing his poverty, but had no right, or no valid grounds, to defame his origin. This calumny was of a piece with those heaped upon the other regicides. With these, and similar instances of the perver- sion of facts before us, we can hardly be surprised to hear that E-icliard Deane " hegcm his career as the servant of ' one Button' a hoijman of Ipswich ;'' nor * " Conspicuous from their absence" the facetious saying for which a Prime Minister of our own times has heen sufficiently laughed at, as if it were an importation from the Green Isle, is, after all, neither so Hibernian nor so original as we have been taught to consider it. HIS OEIGIN AND EDUCATION. 35 that " wlien the loar began he was a matross of artil- lery ;^^ that he had been "« hoy man, as his father had been before him,'''' and " a boatswain on board of a man-of-iDar'" — all which has been said of him by different pamphleteers, utterly unconscious that if even half of these loose assertions could be proved, they would amount to the greatest possible compli- ment which could be paid to the genius and abilities of the man who from such an humble origin could rise so rapidly to such high distinction. II. There is however, generally speaking, some substratum of truth even under the most gigantic superstructure of fables. "We can believe, there- fore, that Eichard Deane in his boyhood may, like Sir William Penn and others, have acquired the rudiments of his destined profession in the humble situation of an apprentice to a shipmaster — the owner of a mercantile vessel belonging, per- haps, to Ipswich, and that the name of his master may have been '-'■ Button^'' — a name, from its vestiary associations, sufficiently ridiculous and vulgar to have belonged to a " skipper," and therefore a very convenient one to be cast in the face of a General at sea under the Commonwealth by his detractors under the Restoration. But this merriment was not only ill-applied, but a proof of gross genealogical ignorance in those who used it, for " Button " is, in truth, one of the most ancient of English family names, and was borne by knights and squires before half of our D 2 36 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. present nobility, and some of them of the very highest rank, had emerged from their plebeian ob- scurity. Eor " one" Button may be seen, in cross- legged effigy, in Bitton^ church, Gloucestershire; and Byton^ in Herefordshire, or Bigliton in Hamp- shire, may have sent forth others ; since " Button " is but a corruption of Bitton or Blton, and has nothing whatever to do with the fastenings of our garments, which, in the days of the Plantagenets, when the name first appears, were tied with "points" or strings, and were altogether innocent of any such contrivance as buttons ! But " Bitton " converted into Button is, after all, not so ludicrous as the parallel transformation of "Mytton" into ^^ 3£utton "' in the person of Sir Robert Mytton, appointed Governor of Moissac by Sir John Chandos.f The name is so spelt by Barnes, in his life of that great warrior, and he cites for his authority " The True Use of Armory.'^ The probability is, that the " Button of Ipswich " of 1625 — 1640 was, rather, the Button of Harwich, which was a Royal dockyard, and that he was a captain in the King's service. Eor there were at that time three well-known captains of that name * This effigy was found in 1826, in the churchyard, and has been carefully preserved, in a chapel of the church, by the Rev. H. T. Ellacombe. The knight bears a heater shield charged with a fesse. A branch of this Button family was settled at Toekcham Court, Wilts, the head of which was ad- vanced to a baronetcy in 1621. Sir Robert Button, the third baronet, died 1679. His sister was wife of Clement M'alkcr, the author of " 17ic History of Independency.'^ This tends to connect the Buttons with the Dissenting Interest, and helps to bring them closer to Richard Deane, an Independent. Vdleat quantum valet. f Johnes's Froissart, iii. 437. niS ORIGIN AND EDUCATION. 37 in the Royal Navy, i^elations of the celebrated Sir Thomas Button of the " Antelope,'" who, April 5th, 1612, was appointed to command the expedition, fitted out under a Commission signed by Henry Prince of Wales, for the purpose of exploring a north-west passage to the Indies,* and thus became one of the early precursors of our Parry s and- Eranklins, and their bold and scientific successors, the heroes of the North Pole. Sir Thomas Button was also at the head of the Company of Merchant Adventurers, to whom we owe our first footing in India. This Sir Thomas Button, we are further assured, was a kinsman of Oliver St. John, who was a near relation of the famous Parliamentarian statesman of that name — a cousin of Oliver Cromicell.i This brings the families of Button and Cromwell into such close afiinity as to authorise (as we find it did) the carrying of the banner of Button in the funeral procession of The Frotector ; and, if Sir J. PrestwichJ is correct in stating that the banner was that of Cromwell impaling Button, it follows that there must have been a marriage between these two families — that a Cromwell must have married a Button. In the progress of this memoir I shall adduce reasons for believing that Richard Deane himself was in some way related to Cromwell. Supposing his affinity proved, the legend of " One Button, a * Bruce 's Index to the State Tapers. f Ibid. p. 309. % " Respublica," sec frontispiece. 38 MEMOIR 0¥ GENERAL DEANE. hot/man of Ipswich" may be resolved into the tradi- tion of " One Button," captain of a man-of-war, of Harwich, a connexion by marriage of Oliver Crom- well. What then more likely than that E^ichard Deane, a distant relation, should have made his first essay of the sea in a ship commanded by " One Button " (either Edward or "William, both nephews of Sir Thomas Button, or Martin Button, a cousin) who was a captain in active service when Bichard Deane was a boy ? In this ship he may have risen to the rank of a " boatswain," and thus one of the traditions of his education may be reconciled with probability. That part of the tradition which represents him as having joined the Parliamentarian Army as a matross of artillery in 1642 is so far supported, inasmuch as there is an antecedent probability that he would enter into that corps, for, among the " Eighteen Gentlemen of the Ordnance " in the list of the army of the Earl of Essex, we find the name of Edward TFcise, which was the maiden name of Bichard Deane's mother.* Nothing more likely, therefore, than that he should have attached himself to that branch of the service in whicli a near relative was an ofiicer, and especially if by a previous service on board of a man-of-war he had acquired the knowledge of working great guns. Before, however, we proceed to investigate the real origin and family conditions of Bichard Deane, it may be worth while to sec what the enemies of * ycc Tcdiiivoc, Infra. HIS ORIGIN AND EDUCATION. 39 the cause in which he drew his sword said of him seven years after his death, when his services to his country were ignored in the recollection of his one unpardonable crime — the signature of his name to the death-warrant of the King. 1. " He was formerly," says Heath,* " a hoyman's ser- vant ; and, when the war broke out, was a matross in the train of artillery, from which he rose to a captain's com- mission, and, being a cross fellow, was thought fit to be one of Cromwell's complices to execute his plots against his sove- reign." Such is the testimony of Heath, which would be more credible if the writer himself had not required testimonials to his own character, better than the followins: : " Heath was the son of the Kins^'s cutler, a needy man, and wrote and corrected books for his maintenance. He is a writer of the meanest caste, on all accounts. His falsehood is only equalled by his low and scandalous scurrility." f " Nothing that Heath says is worthy of credit, unless well corroborated by better testimony." | 2. Heath is, however, equalled, if not surpassed, in scurrility by Winstanley, another litterateur of the Restoration, who says : " He (Deane) was a fellow of mean origin, being first an hoyman's servant at Ipswich, who at the beginning of the war, to raise his despicable fortunes, betook himself to the army, and was a matross of artillery, — a laborious post, and fitted for such a scoundrel." * Chronicle, p. 19fi. + Noble's Life of Cromwell. X Arrest of the Five Members, Forster, p. 178. 40 MEMOIR or GENERAL DEANE. 3. Heath and Winstanley seem to have derived their information, such as it was, from Dr. George Bates, a physician, an " Observer^'' as he calls himself, " of the Meg icicles,''^ who was originally in the service of Cromwell, and afterwards in that of Charles the Second, to whom he was, probably, recommended by his political tergiversation, as much as by his professional skill ; for the book which he published in 1661 shows as much bit- terness against his former party, as his liberal education and associations would permit. In this little book (lihellus in Latin, and libellous in English) he gives a somewhat circumstantial account of B^ichard Deane, which has the merit of being free from the scurrility of Heath and Win- stanley, who have pilfered from him, and "im- proved " upon his ignorance. " He was brouoht up by a hoynian belonging to the town of Ipswich, and, afterwards going to sea, was hoatsivain of a ship. But the wars coming on, he goes forth into the army, and there tlu'ives in many successive employments, because a man of like principles with them who then had the dominion, viz. the Sectarian (which was the greatest) part of the army. When the King's death was contrived among them, this Colonel Deane was a very forward busie body to promote and countenance it. He was one of the High Court of Jw-justice ; seals the warrant for the murther ; and, with Harrison and Ireton, appoints the place of execution. After which he continued with the army and went into Scotland with Cromwell, when he conquered the covenanting pro- fessors, where he was a colonel of horse ; and finally he was made one of the generals at sea, Avith Blake and j\Ionk, in the fights wdiich were made with the Dutch. But in the second fight with them, he, encouraging the seamen, was HIS ORIGIN AND EDUCATION. 41 shot in pieces witli a cannon bullet, and all the remains of liim which they could find were conveyed by water, in a solemn manner, to Westminster, and buried in the chapel of King Henry the Seventh." Erom Dr. Bates's position in the Court of Crom- well, we may expect him to know something* about a man so lately and so gloriously killed in battle, and so honourably buried at the expense of the nation. But from sundry inaccuracies in J lis ac- count we must conclude that he had no personal knowledge of his subject, and that his report, in some points correct, is upon the whole not to be relied upon. Dr. Bates does not appear to have known the date or place of birth or parentage of E/ichard Deane ; nor the name of the shipmaster of Ipswich to whom he is said to have been first apprenticed. But he confidently states that from this (mercantile) service he entered the Koyal Navy ; or, what is equivalent, that he *' went to sea " and became a " boatsioain.'^ The " hoy " was a coasting trader — possibly from London to Ipswich ; a boatsivain was a warrant officer in the King's navy, appointed by j:he Lord High Admiral, or general at sea, wiio, when.Ptichard Deane is said to have obtained the promotion, was the Earl of Northumberland. There is no proof of this ap- pointnaent, so far as I can find, in the State Paper Office, which abounds in such nominations and confirmations. I cannot, therefore, give a positive denial to this tradition or report ; but there are many letters in that collection in the handwriting 42 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. of Eichard Deane, the style and orthography of which immistakeably denote an education utterly incompatible with the legend of the " hoyman's servant " or the " common mariner." In correct- ness of spelling and clearness of expression these letters are greatly superior to the ordinary style of Cromwell, who had received an university educa- tion. At the time when Richard Deane is said to have joined the army as a matross of artillery, he was upwards of thirty years of age.* Up to this period we are expected to believe that he had been a common sailor, first on board of a hoy, and then of a man-of-war. What opportunities could he have had of learning to read and write under such circumstances, or of writing and expressing him- self so well as we know he did ? He could have had none. The inference, therefore, is that he had received a good education on land before he " went to sea;" and that he "went to sea" only, as he afterwards entered the army, as a volunteer, to qualify himself for higher commands by making himself familiar with the grammar of his art. Por this was the usual fashion of the times. Young men of the best families often began their sea life as cabin boys, and not infrequently in merchant vessels, which were generally well armed for pro- tection against the pirates, by whom the English Channel was much infested in those days. This was esteemed the best school of the navy, and in this were educated such men as Penn, Lawson, * See next ebaptcr. HIS ORIGIN AND EDUCATION. 43 Batten, and otlier scarcely less distinguished officers who commanded ships and fleets in the Dutch wars. In this sense, and in no other, can I heheve that Richard Deane " grew from a common mariner to the reputation of a bold and excellent officer."* 4. Clarendon, who says this of him, did not know him personally; but was too just and generous an adversary to give currency to any report which he knew to be false. The "^oy," and the '' servitude, ^^ and the " lahorioiis post of a matross,^' are omitted as unworthy of belief or mention ; and the historian limits himself to two facts — one of them traditional, and the other certain — that Richard Deane was originally a sailor before he became a soldier ; and that in either capacity he was " a bold and excellent officer." 5. After Clarendon, it may seem superfluous to cite any other authority, but there is one writer who, although anonymous, pretends to an intimate acquaintance with the personal history of the sub- ject of this memoir. He was the author of a tract entitled " Lives of the King Killers J' published in 1719, to rouse the sluggish loyalty of the nation, after the Scotch insurrection of 1715. The friends of the revolutionary dynasty of the Guelphs thought that they should strengthen the Hanoverian cause by shomng how, and by whom, the second Stuart had been brought to the block, forgetting that, in * Claremlou, History of the Rebellion, iii. p. 38. 44 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. the eyes of half the kingdom, George the Eirst was as much an usurper as Oliver Cromwell himself. The life of R^ichard Deane is thus related and commented upon by the anonymous E^oyalist, who does not even know how to spell his name — Colonel Richard Dean^ Upstart Regicide. " This fellow was not so well born as tlie above (Bourchier. Scrope, Carew, and Corbet), but inferior to none in villainy. The first that is known of him is, that he was a hoyman's servant at Ipswich, but, misliking that poor employment, at the very beginning of the rebellion, and having a wicked inclination, he took to the Parliament service, and was made a matross of artillery, a laborious post and fit for such a scoundrel. But, being bold and wicked enough, he suc- ceeded by degrees to the quality of captain in the train, having been first taken notice of at the siege of Exeter. Having gotten some experience towards sea affairs while he belonged to the hoy, he took to serve aboard the fleet, and thus, in a double capacity, by sea and land, arrived to be an admiral and a colonel. Being as void of honesty as he was full of brutal courage, he was pitched upon to be one of the King's murderers," &c. The writer of the above borrowed some of his " information" from Winstanley and the rest from Sprigge,* the latter of whom mentions Captain Deane's first distinction in the army of Sir Thomas ^Fairfax, at the siege and storming of Sherbourne Castle, and again at the remarkable defence of Powderham Church, six miles below Exeter, at the estuary of the river Exe, which the ignorant scrib- HIS ORIGIN AND EDUCATION. 45 bier confounds with tlie siege of the city of Exeter, then in progress. 6. A more respectable authority — the generally well-informed Granger — adds the name of the owner of the hoy in which K^ichard Deane is said to have served his first apprenticeship, and states that his father also had been in the same service before him. He calls the name of the hoyman " One Button of Ipswich.'" Granger gives no references, because, probably, he had taken his "facts" from some anonymous pamphleteer or newspaper of the Resto- ration, but the story has gained something under his hands. With a mass of fable, it has picked up some grains of truth, among which we may reckon the name of the captain under whom the boy Eichard first " went to sea." I shall prove, in the next chapter, that neither he nor his father had any connection with Ipswich, and that the whole story of the hoy and the hoyman is a myth, and that of the matross a perversion of the truth, whereby a gentleman volunteer is con- verted into an enlisted common soldier. But there are some circumstances mentioned by Dr. Bates which are matters of history. The intimacy of Colonel Deane with Oliver Cromwell, and his com- plicity with him in all his proceedings against the King, cannot be denied. " When the King's death was contrived, this Colonel Deane was a very forward busie body to promote and countenance it," is the declaration of Bates, and is borne out by Whitelocke and Rushworth, and the history of the King's trial. 46 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Had Hichard Deane done nothing else, he might have been charitably left to the oblivion of his obscurity, like the majority of the King's judges, whose signature of the death-warrant was their only title to fame. But he was not a nameless and deed- less regicide. He was deeply engaged in the resto- ration of peace and order after the confusions of the two Civil Wars ; and, when the Dutch war broke out, he gave not only his services, but also his life, to his country, and that at a time when no lesser sacrifices would have sufficed. It was, therefore, not without a warrant that the writer of his epitaph wound up the catalogue of his claims with the testimony — Carissimus omnibus, praesertim suis ; Sed omnes omnium caritates Uni ReipublicEe Postposuit :* Hoc piae magis memoriae, Quod Patriae victima victrici Morte cariturae Vita ejus desideraretur. * Omnes omnium caritates, Patria una complexa est. — Cicero de Officiis, i. 17. CHAPTER II. RICHARD DEANE — HIS FAMILY AND ORIGIN. I. The persistence of the tradition of the " Ips- wich hoy," in which Richard Deane was said to have served his first apprenticeship to the sea, seemed to me so remarkable, that I conld not rest satisfied until I had consulted some one well versed in the history and records of that town, for a cor- roboration or refutation of the story. Such a person appeared in the late Mr. Pitch, who kindly sent me the following reply to my inquiries : — " Some years ago I took great pains to ascertain what connection Richard Deane had with this town, and I could not find his name in any of the cor- poration books or accounts. If he was born here, his name would be in the register ; and if he lived here, it would have been in the accounts."* Mr. Pitch concluded from these omissions that " Ricliard Deane, the Regicide," was neither born, nor apprenticed, nor resident at Ipswich — a con- clusion which I was afterwards enabled to confirm, by the accidental discovery of a manuscript epitaph in the British Museum,! which directed me to the county and place of his birth. The commencement of the epitaph was as follows : — * Ipswich, October 26, 1846. f Additional MSS. 4022. 48 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Siste Viator. Suspice RiCARDi Deane quod reliquum est. Oritur ubi Isis in agro Glocestriensi, Cotsioolli montibus, Moi'itur. ubi Tamesis in Freto Britannico, Quo in fonts natus, eodem infiuvio Denatus est. Following this clue, I examined the registers of above forty parishes of the Cotswold district, and was rewarded by the discovery of the required bap- tismal register, in the parish church of Guy ting Poller, or Lower Guy ting, near Winchcombe. 1610. Anno Dili 1610 ye viii daie of Julie was baptized Richard Deene y^ soniie of Edward Deene. The name of Richard Deane' s mother is not mentioned in the register, but I found it afterwards in a pedigree, hereafter set forth, to be Anne Wass. She was the second wife of Edvvard Deane, and Richard was their eldest child. It will be remarked that the name in the above extract from the register is spelt with two ees, instead of ea ; which in a name less susceptible of variation might impugn the identity of the person who in every other record is Richard Detune. But when we find in this very register book the same name spelt niiie different ways, the objection vanishes. For we find Deane, Deene, Deine, Dean, A^ Deane, Adeane, aDayne, Adeyne, and Adeine, all designating members of the same family ! The very fatlier of Richard is indifferently called (Edward) HIS FAMILY AND ORIGIN. 49 Deine, Adayne, Adeane, and Deane ! So that, as far as the mere spelling is to be regarded, there is no difficulty in the identification of Richard Deane and Richard Deene. As this was the only Richard Deene to be found in the forty registers searched, and as one of the sources of the Isis is in the adjoining parish of Temj)le Guyting, and the rivulet Windi'usli, which it supplies, flows through Guyting Poher, there seemed to be no doubt that in Guyting Poher I had discovered the birthplace of " Richard Deane, the Regicide." But it may be said that the Windrush does not rise in Guyting Poher, and the expression " Oritur ubi Isis " may be only figurative ? By a singular coincidence I am enabled to prove that this poetical expression is literally true ! Por the family of Deane, although always baptised and buried in Guyting JPoher, were actually resident at Farmcot^ in the parisli of Temple Guyting, in which the source of the Windrush, or Isis, is to be found. They lived at the " Woodhouse," in the hamlet of Parmcot, which being only half a mile from Guyting Poller church, and above a mile and half from Temple Guyting, was the cause of their adopting the former as their family church. " Oritur uhi Isis " is, therefore, strictly accurate. But there is one desideratum in the epitaph, and that a very important one. No mention is made of the age of Richard Deane at the time of his deatli, and therefore no just inference can be drawn E 50 MEMOIU OF GENERAL DEANE. from it as to the date of his birth. These two Bichards may, after all, be different persons ! By another curious and singular coincidence I am enabled to remove this doubt also, by reference to another document in the library of the British Museum, viz. a woodcut engraving of the funeral car of Admiral Eichard Deane. This engraving (of which there is a duplicate in the Bodleian) is at the head of an elegy, printed on the occasion of the public funeral of " The General at Sea," in June 1653, and bears the date cBtatis sucb 42, which expresses, with sufficient funereal accuracy, the age of the " Bichard Deane " who was baptised at Guyting Poher, July 8, 1610, and who had passed his forty-second, but had not completed his forty- third, year on the 2nd of June, 1653, the day on which he fell. There remains therefore no rea- sonable doubt of the identity, and the story of the " hoyman-born " child " of Ipswich " is reduced to the penultimate point of evanescence. II. Erom the Will* of Admiral- General Deane, proved by his widow in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, in January 165 j, it appears that his mother's Christian name was Anne, and that he left a surviving sister Jane. Both these names are recognised as belonging to the mother and sister of " Bichard, the son of Edward Deane," in a docu- ment, accompanied by a pedigree, which was pre- sented to the electors of Winchester Collecre in * Sec infra. EDMUND LENTHALL SWIFTE, KEEPER OF THE CROWN JEWELS. yET 91. From a Photograph by L. Caudevelle, Boulofrne. HIS FAMILY AND ORIGIN. 51 1634, in behalf of Joseph, another son of Edward and Anne Deane, who was a candidate for admission into the school, as a Eounder's kin. Erom this pedigree we learn that the wife of Udward, and mother of Richard, Joseph, and Jane Deane, was Anne Wass, or AYase. The names of their other children, as well as those of Edward Deane by his first wife, Joan Colet, are the same, both in the pedigree and the registers of Guyting Poher. Both Colet and TVase were Buckinghamshire families, and connected (especially the latter) with that of Hampden by marriage.* This circumstance may have had no little influence on the fortunes of Richard Deane. Anne, the widow of Edward Deane, as well as her daughter Jane, then the wife of a London merchant of the name of Monteage, was buried in Buckingham church in 1670, t and the tablet which recorded their burial speaks of them as widow and daughter of " Edward Deane, Esq. of Pinnock, Gloucestershire," a village near the Guyting to which he seems to have removed after he left Earmcot. The grandfather of Joseph, through whom the founder's kinship was claimed, was Margaret, sister of Humphrey Wyheham or Wickham of Swalcliffe, Oxon., wife of "William Deane, whose place of resi- dence is not mentioned in the pedigree, but who is known, from a document in the Chancery Bolls of Elizabeth, to have possessed some freehold land in * Visitation of Bucks, 1575 and 1634. f Lipscomb's History of Bucks. E 2 52 MEMOIR OF GEXERAL DEANE. Temple Guy ting, which, in conjunction with his wife, he sold to Corpus Christi College, Oxford. From her joining in the conveyance it is probable that the property in question came to her husband through her. She was buried at Guy ting Poher in 1602.* The story of the claim to the founder's kinship by Joseph Deane, and its rejection, through the intrigues of the Fiennes family, is told, at length, by C. Wykeham Martin, Esq., M.P., in Mr, Gough Nichols's valuable " Collectanea Topographica et Genealogica " and " The Herald and Genealogist,^^ in which the pedigree of the Deanes of Guyting is set forth, and their descent from a great-nephew of Bishop William of Wickham proved. Mr. Wyke- ham Martin shows, also, that William of Wickham was not so named from the village near Winchester, but from Wickham in Swalcliffe, Oxon. It appears that the Wickhams of Swalcliffe had been acknowledged as of kin to William of Wick- ham in 1547, when Humphrey Wickham, then sixteen years of age, was admitted into Winchester College as an ordinary scholar, not on the founda- tion, but designated " Consangiiineus 'Fundatorisr He did not then claim the privilege of a free educa- tion, being probably able to pay for his schooling and commons, and not coming under the descrip- tion of a " poor scholar." But nine years after- wards he made an application, as "Pounder's kin," for a Eellowship at New College, Oxford, and was * See Register. HIS FAMILY AND ORIGIN. 53 strenuously opposed by Sir Ricliard Fiennes, who wished to keep this privilege in his own family, who were also collaterally descended from the founder. The six electors were divided three against three, and the claim was referred to the College of Arms in London, who confirmed the pedigree of Humphrey Wickham, and adjudged him the arms of the Bishop as an hereditary right ; hut, strangely enough, declined to give an opinion as to his right to the fellowship. Eourteen years afterwards Sir Hichard Eiennes, having prevailed thus far, tried to push his own family claims a little farther by demanding the arms also of William of Wickham.* The Heralds, however, dismissed this petition, and again adjudged the arms to the family of Wickham of Swalcliffe. In 1634 Edward Wickham of Swalcliffe, and William Wickham of Abingdon, the great-uncle and uncle of Joseph Deane, put in a claim for the Pounder's kinship at Winchester for then' relative whom they described as "tx poor scholar of their own blood,'' and in support of it presented a certi- ficate of arms from the Heralds' College. The claim was opposed by Lord Saye, a descendant of the above Sir Thomas Piennes, who was equally successful in resisting it. The Wickhams there- upon petitioned the King, Charles the Eirst, for redress, and in their petition cited the case of their ancestor Humphrey, as dealt with in 1547, 1556, and 1570, and insisted that they had the prior claim * As inherited by the Perrots, from whom the Fiennes were descended. 54 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. to kinship with the Eounder of Winchester and New College, inasmuch as they were descended from the brother, whereas the Fienneses were de- scended from the sister of William of Wickham. The King referred the matter to three commis- sioners, Archbishop Laud, the Earl Marshal, and the Bishop of Winchester, but nothing came of it, or, if anything, the decision was again in favour of the more influential party, for the name of Joseph Deane does not appear in the books of Winchester College. The next time that I find it, is as a cornet in a regimental roll of horse in the service of the Commonwealth ; and some time afterwards as com- manding an army in Ireland, and succeeded in his command by Monk. He settled in Ireland and married, and became ancestor of the Deanes of Torrinure, now Deane-Preeman, a family which produced several dignitaries of the law in Ireland in the last century. It is a curious coincidence — if nothing more — that the Piennes who defeated the claim of Joseph Deane was the father of Colonel Nathaniel Eiennes, condemned to " death " by a court martial, in 1643, for surrendering Bristol to the Uoyalists. He was charged with " cowardice," and one of the principal witnesses for the prosecution was a William Deane, who deposed to ^^contradictory orders,'' and ''pale looks'' and a general opinion among both the soldiers and civilians in the garrison that the " city had been he tray ed." Colonel Fiennes's sentence Avas commuted to dismissal from the service ; but HIS FAMILY AND ORIGIN. 55 no thanks to William Deane for this mitigation of the judgment of the court martial, which arose solely out of the compassionate sympathy of the Earl of Essex, who shrunk from thus ignominiously spilling noble blood. Is it too illiberal to con- jecture that this hostile witness was the uncle of Joseph Deane — the William Deane, whose name appears in the family pedigree, and whose opinion of his commanding officer was affected by the in- justice which that officer's father had inflicted upon the deponent's nephew ? Such cases of revenge are happily rare, but not altogether imknown, in family annals. If the witness William Deane was indeed the uncle of Jose])li^ his evidence against a Eiennes should have been carefully sifted. At the candidature of Joseph Deane for the Eounder's kinship, a copy of his baptismal register was produced, attested by two "witnesses — " Eichard Deane, senior^''' and " E^ichard Deane, junior''' The latter of these was, doubtless, his brother, the subject of this memoir, who was then twenty-four years of age ; the former may have been his uncle Richard, his father's brother, or possibly his great- uncle (?), Sir Eichard Deane, Knight, Alderman, and formerly Lord Mayor of London, who was alive at that time, not dying until the middle of the next year, 1635. III. The intermarriages of the Wickhams, Hampdens, "Wases, and Deanes, will appear in the following pedigrees : — 56 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. o o "i^ >-> t— I fcD H O^ >H "3 U O O ^ o "c Ph w tt "^ .S < >> w O Q O Q m ^ o ^ «3 o oa ^ ^ P5 < w ^ bd s o Ih— . -I £ g 2 « P 3 Ih CI r:; ^ s -f S s GO i be p cS o rd ~1 o p C£ ;^. ^ a ^ o ^ o o ■^ ci 1 ^ ^ •-^ Sh o IB .s P^ L-B J5 P^ s^ ^ ;-i H o ^ Ih o o . fi !^ '-'5 -^ -h d, o r, 4> ^ v: SOS fi 7 ir != ^ "-^ t:? S 3 S => S h S3 tH- ojl § s - 'M O ^ ^ Ih -- 1 o ^ 5 ihn IH I-? 1-2 L&r ^^•^ ^1 ^<1 • O E S ll-^Ji fi s 'M ^1 h*-. ;o Ih 64 — ■ -2 S "o "fSpq "^b ^-^ • -^ S Oh? s ^ Is c o c -pegs Y- I , HIS FAMILY AND ORIGIN. 57 as =3 2 iccf^ 1^4 "^' -J.2G o^. jz; c-^ 1-5-2 - c ~ P 1-H £ -J2i ^ S ^ 'X ■ b^' (^ ^ r^ x:- S ■ "-p' .^ J-* . Sa2 < =? OCZ2 1=' C "vT — bj; !- o — o ^ ;:; o o ;= ^ '5'^ "S '^ w ■^ w o Ih— 1 o .s ^ c '■« II— ,2 L '=s ir — - « a3 ^ c c tc ^ c 9 c ^ « "§ c„ CO 1— < _c ^ M c >- s -^ t-^ .^ I-- t- c P3 c II— O^ 13 "4-1 IS s te of that ! the mea ry of the borne by : '^:S^ ?.5 £ 5- CK^' V . ;i '^H (^ 5^ :j >~^ ZJ 'r-i. 'S ° t — • x '^ •^ ^ §g^^ g _«! ^■5 o--" - C3 r— 1 it C 2 a -" > s 2 nil ;g§ C2 1>..2 -.S--^ »- 5 i: ? 3 ~ 5 "S oT •^^ "^ tf 1-1 .2 =* sl s § § ° s. ■ ^ c3 ^ r2 c si « r^ ^ !^ X 1 M :a 5 o3 y Hon. Captain Devercux. CAMPAIGN OF 1643. 123 The Lords agreed to all these demands, and ulti- mately the Commons also, excepting the inquiry into the causes of Waller's defeat ; for this was too sore a subject, and too sure to be found unfavour- able to their favourite. Matters were at so low an ebb with the Parlia- ment at this time, that on the 5th of August the Lords resolved to petition the King for peace ; a resolution which was carried in the House of Commons also by a majority of twenty-one. But, the City protesting against it, the question was re- considered by the Commons, and ultimately the proposition for peace was rejected by a majority of — two ! The Lords, notwithstanding, sent a deputation to the King, who, confident in his present superior strength and fortune, received them, unfortunately, with coldness, and dismissed them without any encouragement ; and thus another opportunity of reconciliation was lost. This was an ungracious error on the part of the King — but the next was fatal. Proud of his 'prestige^ and confident in his resources, he resolved upon the siege of Gloucester, the only garrison now held by the Parliament in the south-west; and on the 9th of August sat down before it. With this ill-advised siege commenced the misfortunes of the unhappy King. It was not possible for him to have committed a greater mistake. Had he marched to London instead, he would have found 124 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. the army of the Parliament decimated hy sickness and disheartened by ill-success, while his own was strong in numbers, materiel, quality, and spirit. Despair had already seized upon the Parliament, and he had only to overcome the opposition of the City of London by an offer of amnesty, and his Throne might have been re-established, without any curtailment of its dignity. The too easy conquest of Bristol was the tempta- tion which ruined him. Bristol was a much strono^er place than Gloucester, and more strongly garrisoned, and yet had fallen almost without a blow ! The King expected the same success as Prince Bupert, but he did not take into account the difference of circumstances. Colonel Piennes had not been sup- ported by the inhabitants of Bristol as Colonel Massey was by those of Gloucester ; and, above all, Piennes was by nature a weak and desj)onding man, whereas Massey was one of the bravest and most experienced officers in the service of the Parliament, having served in the campaigns of the Low Countries. He had seen places attacked, and knew how they were to be defended ; and he knew that, however strong may be the ramparts, the chief hopes of a besieged city were in its garrison — in the courage, resolu- tion, activity, and resources of its men. All these were in favour of Gloucester, and all were brought, with consummate skill, against the King, until his army, worn out by privations, losses, and fatigue, were in no condition to ffght a battle, under the CAMPAIGN OF 1643. 125 walls of a hostile city, with a relieving army, and the siege was, of necessity, raised ; and those mis- fortunes of the King commenced, which, after one brief glimpse of success, followed each other with such precipitation, that the final overthrow could be regarded in no other light than as " The Judg- ment of God." One of the peculiarities of the siege of Gloucester was the use of red-hot shot by the Hoyalists — an invention which has been ascribed to General Elliot, the gallant and successful defender of Gibraltar. The history of the siege of Gloucester,* published in 1647, and reprinted in " Somers's Tracts," informs us that they shot granadoes, fire- balls, and great stones out of their mortar pieces. Thus in one night they shot above twenty fiery melting hot bullets, some eighteen pounds weight, others twenty -two pounds weight, which were seen to fly through the air like the shooting of a star. These passed through stables and ricks of hay, where the fire, by the swiftness of the motion, did not catch, and falling on the tops of houses, pre- sently melted the leads, and sunk through. But all the skill and industry of the enemy could not set one house on fire. One shell, of which the fuze was fortunately extinguished by a daring soldier before it had time to explode, was picked up in the street, and weighed sixty pounds. The stone- work of the bastions and gates was broken to pieces by the cannonade, " hut the earthworks stood firm'' ^ — a * Somers's Tracts, v. 325. t Ibid- P- 323. 126 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. lesson which our military men have only lately begun to learn, notwithstanding the experiences of our armies in the East Indies for above a century, where mud- forts and earthworks always gave their artillery more trouble than the strongest fortifica- tions of stone. The report of the siege of Gloucester roused the dormant energies of Essex, who mustered his relieving army on Hounslow Heath on the 15th of August. He had only 3,500 foot, and 2,500 horse, and about forty pieces of cannon — nevertheless, he set out on his adventurous march. The citizens of London, who had lately neglected him, now rushed forward to his support. Eears for their own safety added wings to their zeal. They sent out their Trained Bands and volunteers, and, overtaking him at his last rendezvous, raised his army to 15,000 fighting men. " William the Conqueror " was, for a time, forgotten, and " Hey for Robin ! " was again the popular cry. But "William" bode his time ; and twelve months afterwards had the satis- faction (if such it was) of seeing his rival reduced to extremities by the same neglect, in this instance real, to which he had attributed his own disasters. Essex marched on, regardless of the clouds of skirmishers which hung upon his flanks and rear, under Lord Wilmot, until, on the 5th of Septem- ber, he stood in battle array upon the heights of Prestbury, in sight of Gloucester. On that same night the Boyalists set fire to their huts, and when morning arose were out of sight. FIRST BATTLE OF NEWBrHY. 127 The two heroes of Gloucester, Hassle and Dennis Wise, the Mayor, were celebrated by the chronicler Vicars, after his usual manner, with laudatory ana- grams ; which, as a specimen of the " conceits " of the times, I subjoin : — Edward Massie — Never miss a good reioard. He that so well doth stand upon his guard, I hope shall never miss a good reward. A good reicard, oh ! may He never miss — Due honour here, hereafter heavenly bliss ! Dennis Wise, the Mayor of Gloucester— Fe/< cares to govern in ivisdome. ^efelt more cares than in his private life Wisely to governs in those dayes of strife. And found that crowns are crowns of thorns most right, He felt his cares ruling by Wisdom.e's light. IV. The King's army marched from before Grloucester to Sudeley Castle ; and thence, the next day, by slow marches towards Oxford, by way of Wantage, and arrived at Newbury and Donnington Castle on the evening of the 19th of September, just two hours before Essex, who had followed by forced marches to prevent the threatened occupa- tion of London by the King. The King, on Sep- tember 19th, had his head-quarters at Donnington Castle, and the Parliamentarians passed the night, under arms, in the fields. At daybreak on the 20th, Essex, at the head of his own regiment of horse and two brigades of infantry, attacked Bigg's Hill, which he considered 128 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. to be the key to the enemy's position, and for some hours the possession of this hill Avas hotly contested. Prince Rupert's horse ' repeated their desperate charge of Edgehill, and scattered the Parliamen- tarian cavalry, but all their efforts were vain against the pikes of the London Trained Bands, while the artillery of the Parliament was skilfully and de- structively directed upon them and upon the main body of the loyalists. " It did great execution," says Clarendon, " upon the King's party, both horse and foot. The Earl of Sunderland, a volunteer in the King's troop, was taken away by a cannon ball before they came to the charge." The battle lasted until night parted the com- batants, when the King fell back upon Newbury, and the Parliamentarians maintained, as at Edge- hill, the ground upon which they had fought — and with exactly the same results, for when the next morning dawned, the whole of the King's army were on the march for Oxford, which they reached, with very little interruption, the same day. The battle was, like Edgehill, a drawn battle; although the Royalists appear to have lost the greater numbers of men from the skilfully chosen position and good practice of the Parliamentarian artillery. It consisted chiefly of brass ordnance, and was under the command of Sir John Merrick. The subject of this Memoir bore his part in the practical working of the guns, and exercised and taught his destructive art, as a volunteer — in what rank is uncertain ; but in wliatever capacity he may FIRST BATTLE OF NEWBURY. 129 have served his merits Avere recognised ; for in twelve months from this time we find him in a position to be consulted by the Lord General, and to form one of a body of the leading oflB.cers of the army to conclude a treaty of capitulation with the King's Commissioners. The principal loss sustained by the King in this first battle of Newbury was in officers, of whom twenty were killed, and among them three noble- men who were greatly deplored — the Earls of Carnarvon and Sunderland, and Viscount Ealkland. The last was a man as highly respected by his own party as Hampden had been by his ; and both were resrretted even bv their enemies, for both were looked upon as sincere patriots. They had many traits of character in common — courage, sense, and fidelity, with great and highly cultivated intellects. Both of them also were in other respects, and in equal degrees, remarkable. For as Falkland's loyalty and chivalrous sense of honour retained him in the King's service, although he mentally ap- proved the grounds upon which the Parliament had originally taken up arms ; so Hampden, notwith- standing his devotion to the cause of the people, is said to have never lost his respect for the King. The one was a patriotic royalist, the other a loyal patriot. Their loss was not only the greatest blow hitherto received by their respective parties, but a public calamity. For, had they both survived this battle, it is not improbable that after this second indecisive action matters might have been accom- K 130 MEMOm OF GENERAL DEANE. modated between the King and the Parliament, through their meditation, and a Constitutional Government established, without passing through the horrors of a second civil war, terminated by the judicial execution of the King, and the temporary- domination of a Republican despotism. CHAPTER V. CAMPAIGN OF 1644. RIVALRY OF ESSEX AND WALLER. DIFFICULTIES OF THE PARLIAMENTARIANS. — CAPITULATION OF THEIR ARMY IN CORNWALL. — FIRST PUBLIC RECOGNITION OF RICHARD DEANE. I, The battle of Newbury, like that of Edgehill, left both armies in nearly the same relative con- dition. Each of them now knew the other's strength, and that it consisted in those very par- ticulars in which they were themselves deficient. The cavalry of the King, and the artillery of the Parliament, were the best arms on their respective sides. The infantry of the Hoyalists was upon the whole superior to that of the Parliamentarians, being chiefly composed of sturdy peasants, whose landlords had armed and mounted at their own expense ; whereas that of the Parliament had been recruited in towns, and had all the bodily weak- nesses of the town-born and town-bred rabble, with the single advantage that the majority were fa- natics, and, as such, less debauched and dissolute than the common soldiers of the Cavaliers. To this general inferiority of the Parliamentarian infantry there was, however, one signal exception — that of the Trained Bands of London, which, under the discipline of Sergeant -Major (now Major- General) Skippon, had arrived at the highest pitch of excellence which the infantry soldier of the k2 132 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. seventeenth century was capable. Had they been more largely employed, and not, for the most part, kept in useless garrisons in London, the scale of victory might have inclined to the side of the Parliament much sooner than it did. With the temporary suspension of hostilities which followed the exhaustion of battle, the jea- lousies of rival generals revived in both armies. Por as the successes of E-upert had excited the envy and hatred of Wilmot, so Essex could not escape the vexatious hostility of Waller, whom a party in the House of Commons, envious of the Earl as a lord, and suspicious of the true cause of his inaction, set up and sustained as the superior general. Essex himself was so moved at this manifest partiality that he wrote another strong letter on the 2nd January, 1643-4, complaining of the nomi- nation of Sir William Waller to the command of a separate and independent army, raised in Kent, Surrey, Sussex, and Hampshire. He had already remonstrated, only a fortnight after the battle of Newbury, against Waller's troops being quartered with his, unless they were under his own orders ; and he had tendered his resignation to the two Houses,* rather than submit to this indignity. In consequence of this letter they revoked the separate commission which had been sent to Waller. But on the 1st of January, three months afterwards, they nominated him to the command of the new army * Life of Essex, ii. 385. CAMPAIGN OF 16M. 133 raised in the four counties above mentioned, and ordered Essex to sign his commission. This he did — with certain modifications, which preserved his own superiority — and in his letter of explanation expressed his readiness to give an account of his actions in Parliament. Prom the tenor of this letter it is evident that his lukewarmness to the cause had heen suspected, and that to it rather than to any want of military talents the indecisive nature of his hattles had been attributed by the partisans of Waller. Whether from apprehension of the evils likely to result from these jealousies between their generals, or from a dread of popular inconstancy, the Parliament at this time sought to strengthen themselves by an alliance with the Scotch ; and, in order to conciliate them, took the Covenant. This unworthy if not degrading step was, for a time, successful. They obtained the co-operation of 18,000 foot, 3,000 horse, and a train of artillery for service in the North of England, on the con- dition of a payment of £80,000 a month, and the immediafe advance of £100,000. By the end of the year 1643 the Scotch army was assembled, under the Earl of Leven, on the Borders, and in due time joined the northern army of the Parlia- ment under Sir Thomas Pairfax, and were usefully employed in the battle of Marston Moor, although not so successfully as their countrymen could have wished. The union of the Parliament with the Scottish 134 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. malcontents was a great discouragement to the Royalists at Oxford, insomuch that the King called a Parliament at that city, for the purpose of open- ing a negociation for peace with the Parliament at Westminster, though the mediation of the Earl of Essex, who undertook to convey the proposals to the two Houses in London. But as the document did not in its address acknowledge the legality of the Parliament of Westminster, it was returned by them unread, and the explanation of its cause of failure was left to Essex. The King thereupon wrote a letter in his own person to the Parliament; but exceptions were taken to certain expressions in it, which were declared to be " insulting," and all attempts at further negociations failed, and both sides prepared for a renewal of hostilities. II. The necessity for advancing the stipulated payments to the Scotch to make them march into England caused the pay of Essex's army to fall into arrears, and the usual evils ensued in the desertion of good men, and the demoralisation of those that remained. The season was already far advanced ; yet on the 8th of April Essex was unable to march out of his winter quarters. His rival Waller had been better supported by his friends in the House of Commons, and, in conjunction with Sir William Balfour, had gained a victory over Lord ELopton at Alresford. Nettled at this result of favouritism, Essex wrote a third letter of complaint to the RIVALRY or ESSEX AND WALLER. 135 Houses, declaring that in consequence of their neglect of supplies he was unable to take ad- vantage of Waller's success, and that the enemy- were grown much more confident, and that his position had been, during the past week, one of extreme danger, so that " there was but a step between his army and death, or, what was worse — slavery." " His army had been reduced to 7,500 foot and 3,000 horse, while tliat of the Earl of Manchester, who was only general of the associated counties, had been raised to 14,000, and had received regular pay, whereas his men, though so much fewer in numbers, had been in arrears," Essex himself followed his own letter to London, and, from his place in the House of Lords, reiterated his complaints of neglect, and succeeded, after some discussion, in obtaining a Committee for the consi- deration of his claims, which were, to a certain but still inadequate extent, admitted ; and by the 14th of May he was in a condition, such as it was, to take the field. Essex's head-quarters were at Beacon sfield, and Waller's at Earnham. They were directed to act in concert, and advanced simultaneously — the King, whose head-quarters were at Abingdon, falling back slowly upon Oxford and Woodstock. It is curious to observe with what confidence Charles, at this time, looked forward to an early and easy triumph. Whether from his naturally sanguine temperament, or from policy, to keep up the spirits of liis followers, he carried with him his 136 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. usual amusements, his chess-board, and his stag- hounds. Ptound his chess-hoard was the legend — Suhditus et Princejys istis sine sanguine eertent. At Woodstock, on 2nd June, 1644, " he killed two bucks;"* and whenever he had an oppor- tunity he hunted, f This passion he had inherited from his father, almost the only virtue which that unmanly sovereign possessed. The spirit of chivalry, which was conspicuous in Charles, must have been inherited with the Norse blood of his mother. The King continued falling back as Essex and "Waller advanced, and on the 6th June the army of Essex was at Chipping Norton, and that of Waller at Stow on the Wold. Here intelligence was received of the extremities to which the garrison of Lyme was reduced, and the name of Robert Blake, its gallant defender, was first sounded by the trumpet of Eame. A message from the Council of War in London brought this intelligence, and, at a general council of officers of Essex's army, it w^as resolved that Lyme should be relieved, and that Waller, who had the lighter artillery, and was, therefore, able to move quicker, should go in pursuit of the King, while Essex marched to the relief of Lyme. Waller objected to this arrangement, and remonstrated, that, as he had been commissioned for the cam- paign in the West, he ought not to be made to deviate from his line of march. But Essex was * R. Sjmonds's Diaiy, p. 7. t He M-as hunting on 13th June, 1645, the very day before the battle of Naseby. RIVALRY OF ESSEX AND WALLER. 137 positive and peremptory, and Waller was obliged to submit. Tliis was tlie climax of tlie quarrel, and confirmed and systematised, through the instru- mentality of Waller's friends in Parliament, that neglect of the army of Essex which led to its ruin. But, in justice to Sir William Waller, it must be confessed that all the blame of implacable animosity cannot be laid to his charge. Essex was as strongly incensed against him as he was against Essex. A passage in a letter of the latter to " The Committee," dated Blandford, June 14, shows this but too evi- dently. He objects to the displacement in Corn- wall of Lord Robarts, " a Cornishman, who is cor- dially tender of the good of his country," by Waller, a stranger, who will not be so considerate, for " if Sir William Waller go thither, he will, indeed, free them from paying contributions to the enemy, but will command them to pay contribution to himself, though I know he hath received large sums already from the Western gentlemen for the paying of two or three regiments which have done them but little service as yet, the other regiments under his conduct being paid by the City of London, or the Associated Counties." This letter was written with the intention of pointing out the impropriety of the " Committee's" interference between him and Waller, who was, properly, subject to his orders, and concludes with the following extraordinary passage, which exhibits, at once, the proper indignation of the superior of&cer, under the circumstances, and the less justi- 138 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. fiablc private feelings of the rival general. " If you think fit to set him at liberty, and confine me, be pleased to make him General and me the Major (General) of some brigade, that my soldiers may have free quarters, free plunder, and fair contri- butions besides — as his 7i«y^— without control." Lyme, defended by Colonel Blake, and protected on the sea side by the Earl of Warwick, the Lord High Admiral, held out until Essex reached Dor- chester, when Prince Maurice, who commanded the besieging army, raised the siege, and withdrew to Exeter. The relief of Lyme was followed by the surrender of Weymouth and Surfoot Castle, and Essex, having reported these successes to the Committee, resumed his march for the West, in pursuance of the decision of a General Council of War jointly held between the land and sea forces, at Lyme — but contrary to the orders of the Committee, which required him to return and join Waller in following up the King. The Committee, however, acquiesced in this decision, for they could not reasonably main- tain their own opinions against those of the joint council of army and fleet. Hitherto Essex's ineificiency had been produced chiefly by the want of money and supplies. He now felt the want of men also. The Committee had their revenge in leaving him to his own re- sources. At this point it is difficult to exonerate Essex from the charge of rashness in advancing into a RIVALRY OF ESSEX AND WALLER. 139 countiy known to be not only hostile to his cause, but actively employed in promoting that of the King. The greater part of Devonshire, and the whole of Cornwall, were Royalists. This fact ought to have made him pause and reflect. But, besides this discouragement, he might have calculated beforehand upon what was likely to happen — and what ultimately did happen — namely, the being inclosed between two or more armies, each of them as strong as his own, and each of them with means of recruiting losses, in a friendly country. This was a great oversight ; he did not reckon upon having any other than the retreating army of Prince Maurice to encounter. He did not think that Sir Richard Grenville would raise the siege of Plymouth on his approach, and by a dexterous manoeuvre get into his rear, while Prince Maurice and Lord Hopton were in his front. He had no idea that the King, giving the slip to Waller, would advance by forced marches, and unite with Prince Maurice at Exeter.* And least of all did he think that Waller would leave him in the lurch, and make no efiPort to prevent the junction of the King with his nephew. He Avould not have done so by Waller, and he little thought that Waller would do so by him. But the simple-minded and honourable Lord General did not sufficiently calculate upon human nature, and the provocations which he had given * August 6, 1644. 110 MEMOIR OF GENEllAL DEANE. by his openly expressed ill-opinions to his rival, to whom, the contents of his letters to the Committee had been, doubtless, communicated by his friends in Parliament, some of whom were actually in the Committee itself. The only excuse which can be made for him is, that on the 16th July he had received a despatch from the Committee informing him that they had ordered Waller to send a strong detachment to Dorchester to his support ; and he could hardly believe that Waller would be so malicious as to evade this order and send him neither aid nor explanation. Essex, in disregard of all probabilities, marched into Cornwall, and soon found himself surrounded and inclosed in a nook of that impracticable country, where he could neither advance, retreat, nor fight ! III. We have now arrived at the last days of the army of Essex and the first of Hichard Deane, whose rise may be dated from the fall of his General. The army, after many marches and counter- marchesj was at length so outnumbered and out- manoeuvred by those of the King and his lieuten- ants, that by the end of August 1614, it was cooped up in a corner, between Lostwithiel and Eowey, and in imminent danger of being starved into surrender. The conduct of the men, under such circum- stances, was very creditable. Essex wrote from DIFFICULTIES OF THE PARLIAMENTARIANS. 141 Lostwitliiel on the 16th August, ''Braver men than are here I never knew ; this army being environed by four* armies, in great want of victuals, and the country consisting of so many passes that we can neither force them to fight but when they list, nor march off. And for aught I can perceive their intention is to starve us. Yet both horse and foot keep their courage and constancy for all the ex- tremity they are put to. ... Intelligence we have none, the country people being so violent against us that if our scouts or soldiers fall into their hands they are more bloody than the enemy." On the 23rd Essex wrote again. Matters were then worse, for the Hoyalists had captured Restor- mel Castle from some Devonshire foot, who had made scarcely any resistance. This enabled them to throw up a work, which they armed with cannon, by means of which they boasted that they would drive the Parliamentarians out of their positions; " And yet," says Essex, " our soldiers, both horse and foot, are very cheerful and resolute." Erom this date to the 30th continual fighting was going on, and Essex reports that his troops were successful in every encounter, beating back their assailants with loss. The balance of advan- tages, nevertheless, remained with the Royalists, whose cavalry extended itself from Blazey to Pol- kerris, and threatened the communications between Eowey and Lostwithiel.f Eor every skirmish, how- * Essex reckoned the divisions of Grenville and Hopton as separate armies, which, together with the King's and Prince Maurice's, made four, f Life of Essex, ii. 435. 142 MEMOIll OF GENERAL DEANE. ever favourable to the Parliameutariaus, left their less numerous army comparatively weaker than that of the enemy, who could better afford to lose three than they to lose one man. Essex now bethought him of an attempt to save his cavalry, whose forage was nearly exhausted, and by a bold movement, skilfully conducted by Sir William Balfour, the whole of the horse, 2,500 in number, were, contrary to all probability, saved. Por, taking advantage of a stormy night, they rode through the Royal army, between the two divisions of Goring and Grenville, while Goring and his officers were at their usual midnight orgies ! A few mounted officers of Grenville's pursued and fired their carbines at them, but Goring obstinately refused to believe the report that the enemy were escaping, and would not sound to horse. He was too comfortable to be disturbed. Balfour and his troopers returned at a future day to do good service at the second battle of Newbury. The infantry and artillery, who could not so easily get away, were by the departure of their cavalry left in a worse condition than ever, for, being deprived of their vedettes and scouts, their case had become hopeless. The Royalists, on the other hand, were roused from their inertness by the alarm lest the remainder of the enemy should make a similar attempt, and advanced, accordingly, in force, and before daybreak succeeded in drawing so close a circle round the Parliamentarians, that two rec^iments, commanded bv Lieutenant-Colonel DIFFICULTIES OF THE PAELIAMENTAEIANS. 143 Weare and Colonel Bartlett, abandoned their posts, and fell back in disorder upon the main body. Bartlett was taken prisoner, and was suspected of having- Toluntarily lingered to be taken.* On this night, August 31, a stray ball had very nearly ended the contest between the King and Parliament. Por, as the King was sitting in a field at supper, a cannon ball, fired from the Parlia- mentarian quarter, fell within twenty yards of him ! t The abandonment of their posts by the two;}: selected regiments above named so exposed the train of artillery that they were only safe until daylight, when nothing would prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. " Under these circumstances," says Essex, § " came Palstaff and Phipps of the Train, from the Major- General (of the Ordnance), to know Avhat course was to be taken, especially to save the train. I advised them to bring the train to Milla- bill, and the army, and then to secure the two former posts ; and, if that could not be done, then to draw up the army round about the train, and make the best conditions, or else to threaten to blow up the train. Two hours after day Mr. Decme came (who is an honest, judicious, and stout man), and * See Skippon's evidence before the House of Commons, Sep. 23, and Eushworth, part iii. p. 71 i. t Sir Ed. Walker's Progress of the King, Harl. 4229. % Essex names three defaulting regiments, his own, Lord Eobarts's, and Colonel Bartlett's. § Letter to Sir Philip Stapleton in Rushworth's Collections. IM MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. told me that if they should offer to move any of the army from their posts, they would never stand ; and that he thought that they should all be sur- rounded before noon ; which was indeed evident to all. Upon this consideration I thought it fit to look to myself, it being a greater terror to me to be a slave to their contempts than a thousand deaths. I took ship and came to Plymouth." This was certainly most extraordinary conduct on the part of the Lord General, and I can imagine no excuse to cover it. He who had brought the army to that miserable condition that they could neither fight nor retreat, deserted them secretly on hearing the opinion of a subaltern officer of artil- lery that the troops, " if moved from their posts, would never stand ! " It does not appear that Mr. Deane counselled the Lord General " to look to himself," but rather to look to his men, and keep them at their posts, as the only chance of successfully resisting an attack. The report was sufiQ.ciently alarming, for it dis- covered the officers' want of confidence in their men. Matters were, indeed, bad enough, but they were not yet desperate. They were rendered so by the flight of the General, who might have avoided the '' contempt " which he dreaded, by gallantly braving one of the " thousand deaths " which he preferred to slavery. He would have found many companions to share it with him besides the indomit- able Skippon, of whom it was popularly said that " he lived like an angel, prayed like a saint, and DIFFICULTIES OF THE PARLIAMENTARIANS. 145 fouglit like a lion." * On this occasion we may conjecture that he " swore like a trooper " as soon as he heard of the General's abrupt departure. For we find, from his evidence before the House of Commons, that he knew nothing of Essex's inten- tion to leave the army until he heard that he was gone. Essex's letter to him, the next day, from Plymouth, entirely exonerates him : "Be assured that no worldly thing would have made me quit so gallant men, but the impossibility of subsisting, after I heard that three regiments I had most trust in, namely, my own, the Lord Robarts's, and Colonel Bartlett's, had quitted their posts on Gal- lant side, and so that way was open for the enemy to cut off all provisions from you that should come up from Millbelle Bciy, and Polderic (Menabilly and Polkerris), and that you were unable accordingly to draw up thither, for fear your own men should quit their colours if moved.'" Major-General Skippon did not wait for this letter to call a Council of War. He called it as soon as he w'as informed that the Lord General, Lord Bobarts, Sir John Merrick, the General of the Artillery, and two or three other superior officers, had been seen to embark in a boat at Eowey, and to sail away in the direction of Plymouth. Bush- worth, f who is corroborated by Whitelock, has preserved the spirit, if not the substance, of Skip- pon's speech to the Council of War on this oc- casion. * Vicars's Worthies of the Commonwealth. f ■*''• 7^04. L 116 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Gentlemen, You see our Greneral and some chief officers have thought fit to leave us, and our horse has got away. We are left alone upon our defence. That which I propose to you is this — that we, having the same courage that our horse had, and the same God to assist us, may make the same trial of our fortunes, and endeavour to make our way through our enemies as they have done ; and account it better to die with honour and faithfulness than to live dishonourable. It has been said that a Council of "War never fights. An aggregate of brave men in council become cowards just as a committee of honest men will become rogues, and do the most dishonest actions, of which every one of them, individually, would be heartily ashamed. Thus it proved in the 2)resent instance. The majority of the councih de- cided against Skippon's proposal as too rash and hopeless, and voted to make overtures of surrender to the enemy. They thought it necessary, how- ever, to draw up the following justification of their decision, which all the council, whether assentient or dissentient, were bound by the law of councils to sign. It must have been with a heavy heart that Skippon signed first, and, if we may measure the act by the character of the man, it must have been equally repugnant to Hichard Deane, whose signa- ture stands ninth out of the twenty afiixed to the document, to sign so humiliating a confession. ATTESTATION OF THE OFFICERS OF THE ARMY CONCERNING THE DISASTER IN CORNWALL. Forasmuch as all actions, especially such as are disastrous, are subject to misrepresentation and various censure, We, DIFFICULTIES OF THE PARLIAMENTARIANS. 147 whose numes are here subscribed, officers in the army and City brigade, under the command of his Excellency the Earl of Essex, do publish, to those Avho are desirous to be truly informed, this breviary of the condition of the army as it stood at the time of the capitulation. After that his Excellency with his army had for a month together withstood the fury of three armies of the enemy, his soldiers being tired out with perpetual duty and continued fight, in the expectation of relief, but none coming, it was at last resolved that the horse should make their way through the enemy (which by God's mercy they did perform very resolutely and with good success), and that the foot should contract themselves into a narrow compass near to Foy, which was put in execution upon Friday night, and per- formed on Saturday the last of August, with such difficulty, by reason of the steepness of the hills and the darkness of ways, that five of our cannon were lodged, which retarded our march till the three armies surrounded us, and caused continual fight for three miles together upon our retreat, wherein om* soldiers behaved themselves so resolutely that we did often beat the enemy back to their body, and took three of their foot colours, and five-and-twenty horse, and about three- score prisoners ; so that if we had had any fresh men to have spared for our posts (wherein the whole army was upon con- stant duty), we should, in all probability, have had great advantage upon the enemy. But, however, we came at length, by God's providence, to a place appointed by his Excellency, leaving a part of our army to fight with the enemy until the rest had taken their ground, which we happily performed before night, supposing ourselves then in a condition further to resist the enemy, notwithstanding the extreme weariness of oiu* soldiers. - But by reason that two regiments of the army quitted their posts, and thereby gave the enemy free passage betwixt us and Foy, we being then blockt upon a bare hill from all succours both of provisions and ammunition, not having provisions of bread or match for above one day's expense ; of all which his Excellency being L 2 148 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. informed about ten of the clock at night, did desire, if possible, the army might be drawn to Millebille Bay, for the better securing of the army and gaining provisions by sea, which was impossible to be performed, the enemy being so near upon our skirts. Whereof wdien his Excellency was truly informed by some of our chief commanders, and it appeared that the army could not be saved but by a treaty, and therein his Excellency's personal presence would have been, in human judgment, of more disadvantage than benefit, he going by sea to Plymouth, with the Lord Robarts and Sir John Merrick in his com- pany, we unanimously (?) consented to enter into a treaty wath the enemy, and agree to these articles, which being already exposed to publick view, w^e refer you thereunto, these articles being since approved by his Excellency as being of great advantage to the army and of great service to the kingdom. Ph. Skippon. Eob. Martin. Christo. Whichcote. Ro. Moor. Hen. Barclay. Rich. Ingoldesbye. Tho. Gower. Walter Floyd. Tho. Tyrell. Will. Webb. Jo. Boteler. Tho. Pride. Will. Hunter. Tho. Evershot. Jo. Francis. Tho. Bulstrode. Hich. Deane. Math. Draper. Jo. Were. Archibald Strahau.* IV. The number of the men who laid down their arms was 6,000, and the guns, which were all of brass, amounted to 49, besides " the great basilisco of Dover." f This "basilisco," or Royal gun, was * These were all field officers of the staff, or in command of their respective regiments. If Richard Deane signs in his right place, he must he taken to represent the Artillery, left in his charge by the retreat of the Major-General of the Ordnance, Sir John Merrick, and the Comptroller, Captain Forbes. f Rushworth, v. 708; also Mercuriun Anlicus. CAPITULATION OF THEIR ARMY IN CORNWALL. 149 probably the piece called " Queen Elizahetli's pocket pistol,'^ on which were inscribed the lines — " Load me well, and keep me clean, I'll cany a ball to Calais Green." It had, probably, been taken away from Dover in August, 1642, when Tilbury Port, Chatham, Dover, &c., were secured by order of Parliament. The terms of the capitulation were, under the circumstances, very favourable to the vanquished. The officers were allowed to take away their per- sonal arms and baggage, and the men were to be clothed and fed, and conducted to Poole or Ports- mouth. But many of them never reached either. It is said that only a third of them reached Poole ; * for as they passed through Lostwithiel the women of that place, pretending that the soldiers' wives had got their clothes on, fell upon themf and stripped them almost naked. The men of Lost- withiel, following the example, did the same to many of the unarmed soldiers, so that the wretched creatures, separated from their party, wandered about the country in nakedness and misery, and such as could not regain the column of prisoners, who were marching under an escort, were either murdered, by the peasantry, or made their way, after much suffering and many days of weary travelling, to their own homes — many of them to die of diseases brought on by exposure and ill- treatment. * " Three hundred of them died daily, so that by the time they reached Poole they were reduced to 1000 ! " — Sir Edw. Walker, t Echard. 150 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Kicliard Symonds, to whose diary we have been ah'eady indebted for information respecting the movements and condition of the King's army, was present on this occasion, being a gentleman private in the King's Life Guards, and his report, although naturally tinctured with the prejudices of party, is very interesting, and may be regarded as authentic. His account is as follows : — " Monday, 2ncl of September, 1644. — His Majesty's army of foot stood on the same ground, or thereabouts, as before ; the several regiments by themselves, and the colours stuck in the ground, flying. His Majesty in the field, accompanied witli all his gallant Cavaliers, disposed in several places. While about ten of the clock, Major-General Skippon, first in front, marcht out with all that rout of rebels, after the colours of their several regiments. These regiments I took a note of after three or four had past. " Colonel Lord Roberts's. '' Colonel Bartlett's. " Col. Aldridge, bleic colours, Avith lions rampant or. '' Col. Davies, white, City of London. " Col. Conyngham's, green, City of London. " Col. Weare, argent, Governor of Lyme. " Col. Carr, ensigns or, distinctions blew. " These are Plymouth men. " Col. Layton, a regiment of horse, hleio cornets. " All these ensigns and cornets were wound up, and en- veloped. " It rained extremely as the varlets marcht away, a great part of the time. The King himself ridd about the field, and gave strict command to his chief officers to see that none of the enemy were plundered, and that all the soldjers should repair to their colours, which were in the adjoining close. Yet notwithstanding our officers, with their drawn swords, did ])crpetually beat off our foot, many of them lost their CAPITULATION OF THEIR AUMT IN CORNWALL. 151 hatts, &c. Yet most of them escaped this danger, mitil they came to Lostwithiel, and there the people, inhabitants and comitry people, plundered some of the officers, and all not- withstanding a sufficient party of horse was appointed by his Majestie to be their convoy. " They all, except here and there an officer (and seriously I saw not above three or four that looked like gentlemen), were struck with such a dismal fear, that as soon as the colour of their regiment was past (for every ensign had an horse, and rid upon him, and was so suffered), the rest of soldiers of that regiment pressed all of a heap, like sheep, though not so innocent, so dirty and so dejected, as was rare to see. None of them, except some few of their officers, that looked any of us in the face. Our foot would flowt at them, and bid them remember Eeading, Greenland House (where others that did not condicion with them took away all as prisoners), and many other places ; and then would pull their swords, &c., from them, for all that our officers did slash at them." Symonds goes on to excuse this ill treatment on the plea that the Parliamentarians had robbed and plundered the Cornish in the day of their own success. " One of their actions, while at Lost- withiel," he says, "must not be forgotten. In contempt of Christianity, Religion, and the Church, they brought a horse to the font in the Church, and there, with their kind of ceremonies, did, as they called it. Christian the horse, and called him by the name of Charles, in contempt of his sacred Majesty."* Symonds justly regards this proceeding with abhorrence ; but it may be remarked that this baptizing of a horse was one of the most ordinary * Pp 66, 67. 152 MEMOIR or GENERAL DEANE. charges made against the Parliamentarians. It is said to have occurred in St. Paul's Cathedral, when occuj)ied by a regiment of dragoons, during the Kino-'s trial; and again in one of the midland counties, when the very name of the captain whose horse was " christianed " is given; but I suspect these stories to have been invented for party pur- poses, or, that one such instance of profanation by some drunken or godless soldiers has been multi- plied into an habitual practice. The Puritans, on the other hand, were equally ready to believe any scandal against the Eoyalists, and to generalise it. And against the baptism of the horse we may set the blasphemous dedication of a Church at Ply- mouth to Saint Charles ! * which still stands a memorial of the strange piety of the reign of Charles the Second — that King who was the first to be designated in our Liturgy, "^gracious and religious'' — a phrase, doubtless, intended by its inventors to signify " full of grace and religion." V. Symonds's narrative corroborates the tradi- tion that the Parliamentarians who capitulated at Powey were grossly ill treated, not only by the Lostwithiel mob, but even by the King's soldiers, in the si2:ht and in defiance of their own ofiicers. And there can be little or no doubt that from this beginning may be dated much of the sufferings of the Poyalists themselves, in subsequent battles, * " Saint Charles the Martvr." FIRST RECOGNITION OF RICHARD DEANE. 153 when little quarter was given to them by their victorious enemies. The sufferings of the unfortunate prisoners of Powey did not end with their persecutions in Corn- wall. They were conveyed to Southampton; and so badly fed when there, and so closely packed together, that a typhoid fever broke out among them, and not only decimated them, but carried off also above one hundred of the inhabitants of that small town, as we learn from a letter of the mayor to the Admiralty Commissioners in 1652, when he protested against the quartering of 1,200 Dutch prisoners in his town ; on which occasion he re- ferred them to the well-known calamities brous^ht upon the place by the sickness of Essex's soldiers who were left there in 1644.* The ofiicers of the Parliamentarian army were graciously received by the King, " who admitted the chief ofiicers to kiss his hand ; and only refused that favour to Major-General Skippon, as being too great an enemy to his Majesty's honour and safety, "t If Richard Decme, as is probable, was one of these ofiicers, the fact is too remarkable to be passed by without the comment that he was the only one of those who sat on the King's trial, and signed his death warrant, who had twice kissed the King's hand— once on this occasion, and again at Childersley House, | after his rescue from the * S. p. O. t Iter Carolicum. X When they not only kissed the King's hand, but also knelt to kiss it^ all except Fairfax and Cromwell. See Clarendon, State Papers, App. 154 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Parliamentary Commissioners, to whom he had been sold by the Scotch. This, which in the eyes of Royalists might have been regarded as doubled-dyed treason, argued, in those of the opposite party, the depth of a con- viction which left him no choice between a senti- mental loyalty and an absolute patriotism. " The King above all — unless the King be the enemy of his subjects!" must have been his political creed. How far such a creed is in accordance with a man's higher and highest duty — to the King of Kings — must be determined by other considerations than those of worldly policy. CHAPTER VI. THE NEW MODEL. — THE BATTLE OF NASEBY. — SUERENDEH OF LEICESTER. — CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST OF ENGLAND. BATTLE OF LANGPORT. — SIEGES OF BRIDGEWATER, SHERBORNE CASTLE, AND BRISTOL. The Earl of Essex was much better received on his arrival in London than he ought to have expected : but his Parliamentary interest was con- siderable, and he was still very popular with the citizens. Another army was quickly raised and placed under his command, and the second battle of Newbury afforded him an opportunity of recover- ing his reputation ; but he was too ill to take any part in it, and the command devolved upon the Earl of Manchester. In this battle the Parliamentarians recovered six of their cannon which they had lost in Cornwall ; and the Trained Bands of London once more saved their army from defeat; but neither side could justly claim the victory. The second battle of Newbury, like the first, and like Edgehill, was a drawn battle. The cavalry of the King, under Prince Rupert, were, as usual, irresistible at the beginning, but their gallantry was in a great measure neutralized by the superior practice of 156 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. the Parliamentarian artillery, which on this day was served with peculiar steadiness and skill. The part taken by Richard Deane in this action is not recorded, but the time was not distant when he was no longer to play an obscure though still important part in the great contest, whose remark- able feature was, that no deserving officer was left unrewarded. But few made such rapid advances in the service as Richard Deane ; and hence we may reasonably infer that few, in the opinion of Eairfax and Cromwell, deserved better of the Par- liament. The chief result of the second battle of Newbury was the conviction that unless some eflPectual reform were made in the constitution and discipline of tlie army it would not long stand against the impe- tuosity of the Cavaliers. The man who made this discovery was Oliver Cromwell ; and he was not slow in carrvinff it out to the desired end. His well-known remonstrance that they wanted " better stuff than broken-down tapsters and pitiful serving men " to meet the gentlemen of England in the field, was, fortunately for the Cause, received with attention. The ranks of the army were recruited from a superior class of men ; and a well-considered organisation made up for deficiency of " blood." Cromwell had great faith in "blood," and, next to " blood," in discipline. His own Ironsides were an instance of it. " He had a brave regiment of horse," says Whitelocke, " of his own countrymen (of Huntingdonshire and Cambridgeshire), most of THE NEW MODEL. 157 them freeholders or freeholders' sons, and who upon matter of conscience engaged in the quarrel ; and thus, being well armed within by the satisfac- tion of their own consciences, and without by good iron arms, they would, as one man, stand firmly and charge desperately." The estimation in which the nobility of this period were held, by the severer critics of the times, is amusingly displayed in the tract ^^Respub- lica Angliccma," which was written by " G. TV.'" in 1648, against Clement Walker's Sistory of Independency, and in defence of the army which ejected the Parliament. Comparing the modern with the ancient nobles, he says : " Those generous soules were a terror and curb to tyrants, not their creatures and slavish instruments ; as depending upon their own worth and country's lawes, not mere King's creatures. Their principles of education led them to be lords over, not apes unto the French; and he was accounted the bravest lord who con- quered most of their men, not the finest that followed most of their fashions. Scars were the ornaments of a noble face, not black patches ; and hair powdered with dust and dewed with sweat and blood, not with perfumed powders and gesmin butter, was the dress wherein England's nobles courted their mistress Heroiek Fame. They de- signed their hawking and hunting to enable them in knowledge of passages and ridings — not them- selves to be faulkeners and huntsmen, whereby to learn to swear more readily. Their lands were let 158 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. at easie rates, with some services reserved, whereby their tenants, being able men, might not be broken spirited, and also might be obliged to attend them when their country's service called them forth; hence came England's valiant yeomanrie, and her bold Barons, who, by frequent Parliaments, knew how to manage great councils, perform worthy actions, restrain and curb tyrannical monarchs. These men were rather a spurre than a bridle to the Commons in all good actions." " G^. Wy in the above amusing passage, picks out an especial case to serve his own present pur- pose. He would, probably, have been as unwilling as any courtier of Charles to exchange the "slavery" of the seventeenth century for the " liberty " of the fifteenth, when the feudal lord whom he so admires could, and upon very slight provocation would, have hung him up as an " ex- ample," upon one of his apple trees. The nobles of Charles might have been " apes of the French " in fashions ; but many of them also imitated them in better things — in devoted loyalty to the Crown, and in unflinching valour in the field. The reform which presented itself to Cromwell as absolutely necessary was not only in the cha- racter of the privates, but also in that of the officers of the army, and especially of those on the staff. His ideal of a regimental officer is forcibly shown in his letter to Fau'fax about this time ; "I had rather have a plaine russet-coated captaine that knows what he fights for, and loves what he knows. THE NEW MODEL. 159 than that which you call a ' gentleman,' and Avho is nothing else."* The greatest difficulty which Pairfax and Crom- well encountered in the formation of the new model, was the Parliamentary interest of the chief officers of the existing army, many of whom were Members of Parliament, or had influential connec- tions in the House of Commons. To obviate this difficulty, Cromwell hit upon the device of The Self-denting Ordinance, of which the ingeniously invented title was not the least effective part. The power of a well-chosen epithet is incalculable. "To give a dog a bad name is to hang him," says the old proverb — and it is equally useful to give him a good one ; as none know better than the politicians of our days, in which, under the name of ^'Liberal,'' the most illiberal and tyrannical actions may be performed, not only with impunity, but with public approbation. A " voluntary " resignation of commands in the army by men " who might serve their country more advantageously in Parliament," was proposed, and readily accepted by the timid or indolent. The couraojeous and ambitious, beinsj left in a minoritv, were charged with selfishness, and rendered un- popular ; and thus the great object of the " self- denial " Mas achieved in the elimination of the Earls of Manchester, Stamford, and other lords and Parliamentary aristocrats, out of their commands, and in the ultimate elevation of Oliver Cromwell * From a letter formerly in the possession of Mr. Dawson Turner. IGO MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEAXE. to the virtual command-in-cliief, althougli nomi- nally he was only second to Sir Thomas Fairfax. It was true, and by his opponents and enviers strongly urged, that Cromwell, as a Member of Parliament, ought to be included in the ordinance — and so he was by his own voluntary and modest resignation ; but, somehow or other, Sir Thomas Eairfax, and " the public voice," demanded his re- instatement — and Oliver Cromwell was appointed Lieutenant-General of Horse in the New Model. Thus the first step of the Kepublican party of Thorough was gained. II. Pairfax and Cromwell, now supreme in com- mand, and armed with full powers to remodel the army, began by removing all such officers as had failed in intelligence, energy, or activity, or were personal friends and partisans of the superseded generals. Almost all the principal ofiicers of the old army — generals, colonels, and lieutenant- colonels — were changed ; the exceptions being so few as to be not worth notice. Skippon, whose skill and gallantry were indispensable, was retained, and raised to the rank of Major-General of the Army — a position which, if we may judge by his place in the staff of Sir Thomas Fairfax, made him second in command; but Cromwell, who stands third, as Lieutenant-General of horse, was in reality next in power to the Lord General. All the other staff officers of the Earls of Essex and Man- chester were dismissed, and even the commissaries THE NEW MODEL. 161 were changed. All the engineers, except one — Mr. Lyon, and all the artillery officers, except E/iCHARD Deane, were sent adrift, and their vacancies filled up with new names. One or two subordinate officers of the commissariat and am- munition service —such as Phipps — were retained, because they had proved themselves competent to their duties ; but the change, generally, was so great as to be virtually complete. Even the civil functionaries were displaced — a n^vf judge-advocate, a new secretary, and (with one exception, that of Hugh Feters) new chaplains were substituted. And it must be confessed that the changes were not only complete, but also most advantageous to the service. Of the twenty officers who signed the *' Attes- tation concerning the disaster in Cornwall, ^^ only seven reappeared in the New Model, and all these were promoted to higher ranks, viz.: Skippon, Erancis, Dea?ie, Moor, Ingoldesby, Fortescue, and Pride ; from which we may infer that these were the minority who supported Skippon's gallant resolution in the council of war — of cutting their way through the King's army. Lieutenant-Colonels ]^ortescue and Ingoldesby were made colonels, and obtained regiments. Prancis, who was a major tinder the Earl of Essex, was made lieutenant- colonel of Skippon's, and Major Pride promoted to be lieutenant-colonel of Harley's, regiment. Moor, the senior captain of " dragoons," was made major; and Richard Deane, from a subaltern of artillery M 162 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. was made a captain and Comptroller of the Ordnance — a position which seems to have been equivalent to that of a lieutenant-colonel in the army. Of the precise duties of a " Comptroller of the Ordnance " I have not been able to find any de- scription ; but from an Order in Council of July 4, 1649, in reference to Captain Edward Tomkyns, Comptroller of the Ordnance in Ireland, it appears that his duties were not confined to the care and ordering of the guns and materiel of the artillery, but he was also required to purchase horses for it. The train of artillery under the control of Richard Deane was provided with necessaries by Order of Council January 164^, out of the chest and silver Vessels belonging to St. Paul's Cathedral, which were "to be sold to the best advantage."* The guns were of brass, which was considered the best metal for the purpose in those days, and cast in Eno'land bv foreiOT founders or their Eusrlish pupils. The English were among the first to cast cannon, and did so in the reign of Edward III. ; but the art was afterwards so much improved on the Con- tinent that in 1626 Kino; Charles sent for Arnold Rotlspan, a celebrated German or Dutch cannon founder, to whom he granted a patent for fourteen years " to make guns of all sorts, both great and small, after a new way or manner not formerly * Dean Milman's Iltitt. of St. PiiiiVs. 348. THE NEW MODEL. 163 practised by any within these dominions."* It was from this foundry that both the armies of the King and of the Parliament were chiefly supplied in 1642. The New Model was composed of twelve regi- ments of foot, of which two were attached to the train ; ten regiments of horse, of six troops each ; and one of dragoons of ten troops. Two companies of "firelocks," and one of "pioneers," guarded the train of artillery ; and a corps of one hundred " gentlemen " formed the body-guard of the Lord General. The army thus completed consisted of 15,000 infantry, 7,000 horse, 1,000 dragoons, and fifty pieces of ordnance. Sir Thomas Fairfax, being appointed Lord General, was summoned to the House of Com- mons to receive his commission in person : a chair was placed for him, but he modestly refused to occupy it, and remained standing, while " the Speaker told him somewhat of Agamemnon and of the old Romans, which (slyly remarks Whitelocke) I have forgotten ! " The House approved of the list of officers pre- sented by Eairfax March 3rd, 164^, and on the 5th of the same month accepted that of the Ord- nance, and confirmed the appointment of Richard Deane as Comptroller; and on the 16th March the Bill received the sanction of the Lords. The army, thus new modelled, was placed under the drilling of Major-General Skippon at Windsor ; * Grose's Hist, of the Army, i. 385. M 2 164 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. and so indefatigably did that able officer labour in his duty, that on the 30th of April, 1645, he re- ported the troops fit for active service, and on the 1st May the army marched to Heading. The "fitness" was, of course, only comparative — it could not pretend to equal that of the Trained Bauds of London, but might be supposed to equal, if not surpass, that of the King's army, which was notoriously less amenable to discipline, although composed of better materials. The head quarters of the King, and his depot of artillery, were at Oxford; and the first idea of Fairfax was to bring the war to a close by a deter- mined attack upon that city, and with this object he put his army in motion. But on arriving at Beading he Avas informed of the distress of Taunton, then closely besieged by the Boyalists, and in great danger of being taken. As many of the best friends of the Parliament were in that town — Somersetshire being one of the counties most forward in The Cause — Fairfax was ordered by the Council of War in London to leave a detachment under Cromwell- before Oxford, and to march himself to the relief of Taunton. He proceeded, accordingly, with such rapidity by forced marches that on the 7th of May he reached Blandford, where an express from Cromwell overtook him with the information that the King had come out of Oxford in force, and had taken a northward direction towards Chester, where his chief strength lay ; and that the success of The Cause depended THE NEW MODEL. 165 upon his being immediately pursued and brought to a decisive action. Upon this intelligence Eairfax, sending forward a division of four regiments of infantry and four of cavalry under Colonel Weldon to relieve Taunton, turned back again with the remainder of his army to the support of Cromwell, whom he joined at Newbury. The arrival of Colonel Weldon on the 14th at Taunton was timely and welcome to the gallant colonel, Robert Blake — the future great admiral, who was reduced to almost the last extremity. He had just repulsed a desperate assault, and was expecting another, with an exhausted garrison and diminished hopes, when Weldon and his little army appeared, and the enemy, alarmed at the unexpected relief, raised the siege. Pairfax and Cromwell in the meantime, with united forces, and in high hope of finishing the war at one stroke, marched in pursuit of the King, but they had scarcely gone a day's march than an order from the " Committee of both Kingdoms " arrived, en- joining them to immediately invest Oxford, which was now defenceless. A more mischievous inter- ference could hardlv have been suQ-srested bv the worst enemy of The Cause. This " Committee " was a pernicious body of Members of Parliament who thought — as Parliamentary Committees in their " icisdom " always do think — that they knew better than their own generals how to conduct a campaign. To the urgent remonstrances of Pairfax It36 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. they only replied by a reiteration of their own order, and the generals, who had not yet emanci- pated themselves from the degradation of civil control, felt themselves bound to obey. They arrived under the walls of Oxford on the 22nd of May, and lay before them fifteen days, utterly unable to do anything for want of siege guns, for which they had to send to Windsor. If the " Committee " had had the common sense to dispatch a messenger to Windsor for those guns at the same time that they recalled Pairfax from his pursuit of the King, their object might possibly have been effected ; but this omission was of the gravest consequence, for, while the generals were wasting precious time before Oxford, intelligence reached them that the King, having relieved Chester, had marched to Leicester, which he had assaulted and carried by storm after a short but vigorous bombardment. This unwelcome news was accompanied by the exasperating addition that the loyalists had inflicted great cruelties upon the garrison and inhabitants.* The Committee, now seriously alarmed, gave way to the wishes of their generals, who raised the siege of Oxford and resumed their pursuit of the King; who on his part, flushed with success and equally eager to bring matters to a speedy issue, turned back to meet the Parliamentarians. The * Thompson's Hhiorij of Leicester. Among the prisoners was John Bitnyan, the celebrated author of the Pilgrim's Progress. He was at this time a private soldier in the scrviee ol' the Parliament. THE BATTLE OF NASEBY. 167 siege of Oxford was raised on the 5th of June, and on the 14th of the same month the opposing armies met on the decisive field of Naseby. The superstition of the age is curiously exempli- fied, in anticipation of this battle, in the grave person of the lawyer Bulstrode Whitelocke, who, five days before the fight, met the astrologer Lilly in the street, " Who asked him the (truth of the) news, of the armies being near one another." " I told him," says Whitelocke, " it was true, and that they were very likely to engage." He replied, " If they do not engage before the 11th of this month the Parliament will have the greatest victory that they ever yet had." " And so it proved accord- ingly ! " The cunning astrologer was not without a warrant for this " prophecy," for he was probably aware that if Fairfax joined battle before the 11th he would do so without Cromwell, and thereby lose one great chance of victory. Cromwell, who had been for some days absent from the army, rejoined it on the very morning of the battle, and was mainly instrumental to its success. III. The battle of Naseby has been so often described that it would be superfluous to repeat the description, except in a memoir of the man whose peculiar command had no small share in its result, for, but for the determined stand made by the Parliamentarian artillery when charged by the impetuous and hitherto victorious Uupert, the 168 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. gallantry of Cromwell and the almost superhuman exertions of Pairfax and Skippon might have been of no avail. The village of Naseby in Northamptonshire stands upon an eminence said to be the highest ground in England, and in the very centre of it, about midway between Market Harborough and DavcDtry; and a field about a mile northw^ard is the spot upon which the battle was fought. The two armies were nearly equal in numbers, and the ground equally favourable to both. They were drawn up on opposite ridges about a mile and a half apart, with a common between them, which, but for innumerable rabbit holes and molehills, would have been an excellent field for the evolu- tions of cavalry. As it was, both Rupert and Cromwell made good use of it, and covered it with the bodies of their respective enemies. The King's army consisted of three " tertias " of foot, each " tertia^^ constituting a brigade of three regiments. The first tertia was commanded by Sir Bernard Astley, the second by Colonel George Lisle, and the third by Sir Henry Bard. The regiments composing the first and third tertias are not named by E-. Symonds, from whose diary I have taken these particulars, but Lisle's, Gilby's, and Owen's regiments formed the second tertia, and the Life Guards, in which Symonds himself was a private, were under the orders of General the Earl of Lindsey, son of the heroic earl who fell at Edge- THE BATTLE OF NASEBY. 169 hill, and, under him, of Colonel Lay ton and Major Markham. This regiment of Life Guards was composed of six troops of horse, each under its own " cornet," or standard, and distinguished by the following colours, in which the arms of the captain were, in some instances, impaled with the Cross of St. George, as those of a Bishop are with the arms of his See. TROOP. 1. Argent, the cross of George, gules — impaling gu. a lion rampant or. " Dieu et mon Droit. ^^ 2. ,, „ „ impaling gu. a rose or, surmounted bj a royal crown or. 3. „ ,, ,, impaling two roses in pale, each sur- mounted by a royal crown. 4. ,, ,, ,, impaling gules, a griffin segreant or. 5. ,, no impalement. 6. ,, no impalement. Prince Rupert commanded the right wing of horse, and Sir Marmaduke Langdale the left wing, to which were attached the Newark horse. These were opposed by Ireton on the left, and Cromwell on the right, of the Parliamentarians. The command of L^eton included his own regi- ment and those of Colonels Vermuyden, Rich, Butler, Pleetwood, and " the Association." They were drawn up three deep, in just apprehension of 170 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. the impetuosity of Rupert's charge, but a vain pre- caution against it. Sir Thomas Fairfax and Major-General Skippon were in the centre with their infantry, which con- sisted of the following regiments : — The Lord General's ^ Montagu's [ constituting the right centre. Pickering's J Skippon's 1 Sir H. Waller's \ „ left centre. Pride's. J The right centre was supported by two regi- ments — Hammond's and Rainsborough's ; the left centre by only a part of Pride's regiment, and was, consequently, the weak point of the army, but as their flanking horse were in much greater strength than those on the right flank the position was deemed secure. How far this was from being the case will presently appear. The train of artillery was placed on Mill Hill — which was little more than rising ground — in rear of the left wing, so as to fire over the heads of the infantry, if necessary ; and each tertia was, more- over, flanked by two field pieces. This arrangement was an additional support to the left centre, and an additional compliment to Rupert, whose charge was expected upon this quarter. Such was the order of battle, which, with slight modifications, was the same on both sides. For, in those days of simple hand to hand fighting, there was not much room for strategy, and very little, if THE BATTLE OF NASEBY. 171 any, was ever attempted. Battles were usually won by sheer force of arms. Prince Rupert, as usual, began the battle with a furious charge of his whole right wing of horse, and as usual broke through and scattered the three lines of Ireton's horse opposed to him, riding over the extreme left centre of the Parliamentarian infantry at the same time. It would have been well for the unfortunate King if Rupert had now checked his men, wheeled round, and taken Pairfax in the rear, in which case nothing could have saved the Parlia- mentarians from a decisive defeat. But carried on, as always, by his own impetuosity, Rupert rushed up the slope upon which the baggage train and artillery were drawn up, under the protection of a select body of "firelocks," and all under the com- mand of the Comptroller Richard Deane. Rupert, being a- head of his victorious horsemen, was seen dimly, through the smoke of the battle, by the officer in command of the " firelocks " (who might, for aught we know to the contrary, have been the Comptroller himself), and having a general's sash round his body, and a red Montero cap upon his head, was mistaken for Sir Thomas Pairfax. But let Secretary Rushworth, who was present, and saw and heard all that passed on the occasion, tell the remarkable tale : — " A party of their horse, that broke through the left wing of ours, came quite behind the rear to our train. The leader of them being a person somewhat in the habit of the General, in a red Montero, as the 172 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. General had, our commander of the guard of the train went with his hat in his hand, and asked him ' Hoio the day went f ' thinking that it had been the General. The Cavalier, tcho we since heard was Mupert, asked him and the rest if they would have ' Quarter ?' They cried ' No /' gave Jfire, and in- stantly beat them back. It was a happy deliver- ance." The time thus lost by Rupert enabled Pairfax to rally his broken left centre of infantry, which had shared in the disaster of Ireton's horse, and to rescue Ireton himself, who was wounded and a prisoner, and to relieve Skippon, who had received a cannon ball which had shattered his armour and inflicted a deep and dangerous wound in his side. The horsemen of Rupert, disordered by the fire of the artillery and its guard of firelocks, galloped back to the field of battle, but it was too late ; for not only had Pairfax rallied his infantry, but Crom- well had charged with his "Ironsides," and had carried everything before him, breaking through Langdale's horse and crushing the indomitable hlue tertia of the King, which stood while all around them were flying. As a last hope, the King, who was never wanting to himself on the field of battle, called upon his Life Guards, and the shattered remnant of Hupert's horse which had now rejoined him, to charge — " One charge more, gentlemen^ and the day is ours T^ — but in vain ! The fire of Rupert was burnt out, and the Life Guards hesitated. " Would you go THE BATTLE OF NASEBY. 173 upon instant death /" cried the Earl of Carnwath to the King, and seizing the bridle of his horse hurried him off the field — and the battle of Naseby was over. It had been gained by the steadiness of the artillery, by the gallantry of Cromwell, and by the indefatigable exertions of Sir Thomas Pairfax, whose courage and conduct were worthy of his renown. Bareheaded — for his helmet had been knocked off in the metee — he galloped about the field, rallying and encouraging his men, and lead- ing them on to fresh dangers. Seeing a compact body of Royalists still unbroken, he called upon Colonel D'Oyley to charge them. D'Oyley had already charged them twice without effect. Pair- fax insisted upon a third attempt in front, while he attacked them, with such troops as he could collect, in the rear. The order was obeyed, and they charged simultaneously, and breaking through the ranks of the Koyalists met in the middle of the square, where Eairfax killed an ensign with his own hand, and captured the flag, which he handed over to one of D'Oyley's troopers. The man afterwards, boasting of the exploit as his own, was severely reprimanded by D'Oyley, who reported him to Fairfax for punishment. '' / have had honour enough,''^ said the generous Lord General, " let him take that honour to himself J^* Cromwell chased the fugitives fourteen miles, and did not draw the rein until he came under the * Whitelockc. 174 MEMOm OF GENERAL DEANE. fire of the walls of Leicester. The garrison of that town had obtained an unfortunate notoriety for their cruelty towards the prisoners of war taken at the previous storming ; and this report, whether just or not, had a considerable effect upon the victors of Naseby, who gave little or no quarter in the pursuit. They are charged, among other acts of atrocity, with putting to death above one hundred Irishwomen who had followed the Royal army as soldiers' wives. The slaughter of these women is admitted by the Parliamentarians, and justified by the excuse that they were not the wives of the soldiers, but abandoned women, armed with long knives, with which they had been in the habit, in former battles gained by the Royalists, of murder- ing the wounded and robbing them as they lay on the field. But Sprigge mentions a circumstance which, if true, may have gone far to exasperate the Parliamentarian soldiers and the peasantry of the country against the Irish : — " We came that night (13th) to Gilling, the country people much rejoicing at oar coming, having been miserably plundered by the enemy, and some having had their children taken from them and sold before their faces to the Irish of that army, whom the parents were forced to redeem with the price of money." This may, in some degree, explain the vindictive ferocity of the Parliamentarians on the next day. The loss of the lloyalists in this battle was enormous. No less than five thousand were taken * England^s Hecnrery, p. 32. THE BATTLE OP NASEBY. 175 prisoners, among whom were six colonels, eight lieutenant-colonels, eighteen majors, and seventy captains, one hundred and sixty subalterns, and above two hundred non-commissioned officers, be- sides all the personal and household servants of the King. The whole of the train of artillery, two mortars, eight thousand stand of arms, and forty barrels of powder fell into the hands of the victors. No victory could be more complete. The King's colours were taken and retaken. The Duke of York's standard remained in the possession of the captors, and also six of his regimental colours; four of the Queen's, and nearly an hundred others, both of the horse and foot. But the most important prize of all was the King's carriage, containing his cabinet of letters and copies of letters. Of this correspondence the Parliament made an instant and ungenerous use, by publishing, and probably garbling, their con- tents. Those letters which were written by the King were highly creditable to his heart as a hus- band and father, but not so favourable to the Sove7'eign, whom they exhibited in the character of a reserved and cautious man, which his enemies interpreted as that of an artful and insincere one. It was, therefore, eagerly spread abroad that no terms could be made with such a dissembler, who would keep none; that no treaty with him was safe, and that the only hope left to the Parliament was in carrying on the war to extremities. The loss on the side of the Parliament, in killed 176 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEAXE. and wounded, was actually greater than that of the King, for E/upert's charge had been attended with its usual slaughter ; and for the first part of the day the Royalists had been successful, both on the left wing and left centre of their opponents. Nothing but the indomitable courage of Skippon, who although severely wounded would not leave the field, and the untiring activity of Pairfax in repeatedly rallying his broken infantry, could have kept that part of the army from annihilation. As it was, the loss of life was very great in proportion to the numbers engaged — but more so among the men than the officers, of whom only one lieutenant- colonel and six captains were killed. But two generals, Skippon and Ireton, were wounded, and the latter was for some time, a prisoner. He ulti- mately escaped, through the connivance of the man who had been left in cliarge of him. Sprigge says that upon the defeat of the King's army Ireton " exchanged himself with his keeper." It is to be hoped that he gave him something considerable to equalize the exchange. We can guess the subse- quent fate of the good-natured or avaricious soldier if ever the transaction came to the ears of Ptupert. The victory was celebrated in the City of London by a dinner given to the Houses of Parliament in Grocers' Hall ; and " after dinner the whole Com- pany sung the Porty- sixth Psalm." The prisoners, 4,500 in number, were marched into London on the 25th of June, with the cap- tured colours borne before them in triumph. It SURRENDEK OF LEICESTER. 177 is a pity that tliis degradation could not have been spared to these gallant and unfortunate men ; but the animosities of civil war are beyond the reach of reason and humanity, and to such men as the after- dinner singers of the Porty-sixth Psalm the loyal- ists were but as Philistines or Edomites. IV. Two days after the victory of Naseby, Pairfax sat down before Leicester, and his en- gineers erected a battery against its walls ; in this battery they placed two demi-cannons and a cul- verin, which had been taken from the Royalists at Naseby; and they were the same that had been planted in the same battery against the town when occupied by the Parliamentarians only a fortnight before ! Such are the curious vicissitudes of war. Leicester being surrendered by capitulation, Pairfax marched a second time Westward to the relief of Taunton, now a second time besieged by the whole Western forces of the King ; and in addi- tion to its former garrison under Blake including the 5,000 men sent for its relief under Colonel Weldon, who had been compelled to take refuge behind its battered walls. The case was urgent, and corre- spondingly active were the movements of Pairfax. On the 29th of June he entered Marlborough, on the 30th he was quartered at Amesbury, and on the 1st of July his army " being drawn to a rendez- vous at a place called Stonage, marched in battalia across Salisburie Plaine."* * Anglla licdUlva, p. 60. N 178 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. It is a fortunate circumstance that Taunton was so hard pressed at this time, for otherwise the iconoclastic zeal of the soldiers, excited by the preaching of Hugh Peters and his colleagues, as^ainst the " monuments of heathenism," miarht have left us little to admire of Stonehenge, except its fragments. Here they received alarming news from Salisbury of the rising of the Clubmen against General Massey. These " Clubmen," so called from the bludgeons which they carried, were the country people, who under the pretext of self-protection had been collected in large numbers, and reduced to some kind of discipline by their landlords or parochial clergy. Being almost to a man Royalists, they threatened to be very troublesome to the Parliamentarians, notwithstanding they displayed in the face of both armies indifferently the flag of ostentatious neutrality, inscribed — " If you offer to phmder, or take ovir cattle, Be ye assured "\ve will give you battle."* This association of Clubmen, if properly managed, might have been made very advantageous to the King's cause, but no one of the King's party seems to have understood them, and there was no one to drill or lead them. " They were so strong," says Sprigge," and withal so confident of their strength, at that time, that it was held a point of prudence to be fair in demeanour towards them for awhile, * Anglla Ecdlrlra, p. GO. SURRENDER OF LEICESTER. 179 for if in case we should engage with Goring, and our men he put to the rout, these Clubmen would be more cruel than the enemy, and knock our men on the head as they should fly for safety." The Parliamentarians seem to have understood the Club- men better than the Royalists did, and had no faith in their pretended neutrality. The Wiltshire Clubmen, pacified for a time by Fairfax, were, after his retirement from that part of the country, wrought upon by the clergymen of their respective parishes, and began to show their anti-Parliamentarian predilections so unmistakeably, that Cromwell, with his usual tact in anticipating opportunities, would not wait for any overt act of hostility, but fell upon a body of them at Shrewton on the 4tli of August, and, killing and wounding above 400, scattered the remainder, and removed one cause of alarm from the rear of the advancing army. Among the victims of this attack were several rectors and vicars of parishes, especially the Incumbent of Compton, named Bravel, who com- manded the Clubmen, and " who kept them to their posts by threatening to pistol those that gave back." Had his knowledge of military drill and discipline been equal to his courage, Cromwell might have found a much more formidable enemy in these rustics ; as it was, Cromwell lost two officers and several men in this inglorious conflict, but con- sidered the loss a small one in comparison with the advantage gained by the dispersion of such danger- ous hangers-on upon the rear of a marching army. N 2 180 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. V. Ou the approach of Sir Thomas Pairfax, Goring raised the siege of Taunton, and retired to Langport, where he took up a position and offered battle — which was accepted. The two armies con- fronted each other on the 7th of July with equal forces, and not unequal chances of victory — for although the Parliamentarians were flushed Avith the successes of Naseby and Leicester, yet the loyalists were fresh, and, being in great part recruits of the West Country, miners of Somerset and Cornwall, were strong and hardy men ; and many of them had shared in the triumph of the preceding year, when the army of the Earl of Essex laid down their arms at Eowey. The Royalists began the action by bringing for- ward their artillery and a strong body of infantry, with the latter of which they lined the hedges, and prejiared to dispute the passage of the river Ivel, which drives name to Ivel-chester or Ilchester — the o Roman IschaUs, and birth-place of Roger JBacoii. Eairfax immediately threw forward " a Eorlorn Hope of horse and foot," and drew up his ordnance to places of advantage,* making the best use of the little rising ground which his side of the river afforded. He intended these movements only as feints, to prevent the Royalists from advancing any further, for he was weakened by having lately detached a body of horse and 2,000 musketeers to the support of General Massey, who was reported to bo engaged with Goring's cavalry at Long * ISjJl'iii.m', AikjUk licd'ir'nut. BATTLE OF LANGPORT. 181 Sutton. ^^ But the office?' in command of the ar- tillery,^^ observing a favourable opportunity, ^' began to play a good while before the foot engaged, doing great execution upon the body of the enemy's army, both horse and foot, who stood in good order upon the hill, about a musket-shot from the pass, and forced them to draw off their ordnance and remove their horse."* Fairfax, following up the impression thus unex- pectedly made, attacked the Royalists in force, and compelled them to a retreat, which soon became a precipitate rout. The Parliamentarian cavalry, under Major Bethel, who commanded the Porlorn Hope of horse, pursued them for eight miles, and to within two miles of Bridgewater, and gave them no time to rally and face about. This battle was very disastrous to the Royalists. They lost in prisoners alone 1,200 horse, and 1,400 foot. Two colonels, one of them being Colonel Slingsby, who was their General of Ordnance, were taken, besides thirty colours of regiments. The Parliamentarians lost no officers, and only about twenty men killed ;t but Major Bethel was wounded, being shot through the hand, and the army was for some time deprived of the services of this excellent officer, whose regiment, one of the most fanatical of the whole army, was also the one most frequently called upon to furnish Forlorn Hopes, and always justified the selection. The battle, or rather chase, of Langport, was the * Sprigge, An.i/Ua jRcdirira. f Ibid. 182 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. most cheaply gained victory of tlie whole war. This was owing, as we have seen, to the excellent practice of the artillery, which at the very be- ginning of the engagement so disorganised the enemy that they could not recover their formation before they were charged by the forlorn hopes of horse and foot, thrown forward by Eairfax in the very nick of time. This prompt seizure of an unlooked-for opportunity proved Fairfax to be the general which fame had reported him to be, when he was selected by the Parliament to be put at the head of their armies. But the general was indebted for his opportunity to the " officer in command of his artillery," and this officer was The Comptroller, liiCHARD Deane, who renewed at Langport the character which he had gained at Naseby. It is, probably, to this successful action that Sprigge alludes, when, in speaking of the part which Uichard Deane afterwards bore at the siege of Sherborne Castle, he says — "in the reduction of which place, as elseiohere, the dexterity, industry, and resolution of Captain Deane, Comptroller of the Ordnance, deserves to be had in memory." VI. Prom the field of Langport the army marched to the siege of Bridgewater, into which town a considerable part of Goring's army had thrown themselves, and thus strengthened a garrison al- ready sufficiently numerous to stand a siege. On the 10th of July the Parliamentarian army, * Anf/lia Bediriru, p. 87. SIEGE OF BRIDGEWATEll. 183 including the train of artillery, was drawn up upon West Moor, two miles from the walls of Bridge- water. The next morning Fairfax and Cromwell personally reconnoitred the fortifications, and found them stronger than they expected. For the town was situated on a plain, " there being not a clod that could afford any advantage against the place." The fortifications were regular, the ditch deep and wide, "and for a great part of the town filled, every tide, up to the brim with water." The ground within the lines was sufficiently contracted to allow of its being easily defended by the garrison which occupied it. There was. besides, a castle upon which forty pieces of cannon were mounted, which swept all the approaches to the town. The difficulties of the assault appeared to be so great, that the general called a council of war, which sat from the IGtli to the 19tli of July in earnest deliberation. Councils of war are, pro- verbially, cautious and pacific. Eew generals call one who have not already made up their minds to treat or to retreat. This, however, was not the characteristic of Fairfax, who, as Whitelocke in- forms us, never scrupled to depart from the deci- sion of a council of war, if it was too pacific for his own views. In the present instance the council was as warlike as he could desire. It was all for action, and only deliberated upon the best means of action — whether to reduce the town by a block- ade, or to carry it by storm. It was decided to adopt the latter; for the Iloyalisls having been 184 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. repulsed by Blake from Taunton, it must not be said that the Parliamentarians had shared a similar fate at Bridgewater. The place mnst be taken — the ultimate prospects of the campaign depended upon the vigour now to be displayed by the troops of the Parliament. If they failed here, the war might be greatly, and perhaps disastrously, pro- longed. The assault being resolved upon, Hammond, the lieutenant-general of the ordnance, gave orders for the construction of eight bridges, of between thirty and forty feet each in length, to span the ditch. These being ready, the hour for the assault was fixed at daybreak on Monday, the 21st of July. The regiments of Weldon, Ingoldesbye, Portescu, Herbert, Birch, and Massey, were appointed to storm on the Devonshire side of the town, under the command of General Massey ; those of Pah-fax, Cromwell, Pickering, Montagu, "Waller, Harley, Pvainsborough, and Hammond, were to attack on the Somersetshire side. The intervening Sunday was to be " improved " by the chaplains. The manner in which this part of the duties was per- formed is thus related by the author of Anglia Hediviva: — " Mr. Peters in the forenoon preached a preparation ser- mon, to encourage the soldiers to go on. Mr. Bowles did the same in the afternoon. After both sermons the drmns beat, and the army was drawn out into the field. The com- manders of the Forlorn Hope who were to begin the storm and the soldiers, being drawn together in the field, were there also afresh exhorted to do their duties with undaunted courage SIEGE OF BUIDGEWATEll. 185 and resolution by Mr. Peters, who did it, as one says of him, ' tani Marte quam Mercurio.'' " This employment of the chaplains was one to which both parties resorted with success. The chaplains did not consider their duties done when the men marched out of camp to battle, but accom- panied them to see that their exhortations had been effectual, and to succour and comfort the wounded and distressed. The soldiers, also, as naturally looked for their spiritual comforters to encourage them in their advances as for their trumpeters to sound the charge. We are told by Vicars how at Edgehill " Masters Marshall,* Ask, Moreton, Sedg- wick, and Wilkins, eminently pious and learned pastors, rode up and down the army, through the thickest dangers, and in much personal hazard, most faithfully and courageously exhorting and encouraging the souldiers to fight valiantly for their religion, laws, and Christian liberties." f In like manner, while Hugh Peters was riding through the ranks at Naseby, " with the Bible in one hand and a pistol in the other," the chaplains of the Royal army were administering the Holy Sacrament to the King, his officers, and men, * " Master Marshall " was one of the five Presbyterian clergymen whose initials fonned the word " Sinectijnmuus " so freely used in the controversies of their times, viz. : — /Stephen il/arshall, ^dmnnd Calamy, Thomas I'buTig, Jl/athew iVewcomm, TFilliam of a simultaneous sally from the city to annihilate them. Since the surrender of the army of Essex in Cornwall, matters had not been so serious as they were at that moment, and it required all the mili- * L\fe of Prince Iti/peyf, hj Eliot Warburton. o 2 196 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. tary skill of Pairfax, and all the natural sagacity of Cromwell, to meet the emergency. Their resolution was bold, and worthy of the occasion. It was determined to carry Bristol by storm at any sacri- fice, and without any loss of time. Eortunately for "the Cause," a letter from Goring at Exeter, to the Secretary Nicholas, at Oxford, was intercepted, in which he said that he could not reach Bristol for three weeks. Another fortunate event also occurred at the same time. Bupert, with his usual rashness, had headed a sixth sally, with 1,000 horse and 600 foot, and had been driven back with loss ; and although Colonel Okey had been carried away by him a prisoner, yet the repulse of such a desperate sally and so commanded was a great encouragement to the Parliamentarians. The order of the day was as follows : — Colonel Weldon and his Taunton Brigade were to storm on the Somersetshire side in three places, viz. " 200 mien in the middle, and 200 on each side as Eorlorn Hopes, were to begin the assault ; 20 ladders, each carried by two men, who were to have five shillings a-piece, were to be planted against the wall ; the two sergeants who attended the service of each ladder were to have twenty shillings. Twelve files of men with firearms and pikes were to follow each ladder to its place where it was to be planted. Each party of twelve was to be commanded by a captain and lieutenant, the lieutenant to go in first with five file, the captain to succeed with the other seven. The 200 men SIEGE OF BRISTOL. 197 appointed to second the stormers were to furnisli each party of them with 20 pioneers, who were to march in their rear. The 200 men to be com- manded by a field oflS.cer and the pioneers by a sergeant. Tlie pioneers were to level the rampart or Avail and make way for the horse. The party whose duty it was to make good the line were to take possession of the guns and tm'n them upon the enemv. A o;entleman of the Ordnance, with gunners and matrosses, was to enter with the stormers ; the drawbridge was to be let down, and two regiments and a half of foot were to storm in after the way was made." The General's brigade, under the command of Colonel Montagu,* and consisting of the General's, Montagu's, Pickering's, and Waller's regiments, were to storm on both sides of Lawford's Gate, on the Gloucestershire side, in the same order as the Taunton Brigade on the Somersetshire side of the town. Both assaults were to begin at the same time. In the above " General Orders " we note the employment of pioneers to throw down the ram- parts in order to facilitate the entrance of horse. It seems surprising that the besieged could not provide against such simple contrivances as the levelling of the ramparts and the admission of cavalry within the lines. The fact was, that there was no regular corps of engineers in either army, * Afterwards the celebrated Admiral Sir Edward Montagu, Earl of Sandwich, who brought Cliarles II. over to England, 16C0. 198 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. and so great was this deficiency at the commence- ment of the Civil War, that the Lieutenant-General of Ordnance in the army of the Earl of Essex, as well as the Chief Engineer in that of Eairfax, were both foreigners — the one a Savoyard and the other a Dutchman ! When sappers and miners were wanted they were supplied from the mines of the Mendip HiUs in the West, and from the coal-pits of Durham in the North. In earlier times the Eorest of Dean sent sappers and miners, not only for service on the borders of Wales, but also to the North of England and Scotland. At Carlave- rock and at Berwick, when besieged by Edward the Eirst, and generally in the campaigns of all the three Edwards, the foresters of Dean, under the Constable of St. Briavel's, were the only sappers and miners and working engineers of the Boyal armies. It is strange that the English, who are said to have been the first European nation to use cannon in the field, should not have made greater progress in the art which makes the effects of cannon less destructive. Their castles, being dwelling-houses, were of necessity built of stone, but the outworks might have been made of earth, after the examples of the numerous earthworks by which the country was overspread long before the arrival of the E;Omans, and which that intelligent people never failed to adopt, on the principle ^^fas est et ab hosts doceri.^^ Earthworks on a small scale were, indeed, sometimes thrown up, such as the lines of Bristol ; but their insufficiency to keep out a reso- SIEGE OF BEISTOL. 199 late enemy is evident from the fact that they were " only 5 feet high and 3 feet thick, and behind a ditch only 6 or 7 feet wide and 4 or 5 feet deep,"* which was Eupert's very valid excuse for his sub- sequent capitulation. The invention of great guns, now credibly attri- buted to the Chinese Tartars, taught them the necessity of surrounding their cities with earthen walls of such height and thickness that many of them are to this day no feeble ramparts, even against our improved artillery ; while the mud forts of Hindostan have given infinitely more trouble to our arms than the strongest granite fortresses of mediaeval Europe. XI. "While the army was preparing to storm Bristol, the Council of War dispatched a letter of sympathy to General Leven, and the oj0&cers of the Scotch army, on their late defeat by Montrose. This was signed by 25 officers, whose names are subscribed in the order of their respective ranks : — Thomas Fairfax, General. Oliver Cromwell, Lieutenant-General of the Army. Thos. Hammond, Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance. Henr}' Ireton, Commissary-General of Horse. Edw. Montagu, Colonel. Rich. Fortescu, Colonel. Rich. Ingoldesbje, Colonel. John Pickering, Colonel. Hardross Waller, Colonel. AVilliam Herbert, Colonel. * Sprigge, p. 120. 200 MEMOIR OF GENERAX DEANE. Robert Hammond, Colonel. James Gray, Lieutenant-Colonel, Adjutant-General of Foot. Thos. Pride, Lieutenant-Colonel commanding Harley's Regt. Robert Rye, Colonel of Horse. Thos. Kainsborougb, Colonel of Foot. Thos. Sheffield, Colonel of Foot. Clias. FleetT\'ood, Colonel of Foot. Ralph Weldon, Colonel of Foot. John Raymond, Colonel of Foot. Leonard Watson, Scout-Master General. Ca]:»t. Arthur Evelyn, Adjutant-General of Horse. Q?i])\.. Richard Deane, Comptroller of Ordnance. Thos. Jackson, Lieutenant-Colonel to Sir T. Fairfax. John Desborough, Major, Fairfax's Horse. Chr. Bethel, Major commanding Whalley's Horse. From tlie aboye list it appears that a council of war was composed of field officers, and those whose commands gave them, for the time, the rank and privileges of field officers. Of such we find two — viz. Captain Arthur Evelyn, Adjutant-General of Horse, and Captain Richard Deane, Comptroller of the Ordnance — both of them signing before an ordi- nary lieutenant-colonel and two majors. Hence I infer that the " Comptroller of the Ordnance " took rank between a colonel and lieutenant-colonel, unless the lieutenant-colonel happened, as in the case of Fride, to be at the time in command of a regiment. This inference is corroborated by the next promotion of Captain Richard Heane to the rank of a Colonel, when a regiment was assigned to him in 1647 or 1648. XII. Owing to the extreme wetness of the sea- SIEGE OF BRISTOL. 201 son, the storming of the outworks of Bristol was put off, and Fairfax contented himself with order- ing the great guns to play from the new battery upon Prior's Hill Fort, one of the principal de- fences of the place ; and in the meantime he sent a a summons to Prince Rupert. The letter w^hich conveyed it may be considered as a curious speci- men of self-deception, and a fair exposition of the sentiments of those who took up arms against the King. It is worthy of being studied by every one who would know how the most respectable of the Parliamentarians justified themselves in " the Sin of Rebellion,'' which in the eyes of men who laid so much stress upon the doctrines of the Old Testa- ment ought to have been held " as witchcraft.''^ SiK Thomas Fairfax to his highness Prince Rupert. Sir, For the service of the Parliament I have brought this army before Bristol, and do summon you, in their name, to surrender it, with the forts belonging to the same, into my hands, for their use. Having used this plain language, as the business required, I wish it may be as efiPectual to you, as it is satisfactory to mj'self, that I do a little expostulate wnth you about the sur- render of the same, Avhich 1 confess is a way not common, and which I should not have used, but in respect of such a person and such a place. I take into consideration your Eoyal birth, and relation to the Crown of England, your honour, courage, the virtue of your person, and the strength of the place, which you may think bomid and able to maintain. Sir, the Crown of England is, and will be, where it ought to be. We fight to maintain it thei'e. But the King, misled * " Rebellion is as Witchcraft," 1 Sam. xv. 23. 202 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. by evil counsellors, or through a seduced heart, hath left his Parliament, under God, the best assurance of his Crown and family. The maintaining of this schism is the ground of this unhappy war on your part ; and what sad effects it has pro- duced in the Three Kingdoms is visible to all men. To maintain the rights of the Crown and Kingdom jointly, a principal part whereof is that the King, in supreme acts, is not to be advised by men of whom the law takes no notice, but by the Parliament, the great council of the kingdom, in whom (as much as man is capable of) he hears all his people as it were, and in which multitude of counsellors lies his safety, and his people's interest, — and to see him right in this, hath been the constant and faithful endeavour of the Parliament, and to bring those wicked instruments to justice that have misled him is a principal ground of our fighting. Sir, if God makes this clear to you, as He hath to us, I doubt not but He Avill give you a heart to deliver the place, notwithstanding all the other considerations of honour, cour- age, fidelity, &c., because their constancy and use, in the present business, depends upon the right or wrongfulness of this that hath been said. And if upon such conviction you shall surrender it, and save the loss of blood, or the hazard of sj)oiling such a city, it would be an occasion glorious in itself, and joyful to us, for restoring of you to the endeared affection of the Parliament and people of England, the truest friend to your familj^ it hath in the world. But if this be hid from your eyes, and through your wilful- ness this so great, so famous, and so ancient a city, and so fidl of people, be, by your putting us to force the same, exposed to ruin and the extremities of war, then I appeal t® the righteous God to be judge between you and us, and to requite the wrong. And let all England judge whether the burning of its towns, and ruining its cities, and destroj'ing its people, be a good requital for a person of yovir familj^, which hath the prayers, tears, purses, and blood of its Parliament and peo])le, and (if you look on either as now divided) hath ever had that same party, both in ParHanient and amongst the SIEGE OF BRISTOL. 203 people, most zealous for their assistance and restitution, which you now oppose and seek to destroy. And whose constant grief hath been that their desires to serve your family have been hindered, or made fruitless, by that same party about his Majesty, by whose counsels you act, and whose interest you pursue, in this unnatural war. I expect your speedy answer to this summons with the return of the bearer this evening, and remain. Your Highness's humble servant, Thomas Faikfax. To this summons Prince Rupert replied, request- ing leave to send a messenger to the King, for his commands — which ^Fairfax refused. After some more correspondence, by which Rupert evidently intended only to gain time for the arrival of reinforcements or relief, Fairfax closed the negociations, and prepared for the assault, which was delivered at 2 a.m., September 10th, on both sides of the city at the same time. On the Gloucestershire side everything succeeded according to the 'programme. The lines were car- ried, and twenty -two cannon and many prisoners were taken, and all the forts also, except one — Prior's Hill Fort — which being strong and lofty, and the ladders of the assailants too short, held out for two hours, until some of the soldiers, entering through the embrasures, helped others up; and Captain Lagoe of Harley's seized the colours. The defenders then gave way, and the fort was won. The infuriated assailants, however, refused to give quarter until they had killed Major Price, the Com- mandant, and all his officers, and nearly all the 204 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. men ; the few that escaped the massacre were saved only through the interposition of the Parlia- mentarian officers. On the Somersetshire side the attack failed, through the shortness of the ladders. The Forlorn Hope and its supports were repulsed with great slaughter. Prince Rupert, finding that half his lines were taken, and that the capture of the remainder was only a question of hours, reopened negociations with Eairfax, which that General was glad to admit, for his losses had been very severe. Lieutenant- Colonel Purefoy, and two majors. Bethel and Crom- well, had fallen, and many inferior officers and men. During the parley between the Commissioners of E-upert and Eairfax, an accident very nearly de- prived the Parliament of both its principal Generals at one bloAV. Eairfax and Cromwell were sitting together on the top of Prior's Hill Eort when a cannon ball from the Castle struck the parapet on which they were sitting, " within a hand^s breadth of them r'^ The negociations ended with the surrender of Prince Hupert on terms honourable to both parties. The Royalists marched out on the 11th September with colours, pikes, and drums, bag and baggage ; the officers with their horses and arms, and the common soldiers of horse with their swords. The Prince's Life Guard and 250 horse were allowed to retain their pistols as well as their swords, with a * Anglia liedirin/, j). 1]0. SIEGE or BRISTOL. 205 pound of powder, and a proportionate quantity of bullets to each man. Prince Rupert seems to have made himself very unpopular in the neighbourhood of Bristol — pro- bably by compelling the peasantry to work at the fortifications, and by forcing contributions from the farmers ; for as he marched out a great number of countrymen surrounded his escort, and kept crying out, " Give him no quarter ! Give him no quarter !'' Upon this, Rupert applied to Pairfax to be allowed 1000 muskets for his protection, promising to re- store them at the end of the march. The request was granted, and the muskets were faithfully re- stored when the column reached Oxford. The reception of the unfortunate Prince at Oxford was anything but kind or considerate. The King, in a fit of indignation, recalled all his commissions, and gave him a pass to go beyond seas ! He was never again employed on land ; but, notwithstanding this ill-treatment, never deserted the cause of the King. The blame, if any were justly due, might have been taken by the King to himself for appointing him to such a command. A dashing cavalry officer is about one of the last persons to prolong the defence of a besieged town. His vocation is not behind a wall, but in the open field ; and he is pretty sure to waste his men and ammunition in sallies, which, ao^ainst a besieffino- army, well supplied with cannon and infantry, are generally of little or no avail. 206 MEMOIU OF GENERAL DEANE. Prince Kupert remained at Oxford, an unrecog- nised volunteer, and assisted at its defence to the last. The Parliament, on the contrary, justified Prince Ptupert's conduct at Bristol by the exuberant de- light with which they confirmed the capitulation, and by the alacrity with which they reversed the sentence passed upon Colonel Nathaniel Eiennes two years before for surrendering the same city to E;upert. The vindication of Piennes was deemed to be complete by the surrender of the redoubtable Prince. Pairfax deputed Cromwell to write the despatches on this occasion, which he did with his usual per- spicuity in matters purely military ; for where he had a desire to be understood, no one could speak more to the point. It was only when he wished to obfuscate the intellects of his hearers, and thereby find out their designs or thoughts, that he was vague and circumlocutory. Cromwell gave full credit to every officer engaged in the arduous work, of which he did not conceal the difficulties. At the same time, to soften the possible jealousy of the House of Commons, he, somewhat disingenuously, assured them that " his own humble suit, and that of all that have an interest in this blessing is — that, in the remembrance of God's praises, they may be forgotten." How far this humility was genuine may be gathered from the fact that when the Parliament SIEGE OF BRISTOL. 207 afterwards took him at his word, and '^forgot " the services of the army, Eairfax had no scruple in marching against them, nor Cromwell any in turn- ing them out of the House. The same regiment, Harley's, which, under the command of its Lieu- tenant-Colonel Pride, so gallantly stormed Prior's Hill Port, as readily administered that dose to the "House" which history has immortaKsed as Tride's 'purge. XIII. The loss of Major Bethel was especially lamented by the Parliamentarian army. The eq_ui- voque of his name, Beth-el, the Blouse of God, may have had something to do with the reverence in which they held his person ; but the part which he had borne in the battle of Langport, where he commanded the Porlorn Hope of horse, as well as his gallantry in the storming of Bristol, justified the eulogies of the army chronicler, who, in the overflowing of his heart, has left the following record of his affection — in The Army's Tears over Major Bethel. Such euloc^ies and acrostics were a favourite exercise of the poets or poetasters of that age ; a complete collection of which would form a curious book of bad taste and exaggerated conceits, but in some instances would be a biographical memoir of worthies whose exploits lie buried with their names. Sprigge, the historian of the New Model, delights in such effusions, and is a trustworthy recorder of 208 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. the feelings of the times in which he wrote. Those whom he delights to honour were popular heroes of the array. THE army's tears OVER MAJOR BETHEL. Thou gallant charger, do'st thou wheel about To sable shades ? Or do'st thou rather post To Bethel, there to make a shout Of the great triumphs of a scorned host ? Or, blessed soul, was it unworthy we That made thee weary with such dust to be ? Or tired with our new reforming pace, Tasting some sips of Heaven, do'st therefore haste To fuller draughts of that eternal grace. Fearing thy spirit might be here embrac'd ? Farewell, dear soul, thy great deserv'd arrears We'U pay in others' blood, or our own tears. Only let all, all ages when they tell The unexampled tale of Forty-five, Yea, when these mercies to their glory swell, And be completed by the saints alive. When Naseby, Langport, Bristol named they hear, Let them all say, " Sweet Bethel he was there !" JBear a part in these laments Every soul that longs for peace ! Truly, who with God indents Here to have thereof a lease, ^Enters with himself a war ! — Zeau on things that truly are ! CHAPTER VIT. ADVANCE OF THE ARMY WESTWARD. CAPTURE OP TIVERTON CASTLE.7— INVESTMENT OF EXETER. — GREAT SICKiNESS IN THE ARMY. GALLANT DEFENCE OF POWDERHAM CHURCH BY THE COMPTROLLER. THE STOR^NIING OF DARTMOUTH. — BATTLE OF TORRINGTON. SURRENDER OF THE ARMY OF SIR RALPH HOPTON. CONCLUSION OF THE CxVMPAIGN IN THE WEST. I. The fall of Bristol completed the misfortunes of the King'. Everything now was against him. His hest army had been defeated ; his strongest places, with the single exception of Oxford, taken. His resources, both in men and money, had been for some time diminishing ; and now the very spirit of his party was in danger of being broken by what he considered the disgraceful surrender of a well-fortified and well- supplied city by the bravest of his officers. The hopes of the Parliamentarians were pro- portionally raised, and their activity stimulated, by the event. Money, men, and materials of war were supplied as fast as they were wanted ; and, above all, the feeling of the country went with them, notwithstanding the heavy taxation which the exigencies of the times compelled. Fairfax resolved to bring the war to a close by marching at once against Goring, who had recruited his forces in Devonshire and Cornwall, and was p 210 MEMOIR or GENERAL DEANE. again preparing to take the field. But, unwilling to leave any enemies in the rear, he postponed his advance until he had captured such fortified posts as might, by lying between himself and London, intercept his supplies. With this object he marched to Bath on the 17th September, and there rested four or five days to recruit his own health, which had been much impaired by his exposures and exertions. From Bath Fairfax detached three columns, under Cromwell, Pickering, and Bainsborough, to take Devizes, Lacock House, and Berkeley Castle — all of which succeeded. A fourth column reduced Farley Castle. After taking Devizes Cromwell proceeded with one brigade of infantry and three regiments of horse to Basing House and Winchester, both of which were garrisoned for the King. The former he carried by storm, and the latter capitulated through the terror excited by the reports of his severities at Basing. The "merciless" assault of Basing House has been set by the side of the storming of Drogheda at a later period of the Civil War, as demonstrating Cromwell's innate cruelty and bloodthirstiness. They may be regarded rather as proofs of his cal- culating policy, and desire of crushing all hopeless resistance, and so putting an early end to the war. For Oliver Cromwell was not naturally " a man of blood." An instance of this occurred shortly after the taking of Basing House, when, six of his soldiers ARMY ADVANCE WESTWARD. 211 having been discovered ill-treating some of the garrison of Winchester as they marched out on terms, he caused them to be tried by court martial ; and upon their conviction and sentence, which was " deaths'" he made them draw lots for life. The man upon whom the fatal blank fell was instantly shot, and the other five were sent to Sir Thomas Glem- ham, the King's Governor of Oxford, to be dealt with according to his pleasure. Sir Thomas Glem- ham, unwilling to be behind-hand in generosity, sent them back again, with a letter of thanks to Cromwell for his justice and courtesy. On the 23rd September Fairfax moved his head quarters to Devizes, and on the 27th to Warminster, where he halted three days. On the 30th he marched to Shaftesbury, where he waited five days for money from London for the pay of his troops, and on the 6th October resumed his march to Chard, where the expected treasure reached him. In this comparative regularity of pay we have one great cause of the success of the Parliamen- tarians ; for, being by these means restrained from exacting forced contributions from the country people, they avoided the unpopularity which always attends an army that takes what it wants without payment ; as was of necessity too often the case with the moneyless troops of the King. At Chard Fairfax heard that Goring, whose head quarters were at Poltimore House, about two miles from Exeter, and within thirty miles of his own, intended to break through his lines with his horse, p 2 212 MEMOIR OF GENEllAL DEANE. as the cavalry of tbe Parliament had done at Eowey, and join the King in the North. The at- tempt was probable, and if successful would be ver}'' mischievous, for the united horse of the King and Goring would in that case be greatly superior to his own, and the face of affairs would be changed. Fairfax accordingly made dispositions to antioinate Gorinj?, and on the 14th October marched to Honiton, and on the next day to Cullompton, which brought him within sixteen miles of Exeter. Here he called a Council of War, which resulted in the determination to sieze as many posts as possible on the left bank of the river Exe, in order to prevent Goring from crossing it. Eor this purpose it appeared necessary to occupy Tiverton Castle, which was well situated for either aiding or obstructing the passage of that river at an important point. But Tiverton Castle had been already seized and fortified by the Royalists. The church also had been occupied in force, and must be carried by a coup de main — for time would not permit a regular siege, and " delays were dangerous." On the 18th October, accordingly, batteries were raised by the Comptroller of the Ordnance, Richard Deane, and fire opened upon the deserted town. A Council of War was held while the cannon was playing upon the enemy's works, and it was re- solved to storm the castle, &c., as soon as a prac- ticable breach had been made. While they were in debate concerning the manner of storming, the CAPTrRE or TIVERTOX CASTLE. 213 chain of the draAvbridge was broken by a well -aimed cannot shot, and the bridge fell down, ''whereupon the soldiers, without waiting for orders, possessed themselves of the bridge, entered the works, and occupied the churchyard, which so terrified the enemy, that it made them quit their ordnance, and some of their posts and line, and fly into the church and castle, where they cried out lamentably for "■^ quarter I "" The soldiers crept in at the church windows, and made all within prisoners, but stripped most of them to their shirts, yet gave them their lives. * Sir George Talbot the governor, four majors, and about two hundred officers and soldiers were taken. II. On the 28th the army moved on to Silverton, six miles from Exeter, when it was resolved not to march any farther Westward until that city, gar- risoned by 1,100 horse and 4,000 foot, had been reduced. Positions were accordingly taken up in the villages round Exeter, on both sides of the Exe ; ])ut owing to the bad weather, which rendered the deep and narrow lanes impassable to artillery, very little progress was made. Sickness, also, set in with such alarming symptoms, that head -quarters were frequently shifted, being one day at Newton St. Cyrus, another day at Crediton, another at Topsham, &c. They were finally fixed at Ottery St. Mary, to which town the train had been already sent on the 29th. The general soon after followed ; * Sprigge, 144, 145. 214 MEMOIR or GENERAL DEANE. and we learn from one of his letters to his father Lord Fairfax, that his wife, the daughter of Sir Francis Yere, did not hesitate to share her hus- band's hardships — which soon became serious. Lady- Fairfax remained in camp all the time that the sickness lasted. This " neio sickness," as it was called, prevailed to such an extent, that for several weeks together eight or nine soldiers died of it daily. " Six of the general's own family " were sick of it at one time, and half the soldiers of the foot regiments. Many officers sunk under it, and among them Colonel Pickering, who was reckoned one of the bravest and best officers in the army. His death was very generally deplored. Sprigge has endeavoured to express the feelings of the army on the occasion in a column of some of his worst verses, which I will not inflict on the reader. They are headed by an onagram — "In God I reckon happiness" — Johannes dickering. In consequence of this sickness head-quarters were moved, December 6th, to Tiverton, and a part of the army sent to Crediton, while the remainder were placed in detachments at Nutwell, Broadclist, Poltimore, and Stoke, hemming in Exeter com- pletely on the eastern or left bank of the Exe ; but the western side was in great part left open, for want of sufficient numbers to make an effectual blockade. The sickness by which the army was so reduced was, probably, a species of typhus, originating in a marsh fever, for the country round Exeter must at DEFENCE OP POWDERHAM CASTLE. 215 that time have been subject to frequent floods, from the overflowing of the river Exe. III. The difficulties of the army were great, but, notwithstanding these discouragements, the cam- paign could not be abandoned. It was important to reduce Exeter, and one of the preliminary opera- tions was to obtain possession of Powderham Castle, which ancient seat of the Courtenays commanded the river opposite to Nutwell Court, the inheritance of the representatives of Sir Erancis Drake. Powderham Castle was held by a garrison of E-oyalists, and, unless it could be taken by surpiise, woukl require so large a number of men to invest it, that the alarm would reach Exeter, and rein- forcements from that city might cut off the besieg- ing party before it could retreat across the wide and bridgeless water. Under these circumstances a small but select body of 200 foot and dragoons, under two of his most resolute captains, were required for the ser- vice by Sir Thomas Eairfax, and his choice fell upon the Comptroller of the Ordnance, Richard Deane, as the leader of the enterprise, and Captain Farmer of the dragoons as his colleague. The latter had distinguished himself a few days before by boarding a ship between Topsham and Exmouth with a handful of dragoons and carrying her trium- phantly into Topsham harbour. She was laden with valuable treasures belonging to the King and 216 MEMOIR or GENERAL UEANE. Queen, and was about to convey them to the latter in France. At nine o'clock at night, on the 14th of December, this party was taken across the Exe in boats. The river at this point is fully a mile in breadth at high water, at which time only any landing could be effected, on account of the mud. By a strange oversight, the garrison of Powderham Castle had no sentinels on the river bank, and the party, landing near the parish church, took imme- diate possession of it. The church was about half a mile from the castle, and a good basis of operations against it. But, when the Comptroller had completed his landing, he heard from a countryman, or a scout, previously sent over, that the castle had been rein- forced with 150 men the evening before, and was fully prepared to repel an attack. It was, there- fore, deemed too hazardous to advance in the dark, and it was too late to retreat. The ground, how- ever, was covered with snow, and a hard frost had set in. There was no alternative but to fortify the church, and pass the night in it, under arms, in the hope that the garrison might be relieved the next day by their friends from Nutwell. Daylight brought neither boats nor reinforce- ments, but a body of 600 men came down from Exeter, who immediately proceeded to attack the church. Erom 7 a.m. until 10 they continued firing mus- DEFENCE OF POWDERHAM CHURCH. 2l7 kets and tliro^^^iug- liand-grenades into it, but the Comptroller had posted his men so skilfully, that not one of them was killed. The assailants made several attempts to storm the church through the doors and windows, but were beaten back every time, and were ultimately forced to retreat, carry- ing ofiP their wounded, who were numerous, and leaving two dead in the churchyard. From the traces of blood in the snow, the number carried off must have been considerable. The Comptroller kept his post through a second night, notwithstanding the severity of the cold, and the impossibility of lighting fires in the church without danger to the building. That he did not light any fire, and that when he retired from the post be left the church uninjured, is a strong testi- mony to the superiority of his religion above that of most of his party in the army, who are charged, and I fear with too much truth, with the heartless destruction of not only altars and fonts, but even of sepulchral monuments, memorials of the greatness and goodness of the glorious dead, of many of whom " the world was not worthy." It is but fair, how- ever, to add, that much more mischief was done in this way at the E-eformation than in the great rebellion — by " Protestants " than by " Patriots." On the morning of the second day Sir Hardress Waller came down from Crediton with a strong force to Exrainster, and under cover of this relief, and by command of Sir Thomas Pairfax, the Comp- troller and his gallant little band recrossed the Exe, 218 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. as they liacl come, in small boats unmolested by the enemy. " These soldiers," says Sprigge, " thus happily de- livered, and thus honourably come off, were rewarded with proportions out of the prize taken by Captain Earmer, at the general's command." This is the action to which the tradition that " Ptichard Deane was first taken notice of at the Siege of Exeter"* refers; for here he first had a separate command. He had already, as we have seen, given proofs of his skill and resolution on various occasions — at Naseby, at Sherborne, at Langport, at Bridgwater, and at Bristol — where the good practice of the artillery is especially noticed ; and we claim no more than his due when we de- mand that a large portion of this efficiency may be credited to the Comptroller of the Ordnance. This defence of Powderham church is thus men- tioned by Sir Thomas Eairfax, in his letter to his father, December 19, 1645 : — " The other day we sent a party over the river Exe to Poklrum House, but it being possessed by the enenw, and the party not strong enough to storm it, our men took a church half a mile nearer Exeter, from whence the enemy sallied out that night with 500 musketeers, and assaulted our men in the church. They disputed the business for three hours very hotly. The enemy came up close to the windows with halberts, and threw in fifteen granadoes, but by the goodness of God our men forced them to retreat, leaving two men slain behind them, and many others wounded. We, finding the place more dangerous than useful, quit it again. * Chronicles of the Rehtoration. SIEGE OP PLYMOUTH. 219 The extreme coldness of the weather, and want of clothes, makes us act slower."* IV. The army lay before Exeter until January 5, 164f , having in the two or three weeks previous had several alarms of the approach of the B/oyalists from Cornwall to relieve the city. On this day a report arrived of a successful sally from Plymouth, and accordingly " a private consultation of the principal officers was held, and divers officers sought counsel of Heaven that day, keeping it as a private day of humiliation; in answer whereunto God inclined their hearts to resolve of an advance." " The next day a publick Council of War was called, and, that the former resolution might appear to be the answer of God, it was in this public Council resolved, nem. con., to advance into the South Hams, where the greatest part of the enemy lay."t It is amusing to read such sentences as the above, which remind us of similar practices, or " pious frauds," of the Greeks and Homans when- ever the generals desired to inspire confidence into their troops in any measure upon which they had resolved. The Gods were consulted, and always answered as the generals wished them to answer. The Greek found the entrails of the victims pro- pitious or not, according as his own prudence dictated ; and, whenever the Roman general had made up his mind to march, the eagle made no * Fairfax Correspondence (Ed. Ball), vol. i. p. 2G4. f Anglia Rediviva, p. 163. 220 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. resistance to the i^rlmipihts who pulled the staff out of the ground. On the contrary, no application of force could induce the staff to leave the ground if the general found it more expedient to remain in the camp. In like manner the Parliamentarian leaders never " sought the Lord " in vain. On the present occasion, such was the alacrity of the troops to obey this propitious answer, that, having been served with new shoes and stockings only, they would not wait for clothes, though their own were in rags, but proceeded cheerfully through a deep snow to the town of Crediton, and thence on to Bovey Tracy — the head quarters of the Royalists. Cromwell led the advanced guard, and surprised the enemy in their quarters at six o'clock in the evening, and found the officers at cards ! Eour hundred horses, seven stands of colours, of which one was a King's colour, a major, and fifty men, and all the stakes of the card-players, which they threw out of the windows into the street while they themselves endeavoured to escape out of the back door, were the fruits of this sur- prise. The next day the army marched to Plymouth and raised the siege. A considerable number of the Royalists retreated, by way of Totnes, to Dartmouth, where they swelled the garrison to a number which justified a defence in case of an attack, which was not long delayed. But the state of the roads was such, from ice and snow, that when Pairfax arrived under the walls of Dartmouth he was destitute of a battering-train, STORMING or DAKTilOUTII. 221 and unable to bring any but the lightest of field- pieces forward. The Comptroller, however, was personally present, and went aboard Captain Bat- ten's blockading squadron and borrowed 200 sailors, to whom he allotted posts on shore, and for whom he soon found congenial work, namely, the turning of the enemy's own guns against them as soon as the soldiers had scaled the forts, and expelled their defenders. This was eflFected with astonishincr rapidity at eleven o'clock at night on the fourth day after the arrival of the army before the toAvn. " God with us!" was the "word;" and the storming parties were distinguished from each other by " skirls out before and heliind^''' for the night was dark. The advance was so rapid that the defenders had only time for one discharge of cannon before their assailants were under their guns. Planting the ladders they escaladed three different forts, mount- ing in the whole sixty guns, so simultaneously, and with such success, that in a very few minutes they were all carried, with the loss of only one man killed and an inconsiderable number wounded ! — a success which the most sanguine could hardly have expected. The storming parties were led by Colonels Hammond and Portescue, and Lieutenant- Colonel Pride. After this success the Comptroller was sent to summon two vessels of war, of ten and twelve guns respectively, then lying in the river Dart, to sur- render ; which they did without firing a shot. 222 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Three liours afterwards Sir Hugh Pollard, the governor, gave up the castle ; and the Earl of Newport, a volunteer, one colonel, four lieutenant- colonels, two majors, fifteen captains, twenty-four subalterns, and many country gentlemen and clergymen, besides nearly 1,000 soldiers, were made prisoners of war. The mounted guns in the town were 120 in number. The employment of Richard Deane, the Comp- troller, on the two occasions when ships and seamen were in question, appears to corroborate the tra- dition that previous to his joining the army he had been connected with the navy. The sailors bor- rowed from Captain Batten's squadron would more willingly serve on shore under a land officer whom they knew to have some knowledge of naval matters ; and even the enemy's ships of war would less reluctantly surrender to the summons of such an officer. An incident of the storming of Dartmouth is. noticed by ^Fairfax in his despatches as remarkable, and so indeed it was ; and to us moderns, who have perhaps an undue contempt for the weapons and powder of the seventeenth century, it is not a little surprising. " After they were forced from their strengths out of the town, the governor, coming back from the castle to see in what posture the town was, received a remarkable shot as he was in the boat. A musquet shot was made at the boat, which pierced the boat and both the thighs of one that sat next to him, and about three inches into BATTLE or TORRIN&TON. 223 his tliigli also ! whereupon he retreated to the castle." Two acts of generosity at this place reflect great credit upon Sir Thomas Fairfax, He dismissed all his Cornish prisoners, giving them two shillings a piece to pay their way home, " in order that their countrymen might see he had forgot former in- juries, and respected them as much as any other county,"* And he distributed the greatest part of the prize goods among the "well affected" of the inhabitants of the town who had suffered from the storm. It is no less creditable to his troops that they took this deprivation of their " mercies " in good part. Tor to take his prize-money from the soldier or sailor, is " to rob a lioness of her whelps." V. January 26. Erom Dartmouth the army re- turned by forced marches to the siege of Exeter, capturing Powderham Castle by the way. But they had scarcely recommenced operations when intelligence arrived that Lord Hopton had suc- ceeded in raising a considerable force in Cornwall, and was again advancing to the relief of Exeter with 5,000 horse and 4,000 foot, and that he had reached Torrington, Eairfax immediately broke up his camp, and by forced marches appeared in presence of the enemv on the 18th of Eebruary. His advanced guard threatened Stevenstone House, the seat of Mr. Rolle, * Sprigge, p. 171. 224 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. which was garrisoned by 200 dragoons, who fell hack upon their main body at Torrington, leaving the hedges lined with musketeers to cover their retreat. It was now five o'clock in the evening, and nearly dark — apparently too late for operations. In these positions the opposing armies remained, without any demonstrations on either side, until eight o'clock, when Lord Hopton began to with- draw his outlying picquets within the barricades of the town ; and those of Sir Thomas Fairfax followed them up closely, without orders, and occupying the evacuated posts were soon within musket-shot of the head-quarters of the Eoyalists. This state of things appeared very critical to Eairfax; for should the enemy, who knew the ground, make a sudden and well-supported sally in the dark, they would certainly cause a great loss to his advanced guard, and possibly scatter his whole army so completely that they might not recover their formations by daylight. Under these circum- stances he rode with Cromwell to the front to see the guards set, and take such precautions as might prevent the mischief which he apprehended. They found, or thought they had found, reasons for sup- posing, from certain subdued sounds, that the enemy were retreating, and accordingly, in order to ascertain the fact, sent a party of dragoons to fire upon them through the hedges and barricades. The Royalists replied with a volley of shot, upon which Fairfax's forlorn hope of foot went in to bring off the dragoons, and the reserve followed to BATTLE OF TORRIXGTON. 225 bring off the forlorn hope of foot, and the action became so extended that Fairfax and Cromwell, seeing the readiness of their men to fight, ordered the advance, and attacked at all points. For two hours a hand-to-hand fight was kept up with equal resolution on both sides. At length the Parliamentarian infantry forced their way through the barricades and admitted the cavalry, who charged the Royalists and drove them through the town, when Lord Hopton, bringing up the rear, had his horse shot under him. Upon this, his cavalry, facing about, charged the Parliamentarian infantry, and drove them back again, until they were themselves charged by a fresh body of horse, which overthrew many of them, and pursued the rest to the bridges and through the barricades at the lower end of the town. The Parliamentarians then set guards at the barricades, and thought that all was over for the night, when suddenly the powder magazine of the enemy, containing eighty barrels of powder which had been placed in the churcb, exploded, and threw everything into confusion. This was said to be the work of an incendiary, one Watts, who had been hired and paid thirty pounds for the purpose. Watts, who was pulled out from under the rubbish and timber, still alive, is said to have confessed this the next day. The lead, stones, timber, and ironwork of the church roof were ])lown into the air, and scattered all over the town and fields ; but few persons were killed, except about Q 226 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. two hundred prisoners and their guard, who were in the church at the time of the explosion. Sir Thomas Fairfax, however, had a narrow escape. He was riding along the street at the time, when the terrible shower descended about him, and un- horsed one of his Life Guards, Mr. Rhodes, but spared the General. The despatch of Eairfax is long and minute as to particulars, and does justice to the Hoyalists. " Their horse," he says, " twice repulsed our foot, and almost drove them out of the town again ; but Colonel Hammond, and some other officers, and a few soldiers made a stand at the barricade, and so makmo; o^ood their resistance rallied their men, and went on again." The explosion of the magazine he attributes to " some desperate prisoner, or casually some soldier," but makes no mention of his own danger and escape. He declares the action to have been "a hotter service than any storm the army had ever before been upon." The fruits of this victory were comparatively small — only one lieutenant-colonel and about twenty other officers being taken, one of whom, a commissary, rejoiced in the name of " Boney^^ so familiar to our soldiers and sailors during the first quarter of this century. The Ptoyahsts, after this action, reth'ed into Corn- wall, where they again recruited their shattered forces with such expedition that in a few days they were able to bring 5,000 horse and 1,000 foot into SURRENDER OF LORD HOPTON. 227 the field ; but this was their last effort. The men of Cornwall had nobly proved their loyalty to the King, and had they been better supported by other counties the throne of Charles might have been upheld, and a compromise, worthy of both King and people, effected. On the 23rd of Eebruary, Fairfax advanced with his whole army, and the Royalists retreated before him, outnumbered and out-generaled, as the Parlia- mentarians had been in 1644. Fairfax reached Bodmin on the 4th of March, and on the same day. Prince Charles, who up to this time had been with Lord Hopton, left his army in despair, and em- barked at Plymouth for the Scilly Islands, from whence he sailed to Jersey, and after that took refuge in Prance. Pour days after his departure. Lord Hopton, finding that any attempt to break through the army of the enemy was hopeless, made up his mind to listen to the overtures which Fairfax had made to him on the 5th, and agreed to a cessation of hostilities, preparatory to a capitulation, if they could agree on the terms. Six Commissioners appointed by each General met at Truro, and sat daily until the 14th, when nineteen articles being agreed upon, the capitulation was signed, and all Lord Hopton's horse, amount- ing to five thousand, laid down their arms. The infantry had anticipated the capitulation by with- drawing to their own homes. The Commissioners were — q2 228 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. For the King. For the Parliament. Colonel Charles Goring. Commissary-General Ireton. Colonel Marcus Trevor. Colonel John Lambert. Colonel Thomas Panton. Colonel John St. Aubjn. Colonel Jordon Bovill. Commispary-General Stane. Major Goteer. Colonel Edward Harley. Sir Richard Prideaux, Knt. Comptroller of the Ordnance, Richard Deane. This capitulation redeemed the loss of the army of the Earl of Essex, which, a year-and-half before, in the same county and under almost similar cir- cumstances, had been compelled to surrender to the King. But whereas the cavalry of the Parliament had broken through the lines of the Ptoyalists and escaped, and the infantry and artillery were taken, noAV the case was reversed — the infantry escaped and the cavalry laid down their arms. Of all the officers of the Parliament who wit- nessed this happy day, not one could have welcomed it with such sincere satisfaction as Richard Deane^ for to him it was a day of recompense as well as of glory. He was one of those who had signed tlie capitulation of Eowey, and he was now one of those who dictated the terms of the capitulation of Truro. And as on the former occasion his general had testified to his " honesty, judgement, and stout- ness;" so now he had the satisfaction of feeling that his own " diligence, industry and resolution " had contributed not a little to the present success of The Cause. The terms were both favourable and honourable to the E-oyal army : for no General on the King's COXCLUSION OF CAMPAIGN. 229 side was held in higher estimation by Sir Thomas Pairfax than Lord Hopton; and none of the King's troojos had fought better, if so well, as this army had fought at Torrington. The terms granted were, therefore, liberal. " All corporals, and such common troopers as should appear gentlemen of worth," were allowed to retain their swords, and had twenty shillings in money, or their own horses restored to them. This money does not represent the value of the horses, but only a free gift from the victors to whom the horses of the vanquished were, by the laws of war, forfeited. It was a pri- vilege which none abused, except a brigade of Erenchmen, who with characteristic trickery ex- changed their own good horses privately with some of the troopers of the Parliament for their lean and worn out jades, not worth twenty shillings, receiving the difference ; and on the day of the disbanding demanded the money proposed to be given instead of the horses. They were properly served by having their own miserable hacks left with them.* Every officer, according to his rank, was allowed to take away, besides his arms, one, two, three, or more horses, up to twelve for a major-general. The General, Lord Hopton, was allowed forty, and Lord "Wentworth, a volunteer nobleman, was per- mitted to retain twenty-five. After the completion of this capitulation, most of the garrisons in Cornwall surrendered to the * Sprigge, p. 216. 230 MEMOIK OF GENERAL DEANE. Parliament. That of St. Michael's Mount, con- sisting of 100 men, voluntarily took service under Fairfax. Penclennis Castle, however, held out for some months longer, and its capture cost the life of a valuahle Parliamentarian officer, Lieutenant- Colonel Charles Ingoldesby, who was shot by a musketeer, from behind a mud wall, as he was reconnoitring the fortress. On the 21st of March the army resumed the siege of Exeter. But the Governor, Sir John Berkeley, finding it useless to hold out any longer, capitulated on the 13th of April, and the Governor, together with all the lords, clergymen, gentlemen, captains, officers, troopers, and common soldiers, marched out of the city, "with their horses and arms, and bag and baggage, colours flying, drums beating, matches lighted, bullets in their mouths, and full bandoliers." Some of my readers may wonder what is meant by the two last clauses of the above passage. They should know that, before the invention of car- tridges, the powder for the immediate use of the musketeer was kept in wooden tubes, called ban- doliers, which were slung about his neck in a belt ; and that in loading his musket he first took the bullets out of his pouch and put them into his mouth, until he had loaded and primed with powder, and then he put the bullet into his musket. Hence, *' matches lighted,^^ and " bullet in moiith,^^ indicated a soldier prepared for action. To march out of a besieged place in this manner was to CONCLUSION OF CAMPAIGN. 231 march out with all the honours of war — which, in the present day, are satisfied by drawn swords and fixed bayonets. The colours, however, still fly, and the drums still beat in unison, as of old. " That which much retarded the proceedings of the Commissioners," says Sprigge, " was some high demands, and fruitless queries in behalf of the clergy — viz. the bishop, dean, prebendaries, and other cathedral men there, wherein our commis- sioners held them to what was reasonable ; and, after much time consumed therein, they were willing to accept of what we were willing to grant." " The Weekly Account,'" journal of the day, tells us that these demands of the cathedral men were "as to how the surplices and copes, and other sympathies with Rome, were to be disposed of ; and there was great stir about them, but to no purpose." That the terms granted were not very hard upon the clergy of Exeter, may be inferred from the fifth article, which says, that " neither the cathedral church, nor any other church within the city shall be defaced, nor anything belonging thereunto spoiled, or taken away, by any soldier or person of either side." Under the sixth article, the persons of the clergy were protected ; but nothing is said about their revenues or ecclesiastical property, over which Eairfax had no control — these being already confiscated "to the use of the nation," by act of parliament. CHAPTER VIII. THE SIEGE OF OXFORD. — NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE BROKEN OFF. — FALL OF BANBURY. — CAPITULATION OF OXFORD. — TERMINATION OF THE FIRST WAR. I. The surrender of Exeter was followed by that of Barnstaple, and on the 18th of April Fairfax continued his march to Oxford, which he reached on the 1st of May, and found it, as we are informed, " incomparably more strong than ever." It was evident that this, his last regular siege, would also be his most diflB.cult. He took his measures accordingly. The King was no longer in the place, and thus one great motive for activity or forbearance, as the case might be, was removed. Charles had escaped a week before in disguise, *' with his locks cut off, his beard shaved, and in the habit of a serving man, with a cloke bag behind him, waiting upon Master Ashburnham." * The chronicler of this event gives in the margin an apt quotation from Lucan, FharsaUa, lib. 8, by no means aptly trans- lated : — positisque insignibus, aula Egreditur, famuli raptos indutus amictus : In dubiis tantum est inopem simulare tyranno ; Quanto igitur mundi dominis securius gevum Verus pauper agit ? * Anglra liediv'na, p. 246. SIEGE OF OXFORD. 233 This was another critical period of the war, which, but for the fidelity of Fairfax, might have been disastrous to the Parliament, for at this time he received overtures of peace from certain mem- bers of the Court in Oxford, acting, as they asserted, under orders of the King, to the effect that if the Army would receive the King without any conditions the King would grant an amnesty to the Army, and, putting himself at their head, would march to London and dissolve the Parlia- ment ! * But this proposal, if ever made, was immediately rejected. Pairfax, as the servant of the Parliament, would not listen to any treaty of peace, except to forward the conditions of it to his employers, and to this the King, or his agents, would not consent. The Sovereign, outraged in all his prerogatives by the Parliament, would not address himself to those whose authority he denied, and who persisted in sitting in defiance of him, and in making use of his name to give the colour of law to their proceedings, which were contrary to all laws. These negotiations, therefore, if they ever really existed, which is doubtful, fell to the ground. II. The siege of Oxford presented no small diffi- culties. That city, from the very beginning of the war, had been the head-quarters of the King, and the refuge of those Members of Parliament who adhered to him. It was, accordingly, not only * Anglia Rediviva, p. 247. 234 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. well fortified, well garrisoned, and well victualled, but also surrounded by several outposts, as Rad- cote, Earringdon, Wallingford, &c., all of which must be taken before the walls of Oxford could be safely approached. The governor, Sir Thomas Glemham, was one of the most resolute of the King's ofiB.cers, and already distinguished for his defences of York and Carlisle. He had made the approaches as difficult as possible ; the meadows had been flooded all round by opening sluices from the Isis and the Cherwell, so that three parts of the city were actually unapproachable, and where there was no water strong works, flanking one another, were thrown out in advance of the ditches, and so many pitfalls dug in front of them that even a solitary soldier could hardly come near them in safety. The garrison consisted of 5,000 good troops, most of them veterans, and all the maga- zines were fully stored. Under these circumstances Fairfax foresaw a long and troublesome siege,, and, in the event of failure, disasters of whicli no one could calculate the efi'ect. He had before his eyes the memorable case of Gloucester, which had turned the tide of victory against the King, and Gloucester was not to be compared with Oxford for its capabilities of defence. Fairfax, therefore, called a Council of War at Heddington, and fairly put the difficulties and dangers of the undertaking before them. The Council wisely resolved to commence vigorous measures at once for the investment of the city, SIEGE OF OXFORD. 235 but, before they proceeded to the assault, to open communications with the governor, and offer him the best terms that coukl be proposed, without betraying their apprehensions. Enormous efforts were accordingly made for the construction of a strong entrenched camp on Heddington Hill, for which purpose not only the whole country round, but even London itself, was put in requisition for materials and tools. This part of the works was entrusted to Major-General Skippon, who, working day and night, completed it in four days, to the admiration of the whole army. The soldiers who worked were paid by the rod for their daily labour. A bridge was thrown across the Cherwell near Marston, where another strong post was made. Colonel Rainsborough commanded in this quarter. Two other strongly entrenched camps were formed in favourable places, and Colonels Herbert and Lambert put in command of them. All these posts were connected by lines, and in the meantime troops were dispatched to capture the detached forts and fortified towns round the city. When all these arrangements had been made the commanders of all the fortalices, including Oxford, were summoned to capitulate, and deep was the anxiety for their replies. To the great surprise and joy of Fairfax the Governor of Oxford enter- tained the question, and fourteen commissioners were appointed on each side to discuss the terms. This was on the 17th of May ; but unexpected difficulties arose, and, without abandoning the 236 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. conference, neither side relaxed their exertions for attack or defence. The governor continued strengthening" his works, and Fairfax pushing on his approaches. A cannonade was also kept up on both sides, at intervals, night and day, and chiefly by the garrison, as if to get rid of their powder and shot, lest they should fall into the hands of the enemy, for surrender was but a ques- tion of days. The commissioners of Sir Thomas Glemham, nevertheless, raised so many dif&culties that the negotiations seemed to be in danger of being in- definitely protracted, and Fairfax began to suspect that this was their real object. On the 9th of June, therefore, he called a final Council of War to consider the question of storming at once. Thirty- one ofiicers, among whom was Richard Deane, met, and passed the following resolutions : — 1. That there were 4,000 foot and 300 horse in the garrison. 2. That they might hold out six months before their provi- sions or ammunition would be exhausted. 3. That under these circumstances it was not advisable to storm. 4. That the best way to reduce the city was by approaches, in case they could not come to a treaty. Of this Council of War, E-ichard Deane signs fifteenth among the colonels, having two below him, and before the judge-advocate, the two adjutant -generals of the horse and foot, two quartermaster- generals, and all the lieutenant- NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE. 237 colonels and majors. His rank, at this time, may, therefore, he set down as that of a full colonel. III. Dm.'ing the progress of these negotiations some interesting events occurred, the most grati- fying of which was the fall of Banhury, which was achieved by Colonel Whalley, after eleven weeks' siege, by mining. " This town, (says the chronicler,) " had once been a great and fair market town, but now having scarce the one hal^ standing, to gaze On the ruins of the other." It had been taken by the Hoyalists, immediately after the battle of Edge- hill, and remained in their hands ever since, although repeatedly attacked. Banbury was also remarkable for a phenomenon which had occurred there in 1630, and which had produced no small alarm in the minds of men in that superstitious age. " Strange sights were seen over the town in the night time, viz. the appearance of fighting, and of pikes pushing one against another in the ayre " — " whereof," says Joshua Sprigge, " I was an eye-witness, with many others."* These " fearful sights and signs in Heaven " por- tended to that generation great national calamities, and when the Civil War broke out, eleven years afterwards, were by many regarded as prophetic. Bulstrode Whitelocke f notices another alarming atmospheric portent, on the King's birthday, 16M. "Much notice was taken of three suns in the * Sprigge, p. 252. f Ibid. p. 122. 238 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. firmament, and a rainbow with a bend towards the eartli." In our days such phenomena are explained by the laws of refraction and reflection, but the atmosphere is so seldom in a condition to produce them that they are extremely rare, being scarcely ever seen except by the sea side and in mountainous districts. The spectacle at Banbury was, there- fore, the more remarkable and appalling. It was duly chronicled in a pamphlet of the time, still to be occasionally met with in the libraries of curious antiquaries. These "strange sights" were pro- bably produced by a nocturnal drilling of pikemen near the town, for Banbury and its neighbourhood had been a focus of Puritanism ever since the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and, from the Heforma- tion, disaffected to the Established Churchy and to the Throne which supported it. No wonder, then, that a few zealous and fanatical men should have been so worked upon by the " signs of the times " in the early part of the reign of Charles I. as to believe that nothing but the knowledge of the use of arms would secure to them the blessings of civil and religious liberty, and it is not surprising that under this impression they should prepare them- selves for the coming Bevolution by meeting in small parties at night, and secretly practising those exercises to which they might, at any time, be called as soldiers in the field. These drillings and mimic fights would, under certain conditions of the atmosphere, be reflected, as in a mirror, in the air. FALL OF BANBURY. 239 ill the same manner as the spectre of the Hartz Mountains is formed, or as those two or three horsemen were multiplied into a troop of cavalry in the Highlands of Scotland, a phenomenon which was seen and descrihed by Sir Walter Scott in his Essay on Demonology and Witchcraft. Optical illusions such as these are ascertained facts, and in an age of superstition are naturally attributed to superhuman agency, and looked upon as portents. The writer of these pages once saw a somewhat similar atmospheric effect, on the Devonshire coast, of images of ships reflected high in air, as if they were sailing through the sky. Three and four suns have been occasionally seen, though not often, under similar conditions of the atmosphere. A remarkable instance occurred on the day of the battle of Barnet, immediately pre- ceding the engagement, which Edward IV. dex- terously converted into a good omen for himself, as it indicated the badge of his ancestor, Edward III. — " a sun in Ms full glory ^ The four intersecting circles of Botallec, in Corn- wall, may commemorate a similar phenomenon in the days of our British ancestors ; and there can be no doubt that the extraordinary one noticed by Tacitus, Annal. xiv. 32, which, he says, portended the overthrow of Camulodunum, was another "strange sight," analogous to the terrible " sign " of Banbury — Visamque speciem, in cestuario Tamisce^ subverscB colonice. The fall of Banbury was followed by another 240 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. still more encouraging event. A captain of the garrison of Oxford was taken, in the disguise of a fisherman, with a letter on his person from Sir Thomas Glemham to the King, giving his reasons for listening to the proposals of Fairfax. It ap- peared that the Civil Lords, whom the King had left behind him, with too much power to impede the free action of the governor, had outvoted and compelled the latter to receive the overtures of Sir Thomas Fairfax against his own inclination. The discovery of this division of counsels made the Parliamentarian general the more eager to press the conclusion of the treaty, and more liberal in his offers ; for he felt that if the civilians were, by means of the King's interposition, brought to a submission to the views of the governor, the result of the operations against Oxford might be doubt- ful; for Glemham, who had so bravely defended York against two combined armies after the loss of the battle of Marston Moor, and who afterwards sustained a ten months' siege at Carlisle, and did not surrender until he had consumed all the horses and dogs in the city, was not a man to be held cheap by any adversary. The treaty was, there- fore, to be pressed, while there was such a division in the garrison as a disagreement between the civil and military authorities. Another accident still further favoured the hopes of Sir Thomas Fairfax. Prince Pupert, having ridden out with a party of horse for the purpose of exercise, had unwarily come too near the outpost of CAPITULATION OF OXFORD. 241 Colonel Rainsboroiigli, and had been fired at by a sentinel and wounded in the shoulder, so as to be rendered incapable of action for some time. This was a serious loss to the garrison, for in the event of a desperate sally there was no one whom the Cavaliers would more willingly follow than E^upert, who had always overthrown the enemy when he charged. He ' had, indeed, no command, for he had been unwisely deprived of it by the King, after the loss of Bristol ; but he remained with the Koyal army as a volunteer, and was sure to be elected as a leader by any party of horse ordered out on any desperate service. His wound, therefore, was a great encouragement to the Parliamentarians. About this time also news arrived of the sur- render of Newark to Major-General Poyntz, ac- companied by the tidings that the King had reached the Scotish army, and had been carried by them northward, beyond the means of communication with his own generals. This was also an encou- ragement to Eairfax, while it was hardly less satis- factory to Glemham, who had been under great alarm lest the King should be intercepted by Poyntz. All obstacles to an amicable termination of hos- tilities being thus removed. Sir Thomas Glemham surrendered his charge on the 24th of June, and the garrison of Oxford marched out with all the honours of war, and all the advantages of an honourable peace. The other garrisons, which depended upon Oxford, followed the example, and there remained only two 242 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. or three places in the West which held out a little longer. • Pendennis Castle surrendered to Colonel St. Aubyn on the 16th of August ; and three days afterwards Ragland Castle, after a glorious defence by its octogenarian owner and governor, the Mar- quis of Worcester, was given up to Sir Thomas Pairfax in person, who had come from Oxford to terminate a sie2:e which had been too much for his lieutenant Colonel Morgan. This was the last achievement of Sir Thomas Pairfax in this war; and by it the pacification of the south and west of England was completed. IV. On the IStli of November, Sir Thomas Pairfax arrived in London and received the thanks of the two Houses of Parliament, wdiich were con- veyed to him by the Earl of Manchester on behalf of the Lords, in a few simple and plain words, such as a soldier might say and hear without a blush. But the style of Lenthall, the Speaker of the House of Commons, was so ridiculously inflated, that Pairfax would probably rather have fought another Naseby than have undergone a repetition of his address. " It was the custom of the ancient Romans," said the Speaker, " after a glorious and successful prince, to derive his name to posterity in memory of his virtues ; as, after the great prince Julius Caesar, his successors retained the name of Ccesar, as Augustus Ccesar, Tiberius Ccusar, &c. Thus, hereafter, all famous and victorious generals in this kingdom will derive the addition of Paireax !" SIR THOMAS FAIRFAX. 243 To which Sir Thomas quietly replied, that " he esteemed himself honoured by the great respects of the House towards him, and that he accounted it his greatest happiness, under God, to he in the least kind instrumental to their and the kingdom's good." The character of Sir Thomas Fairfax stands so deservedly high, that we may admit the truth of almost any eulogy which his admirers thought fit to pass upon him. That of Bulstrode Whitelocke commends itself by its evident sincerity. " The general," he says, "was a person of as meek and humble a carriage as ever I saw in great employ- ment, and of few words in discourse or council. I have observed him in councils of war, that he hath said little, but hath ordered things (sometimes) expressly contrary to the judgment of his council ; and in action in the field I have seen him so highly transported, that scarce any dare speak a word to him ; and he would seem more like a man dis- tracted and furious, than of his ordinary mildness, and so far different temper." But the most elegantly and felicitously expressed character of the Lord General, is that written by his son-in-law, the cleverest and most profligate of the Dukes of Buckingham, which in point and terseness is unrivalled : — He might have been a King, But that he understood How much it was a meaner thing To be unjustly Great, than honourably Good. R 2 244 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. V. Under such a general the officers of his army coukl not hut he of good reputation. As such, our authority, tlie author of Aiifflia Hediviva, describes them. But in characterising tliem as " better Christians than soldiers, and iviser in faith than in fighting,''^ he indulges rather his own taste for antithesis than historical truth. Eor they must not only have " prayed well," hut also '■'^fought well" — as their sagacious Major-General, Skippon, advised, who coupled these two duties of the "Christian soldier" together — or they would not have prevailed over the ungodly Cavaliers, who, with all their profaneness and debauchery, knew how to fight, and always fought well, and often successfully. "The officers of the army," says the chronicler of their victories, " were such as knew little more of war than our own unhappy wars taught them, except some few, so as men could not contribute much to this work. Indeed, I may say this, they were better Christians than Soldiers, wiser in faith than in fighting, and could believe a victory sooner than contrive it. And yet, I think, they were as wise in the way of soldiery as the little time and experience they had could make them. These officers, many of them with their soldiery, were much in prayer and reading scripture, an exercise that soldiers, till of late, have used but little ; and thus they went on and prospered. Men conquer better as they are Saints than Souldiers. In the countries where they came, they left something of CHARACTER OF RICHARD DEANE. 24j5 God as well as Caesar behind them — something of piety as well as pay. They were much in justice upon offenders,* that they might he still in some degree of reformation in their military state. Armies are too great bodies to be sound in all parts at once. There was much amity and unity amongst the officers while they were in action and in the field, and no visible emulations and passions to break their ranks, which made the public fare better. That boat can go hut slowly where the oars row different icai/s.''f In these latter paragraphs our author speaks more like a man of sense, and to the purpose ; for there is no doubt that the ultimate success of The Cause was due rather to the better discipline than superior valour of the army of The New Model. VI. E-icHARD Deane, in general characteristics, resembled his brother officers ; but, if we may trust his epitaph, did not go with them to the full extent of that fanaticism for which so many of them were conspicuous. His principle was, in matters of conscience, " neither to coi7ipel, nor to he compelled.'' This he considered to be " the golden Liherty'' But he seems to have been misunderstood, as moderate men generally are. Because he was not- * A remarkable instance of this occurred in the case of Quartermaster Barthelem}-, who was tried by court-martial, for blasphemy, March 4, 164g. He was found guilty, and sentenced to have his tongue bored through with a hot u-on ; his sword to be broken over his head ; and then to be cashiered See Whitelocke. t Sprigge, p. 323. 246 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. a fanatic, he was set down as a sceptic, or a "Gallio." Prince, the biographer of " The Worthies of Devon," takes occasion, in his memoir of General Monk, to describe his colleague, General Richard Deane, as a " Belimist^"^ and says that " private devotion was not habitual with him." If so, he was cer- tainly not one of those officers who were " much in prayer, and in expounding the scriptures" to the soldiers. Prince evidently thought that he belonged to that sect of fanatics who considered themselves to have attained to such a transcendental state of piety, as to have no further occasion for praying, which was only incumbent upon the unregenerate. The regenerate were beyond all ordinances ! There is no other evidence than this bare asser- tion of Prince that Richard Deane belonged to this religious, or rather irreligious, sect, who refined upon the principles of Gallio by making it a duty of religion to neglect all religious duties. I am inclined to think that Prince confounded the two sects of Jacob Behmen and Michael Behm, and that Richard Deane was a disciple of the latter, and not of the former, who was much more of a visionary. Michael Behm was the follower of Calixtus of Sleswig, who drew up a scheme called by the Germans syneretism. It was a comprehensive sys- tem of Christianity, designed to embrace all the Christian Churches in one Universal Church, by a * Sprigge, p. o90. RELIGION OF RICHARD DEANE. 247 mutual surrender of unimportant points of doctrine and discipline — a sort of " Evangelical Alliance," such as the late King of Prussia and his friend Chevalier Bunsen were so anxious to establish. Thus it was proposed that the Church of Rome should give up Popery, and fall back upon the fundamentals of faith held by her in the fourth century, and that the Churches of Luther, and Calvin, and other Reformers, should abate some of their anti-Roman tenets, and meet in the common centre of the Holy Scriptures. This scheme had the recommendation of a larsj-e spirit of benevolence, but proceeded upon the notion that all schismatics are rational beings, and have a common and honest object, whereas it is notorious that the natural repugnance of the human mind to uniformity and conformity is only to be overcome by the force of authority, and that, left to itself, the " Protestant " temper has a tendency to run into what it calls Independency — which is, in reality, an euphuism for spiritual rebellion. Human pas- sions and private interests will always stand in the way of every theory of a comprehensive Church. If the truly scriptural and moderate Church of England, whose main principle is comprehension, cannot prevent the flying off of innumerable splinters from THE Pock, however small and insignificant the pebble which any little would-be David may throw at it, no scheme, however sanctioned, can possess that attraction of cohesion which shall bind together the wise and the foolish, the good and 248 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. the bad, the conservative and the destructive, the rational and the irrational, into one universal Church of Christian faith and charity. " Fiat mixturaV^ is easily written by the physician, but it requires a cunning chemist to mix oil and vinegar. Richard Deane has left no intimation, either in his will or correspondence, of any pecuKar bias towards any of the numerous religious sects of his times. The only contemporary allusion to his opinions which I have found is in one of the Eoyalist lampoons of 1649, written on the occasion of his appointment as one of the generals at sea, which recommends the sailors to " new-dip Deane," by throwing him overboard. Prom this expression, I infer that he was at that time an Anabaptist. But his religion, whatever it was, had very little of the puritanical leaven about it. His letters, of which several still remain in the State Paper Office, are remarkably free from the conventional cant of the day. They are all characterised by sound common sense, and a practical turn of mind, and only deviate into religious rhapsody — and that of a very subdued kind — after clearly conveying his meaning in plain and intelligible terms ; and this, rather in accommo- dation with the fashion of the times, and in con- descension to the dull fanaticism of his correspond- ents. He wrenches liimself, for a moment, from reason, in order that he may secure the attention of the irrational, who might despise him as a Gallio if he closed his letter without any of the ordinary expressions of the " Saints " who Avere then " in- RELIGION OF RICHARD DEANE. 249 heritins: the earth'." And in this he showed him- self to be the ^^ notable shreiad man'' which John Lilburne calls him.* The same characteristics of a calm, clear judg- ment are seen in his last will and testament, in which, so far from finding any indication of the zealot, we cannot discover the slightest traces of even ordinary Puritanism. It is the will of a sober- minded man, who " bequeaths his soul to Almighty God, and his body to the earth^' and then proceeds to dispose of his earthly goods, with the sagacity and forethought of an affectionate husband and father, without the common but profitless parade of his own personal convictions. I strongly suspect that his religion was more like that of his comrade E-ichard Ingoldesby, of whom E-ichard CromAvell no less sensibly than wittily said, " There is Dick Ingoldesby ! he neither preaches nor prays, and yet I will trust him before you all!" As to 'practical Christianity, that of E-ichard Deane must have been genuine, or his posthumous panegyrist, J. r., would hardly have dared to say of him — " So fair without, so free from spot within, That earth seemed here to be exempt from sin." * 111 his letter fi-oin Bruges, Feb. 4, 1653, to D.D. of the United Provinces. CHAPTER IX. TUE RESCUE OF THE KING FROM THE PARLIAMENTARY COMMIS- SIONERS BY THE ARMY. — DISSENSIONS OF THE ARMY AND PARLIAMENT. ADVANCE OF THE ARMY TO LONDON. — FLIGHT OF THE PRESBYTERIAN LEADERS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. — NEGOCIATIONS BETWEEN THE KING AND THE ARMY. I. Hitherto the war had been between the King and the Parliament. We are now coming to a new phase of hostilities — between the Parliament and the Army. At the commencement of 1647 the head-quarters of the Army w^ere at St. Alban's, from whence they sent a " kumble remonstrance " — the first of its kind, but not the last — to Parliament, in which are these remarkable words : " We do clearly profess that we cannot see how there can be any peace to the Kingdom, firm or lasting, without a due consi- deration of provision for the rights, quiet, and immunity of His Majesty, his K-oyal Eamily, and his late partisans." These are strong and start- ling expressions when we look at the names of those who signed this "remonstrance." They were twenty field-ofiicers in number, viz., Cromwell, Hammond, Ireton, Bradshaw, JEarchess Waller^ Fleetwood, Lambert, Hich, Lllburne, Okey, Heioson, Scrope, Harrison, ]?7'ide, Barkstead, Horton, Hichard Deane, Corbet, JEwers, and Goffc, of whom no less PARLIAMENT AND THE ARMY. 251 than sixteen, within two years of this date, signed the death-warrant of the King ! Their names are distinguished by italics. It is evident, then, that at this date the Army had no designs against the life of the King, and that the regicidal conspiracy was unborn. The sole object of the Army was to get possession of the per- son of the King, that it might act with his autho- rity. This was not possible so long as the Scots retained their hold upon him ; and to loosen this hold, Eairfax, after this " remonstrance," marched to Northampton, and there fixed his head-quarters, in observation upon the Scotch army, at Newcastle. ■ The Scots kept the King in respectful, but secure custody, partly because their Parliament did not know what to do with him, and, therefore, would not have him, for he refused to take the Solemn League and Covenant ; and partly because the pos- session of him gave them an in terrorem influence over the Parliament of England, of whom they claimed large arrears of pay. After many negociations the King was delivered over on the thirtieth of January — ominous day ! — to nine Parliamentary Commissioners, three Lords and six Commoners, who paid over and took receipts for £200,000, which the Scots pretended was due to them for arrears, but which the English Commissioners knew to be the price of the King's ransom. This money, it is said, did not go towards the payment of the Scotish army, but was divided between the Marquises of Hamilton and Argyle, 252 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. and their friends Archibald Johnstone and the most rabid of the Presbyterian clergy of Scotland. Hamilton is said to have had £30.000 for his own share ;* if so, his subsequent fate, as well as that of Argyle, was richly merited. The King, regard- ing these transactions in their true light, is re- ported to have exclaimed — " Theii I am hotight mid sold!'' — and never was a truer exclamation. The guilt of the transaction lies between those who bought and those who sold their Sovereign. The Parliament and the Scots — the Sanhedrim and Judas — divide it between them. Immediately after this the Scotish army evacuated Newcastle and Carlisle, which they had held, as they said, in security for their arrears of pay, and marched back to their own country, leaving the King in the hands of the Parliamentary Commissioners, who brought him to Holdenby House, in North- amptonshire, a manor house built in the reign of Elizabeth, by Chancellor Hatton, and purchased by James I. for his son Charles, then Duke of York, so that it was, in reality, the private property of the King. Here they detained him until the beginning of June, keeping up, indeed, a little Court about him, but suffering none but Presby- terian chaplains to approach his presence, which galled him more than any other indignity to which he had been subjected. The object was to get him to consent to the abolition of Episcopacy, and the ♦ Montrose and the Covenanters, l)y Napier, ii. 51 G. PARLIAMENT AND THE ARMY. 253 establishment of that Presbyterian form of Church government for which a bill had lately passed both Houses. This the King most strenuously resisted to the last moment of his life. II. In this month of Pebruary the Parliament prepared to take another step, which ultimately proved fatal to themselves. This was the reduction of the army, without even expressing an intention of paying them up their arrears of pay, much less of giving them the expected donative for their services. After a debate of three days it was carried to dismiss all except 5,400 horse, 1,000 dragoons, and as many infantry as would be sufficient to garrison forty-five castles and fortified places, which were all that the Government meant to keep up. It was also proposed to put the army under the command of Sir Thomas Pairfax, as general-in chief, but not to allow any officers under him to have a higher rank than that of colonel. This seems to have been directed against Oliver Cromwell, whose dangerous ascendancy was beginning to be felt, and whose popularity with the army was dreaded by the Presbyterians, then dominant in parliament. Por his principles of Independency were equally fatal to an establishment, whether of Bishops or Presbyters. The civil and military powers were now in open antagonism, and the result was not doul^tful ; for those who had virtually thrown off their hereditary 254 MEMOIR OP GENERAL DEANE. King, were not likely to be long subservient to a feeble oligarcby of civilians. A council of the Army was held on the 1st of March, at which were present representatives of every grade of commissioned officers — viz. eleven colonels, three lieutenant-colonels, eleven majors, nineteen captains, nine lieutenants, six cornets, one ensign, and five quarter-masters, under the presi- dency of the Lord-General. Three field officers were absent from this meeting — viz., Cromwell, Breton, and Michard Deane. The two former were, probably, watching, " in their place " in parlia- ment, the course of events ; the last may have been " on leave " upon private business, which may have been his marriage; for, from all that I can infer by a comparison of dates, it was about this time that Eichard Deane married his wife Mary, whose maiden name I have elsewhere con- jectured to have been Grimsditch. A family of that name was at that time living not far from St. Alban's, where the army had lately had its head-quarters — namely, at Much Sadham. But I regret to say that a search in the registers of both Much and Little Hadham, for evidence of such marriage, has not been attended with success. He was with the army again at the end of May. The object of this general council of March 1, 164^, is not very clearly expressed, but its result is plain enough. The army broke up its cantonments im- mediately after the council, and marched towards London, in order to take up a more commanding PARLIAMENT AND THE ARMY. 255 position, in snpport of their friends in parliament. Their halting place was Saffron Walden, an easy distance from London, and here they rested, to give the Parliament an opportunity for repent- ance. This ruse had an immediate effect. The House of Commons, in a panic, voted an assessment of £60,000 a-month, for one year, for the pay of the soldiers, but caused petitions to be got up for the removal of the army to a greater distance from the capital; and it was voted that they should not come within twenty miles of London. This vote was passed on the 17th of March. But the ter- rified House was not satisfied with this precaution. Another plan was, therefore, devised to get rid of the incubus. It was proposed, in order to diminish the strength of the army, to send a part of it to Ireland. To forward this measure a deputation of " The Committee of Derby House for the Affairs of Ireland," was sent to Saffron Walden, to sound Fairfax as to how it would be received by the army. Fairfax immediately called a council of officers, and their resolution was, that, before they would entertain the question, they must know who were to be their commanders, and what was to be their pay ; and, in conclusion, they repeated the demand of their arrears, and a donative, in acknow- ledgment of their past services. This, in ordinary times, would have been down- right mutiny, but the Government was too weak to resent it. The Commissioners reported the failure 256 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. of their appeal to the army, and the House of Commons ordered five military officers, members of their own House — viz. Commissary-General Ireton, Lieutenant- General Hammond, Lieutenant- Colonel Hammond his nephew, Colonel Ptobert Lilburne, and Lieutenant-Colonel Grimes, to ap- pear at the bar of the House, and be examined as to the feelings of the army with regard to the Irish question ; and, in order to terrify the army into submission, it was voted that the regiments of Poyntz, Copley, and Bethel, all staunch Presby- terians, should be part of the 5,400 horse who were to remain at home, and not go to Ireland. This vote exciting a strong sensation, it was amended on the 8th of April, and the regiments of Fairfax, Cromwell, E^ossiter, and Whalley were also exempted — the rest of the army being ordered to go. But this sop also failed of effect. On the 15th of April the Commissioners again went to Saffron Walden, and tried to coax the officers into accepting Skippon and Massey as the generals of the expedition — to which also they strongly objected ; for they knew that Massey was an intolerant Presbyterian. But they said that if Pairfax and Cromwell were to be their leaders, they would take Skippon as third in command. The deputation returned in dismay, for they found that the Presbyterian cause had very few friends in the camp. The House of Commons came to the same conclusion, and began to debate on the advisability of disbanding the whole army, and parliame^hT and the army. 257 of raising a better affected one in its place, but, as they could not come to any agreement, they ad- journed the debate from the 23rd to the 27th of April. On that day Hollis, who was the leader of the Pres- byterian party, urged the disbanding, with six months' pay in advance; and moved that four of the principal officers of the army should be sum- moned by the sergeant-at-arms to answer for their contumacy. This was a bold but fatal suggestion, for, as soon as it was made known to the Army, a *' Petition," signed by Lieutenant-General Ham- mond, 14) colonels and lieutenant-colonels, 6 majors, and 130 captains and subalterns, was got up and presented to the House, complaining of the misre- presentations of themselves, and of their harmless intentions : and after insisting upon their right of petitioning the House, and professing their attach- ment to the Commonwealth, they concluded with reiterating their demands for arrears of pay. This was sufficiently alarming ; but the military disaffec- tion did not stop here. The non-commissioned officers and privates took up the quarrel, and estab- lished a permanent council of their own — a sort of military Parliament, independent of the General Council of Officers, on the representative system, consisting of two non-commissioned officers, and two privates out of every regiment, to be called by the name of Adjtjtators, or assistants to the officers in watching over their common interests. This was a very irregular proceeding, and totally subversive of military discipline ; but, as it mani-. s 258 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. fested the dissatisfaction of the soldiers with their treatment by the Government, Oliver Cromwell (avIio is suspected of suggesting this Council) directed its debates and measures through his instrument, Berry, a captain in the Lord-General's Regiment of Horse. The superior officers, generally, appeared to dis- countenance the Adjutators, calling them, not without reason, Agitators — which they very soon became. This council of Adjutators held regular meetings in camp, and at length put forth what they called a Manifesto to the House of Commons, which they sent up by three troopers, Saxhy, Allen, and Shepherd, and it was actually read in the House ! It protested against service in Ireland ; demanded the arrears of pay, and exclaimed against the tyranny of disbanding, or drafting the soldiers into other regiments, &c. When this extraordinary document had been read, Cromwell rose in his place, and entreated the House " not to discourage the poor soldiers, and drive them to despair." And the House was frightened into commissioning Cromwell himself, with Ireton, Skippon, and Pleetwood, to repair to head-quarters, and assure the Army that their case should be inquired into, and that ample justice should be done to them — if they would but submit to the wishes of Parliament and the wants of the nation, and go to Ireland as required. The Com- missioners found the Army divided in opinion. COTTNCIL OF ADJUTATORS. 259 Some were for accepting the offers of the Parlia- ment ; but others, who were the great majority, and led by Lambert, were for the " redress of grievances," before they would even admit the question to discussion. While Cromwell and his colleagues were absent upon this mission, the House of Commons, anxious to get him out of the way, appointed him by a vote. May 28, " Lord-General of the forces in Ireland ;" and on the same day resolved that " Richard Deane, now Comptroller of the Artillery of Sir Thomas Fairfax, be appointed Lieutenant of the Artillery in Ireland. The Lords' concurrence to be had thereon."* The Lords con- curring, Richard Deane became — so far as the two Houses could make him — " Lieutenant," or second in command under Cromwell, of all the artillery in Ireland — a post equivalent to that of a Major- General in the army. These appointments were evidently intended to get rid of two men of whom the House began to entertain suspicions and alarms. Cromwell was at the head of the Opposition to the Presbyterian interest, and Deane was looked upon as a resolute and formidable instrument in the hands of Cromwell, ready and able to carry out his measures against the House. In this they were not mistaken, as the sequel proved. But they had to deal with men as subtle as themselves ; one, at least, saw through their benevolent motives. Crom- well postponed compliance with the wishes of the House, and E/ichard Deane followed his lead. * Journal of the House of Commons. s 2 260 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. " Coming events " at-home were " casting their shadows before," and the " Lord-General " designate in Ireland and his " Lieutenant of Ordnance " pre- ferred remaining in England, the one to be nomi- nally second to Fairfax, the other to become " Adjutant- General to the Arm?/.^^ III. On the return of Cromwell and the Com- missioners to London, and on hearing their report, Hollis and his supporters— judicially blinded to the truth — gathered courage from the reported disunion in the camp, and too hastily passed a vote that all regiments " which would not engage for Ireland should be disbanded !" Fairfax, who was in London at the time watch- ing proceedings, no sooner heard of this vote, than he repaired to the army, and marched them off the next day to Bury St. Edmund's ; and the Adjutators at the same time demanded a JRendezvoiis — that is, a general meeting of the Army — on the subject of their grievances, threatening that if it were not granted by their oJB&cers they would hold it without them. This was going too fast and too far, although in the right direction, and no officer could countenance it. But it was the natural result of allowing the " Eepresentative System " in camp, and even Cromwell began to repent of having encouraged it. Sir Thomas Fairfax, who was a conscientious Presbyterian, saw at once the necessity of a con- cession on the part of the Presbyterians in Parlia- SEIZURE OF THE KING. 261 ment, and urged it upon them ; but Hollis and his party were deaf to the warnings of Fairfax, and flattered themselves that in this departure from discipline of the privates they saw the desired weakening of the influence of the officers. They accordingly persisted in their resolution to disband the army, and sent the Earl ofWarwick, Lord de la Warr, and Sir Gilbert Gerard to act with Sir Thomas Fairfax in carrying out their order. But Eairfax would neither act with them nor allow them to act vnthout him. Thus Parliament was again in difficulties, and matters were brought to a crisis which was decided by the prompt energy of Oliver Cromwell. This master-stroke was the seizure of the King, at Holdenby House, by Cornet Joyce, on the 3rd of June, a proceeding which might have originated in a secret resolution of the Adjutators, but is much more likely to liave been planned by Cromwell, as Joyce always persistently maintained. The possession of the King's person, in the exist- ing state of affairs, was of the utmost importance. Whichever party had and could produce the King would seem to be acting under the King's authority, and the reverential, nay, almost enthusiastic recep- tion of His Majesty by the country people in his progress from jSTewcastle to Holdenby House proved that the instinct of loyalty to the King was still alive in the breasts of many of his subjects. No one knew better than Cromwell that "the King's name was a tower of strength " to a cause, 262 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. but no one more clearly perceived the odium of a violent seizure of his person. While, therefore, he determined to obtain possession of him, he was equally cautious not to appear an actor in any deed of violence. Accordingly, having, through Captain Berry, procured the secret services of a sufficient number of troopers for any design upon \\ hich Berry might put them, his own powers of discrimination and knowledge of the individual pointed out Cornet Joyce as the fit person to be employed in the adventure, both on account of his resolute character and his personal insignificance. An obscure indi- vidual, without rank or credit, was the veiy man for his purpose. No one would believe the oath of such a person in opposition to his bare assertion ! And so it came to pass. Por when Joyce after- wards declared in the camp that the Lieutenant- Gen eral had employed him to seize the King, Cromwell had only to say (as he did) that " it was a lie .^ " to be implicitly believed. On one occasion Joyce was so provokingly obsti- nate in maintaining his " /«>," that Cromwell, bursting into a passion, real or assumed, drew his sword upon him, and was with some difficulty per- suaded by " Colonel Deane mid others " to pardon his insolence. This anecdote we learn from a memoir of Joyce in the Harleian Miscellanies, and the cii'cumstan- tiality with which the incident is related leaves no room for questioning its truth, while the manner in which the interposition of Colonel Deane is noticed SEIZURE OF THE KING. 263 indicates an unusual degree of intimacy and in- fluence possessed by Richard Deane with Oliver Cromwell. The passage is so curious that I make no apology for inserting it at length. " Xot long after Joyce, with some other ofBicers, went with a petition to St. Alban's, to General ^Fairfax, and, while he was waiting for an answer, Cromwell took occasion to fall out with him, and in a railing manner called him ' rascal f many times, and, with great threats, said that he would make him write a vindication of him against a book entituled ' The Grand Design discover ed,^ wherein were many things delivered concerning Cromwell's carriage towards Joyce, before he went to Holdenby for the King, which afterwards he called God to mtness he knew nothing of, and, had it not been for Colonel Deane and others, who (through the mercy of God) preserved him, he had, in all probability, have done him some mischief."* Cornet Joyce's declaration, that in seizing the King he was acting under the orders of Cromwell, is also mentioned by Colonel John Lilburne : — " Cornet Joyce being told that the General was displeased with him for bringing the King from Holdenby, answered that Lieutenant- General Crom- well had given him an order in London to do what he had done ; and I, John Lilburne, have heard from very good hands, that it was delivered to him * "A true narration of the occasions and causes of the late Lord-General's anger and indignation against Lieut.-Col. Joyce." Harl. Misc. viii. 304, Scott's edition. 264 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. in Cromwell's own garden in Drury Lane, Colonel Eleetwood being by."* When this exploit was performed Joyce was at Oxford and Cromwell in London, but on the very day that Joyce set out for Holdenby House Crom- well hastily left London, on horseback, and without stopping, except to bait at Ware, rode on to Trip- loe Heath in Cambiidgeshire, where the Army was encamped, and galloping into the cantonment, with his horse covered with foam, declared that he had fled for his life from the enemies of the Army! and was of course enthusiastically welcomed. He was accompanied by Hugh Feters, who was always one of the small conclave to whom he imparted his designs.! IV. From Holdenby Joyce took the King to Chil- dersley House, near Newmarket, the seat of Sir John Cutts, where, on the 7th of June, Eairfax, Cromwell, Ireton, Skippon, Hammond, Lambert, Whalley, Deane, and other officers, as also Mr. Hugh Peters, Mr. Hell, Mr. Sedgwick, and others, visited His Majesty. All the qffice7's of the army, so soon as they came into the presence, kissed Jlis Majesty^s hand, and all hieeled, except Fairfax and Cromwell. % " The King took Sir Thomas Fairfax aside, and, for about half-an hour, was discoursing with him. The General (unasked) denounced His * " Impeachment of High Treason against Oliver Ci-omwell, by John Lilbume," p. 55. f " Trial of Hugh Peters," evidence of Dr, Young. X Appendix to Clarendon's State Papers, vol. ii. TERMS PROPOSED TO THE KlXa. 265 Majesty's seizure by Joyce, as done witliout his order or approbation."* Richard Deane was at this time Adjutant- General of the Army, a full colonel, and had a regiment of foot which, in the following year, did good service in the field under his command. There is some reason for thinking, with Sir Walter Scott,t that at this interview of the officers with His Majesty matters approached more nearly to a reconciliation than they had ever done before or ever did after- wards. The officers are said to have proposed these terms to the King : — 1. An equal national representation in Parliament freely- chosen. 2. Two Houses of Parliament, who -were to nominate to the command of the Militia for fourteen years. 3. An establishment of the order of Bishops, but without any temporal power or coercive jurisdiction. 4. The surrender of seven of the King's counsellors (who were named) to be excepted from pardon. The King, we are told, consented to the first three, but resolutely refused the fourth article, upon which the treaty was broken off. It is certain from the testimony of the King's servant, Herbert, that the bearing of the officers towards His Majesty was respectful, and that the King was glad to escape from the hands of the Parliamentary Commissioners, who persecuted him with ecclesiastical matters, and deprived him of * Herbert, p. 35. t " Tales of a Grandfather,'" cli. i5. 266 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. his chaplains, whom Sir Thomas Eairfax restored, and permitted to use the Church Liturgy. Of the two chaplains, Marshall and Caryll, im- posed by the Commissioners upon the King, Heath gives the following characters : — " Marshall was an Amphibium or Hermaphrodite of Presbytery and Lidependency, and Caryll a downriglit In- dependent ; both of them so unacceptable to the King that he would by no means admit either of them to preach before him, which begat such a disgust in Caryll, that he mightily promoted ever after the Independents' slander of the King's obstinacy."* Pairfax allowed the King to recall his old chap- lains, Dr. Sheldon and Dr. Hammond, who ofiB.ciated in public, using the Liturgy of the Church, at which the House of Commons was so scandalised that they wrote peremptorily to the General ordering him to deliver up the King to their Commissioners, and to send him, under escort of Colonel Uossiter's regiment, to Richmond; to which order Pairfax paid no attention, which was the more remarkable that he was himself a sincere and earnest Presbyterian, and so far must have sympathised with the prevailing party in the House of Commons. On the other hand, his professional indignation was excited by their shamefully un- grateful conduct towards the army, and he was by no means satisfied with their tyrannical interference with the private devotions of the King. They had taken up arms to protect their own religious * Chronicle, p. 125. DISSENSION IN THE ARMY. 267 liberties, and now they were using them to oppress the religious liberty of the King. The conscience of Fairfax would not allow him to be a party to such persecution, and therefore he interposed the shield of his own power between the helplessness of Charles and the bigotry of his Parliament. In this he acted like an honest man, as he was, and has secured the approbation and admu^ation of posterity. V. The Army as well as the Parliament was now distinctly divided into the two factions of Pres- byterians and Independents ; but in reversed pro- portions. Por, whereas in Parliament the majority belonged to the former Sect, in the Army the latter predominated, and were daily increasing in num- bers with new recruits — for the disease had become epidemic in the nation. The great question between these two parties was the expediency or inexpe- diency of a State Church Establishment : both were agreed upon the dis-establishment of Epis- copacy. Cromwell was not only at the head of the Inde- pendents in the army, but he was now beginning to be regarded as the chief and champion of that cause in the nation. Having renounced Episcopacy, he consistently denounced Presbyterianism. " Epis- copacy pretended Apostolical authority on its side, and, that authority being denied, every man was left to the guidance of his own conscience in matters of faith ; and Presbyterianisrh making no 268 MEMOIR OF GENEllAL DEANE. pretences to Apostolical succession, and being un- able to prove its Apostolic institution, had no more claim to the vacated authority of the Church than any other sect of Christian Dissenters." Such was Cromwell's argument, and there was no suffi- cient answer to it. The nation, at least by a large majority, accepted it as conclusive. The great question of " CnuRCH or No Church " involved no less a principle than King or No King; and it was freely discussed by both parties, and by some of their pamphleteers with much humour. Mercurius Fragmaticus remarks of the army in 1647:— " Suppose we had an army of Saints on foot, yet as long as they are in the flesh we cannot be sure that they wiU over- come the World and the Devil, as they did the Cavaliers. And it is to be feared now they have gotten the King, and are at the highest pinnacle of fortune, the Tempter may come and show them the kingdoms of the earth, and the glories of them ; and then the question is, whether they may not fall down to the worship of him, and dividing of this as they seem in part to have done already." The same writer,* who seems to have looked more deeply into the real state of afPairs than his contemporaries, heads a subsequent number (5) of his paper with an epigrammatic effusion worthy of a wit of the Court of Charles the Second. * Marchmont Needham. He was first a Roundhead and afterwards a Cavalier — bought over (it was said) by a pension of £100 a-year. There were several other pamphleteers of the same stamp on both sides — Cleveland, Withers, Lilly, Wildman, and Flaxman. Of whom Wildmau was as good and as versatile as, Needham. He first wrote against the Royalists, then against Cromwell, and then for him — " for a consideration." DISSENSIONS OF PARLIAMENT. 269 1. A Scot and Jesuit, joined in hand, First taught tlie world to say That subjects ouoht to have command. And Princes to obey. 2. These both agreed to cry, " No King !" The Scotchman, he goes further. " No Bishop ! " — 'tis a goodly thing. States to reform with murther. 3. The Independent, meek and sly, Next lowly lies in lurch ; And so to put poor Jockie by Resolves to have No Church ! 4. The King dethroned, the subjects bleed : The Church hath no abode. Let us conclude they are agreed That, sure, there is — No God ! Another writer, Mercurius Melancholicus (Sep. 11, 1647), is equally severe upon the Presbyterians : — Nought but Presbytery for current passes, Compounded of Young Elders and Old Asses. Lovers of war they be, more than of schools, A mixed Government — of knaves and fools ! At the same time, being probably a Eoyalist, he does not spare the Independents : — Think not because you're perch'd upon the throne, Your are cock-sure of all, that All's your o\\ai ! The game's not lost as yet ; but there I'll stick — An English game may have an Irish Trick ! 270 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEA.NE. The allusion in the last line is to the state of affairs in Ireland, which began about this time to look favourably for the King. The Duke of Ormonde held out hopes that he should be able to restore the King's authority there ; and it was, unfortunately, the great reliance which the King placed upon the success of this diversion which prevented him from coming to terms with Pairfax. For we cannot suppose that Pairfax would have insisted too severely upon the sacrifice of the seven advisers of the King ; and upon the other three articles they would have had no difficulty in coming to an agreement upon modified terms. The one great grief of the King, which hauuted him through life, was his abandonment of Strafford — at the instigation, it is said, of the Queen, the real cause of whose enmity against that able and unfortunate Minister has not, I believe, been yet ascertained. With this load upon his mind, Charles could not consent to sacrifice his seven faithful servants to the vengeance of the Parliament ; and Pairfax was too generous to have insisted upon it, if it had been the only difficulty in the way of reconciliation. It was the ^^ Irish Trick^' which destroyed the ^^ English Game'''' — and so it ever has been, and ever will be, as long as our Statesmen continue to make Ireland the battle-field of Place. All movements in that direction are false — all prin- ciples hollow, and all hope delusion. VI. The possession of the King's person gave a CAPTIVITY OF THE KING. 271 great moral influence to the Army in their nego- tiations with the Parliament, and they were not slow to take advantage of it. Por however irregu- larly the King had come into their power, and however truly and earnestly Pairfax may have re- pudiated all cognizance of Joyce's proceedings, yet he could not but regard the event as a fortunate acquisition, not to be wantonly rejected. We may even imagine him acquiescing in Cromwell's or Hugh Peters's view of the matter — that it was a "mercy," which it was profane to leave unim- proved. He set a guard of honour — and of safe custody — over the King; treating him with every possible respect and indulgence. And the first few weeks which Charles passed under his protection, were probably the happiest he had known since these dissensions with his subjects broke out. He enjoyed, unrestricted, the society of his chaplains and his attached servants — and his daily game of chess! But these few weeks were the last of his tran- quillity. Prom Newmarket he was conveyed to Royston, Hatfield, Woburn Abbey, Windsor, and finally to Hampton Court ; always attended by his own servants and a guard of horse, under the command of Cromwell's cousin, Colonel Whalley. The King kept up his spirits during this pro- gress in a wonderful manner. " He was," says Herbert, " the merriest of the company, having, as it seems, a confidence in the Army, especially from some of the greatest there, as was imagined." 272 MEMOIU OF GENERAL DEANE. Even Sir Philip Warwick remarks that " the deep bloody-heated Independents all this while used the King very civilly, admitting several of his servants and some of his chaplains to attend him, and offi- ciate by the Service-book." Ear different was the feeling between the Parlia- ment and the Army. As soon as the House of Commons heard that they were bringing the King to London, they took alarm at the possible con- sequences, and passed a resolution prohibiting the army from coming within forty miles of London. This was on the 10th of June. On the 11th the Army retaliated from their head-quarters, St. Alban's, with a formal accusation against eleven of the leading Presbyterians — Members of the House : viz. HolUs, TValler, Clotivorthy, Stapleton, Lewis, Maynard, Massey, Sarley, Glyn, Long, and Nicholls. And, to give greater force to their proceedings, issued manifestoes to, and received addresses of con- fidence from, the Eastern counties, through w^hich they passed on their march to London. These addresses, which were probably prompted or " im- proved " by Cromwell, called upon them to expel such Members from the House as had been " guilty of delinquency, corruption, or abuse of power ; or had obtained their seats by undue elections." The House of Commons, more and more alarmed, repeated their prohibition of a nearer approach ; and the Army approached nearer and nearer, carrying with them the famous Hemonstrance, which had * R. Symonds's Diary, p. 7. PLIGHT OF PRESBYTERIAN LEADERS. 273 been drawn up at St. Alban's on the 25th June, and addressed to Sir Thomas Eairfax, calling upon him to see them righted in their just demands. To this Remonstrance the name of Richard Deane is affixed as Adjutant-General of the Army. Prom St. Alban's the Army marched to Berk- hampstead and Uxbridge, and the terror of the proscribed Eleven became extreme. They absconded from the House, until reassured by the retirement of the army to High Wycombe, when they again appeared in their places, and, as if judicially blinded, conducted themselves with still greater violence — exasperating, by their debates and resolutions, not only the Independents in the army, but also all those civilians in and out of the House who held the same opinions. They got up petitions in the City for the " Suppression of Conventicles^^ that is, for the prohibition of religious services in any buildings not being churches under Presbyterian government. This was a blow aimed at the Army through its civilian supporters in London ; and the quarrel became internecine — one of the worst eflfects of which was to disgust Eairfax and the moderate Presbyterians of the Army, who from henceforth made common cause with their com- rades the Independents, and agreed with them that "civil and religious liberty" were not a whit more safe in the hands of the intolerant Eleven, than they had been in those of the once persecuting Arch- bishop. The party in Parliament were not yet daunted. 274 MEMOIR or GENERAL DEANE. Bold in their numbers they called out the City militia, and placed it under the command of Massey, Waller, and Poyntz, three able men and devoted to their party, but destitute of the means of giving it any effectual assistance ; for except the Trained Bands they had no troops under their commands suf&ciently disciplined to make head against the veterans of Pairfax and Cromwell. And even their initiatory measures for recruiting were suddenly checked by the audacity of their civil opponents in the City, who rushed into Guildhall while Massey and Poyntz were enrolling volunteers, and broke up the assembly, in spite of the drawn swords of the generals and the slashes which they received from them. The Hollis party then procured the signatures of an hundred thousand citizens, after the model of the Solemn League and Covenant, by which the undersigned bound themselves to keep out the Army and bring the King to Westminster, for the purpose of concluding a Treaty of Peace with the Parliament. And finally, and fatally, they incited a large mob of apprentices and idle youths to beset the Houses of Parliament and clamour for their Covenant. This was on the 26th of July, and the immediate effect was the withdrawal of the small knot of Independents from both Houses, together with the two Speakers, the Earl of Manchester of the Lords and Mr. Lenthall of the Commons, who, pretending to consider their lives in danger, fled for protection to the Army, then encamped on Houns- DECLARATION BY FAIRFAX. 275 low Heath, thus supplying it with the only sanction they wanted, a semblance of authority, of which they were not slow in availing themselves. For with the King, and the Speakers of both Houses, they could plausibly pretend that all the estates of the kingdom were on their side. It did not affect the question in their eyes that only fifteen Lords and one hundred Commons formed this refugee Parliament. It was enough that they had got both the Speakers. Supported by this "Parliament" Pairfax issued a "Declaration" which, to all intents and purposes, was a Declaration of War against the Rebels of London and Westminster. Massey, in return for this affront, proposed to attack a party of the Army stationed at Brentford, hoping to overcome them by numbers and surprise — but the citizens refused to allow him to move out of the City, and began to fortify and barricade the streets, which they, per- haps justly, considered their only chance of safety. Pairfax, upon this, sent Colonel Rainsborough round through Kingston to Southwark, with a strong party of horse and foot, and Southwark was delivered up to his advanced guard under Hewson, without a blow, by Colonel Hardwick, the Com- mander of the Trained Bands of that suburb. The rest of the " attack " was a promenade. E^ains- borough and his division marched over London Bridge unopposed, and through the heart of the City to Westminster, the men wearing bay-leaves in their hats. They were followed by the whole 2 T 276 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. army of Fairfax, who triumphantly reseated the fugitive Speakers in their chairs. This occurred on the 6th of August, just two months after the Army had gained possession of the King's person. This high-handed proceeding was celebrated by a day of public thanksgiving ; and the Corporation of London, lately so defiant, gave a dinner to the chief officers of the Army, with all the usual demonstra- tions of welcome and delight. The "Parliament," now "restored" to West- minster, expressed their gratitude to Sir Thomas Fairfax by appointing him " Commander-in-Chief of all the forces in England and Wales," and Con- stable of the Tower of London ; voting, at the same time, a gratuity of one month's pay to the army. All the Presbyterian governors of forts were supplanted by Independents, The blow was for the time terrible to the Presbyterian majority in Par- liament. Hollis, Stapleton, Waller, Lewis, Clot- worthy, and Long fled to Prance and were outlawed. The Lord Mayor, four Aldermen, the two chief officers of the Trained Bands, the Earls of Suffolk, Lincoln, and Middleton, and the Lords Willoughby of Parham, Hunsdou, Berkeley, and Maynard were declared traitors. The City Militia was dis- banded, and all the " Declarations," &c., lately issued against the Aruiy were recalled and cancelled, and an entirely new order of things was established. Mercurius Melancholictis expressed his joy at the change in a characteristic copy of verses, retro- spective and prophetic ; and certainly there was A BOLD PROPHECY. 277 much in the present aspect of affairs to encourage Royalists. " The Thieves," they said, " were falling out, and honest men might hope to recover their own." The King was, indeed, a prisoner in the hands of a despotic army, but it required only a word of concession from him to re-establish his throne in Whitehall, as it was already established in the hearts of a vast majority of his people. Everything, according to the sanguine hopes of the E/Oyalists, tended to this happy end, and '' Mer- curius " need be " Melancholicus " no longer — he bursts out, therefore, into the following Song of Triumph : — * When as we lived in Peace (God wot !) A King would not content us ; But we, forsooth, must hire the Scot To all-be -Parliament us. Then down went King, and Bishops too ; On went the holy work Betwixt them and the Brethi'en Blue T'advance the " Croion and Kirh.'''' But when that these had reigned a time, Robbed Kirk, and sold the Crown, A more religious sect up climb, And throw the Jockies down. But now we must have peace again. Let none with fear be vext ! For if, without the King, they reign, Then " heigh down !" they go next ! This prophecy was a bold one, but not unreason- able at the time ; for although the interregnum was longer than Mercarius anticipated, yet it came to ♦ No. 8, Jan. 164L 278 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. an end in ten years, with the chief magician who had raised and quelled the storm of " Cicil and Meliyious Liberty.''^ VII. The Independents being now fully estab- lished in power, sent twelve additional chaplains into the army to preach down any remains of Pres- byterianism which might be still left in it, so base- less is the fabric of what is popularly called " Re- ligious Liberty," whose real meaning is, liberty to think only as the predominant party thinks. These chaplains are thus enumerated and de- scribed by one of their discomfited adversaries : — " Mr. Carter (sometime parson of Bow) ; Whitaker and Sti'ong of St. Dmistan's ; the two Goochvins, Salloicay, Symonds, Simpson (the full-gutted fellow that breaks bread, and conventicles over capon and cock-broth at Alderman Andrewes his house in Lime Street) ; Mr. Carrol (sometime a placebo singer in Lincoln's Inn, and afterwards a turncoat at Briclgefoot) ; Mr. Bolton, of St. Andrew's Holborn (a good preacher, indeed, and one that hath the report of an honester man than any can live in the Army. I pray God honest Dr. Hacket have cause to think no worse of him I ; and then Marshall and JVye (those pestilent firebrands of sedition !) bring up the rear, all of them being such as either will or must do their work for them at head-quarters. And if these be not sufficient, they have three more in Windsor, viz. Bachelour (the quondam Basquetier at Eaton, who never knew the degree of B. A.), Knight, the glassmaker, a brittle youth, and Bacon, the haberdasher."* This is the ordinary style of the political lam- poons of the times, and all three parties — Uoyalist, King's Pamphlets, Brit. Mus. PROPOSALS FOR A SETTLEMENT. 279 Presbyterian, and Independent — are equally choice in their epithets of abuse. The expulsion of the enemies of the Army from the two Houses of Parliament havino" cleared the way for the redress of grievances, Pairfax withdrew his troops from London, and quartered them in the surrounding villages, far enough to relieve the City from its apprehensions, but near enough to con- trol its political eccentricities. He fixed his own head-quarters at Putney, leaving three regiments at Whitehall and the Mews to protect the " Re- formed " Parliament against any sudden invasion of the apprentices — formerly the first to throw ofi" the yoke of the King, and now almost unanimous in desiring his restoration. VIII. About this time a document of great importance was issued by The Council of Ojficers, who were in fact the real Government of the nation. It contained Proposals for the Settlement of the Kingdom. The composition of this paper is at- tributed to Ireton, who, having been educated at Oxford and the Inns of Court, had acquired the reputation of possessing the " pen of a ready writer," and was usually employed in drawing up the Army manifestoes — especially those which emanated from the brain of his father-in-law, Cromwell, of which number this document was said to be one. Oliver Cromwell had remarked that both King and Parliament had failed of success through In- 280 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. tolerance. He inferred, therefore, that Toleration was the true principle upon which future Govern- ments must be founded to be successful. These Proposals, accordingly, far outstripped in " libe- rality " anything of this kind that had yet been propounded to the people. Perfect civil and re- ligious liberty were to be secured to the subject under a perfectly constitutional sovereign. All monopolies and all restrictions upon trade were to be abolished, and every real " grievance " redressed. On the other hand, the King was to be restored with more dignity and power than would have been allowed him by the Presbyterians, whose chief object was to keep all power in their own hands. The only point upon which there was likely to be a difference between the King and the council of officers was the Established Church, upon which neither was prepared to give way to the other, and there was no " happy medium " upon which they could agree; for Presbyterianism had been tried and found wanting, being pronounced by both King and army " A mixed government of knaves and fools." "Doubts have been raised," remarks a modern writer of English History,* "touching the sincerity of Cromwell and Ireton in their dealings with the Kmg." No douht, however, existed at the time as to their ulterior objects among the more shrewd observers of events. Eor Mercurms Fragmaticus, December * " Pict. Hist, of England," iii. 371. IRRESOLUTION OF THE KING. 281 22nd, 1647, plainly speaks of " King Oliver " and " Prince Ireton,'' and, certainly, from this date to the end of his life, the former, at least, was King de facto, and the latter would have been " Prince," had he not been cut off by a fatal fever under the walls of Limerick before Cromwell became Protector. Some of the gentlemen of the chamber, appre- hending the worst consequences from a quarrel between the King and the Army, were anxious that the " Proposals " should be accepted, trusting to time and the better feelings of the people to restore so much of the Monarchical power as could be exer- cised without oppression, and so much of the Church as could be governed by episcopacy without tyran- nizing over nonconformists. Sir John Berkeley was one of these. He went to head-quarters and had an interview with the council of officers, and discussed the terms of the "Proposals" with E-ains- borough and Ireton, promising his best influence with the King to induce him to accept them ; but, on re-opening the subject with the King, he found him strongly opposed to them. Some private agency had been at work, and revived ancient apprehen- sions. Berkeley then got Ashburnham to join him, and they went together and had an interview with Cromwell, and a letter was drawn up between them for the King to sign ; but the King put off his signature so long, that when he expressed himself willing to affix it, Cromwell and Ireton declared that "it was too late!" The Army had heard of the transaction, and began to look with jealousy 282 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. upon all private communications between the King and the generals. So, at least, said Oliver Crom- well. Whether he was at the bottom of this diffi- culty does not appear ; but certainly there was a species of miperiiim in imperlo in the Army which he had some trouble to regulate, and which had gone beyond the more legitimate control of Fair- fax. This was the Council of Adjutators. Oliver Cromwell either was, or affected to be, unable to act without their concurrence. But the greater probability is, that he used them as a convenient instrument for the advancement of his own projects — for when they assumed too much, and were be- coming dangerous to his own authority, he had no difficulty in suppressing them. As soon as the Adjutators became Agitators and Levellers he found out that " the Lord had done with them." Sir Thomas Eairfax was still, nominally, the chief general of the Army. It seems strange, there- fore, that he should have been ignorant of these negotiations between the King and Cromwell, or that he should have thus quietly allowed himself to be made insignificant. The fact was, that Crom- well represented the opinions and feelings of the Army, which Fairfax did not, and he was, therefore, sought out by the King's friends as most likely to speak with authority as to what the Army wished or would do. It may have been that Fairfax was of a nature so scrupulously honest, that his mind re- volted from everything in the shape of an intrigue ; and, therefore, he would not, personally, have KING AND ARMY NEGOTIATE. 283 anything to do with the negotiations. He might also have thought that, as the commander-in-chief appointed by the Parliament, it was beneath his dignity to meddle with such matters ; and especi- ally as they might have the appearance of a plot against the interests of the Parliament. He could not have been altogether ignorant of what was going on after Su' John Berkeley's visit to the council of ofl&cers, when he was himself presiding. The most reasonable view of the matter is, that Pairfax was fully aware of these proceedings, and that he en- trusted the management of them to Cromwell— not liking to appear in them himself — and that Crom- well rejiorted to him only just as much as he thought proper for his own interest. It does not aj^pear that Sh' Thomas Pairfax ever departed from the sentiment which he expressed in his letter to Prince Eupert — that " the Crown of England is, and ever will be, where it ought to be ; and that he was fighting to keep it there." He never dreamed of a Kepublic any more than Hamp- den. He desired a limited Monarchy and a Consti- tutional Government of King, Lords, and Commons, certainly not less liberal than that of the Plantage- nets, which the Tudors and Stuarts had converted into a despotism. He drew his sword, not against the Crown, but against the principles which would make an English King a German Emperor. His father's motto. Viva el JRey, muerra il mat Govierno ! was his own. He desired neither more nor less; and if it had rested upon his exertions only the 284 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Revolution of 1688 would have been anticipated in 1648. But there were disturbing influences at work of which he was, at the time, ignorant, which secretly paralysed his honest endeavours ; one of the principal of which was the machinations of the Scotch Commissioners sent by the Scotch Par- liament to prevent the King from coming to any agreement with his English subjects. These artful intriguers assured the King that if he would break with Parliament and Army, give up Episcopacy, take the Solemn League and Covenant^ and throw himself as King of Scotland upon the loyalty of his ancient and natural subjects, they had means enough to make him King of England also, more powerful by far than he ever could be by listening to the promises of an heretical Army or a turbulent Parliament, either of which would enslave him. Courted on all sides, no wonder that the un fortunate King should temporise with all, with the intention, as he himself said in one of his intercepted letters to the Queen, " of closing with that 'party which made him the best offer^'^ especially as he had been credibly informed of the favourable aspect of affairs in Ireland under the energetic management of the Duke of Ormonde, and, by his own personal experience in his progress through the counties from Newcastle to London, was satisfied that the country people were, at heart, still loyal and de- voted to him. Much has been said of the insincerity and double dealings of Charles the Eirst. But we should bear KING AND ARMY NEGOTIATE. 285 in mind that he had lost the power of the sword, and had nothing left to rely upon but his own wisdom and wit in order to recover his kingly authority. Thrown from his high estate by violence, he would have been more or less than man if he had not made use of the only powers left to him to regain it. Had he succeeded by cunning — the world would have called it wisdom. No one would have found fault with his means of success, except the party which had been defeated by them. It is very well to say that " cunning is not wisdom," that artifice is not honesty ; this is sound doctrine to be laid down by the preacher or the moralist, but it is not one upon which the world acts, and prospers, in worldly things. No man ever rose to supreme power in a Nation, or ever long retained that power, without a large amount of dissimulation. Ancient and modern history tells the same tale ; and it is not a little paradoxical that the so-called " Liberals " of our own times, who are so righteously indignant at the dissimulations of Charles, have no indignation to spare upon the dissimulations, intrigues, and falsehoods of Cromwell or the Buonapartes. They seem to regard every stratagem as lawful when employed against legitimate sovereigns, and only inexcusable when resorted to against usurpers. Mrs. Hutchinson reports a dialogue between the King and Ireton, at Hampton Court, in which Charles is made to say, in justification of his want of candour, " I shall play my game as icell as I can.'" To which Ireton is made to reply, " If your 286 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Majesty has a game to play, you must give ns also liberty to play ours !^' This is clever, but almost too epigrammatic to be accepted as a faithful report of a conversation between two persons who were suspicious of each other's intentions, and naturally watching for an advantage. It seems rather to be a good excuse for " playing the game " which Ireton had already made up his mind to play. It may, however, be a question whether, at this early date, the death or even deposition of the King had been determined upon by any one, unless it was Hugh Peters, who was charged at his trial in 1660, as having "compassed the King's death " so far back as the time of Joyce's raid upon Holdenby House. One of the Crown witnesses. Dr. Young, repeats a conversation which he had with Peters in July 164i8, in which Peters is represented as saying, " When the King was taken away from Holmeby House, the Parliament had a design to have secured Oliver Cromwell and myself, being then in London, and as Ave rode to Ware we made a halt, and advised how we should settle the king- dom in peace, and dispose of tlie King. The result was this : They should bring him to justice — try him for his life, and cut off his head T^ In justice to Hugh Peters, it should be added that he positively denied having ever said these words, or anything that could be twisted into them, and the lapse of twelve years between the alleged conversation and the evidence makes it extremelv KING AND ARMY NEGOTIATE. 287 unlikely that Dr. Young lias correctly stated the ipsissima verba of the speaker. On the other hand, whether such a catastrophe as the King's execution was contemplated or not by OKver Cromwell in 1647 — and I am inclined to think that it was not until after the second war in 1648 — all his measures tended to this end ; and all the attempts of the unfortunate King to deliver himself from his enemies only accelerated his fate. Of all those ex post facto arguers who, from the ill-success of Charles, infer his deserved failure, charging upon his insincerity the faults of his un- paralleled circumstances of doubt, temptation, and difficulty, not one in an hundred thousand would, in a similar position, have acted differently ; and not one in a million would so composedly lay down his life for conscience sake, or with such dignity endure the extremity of anguish, as he Who nothing common did, nor mean, Upon this memorable scene ; But with his keener eye The axe's edge did tryo, Nor called the Gods, with vulgar spite, To vindicate his helpless right ; But bowed his comely head, Down as upon a bed. CHAPTER X. RIVAL INTRIGUES FOR THE POSSESSION OF THE KING's PERSON. — HIS ESCAPE TO THE ISLE OP WIGHT. IM- PRISONMKNT IN CARISBROOK CASTLE. — MUTINY OF THE LEVELLERS. GENERAL RISING OF CAVALIERS. SECOND CIVIL WAR. — BATTLE OF PRESTON. I. The intrigues of the Parliament, of the Scottish Commissioners, and of the Army, led to events which have thrown a shade of dishonour upon them all. They are all charged, in turns, with practising upon the fears of the King by sending anonymous letters, warning him to be on his guard against assassins, and even mentioning persons by name who were plotting against his life. A letter signed E. R. informed him that " the Agitators intended to seize him, and that Mr. Dell and Mr. Peters, two of the preachers of the Army, would willingly bear them company in the design, for they had often said to the Agitators that His Majesty was but as a dead dog."* It has been even said that Cromwell was so anxious that by some notorious act of dis- trust the King should make enemies, that he was himself the author of some, and promoter of others, of these letters. One in his handwriting to Colonel Whalley is, indeed, extant, which may have given rise to this suspicion. It is as follows : — ♦ Pari. Hist. vol. xvi. 328. RIVAL INTRIGUES. 289 Dear Coz. Whalley, There are rumours abroad of some intended attempt upon His Majesty's person. Therefore, I pray, have a care of your guards. If any such thing should be done it would be ac- counted a most horrid act. Yours, Oliver Cromwell, But we can believe that Cromwell might really have heard of these rumom^s, and was sincerely alarmed by them, for he certainly did not want the King to be taken off by assassination at Hampton Court. It would have put the axe to the root of his ambition if, at this time, he had cherished any such tree of evil in his breast. The King's escape from Hampton Court was quite another matter, and we may readily admit, if not Cromwell's complicity in the plot, his satisfac- tion at its successful issue. Por now the King might be fairly put under some constraint, and kept from dangerous correspondence with the Parliament and the Scotch Commissioners. His Majesty's escape was announced to the Speaker by Cromwell in a letter, dated " Hampton Court, Twelve at Night, " 11th November, 1647. " His Majesty withdrew himself at nine o'clock. He was expected at supper, when the Commissioners and Colonel Whalley missed him. Upon which they entered the room, and found His Majesty had left his cloak behind him in the gallery in the private way. He passed by the back stairs and vault towards the waterside." Cromwell's connection and friendship with Col. u 290 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Robert Hammond, the Governor of the Isle of "Wight, with whom the King ultimately took refuge, strengthens the suspicion that he was cognizant of His Majesty's intention before his flight. This suspicion is, to a certain extent, con- firmed by Andrew Marvell, who, eulogizing the political craft of his patron, says : — And Hampton shows what part He had of wiser art, Where twining subtle fears with hope He wove a web of such a scope, That Charles himself might chase To Carisbrook's narrow case.* That Colonel Hammond was in the plot may be inferred from the confession which the honest, but weak, Ashburnham makes of his own complicity — " I did then, calling to mind what Colonel Ham- mond had said to me some few days before, that he was going down to his Government, because he found the Army was resolved to break all promises with the King, and that he would have nothing to do with such perfidious actions — I did then, un- fortunately, (in regard of the success and not of the ill choice of the place,) offer to their thoughts Sir John Oglander's house in the Isle of Wight." It was Ashburnham, then, who first suggested the Isle of Wight as a good place of refuge to the King, and who, trusting in the friendly, or at least honourable, feeling of Hobert Hammond, promoted his escape thither. * " Oliver's Return from Ireland." ESCAPE OF THE KING. 291 The King's flight is condemned by William Lilly, the famous astrologer, as a wanton neglect of his solemn advice. He had been called upon in August, 1647, by Lady Whorwood, with a message from the King, to inquire where he could hide himself, if he made his escape from Hampton Court. The astrologer " erected his figure " and ascertained that about twenty miles from London, in Essex, Charles might be safe and undiscovered. But, misguided by Ashburnham, the King took the way to the Isle of Wight, and was lost.* Supposing Cromwell wanted the King to escape from Hampton Court, no better place of refuge than the one selected could have been found. Ham- mond — his friend "Robin" — was Governor of Carisbrook Castle, and would, as Cromwell thought, keep him safe, and beyond the reach of Parliament or the Scotch ; and no officer in the service of the Parliament stood so well with the King as the nephew of his faithful chaplain Doctor Hammond, of whose integrity there was no doubt, and of whose sympathy there might have been some hope. That Kobert Hammond deserved his reputation of an honest and honourable man was proved by his subsequent refusal to give up the King to those whom he suspected of seeking his life, for which refusal he was suspended from his government, and Colonel Ewer, a thorough Hepublican, who had no such scruples, was appointed in his place. It is curious to see by what sophistry Cromwell * Autobiography of W. Lilly, p. 60. TJ 2 292 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. endeavoured to make Hammond unfaithful to his trust. He had, it seems, written a letter to Crom- well pleading the necessity of his obedience to the Parliament, the paramount authority, rather than to the General who received his commission from the Parliament. The reply, dated Pontefract, No- vember 25, deprecates any such notion as appli- cable to the present occasion : — " Authorities and powers," says Cromwell, " are the ordinance of God. This or that species is of human institution, and limited, each according to its constitution. I do not, therefore, think that the authorities may do any thing, and yet such obedience be due. All agree that there are cases in which it is lawful to resist. Indeed, dear E;obin, not to multiply words, the query is whether o^irs is such a case ?" Crom- well then proceeds to lay three considerations before his correspondent, the third of which con- tains the kernel of the nut, viz., " "Whether this army be not a laivful 'power called by God to oppose and fight against the King upon some stated grounds, and being in 'power to such ends may not oppose the name of one name of authority for their ends as tvell as any other name ? or, in other words, is not the army ' being in power ' the supreme authority?" Hammond, not being convinced by this reason- ing, was displaced, and Colonel Ewer, a thorough- going confederate of the Army against the Par- liament, was, by Cromwell's influence with Sir Thomas Pairfax, made Governor of Carisbrook CAHISBROOK CASTLE. 293 Castle and custodier of the King, for the express purpose of keeping him within the power of the Army. Many Royalists believed that both Sir John Berkeley and Ashburnham were in the interest of the King's enemies, and that they had been bought over to persuade the King to leave Hampton Court in order to put him into a false position, and to give his enemies a colourable pretext for ulterior proceedings. Lady Panshawe, referring to these events, in her memoir of her husband, says — *' This was a sad time for us all of the King's party, for by the folly — not to give it a worse name — of Sir John Berkeley and Mr. Ashburnham, who were drawn in by the cursed crew of the then standing army for the Parliament to persuade the King to leave Hampton Court, to which they had carried him, and to make his escape ; which design failing, as the plot was laid, he was tormented, and afterwards basely murdered, as all the world knows."* II. The escape of the King was received by the Adjutators — who were the tools, and not the con- fidants, of Cromwell — with fury proportioned to their disappointment. He had escaped altogether out of their reach, and they laid the blame on their superiors, who had undertaken his safe custody. Impatient of the slow progress of the negotiations, * p. 7n. 294 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. the Committee of Adjutators had appointed what they called a Rendezvous — a general meeting of officers and privates — at Corkbush Field, between Hertford and Ware, " to deliberate upo7i the neces- sity of speedy action to bring the King to terms;'' and just before the day of meeting the King had disappeared ! Could there be any doubt that he had been conveyed away by the generals, or through their connivance ? A leading section of these Adjutators were called Levellers, whose prin- ciples are expressed in their name. These enemies of all authorities and powers industriously circu- lated a report that it was by the contrivance of the generals that the King had escaped from them. Whether or not they intended, at the Rendezvous, to call their generals to account, was never dis- tinctly known — for the object of the meeting, what- ever it was, was not allowed to transph'e. The meeting was anticipated by an order of Sir Thomas Fairfax, forbidding all discussions of so-called " grievances ;" and such was the influence of his name in the army that only two regiments of all that assembled at Corkbush Field showed any symptoms of a mutinous spirit. They were Harri- son's Horse and Robert Lilburne's Foot, who came upon the ground bearing in their hats the motto, " The People's Freedom and the Soldiers* Rights." AYhat they meant by these words they were not permitted to explain ; for scarcely had they taken up their ground when Cromwell, accompanied by MUTINY OF THE LEVELLERS. 295 his Staff — among whom we may be assured was the resolute Adjutant-General of the Army, Riclim^d Deane — galloped into the field ; called eleven of the known ringleaders out of the ranks by name, tried them on the spot by a drumhead court mar- tial, and made the tJii^ee who were condemned to death throw dice for their lives, to ascertain which of the three should suffer for the whole. The lot fell on a soldier named Arnald, who was instantly shot ! E-arely has such an act of determination been so immediately successful ; the tumult was appeased without further bloodshed, and the troops marched quietly back to their quarters — a memorable instance of the ascendancy of a resolute spirit in authority over a multitude discontented but conscious of being in the wrong. III. The Adjutators of five regiments of horse, viz., the Lord General's, Fleetwood's, Rich's, Ire- ton's, and Whalley's, had a few weeks before pre- sented a paper to Sir Thomas Fairfax, intituled " The Case of the Arini/;" in which they had cast reflections upon their generals, charging them with undue favor and leniency towards the King, and demanding a treatment more in accordance with his true position as the public enemy. Fairfax upon this called a council of officers at Putney, the result of which was the following General Order : * " That Commissary-General * Rushworth, vi. 84I>. 296 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Ireton, Sir Harclress Waller, Adjutant- General Deane, Colonel Overton, Colonel Kich, Colonel Hewson, Quartermaster-General Grosvenor ; Cap- tain E;olph, Captain Leigh, Captain Carter, Lieu- tenant Cowel, Master Allen, Master Lorkin, Master Welsby, Master Vaughan, Master Sexby, Master Whiting, Captain Deane,^ Captain Clarke, and Lieutenant Scotton, should meet in Commissary- General Ireton' s quarters, immediately after the rising of the council, to consider of a paper intituled " The Case of the Army^^ and to add the Vindication of the Army from the aspersions cast upon them by the Adjutators." This Committee — a special one — was composed apparently of officers and non-commissioned officers of all ranks ; for we find among them Allen and Sexhy, two of the three delegates from the Council of Adjutators, deputed to lay their grievances before the House of Commons. The appointment of such a Committee guaranteed a careful consideration of " The Case of the Army ^ There had been ever since the 26th Eebruary a Standing Committee of Officers appointed by Sir Thomas Fairfax, " to receive petitions and to con- sider of business relating to the Army" — consisting of Lieutenant-General Cromwell, Commissary- Ge- neral Ireton, Lieutenant-General Hammond, Colo- nel Eleetwood, Colonel Harrison, Colonel Rich, Colonel Barkstead, Colonel Deane, Commissary- General Stanes, Scout-Master Watson, Quarter- * Of Lilbiinie's Regiment — nephew of Adjutant-General Deane? MUTINY OF THE LEVELLERS. 297 master-General Grosvenor, Lieutenant -Colonel Cobbe, Major Briscoe, Major Husband, The Judge- Advocate, Adjutant Evelyn, Adjutant Barry, and such other Eield Officers as were in town." They were directed to meet daily at Whitehall, at 9 in the morning and at 2 in the afternoon, and five were to form a quorimi* The Special Committee to whom the paper en- titled " The Case of the Army^' was referred made their report, which was such as might have been expected from men of sense and experience. The generals were exculpated from the charges unjustly made against them, and the presumptuous and refractory conduct of the Adjutators was exposed and condemned. The Council of Generals accepted and adopted this report, which was in the main in accordance with the vote of the House of Commons previously passed upon the same paper, viz., " That it was destructive to the privileges of Parliament, and the fundamental government of the Kingdom. ^^ Nevertheless, the Parliament could not be per- suaded that the generals did not share the opinions of the common soldiers, which were notoriously adverse to sending any more propositions to the King, and, at the same time, not very friendly towards the Parliament — and, indeed, they all seemed to be in difficulties, no one party having any confidence in the good intentions of any other. * Rushworth. 298 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. IV. The seasonable appearance and energetic action of Cromwell at the " Ptcndezvous " put an end for the present to the incipient mutiny. But the Republican, or rather levelling, principles of the mutineers had so pervaded the army, that a few days afterwards a considerable number of officers are said to have gone to Cromwell and Ireton, and to have declared* " that if they — Crom- well and Ireton — did not make common cause with the Republican party, they would lose all their in- fluence, and might even lose their lives ! — that they (the remonstrants) had made up their minds to take their own course, for the only alternative left was a Commonwealth or destruction." Upon this Cromwell and Ireton are said to have cast in their lot with the Hepublicans, and to have had no more dealings with the King in the way of treaty or compromise. How far this view of the case may go to explain the subsequent conduct of those leaders may be questioned; but there can be no doubt as to the designs of the Adjutators. They had fully resolved upon the trial of the King, as we may learn from a conversation which Sir John Berkeley had with the notorious Joyce, whom he one day overtook between Bagshot and Windsor, and whom he cor- rectly calls " a Great Adjutator.'^ " Upon my discourse with him, I found that it had been dis- coursed among the Adjutators whether for their * rictorial Hist, of England, iii. 378. MUTINY OF THE LEVELLERS. 299 justification tlie King ought not to be brought to trial." Berkeley was the bearer of a letter from the King to Fairfax, whom he found presiding over a council of of&cers. " The General looked very severely upon me, and said, ' They were the I^ar- liamenfs Army, and therefore could not say any- thing to His Majesty's motion of peace, but must refer these matters to them, to whom he would send His Majesty's letters.' " The next evening Sir John Berkeley attempted to see Cromwell privately, but received an answer that Cromwell " could not see him ; but that he would serve the King as long as he could do it without his own ruin, and that it must not be expected that he would perish for the King's sake."* Some such message was doubtless sent by Crom- well to Sir John Berkeley; but whether it pro- ceeded from his fears of the Adjutators, or from his own proper motion, must remain in doubt until some hitherto undiscovered correspondence or me- morandum turns up to throw a light upon the matter; and no document, except one in Crom- well's own handwriting, will be sufficient for our conviction. The motives of men's actions are often designedly hidden from the knowledge of their fellow men ; and no man ever concealed his so skilfully as Oliver Cromwell. For, to this day, he is a mystery, * Noble's Life of Crom\> ell, i. 142. 300 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. If any relianco can be placed upon the famous " Saddle Story," told by Lord Broghill after the King's death, from Cromwell's own mouth, there would seem to have been some reason for Crom- well's apprehension of royal treachery. This story, although well known, cannot be too frequently repeated, for, if true, it will go far to exculpate Cromwell ; and, if false, every repetition of it will give one more chance of discovering its falsehood, and of justifying the charge of the E-oyalists — that Cromwell, without any personal ground of quarrel, but solely with the view to his own aggrandisement, compassed the death of the King. " While we were busied in these things," said Cromwell to Lord Broghill, in answer to a leading question from the latter, " there came a letter from one of our spies, who was of the King's bed-chamber, which acquainted us that on that day our doom was decreed, and we might find it out if we could intercept a letter from the King to the Queen, wherein he declared what he would do. This letter was sealed up in the skirt of a saddle, and the bearer of it would come with the saddle on his head to the Blue Boar Inn in Holborn, for there he was to take horse and go to Dover with it We were at Windsor when we received the letter, and im- mediately upon the receipt of it Ireton and I resolved to take one trusty fellow with us, and with troopers' habits to go to the inn in Holborn, which accordingly we did, and set our man at the gate of the inn where the wicket only was open to let people in and out. Our man was to give us notice when a person came there with a saddle, while we, in the disguise of common troopers, called for cans of beer and continued drinking till about ten o'clock. The sentinel at the gate then gave notice that the man with the saddle was THE KING IN CAUISBROOK CASTLE. 301 come in. Upon this we immediately rose, and, as the man was leading out liis horse saddled, we came upon him with drawn swords, and told him that we were there to search all that went out there, but as he looked like an honest man we would only search his saddle and dismiss him. Upon that we ungirt the saddle and carried it into the stable where we had been drinking, and left the horseman wdth our sentinel. Then ripping up one of the skirts of the saddle we there found the letter of which we had been informed, and having got it into our hands we delivered the saddle again to the man, telhng him that he was an honest man, and bidding him to go about his business. The man, not knowing what we had done, went away to Dover. As soon as we had the letter we opened it, in which we found that the King had acquainted the Queen that he was courted by both factions — the Scotch Presbyterians and the Army. Which bid fairest for him should have him ; but he thought he should close with the Scotch .... We took horse and rode to Windsor, and we immediately from that time resolved upon his ruin." The whole of this story, beginning with Lord Broghill's alleged conversation with Cromwell, was said by the Royalists to have been invented by some unscrupulous partisan to excuse the judicial murder of the King. How far this may have been the case or not we are not in a condition to decide ; for there is no certain evidence at present to con- firm or condemn the story — nothing to credit or discredit it, V. While the King was a prisoner in Carisbrook Gastle he is said to have made an attempt to escape by getting out between the bars of a window of his apartment, but to have failed from not being able to force his body through. The window is still shown, 302 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. in support of the story, and the astrologer Lilly * takes the credit of having furnished Lady Whor- wood with some aquafortis and a file to cut the iron hars asunder. There is also a letter from Cromwell to Colonel Hammond, dated London, April 6th, 1648, which mentions such a report having reached '* a considerable person" — that " The King attempted to get out of his window, and that he had a cord of silk with him, whereby to slip down, but his breast would not give him passage. A gentleman with you led him the way and slipped down. The guard had that night some quantity of wine with them. The gentleman that came out of the window was Pirebrace ; the time when the attempt was made was the 20th of March." " Charles," says Pirebrace, " had been told that where a man's head can go his shoulders will, but measuring the space between the bars by i\\Qfro7it instead of the side of his head, he fell into the error which had nearly proved fatal to him, for he had the utmost difiiculty in extricating himself." This ineffectual attempt at escape, say the Royalists, so alarmed those who were interested in the King's safe custody, or safer death, that they laid a snare for his life through an officer of the garrison. Major Rolfe, who undertook to propose to the King a repetition of the same plan of deliverance, with better means of putting it in execution. Charles was to let himself down out of * Autobiography of W. Lillv, p. CO. THE KING IN CARISBROOK CASTLE. 303 a window by a rope, having previously made the descent practicable by filing away the bars with a file with which, as also with the rope, E^olfe had supplied him. The King, so goes the story, accepted the offfer, and filed away the bars, but previously to descending looked out of the window to see if all was clear below. He saw no one in the courtyard ; but immediately below the window, in the shade of the wall, he saw some soldiers crouching down, and was instantly convinced that he had been betrayed. The alleged design was to let the King descend undisturbed, and to shoot him upon his reaching the ground as a robber or an assassin attempting to escape. The "mistake" or "accident" could be easily represented as such to the public, by whom, after a while, it would be believed. Whatever may be the true version of this inci- dent, it is certain that Major Rolfe was charged with attempting to take the King's life while under his custody at Carisbrook Castle. He was indicted for it at the Assizes at Winchester, but the Bill was thrown out by the Grand Jury as a calumny.* Rolfe was a captain in Hammond's regiment, and had been one of the officers appointed on the Committee for considering the mutinous conduct of the Adjutators in bringing charges against their generals. He landed at the Isle of Wight with a reinforcement of the regiment during the King's imprisonment, and was employed by Hammond to * Somers's Tracts, v. 153. Edited by Sir W. Scott. 304 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE^ guard the King, and upon Hammond's temporary absence was promoted to a majority, and appointed by him one of the three officers left in joint com- mission in charge of the castle. Whether or not he was the Uolfe who had married one of the dausrhters of Sir E^ichard Deane I am not able to say. But, if he was, he would by this marriage have been connected with Colonel Richard Deane, by whose recommendation he would easily gain the confidence of Hammond. But although a Bepub- lican, and a friend and connection of Begicides, Major Bolfe was, probably, as innocent of the crime laid to his charge as General Hammond himself, upon whose character there has never been the slightest breath of suspicion. Hammond very indignantly repudiated* the charge for both himself and Maj or Bolfe, and the Houses of Lords and Commons concurred in acquitting Bolfe, and voted lOOZ. to him as a compensation for his false imprisonment.! That the name of Rolfe was synonymous with a friend of the Begicide appears from a curious inci- dent in the trial of Major-General Harrison in 1660, when, having challenged several jurors, Harrison paused at the name of " Edward Rolfe,'" and remarked, " What ! Rolpli is his name ? let Mm he sworn ! " VI. During the imprisonment of Charles at * Rush worth. t Whitelocke's Memorials, 1648, Aug. 31, Sep. 4, Sep. 9. GENEUAL RISING OF CAVALIERS. 305 Carisbrook Castle several attempts were made both by the Parliament and the Scotch Commissioners to involve him in a treaty unknown to the army. It has been affirmed by partisans of the Scotch that tl;e King did actually sign a secret undertaking to renounce Episcopacy, and to take the Solemn League and Covenant. But there is no proof that any such concession was ever made by Charles, and it is certain that, if there had been any colour for the statement, the Scotch, who raised the Royal standard after the King's execution, would have made it a strong point in favour of their relapse into loyalty. The imprisonment of the King had one important effect, which might have been attended with benefit to his cause, had the circumstances leading to it been managed with more discretion in the first instance, and more union and vigour in the sequel. This was the general rising of the Royal- ists in 1648, an ill-timed and desultory effort, which wanted but little to make it as successful as it was at first formidable. On the 9th of January 164f " A Declaration from His Excellency Sir Thomas Eairfax, and the general council of the Army," was presented to the House of Commons, in which they declared their adhesion to Parliament in things voted concerning the King, and in what shall be further necessary for the pro- secution thereof, and for settling and securing of the Parliament and Kingdom icithout the King, and against him, or any other that shall hereafter par- take with him." X 306 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. This " Declaration " proves that the generals were impressed with the conviction that the move- ments of the Royalists, which were now beginning to be suspicious, were not made without the know- ledge and approbation of the King. E;ichard Deane signed this " Declaration " as Adjutant -General of the Army, and bore no small share in the operations that followed it. He was at that time colonel of a regiment of foot, which went by his name. To meet all possible contingencies, the council of officers at Windsor had devoted their attention to a second remodelling of the army, of which Kush- worth, under the date of January 22, 164f, thus speaks : *' Prom Windsor, the head- quarters, we hear that they have been very busy at this work, in perfecting and altering the establishment of the army, which scheme was yesterday returned to the committee of the army by Colonel Deane. ^^ * " More officers and fewer soldiers in proportion to the number of officers " was the scheme agreed upon '* to put the martial power in the best way to appear formidable in the field." Eourteen regiments of horse — 80 in each troop, and 17 of foot — 800 in each regiment, were to be the standing army. VII. During the first three months of 1648— or (according to the computation then in use) during * Rusliwortli, jjt. iv. vol. ii. p. 937. SECOND CIVIL WAR. 307 the last three months of 1647 — the insurrectionary fire smouldered. It broke out, prematurely, on the 9th of April in London, when a mob of apprentices stoned a captain of the Trained Bands in Moorfields, took away his colours, and marched triumphantly to Westminster, shouting as they went, ^^ King dimples! King Charles!''^ They were dispersed by a troop of horse from the mews ; and running back into the City, spent the night in breaking open houses for arms, &c., and so frightened the Lord Mayor that he took refuge in the Tower. The next mornins: Eairfax marched into the City, and put an end to the tumult by — what the Royalist writers call — '' an indiscriminate massacre of men, women, and children." That some women and children should be generally among the vic- tims of a street riot put down by the military, is the inevitable result of that inordinate curiosity which naturally brings women and children into crowds. But curiosity alone is not always the actuating motive : women have as strong, and sometimes stronger, political passions than men ; and in this particular instance we may believe that their strongest feelings were enlisted on the side of an imprisoned and persecuted King. Many women, therefore, were in these crowds of rioting appren- tices, and some probably fell under the fire of the soldiers, without any premeditated cruelty being justly chargeable upon the soldiers or their offi- cers, whose orders were to disperse the mob — by X 2 308 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. force if necessary, and by irresistible force if driven by the obstinacy of the mob to use it. These tumults in the City were succeeded by insur- rectionary movements in the country. A large number of persons from the counties of Surrey, Kent, and Essex presented themselves at the doors of the House of Commons with Petitions, calling for ^'reconciliation with the King," which being interpreted into a masked rebellion against Parlia- ment, the Petitioners were attacked by the soldiers on guard, and driven from the House with the loss of several lives.* The county of Berks, on the contrary, at the instigation of Henry Marten and Daniel Blagrave (both future regicides, and both of Reading), ad- dressed a letter to the Committee of Derby House, expressive of their resolution to stand by the Par- liament ; and other counties followed the example, with more or less unanimity. The proceedings of London, however, were too marked not to be attended with further troubles to the ruling powers. They became a signal — an unfortunate one — for a general rising of the Royalists. Letters came pouring into the House of Commons from all parts of the kingdom, of Cavaliers in arms^ and of posts sur prised and seized. Pontefract Castle was suddenly attacked and taken; that of Pembroke, a strong fortress, was also captured and garrisoned by Colonel Laugharne, formerly an officer in the service of the Parliament, but now in arms for the * Kvelyn's Diary, May 4 to "Mny IG, SECOND CIVIL WAR. 309 King. Other officers of liiglier rank and greater note, sucli as Generals Massey and Brown, revolted at the same time, and the power of the Parliament was tried to the uttermost. Nothing but the extra- ordinary activity of Eairfax, who on this occasion rivalled the energy of Cromwell, and the vigour of Cromwell himself, seconded by the zeal of their major-generals, saved the Government. Had not the premature rising of the apprentices of London precipitated that of the counties, the crisis would not have been surmounted : as it was, the danger was great, and with great difficulty overcome. The Men of Kent first occupied the attention of the Government. Assembling in large numbers they advanced boldly, but in a tumultuary manner, to Blackheath, where they were met by Eairfax, at the head of seven veteran and well- disciplined regi- ments, and driven back to Rochester. Goring, who commanded, rallied them there, and marched upon Canterbury, which he took without opposition. He next proceeded to Maidstone, which he seized and fortified ; and, confident in the apparent strength of his position, awaited the approach of Pah-fax, who, feeling that everything depended upon his exertions — that the life and death of The Cause were at issue — attacked the town with more than his wonted vigour, and carried it by storm. After a severe struggle, which was maintained by the Royalists from street to street, the Parliamentarians suc- ceeded in driving their enemies out of the town, and occupied it. Goring, and the majority of his 310 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. officers, and many of his men, crossed the Thames into Essex by boats, which they had previously pre- pared in case of the necessity, and took up a second, stronger, position at Colchester, whither they were speedily pursued and besieged by Fairfax, now rein- forced by Ireton. The Eoyalists in Parliament were no less active than their friends in the field. On the 23rd of April, immediately after the breaking out of this insurrection, they joined the Presbyterians, and carried a motion, "That the Government of this kingdom shall continue to be with King, Lords, and Commons ; and that a new treaty should be opened with His Majesty." This resolution rescinded their vote of January 3, " That they would make no more Addresses to the King, nor receive any Message from him." "Two days before this," we are informed by Mr. Evelyn, " there had been a great uproar in the City — that the rebel army, quartering at Whitehall, would plunder the City, on which there was pub- lished a Proclamation for all to stand on their guard." This was, probably, a political rusej in- tended to influence the votes of the House ; and, if so, it answered its object. VIII. The insm^rection in South "Wales threatened to be still more formidable. The whole country was against the Parliament, and every village was deserted by its inhabitants as the troops marched into it ; " even the blacksmiths cut their bellows. SECOND CIVIL WAU. 311 SO that if the soldiers wanted a horse shod, forty shillings would not procure the service of a smith." * Cromwell was sent into Wales, and took Richard Deane with him. The work was required to he short, and he wanted a man of energy to do it, for, to complicate matters, a Scotch army, under the Duke of Hamilton, had taken the field in great force, and declared for the King, and was preparing to invade England. It was a great point with Cromwell to put down the Welsh before he could safely venture to march against the Scotch. Success attended the arms of the Parliament at all points. Colchester, after a short siege, surren- dered at discretion to Fairfax and Ireton ; and the campaign in South Wales, with the single and tem- porary failure at Pembroke Castle, was equally fortunate. Pembroke Castle repulsed two assaults, in each of which Colonel Deane's f regiment was engaged ; and in the second lost its sergeant-major — Major Elower — who was killed in attempting an escalade. The principal cause of these failures was the ordinary one — the shortness of the ladders — a contingency against which no experience seems to warn our engineers. Many lives have been lost in first failures from this cause, which have been retrieved only by great exertions and renewed slaughter, for which, had the ladders been long enough in the first instance, there would have been * Eushworth. f The others were Pride's Foot, parts of Horton's and Scrope's Horse, and a troop or two of Okey's Dragoons. — Cromwelliana, p. 40. 312 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. no occasion. The men never fail for want of courage or endurance. Cromwell himself directed these two assaults on Pembroke Castle, and was on the point of delivering a third, when the garrison called out for quarter, and surrendered at discretion. Their submission was precipitated by the knowledge that some heavy battering guns had been brought up by ILiigli Feters from the Lyon guardship at Milford Haven, which good service was afterwards remembered to his ad- vantage. This obstinate defence, which had well nigh frustrated the calculations of Cromwell, exas- perated him to such a degree that he handed over his principal prisoners, Colonels Laugharne, Powel, and Poyer, to the tender mercies of the High Com- mission, which, as might have been expected, proved to be " cruel." They were tried for " high treason against the King and Parliament," and condemned to death ; but were allowed, according to military custom, and Cromwell's usual practice in such cases, to draw lots for life. Colonel JPoyer was the unfortunate one, and suffered accordingly, like a brave soldier, recovering by his death the honour which he had lost in life ; for he had for- merly served the Parliament, and deserted its service for that of the King, to whom his death was a sen- sible loss. Cromwell justified this severity in his letter to the " Delinquents' Committee," November 20, 1648, in which he says, " If I be not mistaken the House of Commons did vote all those persons traitors that SECOND CIVIL WAR. 313 did adhere to, or bring in, the Scots in their late invading of the kingdom under Duke Hamilton, and not without very clear justice ; this being a more prodigious treason than any that had been perfected before, because the former quarrel was, that Englishmen might rule over one another, this to vassalize us to a foreign nation." * The force of this argument may have been suflB.- cient for those to whom it was addressed ; but the real reason for this sudden thirst for blood was what apologists call necessity , and historians policy. The insurrection was a very formidable one ; and it was highly impolitic to allow the people to believe that it might be prolonged with impunity. Those who had possession of the King's person assumed his authority to brand all opposition in arms as high treason. The leaders of the revolt were too able and too powerful to be allowed to live. The more desperate the resistance offered to the arms of the Parliament, the more dangerous were the enemy and the more urgent the necessity for crushing them. The execution of Lucas and Lisle at Colchester bears much harder upon the fame of Sir Thomas Pairfax, than that of Poyer upon Cromwell's. Por neither of those officers had ever served the Par- liament. They had always been consistent Koyalists. The deaths of these gallant men have been charged upon the vindictiveness of Ireton ; but Sir Thomas Pairfax, in his letter of August 29th, 1648, to the * Ci-omwell's Letters, edited by Carlyle, vol. i. p. 365. 314 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Earl of Manchester, says that " Sk Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle were, by advice of the council of war of the chief officers both of the county and kingdom, shot (before any assurance of quarter) for some satisfaction to military justice, and in part to avenge the innocent blood they had caused to be shed." He " hopes that the House of Lords," of whom the Earl of Manchester was Speaker. " would not find cause to think the House or their justice prejudiced." This is all the excuse made by the Lord General for an act which posterity has not scrupled to call "a judicial murder." But, in ignorance of all the private springs of action in those unhappy times, it is equally difficult to admit or reject a plausible excuse for any act of severity. We know not to what an extent Eairfax may have been bound by the fears of the House of Commons, who were too near the scene of action not to be thoroughly frightened ; and too terrified to pardon those who had alarmed them. He may have been only carry- ing out their secret directions when he ordered Lucas and Lisle to be shot, as when he sent up the Lords Capel and Goring and others to be tried and condemned by the Parliamentary High Court of Justice. After all, it may be recorded, to the honour of the English nation, that no civil war, in any country, has been attended with so little unneces- sary bloodshed as that between King Charles and his Parliament. Humanity shudders at the atroci- BATTLE OF PUESTON. 315 ties of the civil wars of France, Germany, Spaing and Italy, but looks with reasonable allowance for the infirmities of human nature upon those of England, and with thankfulness that amidst so much unavoidable misery there should have been so much respect for the valour of a vanquished enemy. The " hereditary bondsman" is always the most savage when he has acquired his liberty, and fights to oppress his oppressors. Those who are best worthy of freedom are always the least thirsty of blood. IX. From the campaign in Wales, Cromwell and Richard Deane marched rapidly into Lancashire to meet the Scotch army, which had formed a junction with the E/Oyalist horse of Sir Marmaduke Lang- dale, and was advancing by forced marches upon London. The Parliamentarian Generals Lambert and Lilburne fell back gradually before them, retarding their progress by daily skirmishes, but were too weak to venture upon a general battle. At Preston Cromwell and Deane came up to their support, but too late to save the town, which had already fallen into the hands of the enemy. This was on the 17th of August, and each of the hostile armies was eager to fight the decisive battle upon which the fate of the Monarchy depended. Por .defeat at Preston would leave the Parliament with only one army — that of Pairfax in Essex; and would be the sio-nal for the risincf of all London against them. 316 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Cromwell found himself in the presence of a powerful enemy, with greatly inferior numhers; and felt that his best, if not only, chance of success was to take the initiative, and, by attacking, con- ceal his numerical weakness, and at the same time encourage his own men with the idea that he would not attack if he was not the stronger. With consummate skill he so drew up his little army as actually to outflank that of the Scots on both wings; and so manoeuvred as gradually to press the wings of the enemy upon their own centre, until the whole were so crowded together that when he assailed them in his usual style — with a combined charge of horse and foot — they were unable to make any disciplined resistance, and, after a severe but confused struggle of three hours, were broken and scattered. Seldom has there been a victory more complete, or a flight more disastrous; the rout of Dunbar was an orderly retreat compared with that of Preston ; and the only battle which has borne any resemblance to it was that of Pinkie. The field of battle was Eib- bletown Moor, on the east side of the town. The main body of the Scots was pursued as far as Warrington and Uttoxeter; at the latter of which places the Duke of Hamilton was taken prisoner by a very extraordinary captor — no other than Hugh JPeters, the chaplain of the Parliamen- tarian army ! His letter, dated August 27th, gives this explanation of his exploit : " I waited upon my Lord Grey, who had eight regiments BATTLE OF PRESTON. 317 (qu. squadrons?) of horse at Uttoxeter. We entered upon them this morning, and it loas my lot to take Duke Hamilton p7'isone}', who lies this night at our quarters. It is a very glorious completion of the former work, in which is a mighty appearance of God. I had a large dispute with the Duke this night. I know not, almost, whether it be not a dream."* The truth of this statement was not doubted, for Peters was able to show the " George " which the Duke surrendered to him, or which the reverend dragoon tore from the breast of its unfortunate wearer. " The large dispute which he had with the Duke " was, doubtless, an ecclesiastical disci- pline — a strange use or abuse of an " opportunity," even in those times. No small portion of the credit of these successes belongs to Eichard Deane, who, as brigadier- general, commanded the right wing of Cromwell's army, having his own regiment with him brigaded with those of Colonel Pride and Lieutenant-Colonel Reade. Por although this wing — with the excep- tion of Heade's rej^iment — had little share in the actual fighting before Preston, yet it was eminently useful in pressing the left wing of the enemy upon their centre, and adding to that confusion, which was the immediate cause of the defeat. Cromwell, in his despatch, says, " Lest we should be outwinged, I placed those two regiments. Colonel Deane's and Colonel Pride's, to enlarge our right wing. This was the cause they had not, at that time, so great a share in that action." * " Packet of Letters from the North."— King's Pamphlets. 318 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. As there was much fighting afterwards, at Wigan and Warrington, we may infer from Cromwell's exceptional phrase, " at that time,''^ that Deane's and Pride's regiments had their full share in the subsequent engagements and pursuits. The dis- tinction acquired by Richard Deane at the Battle of Preston, raised him, shortly afterwards, to the rank of Major- General. CHAPTER XI. RENEWED DISSENSIONS OF THE ARMY AND PARLIAMENT. RENEWAL OF AN ATTEMPT AT A TREATY WITH THE KING. ITS FAILURE. — THE GREAT AND FINAL REMON- STRANCE OF THE ARMY. THE ARMY INSIST UPON BRINGING THE KING TO TRIAL. PRIDE's PURGE. — OCCUPATION OF THE CITY BY GENERAL DEANE. — THE MEETING AT THE ROLLS FOR " THE SETTLEMENT OF THE KINGDOM." I. With the Battle of Preston the campaign of 1648 ended. But another campaign was necessary for the safety of the Army, of no less moment in point of policy, and even more difficult of man- agement, than that of the field. It was to compel the Parliament to do justice to them. This, at least, was the view taken of it by the officers ; but the House of Commons, and a large majority of the citizens of London, looked upon the demand of the army for payment and rewards as a design to establish the supremacy of the military over the civil power, and to render the Presbyterian Govern- ment of the Church a chaos of spiritual anarchy. Under these circumstances Parliament, which had trembled at the progress of the insurrection, was still more alarmed at the rapidity with which it had been put down. The Army had become masters, and it was time, they thought, to look out for themselves, or they might become slaves. The 320 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. only possible chance of retaining even a shadow of their authority was to make one more attempt at reconciliation with the King, so that King and Parliament might he no longer a pretence but a reality. Accordingly, while Pairfax and Cromwell were with their respective armies, a deputation of fifteen Lords and Commons was sent (September 13) to re-open negotiations with Charles, who received their advances favourably. It was well known that the King was ready to redress all real grievances, and even to give up some of his prerogatives; but it was also known that upon two points he was still as inflexible as ever. He would not sacrifice his seven denounced counsellors, and he would not abolish Episcopacy. The surrender of Strafford to popular clamour was a deathless worm of remorse to him ; and upon the preservation of Episcopacy, he justly thought, de- pended the existence of the Monarchy. " No Bishop, no King" was a law of nature, and, as he was not prepared to abdicate his throne, he would not give up Episcopal government in the Church. Had circumstances permitted the Parliament to conclude this treaty, they would probably have allowed the King to have his way, to a certain extent, upon these two points. They might have consented to restore the Poyal authority on the sole stipulation of removing the seven counsellors from his presence, and the bishops from the House of Lords. But the progress of the treaty was checked RENEWED ATTEMPT AT A TREATY. 321 by a general burst of indignation and remonstrance from the " well-affected,''' that is, the extreme Re- publicans. Petitions came pouring in from all quarters, calling upon the Parliament not to throw away so many mercies and miraculous deliverances by making peace with an implacable enemy, but to bring him to '^justice " as the fomenter of the late renewal of the Civil War, and as the guilty cause of all the miseries which attended it. The Independents of London, Westminster, and South vvark led the way, and were followed by those of the counties of Oxford, Somerset, and Leicester, in which the Nonconformist element was, and still is, very strong, especially in the first and third counties — Buckinghamshire being at that time rather less republican in ecclesiastical than politi- cal matters. Somersetshire, from its aboundini? in small freeholds, and uncontrolled by any great landed proprietors, was among the earliest and staunchest supporters of the Parliament against the King and Church ; and the last in striking for what they called " Civil and Religious Liberty," — in the cause of the Duke of Monmouth and Presby- terianism. The moment was critical, and the exertions of the Independents proportionate. To precipitate the desired conclusion, a great prayer meeting was held at Windsor by the officers of the army quartered there. They were engaged in prayers and exhortations, according to the Adjutator Allen, " for two whole days," and in the end " came to the clear and joint Y 322 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. resolution that it was their duty, if ever the Lord brought them back again in peace, to call Charles Stuart, that man of blood, to account for the blood which he had shed, and mischief which he had done, to his utmost against the Lord's cause and people."* These sentiments were adopted by the army at large, which, at the conclusion of the campaigns in the East and North of England, were again united at St. Alban's under the Lord-General. 11. On the 16th of November a general council of officers was held at St. Alban's, at which several addresses from regiments to Sir Thomas Eairfax were read by him, and the opinion of the council taken as to further action in accordance with the demands of these addresses, when it was resolved to draw up a E^emoxstraxce of the Army to Parlia- ment upon the subject of their treating with the King ; which was accordingly done and printed, f and presented to the House November 20, 1648. This Remonstrance embodied the contents of the addresses of the regiments of Cromwell, Iretou, Harrison, Wauton, Pride, and Deane. Taken seriatim the addresses present a characteristic variety, corresponding to the temperament and tact of the different colonels whose regiments are supposed to be speaking ; for we may fairly con- clude that in every case the voice, and in most of * " Faithful Memorial." — Somers's Tracts, vi. 499. t By Partridge and Whittington, at the Blue Anchor in Cornhill, pp. 70. REMONSTRANCE OF THE ARMY. 323 the cases the pen, of the colonel was predominant. Looking at them in this light we find — 1. CromwelVs. Artfully moderate, praying — " That some speedy and effectual course may be taken for the discovery, tryall, and due punishment of all English, Welsh, and Scottish enemies, especially those principally guilty of all the blood and treasures that have been spent in these kingdoms, and particularly all those that have abetted, contrived, and countenanced the late Rebellion, that important justice may be done upon them." 2. SarrisovCs. Echoing Cromwell, but some- what more emphatically — " That speedy and effectual course may be taken for the tryall and just punishment of all English, Welsh, and Scotch convicted enemies, and that neitlier birth nor place might exempt any from the hands of justice.'''' 3. Ireton^s. Still bolder and more explicit — " That justice may be done upon The King, as if he were the humblest commoner.'''' 4. IVauton^s. Sternly distinct and uncompro- mising — " That The King, that capital destroyer of and shedder of the blood of some hundred thousand of his good people in England and Ireland, may be brought to publick justice.''^ 5 and 6. Fride's and Deane's. Plain, straight- forward, and comprehensive, but comparatively free from that personal animosity against the King y2 324 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. wliicli seems to have actuated Ireton and Wanton, near relations, and, probably, the exponents of the feelings of Oliver Cromwell. Pride's and Deane's regiments being brigaded together at Pembroke and Preston appear to have contracted a friendship in the field, which followed them into camp. Their address is a joint production, and is not confined to demanding an investigation into the King's con- duct, but embraces other matters, requiring atten- tion and redress. I give it at full length under the conviction that Richard Deane had a considerable share in drawing it up. I judge so, from the general style. To the Right Honourable His Excellency The Lord Fairfax, Commander-in-Chief of the Forces, raised or to be raised by the Parliament. The humble Petition of the Officers and Soldiers of Colonel Pride's and Colonel Deane's Regiments, Sheweth, That your Petitioners, looking back and taking a serious view of those many exercises and deliverances which God hath bestowed upon this poor Nation, in making your Excel- lency and those under your command instruments for its deliverance, by being twice victorious over the numerous bodies that were convened in several places of the Kingdom, to the utter ruin and destruction thereof, had not God of His mighty power prevented it. And now, after all these our unwearied pains, and great hazard of our lives, we hoped to reap some freedom to ourselves and the Kingdom ; but instead thereof (if not timely prevented) we fear the same miseries, if not worse, are like to return upon us again, by setting up the same usurping Power against which we have contested so long, and, as we conceive, has been the cause of all our PETITION OF pride's AND DEANE's REGIMENTS. 325 misery, and hath cost the Kingdom so dear to subdue. And the people of this Kingdom being also sensible of their near approaching danger and misery thereby, as appears by those many Petitions presented from London and several Counties : We also, being ear-witnesses of the People's daily and sad complaints of the heavy taxations that lye upon them by reason of Free Quarters, which proves so great a discourage- ment to the conscientious soldiers who have cheerfully under- gone all other hardships. Therefore our humble desires to your Excellency are (as God has hitherto crowned you with faithfulness, and made you an eminent saviour to this poor intended-ruined Nation), that you would yet continue (which we question not) to stand by us and the just desires of the Kingdom, in presenting them to and procuring them from the Honourable House of Parliament, as followeth : — 1. That the Parliament be desired to take a review of their late Declaration and Charge against the King, as also to consider his own act in taking the guilt of blood- shed upon himself; and, accordingly, to proceed against him as an enemy to the Kingdom. 2. That strict inquiry be made after the chief fomenters, actors, and abettors of the late war, especially those who were the chief encouragers and inviters of the Scotch Ai'my ; and that exemplary justice may be accordingly executed, to the terror of evil doers and the rejoicing of all honest men. 3. That all those through whose hands the Public Trea- sure of the Kingdom hath run may speedily be called to give their accounts, that thereby the Kingdom may be satisfied how those vast sums of money that have been raised therein are disposed of; and that, so soon as the necessities of the Kingdom will permit, it may be eased of all necessary charge and burden. 4. That that which is so insufferable for us to take, and so intolerable for the people to bear, namely. Free Quarters, ™ay be forthwith taken off, by sending some speedy supplies to the Army, and by appointing several 326 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Assignators to every regiment of the Standing Army, without which neither We nor the People can have any assurance to be freed from the great burden. 5. Tliat all unnecessary Officers of the Kingdom may be taken off, by which means great sums of money have been needlessly wasted ; and that none of the moneys that shall hereafter be collected, may be embeseled and suffisticated (sic), but as it comes to the souldiers, so it may pass to the country again. 6. That no person whatever that hath been active either directly or indirectly in the late war shall be admitted to any place of trust, either military or civil, in this king- dom, who by that means may have opportunity to involve the kingdom in new troubles, and all such persons who are so employed, may be discharged from such. These our desires we humbly offer, as being of absolute necessity to the present and future well-being of the King- dom. And seeing that God hath hitherto made you faithful to the trust reposed in you, and there being such an oppor- tunity once more to appear for the publick interest, you may be confident of the Providence of God, who delights in the way of justice, truth, and equity : and, for our parts, we are resolved, by God's assistance, to stand by you, and all those that join with us in our just desires. The above " Petition" certainly advocates and presses the Trial of the King, and of those who were concerned in the late war ; but is not confined to the removal of one "hindrance" only; it em- braces other " grievances " and reforms which equally demand the attention of the Parliament : such as the abolition of Free Quarters^ the rendering an account of the expenditures of the Fiihlic Money, the dismissal of unnecessary officers from the Civil List, who only consume the resources of the country FINAL REMONSTRANCE OF THE ARMY. 327 without making any return of services ; the direct t7Yms77iissio)i of pay to the soldiers, without any abatement, as hitherto, on paltry pretences, &c. These suggestions and demands denote in their compiler a mind capable of taking a comprehensive view of the proper duties of Parliament, and the real wants of the country. The " Petitioners," unlike the majority of their co-revolutionists, do not limit their notions of redress and reform to the one idea of "bringing the King to justice," as if by that measure alone every want of the country would be satisfied. And herein the Petition of Deane's regiment reflects the sound common sense and practical character of its Colonel, as exhibited in all his other writings and correspondence. The clauses of the Petition, strongly as they are worded, seem as void of rancour as the circum- stances would allow, and bear a favourable com- parison with the vindictive blood-thirstiness of some of the other Petitioners. The Petition of Deane's Pegiment is, upon the whole, credital^le to the humanity of the framer, Republican though he was in principle, and so soon to become Pegicide in practice. III. The Army all this time was left by the infatuated House of Commons in arrears of pay : and the Remonstrance being presented and not attended to, the camp at St. Alban's was broken up, and the troops marched for the Metropolis on the 30th of November, and occupied Westminster 328 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. on the 2nd of December, while the House was dis- cussing the King's last Answer to their Proposals. But, simultaneously with the removal of his head- quarters, Eairfax wrote a final letter to Parliament, stating that " if money be not forthwith sent to him for the Army, they must take it out of the collectors' and receivers' hands wherever they can find it." " This," says Whitelock, '' was held in debate an high and unbecoming letter from the General." But, in conclusion, it was referred to *'The Committee of the Army," to take such course as they should think fit for the pay of the arrears." The Remonstrance demanded — That the King should be brought to trial : That the Sovereign, in future, should be elected by the people, and have no veto : That the Parliament should be annual or biennial : and That the elective franchise should be more extended, and more equally distributed. These v\ ere its principal points ; but they were dis- tasteful to the House, who evaded them by a bold E/Csolution, carried on the morning of December the fifth, by 140 to 105, " That the King's Conces- sions to the Propositions of jParllament loere suffi- cient grounds for settling the Peace of the King- dom T This resolution being j^assed, a Committee of Conciliation was appointed " to confer with Lord Pairfax and the officers of the Army for the con- tinuance of a good correspondence and friendship between them and the Parliament." Some of the more zealous members, either ap- ARMY INSIST ON TRIAL OF KING. 329 prehendiug Tiolence, or being resolved to bring matters to a speedy issue, sat up all night, and at eight o'clock the next morning were surprised by a party of horse and foot, who surrounded the House and turned away all the Members that came to it not being of the Independent faction — especially those who had been most active in resistins^ the Remonstrance. Rich's Horse, and Pride's Poot, were the regiments employed in this work ; while Deane^s regiment was held in readiness to march into the City in case of necessity — which necessity arose, or was assumed to have arisen, two days afterwards. Colonel Pride took up his post in the lobby of the House of Commons with a list of the Members in his hand, and Lord Gray of Groby stood by him to identify them as they arrived, and attempted to enter the House. The following curious and authentic narrative is from an eye-witness* : — " Wednesday the 6tli of December, 1648, before 8 in the morning, the Ai'my sent a party of horse and foot to beset all passages and avenues to both Houses of Parhament, to fright away the Members, yet many Members of us repairing to the House were seized upon and carried prisoners by the soldiers into the Queen's Court ; nothing being objected to us, nor no authority vouched for it. Colonel Birch and Master Edward Stephens were pulled out of the House of Commons as they looked out of the door. At last the Members shut up prisoners in the Queen's Court amounted to forty-one. " Hugh Peters came to us and avowed this as the act of * Harl. MSS. Brit. Mus. 330 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. the General and the Lieutenant-GcneraL So did Colonel Uewson. " About 4 o'clock that day we were told by an officer that ' we must be carried to Wallingford House,' and so [were] put into coaches. But before this happened, I should have told you that the Serjeant of the House of Commons was sent from the House, with his mace, to command our attendance there, and came into the Queen's Court to us, but the guard upon the House would not let the Serjeant come to us. At last the coaches aforesaid (to put the greater scorn upon the Parliament) carried us all to Master Duke's alehouse in ' Hell,' and there thrust us in to spend the night, without any accommodation of beds, &c., only Colonel Hewson came to us, and ofiered it as a courtesy, that some of the eldest should be suffered to lie at home that night, engaging to render themselves the next morning by 9 o'clock at Colonel Hewson's lodgings at Whitehall; which was refused, it not being thought we should so far own an usurped authority. " All this was done in pui'suance of the Army's last Hemoji- strance and declaration, and is subversive of the King and his posterity. Parliament, City, and Kingdom, the utter extirpation of all laws, government, and religion, and the converting of a well regulated monarchy into a military anarchy, with a popular government of the meanest of the Commons only at the beck of the Army. " I appeal to Heaven and earth, whether the attempt of Jermyn, Goring, &c., to bring in the Northern Army to London to overcome the Parliament, which attempt only was voted treason, whether the tumult of the Apprentices at the Parliament doors, so severely prosecuted against the Citj^, were comparable to this Rebellion ? " The Members so surprised are almost all such as have lost for their constant service to Parliament, and have gotten nothing. Their names are as follows : — Sir Robert Harlow. Mr. Walker. Colonel Harlow. Mr. Hen. Pelham. Sir Wm. Waller. Mr. Leigh. PRIDE S PURGE. 331 Sir Walter Earle. Sir Saml. Luke. Sir Richd. Onslow. Sir John Merrick. Sir Martin Lyster. Lord Wenman. Mr. Knightley. Sir Gilbert Gervase. Mr. Crewe. Mr. Edw. Stephens. Sir Robert Pye. Sir Benjamin Ruddiard. Mr. Francis Gerrard. Mr. Swjnfen. Mr. Buller. Sir Harbottle Grimstone. Mr. Buckley. Major- General Massey. Sir Anthony L'by. Sir Thomas Soame. Mr. John Clotwortby. Col. Wm. Strode. Colonel Birch. Mr. Lane. Mr. Wheeler. Mr. Drake. Mr. Greene. Mr. Boughton. Mr. Prynne. Mr. Priestley. Sir Symonds D'Ewes. Sir Wm. Lewis. Mr. Yaughan. Commissary Copley. Col. Nathaniel Fiennes. " Colonel Nathaniel Fiennes was soon set at liberty, and when he asked ' by what power he was committed,' it was answered,* ' By the powei' of the SioordJ' " In all revolutions we may observe a remarkable retributory justice overtaking the first movers. One of the first to stir up strife between the King and Parliament was the celebrated TFilliam Prynne, and he was one of the first victims of the " purge " administered by Colonel Pride. On the 26th of December he published his indignant Protest against it, in which it is curious to see that he attributes all the evils of the times to the Jesuits ! Popish Priests ! and Recuscmts I who had con- spired to destroy the Religion, Laws, and Liberties * By Hugh Peters — according to the Royalist accounts — " Yea, verihj, hy the power of the snord." 332 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. of England, " which these unchristian, scandalous, treacherous, rebellious, tyrannical, fanatical, dis- loyal, bloody present counsels and exorbitances of this Army of Saints, which so much pretends to piety and justice, have so deeply wounded, scanda- lised, and rendered detestable to all pious, carnal, and moral men of all conditions." No conversion is so effectual as that produced by the turning of tables upon the turner, and we may give full credit to Prynne for sincerity when he said, " If Charles had been a wise man he would have cut off my head with my ears." This ejection of the Presbyterian Members from the House of Commons was called, for the sake of alliteration, I suppose, Pride's Purge. It con- tinued to operate until the 8th of December, by which time all except fifty Members had been either turned or frightened away. The remainder formed that House of Parliament which, from all that was left of the sitting part, was called The Hump. On the 8th of December Oliver Cromwell went into the House, and received the thanks of the fifty for the great service he had rendered the kingdom. He attended as a simple Member " in his place," and the " Thanks " were an extem- porised piece of prudent homage to his well-known and irresistible power. IV. On the same day Sir Thomas (now by the death of his father Lord) Pairfax wrote a letter to CITY OCCUPIED BY GENERAL DEANE. 333 the Lord Mayor and Corporation of London, informing tliem that if the arrears of the assess- ment due to the ilrmy were not paid immediately, " he would send Colonel Deane to fetch it I " The hint not being taken as promptly as was expected — for the name of the Colonel was a spell to conjure with — Fairfax was as good, or as bad, as his word, and in the very next day's Journal we read — " This day Colonel Deane' s and other regiments of the Army approached the City of London at Ludgate in a peace- able manner, none offering any injury to them nor they to any. When they had made good Blackfriars and Martin Ludgate Church, a party went to Weavers' Hall and seized on a Treasury there. They found thirty thousand pounds.'''''^ This money belonged to the Committee sittino- at Weavers' Hall, who received the assessments of the City for the public use, and especially for the pay of the Army. But they had refused to give it up to the order of the " E-eformed " House of Com- mons as conveyed through the Lord General, and the Lord General sent his representative. Colonel (now Major- General) Deane for it, whose name was a guarantee for prompt action. Similar domiciliary visits were made to the Gold- smiths' and Haberdasliers' Halls, but not with equal success, for their treasuries were not so well sup- plied. These visits, rendered necessary by their own * Pamph. in the City Library. 334 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. " contumacy," were the only vexations to which the citizens were subjected. They had no reason to complain of General Deane for any remissness of discipline among his troops — or, at least, for any culpable lenity shown towards evil-doers, as the following instance of prompt justice, recorded by E-ushworth, demonstrates : — " Two newly listed souldiers of Colonel Deane's regiment, Henry Matthews and Robert Rowe, were tins day tried by court-martiall, and sentenced to ride the wooden horse at the Royal Exchange for an hour, at Exchange time ; and on Saturday next, at the same place, to run the gantelope through Colonel Deane's regiment. This was a piece of justice upon these two, for the example of others, who, under color of being souldiers, care not what knavery they act. Their crime was this. These, with two more who escaped, took upon them to apprehend a citizen of London, under pretence of a warrant from the Council of War, and that they had a great charge against him, when there was no such matter. But they thought by this means to get money out of him. The citizen forthwith makes some officers at Whitehall acquainted therewith, and the Council of War, disclaiming the act, send for the soldiers that made the bold attempt." The " riding on the wooden horse " was no trifling punishment. The oflPender was made to sit astride on an acute angle, with heavy weights on his feet, and was not taken off again until he had had pain- ful experience of something like Turkish impale- ment. The running of the gantelope (or gauntlet) * was • Originally a Roman punishment, see Tacit. CITY OCCUPIED BY GENERAL DEANE. 335 a still severer punishment, especially if the crime for which it was inflicted was regarded by the soldiers as disgraceful to the regiment, or the victim happened to be personally obnoxious to his com- rades. Gantelope — a corruption of Gave le loup — supposed the object to be a loolf, against whom every hand was to be lifted up. The regiment was drawn up in two parallel lines, and every man, armed with his leathern belt, was at liberty to strike the naked back of the " wolf" with all his might, as he ran down between the lines. The extent of his suffering would depend partly upon the sym- pathy or mercy of his comrades, and partly upon his own cunning of fence and rapidity of running. There might be much show of zeal and little result of execution ; or a hearty ill-will might bring " the wolf" to his death's door. This punishment continued to be used in the English army down to the latter half of the last century, when it was abolished as cruel, and liable to be abused; and the ^^ cat-and-nine-tails^' sub- stituted — a questionable improvement. The best excuse, perhaps, for abolishing the " gauntlet " is that which influenced the abolishment of the pillory — the danger, namely, of exciting popular passions beyond the control of reason. The " cat " had this argument in her favour, that her vivacity was limited by law, and regulated by science ; but even the "cat" has now lost, or is about to lose, her ninth life. Quaere : How long will military disci- pline survive the mischievous meddling of the Body, 336 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. whose complement so nearly approaches " the num- ber of The Beast ? " General Deane himself did not remain long in the City, being called upon to sit in The High Court OF Justice," appointed for the trial of The King. But his regiment continued in occupation of the City for six months. Por the " Iletropolitan Nwitio,^^ of June 12, 1649, tells us that, " Colonel Deane's regiment marcht out of the City on this clay. Of some of them we must needs say, that, tho' they went out mannerly, yet they left a foul stink behind them, the strength whereof made many of their hosts and hostesses say their pi-ayers backwards for their departure, being glad to take chalk for cheese, and a short farewell for a long reckoning." To '* say the Lord's prayer backwards " used to be an approved recipe for " raising the devil." The meaning of it here may be, that the hosts and host- esses, being heartily tired of their guests, invited the devil to take away his own ; and, when he had kindly done so, they were glad to let them go with- out payment for food and lodging, taking the chalked- up accounts on their boards as a sufficient remune- ration for the cheese which they represented. It is needless to say that this was a Royalist or Presbyterian view of the matter. The general good conduct of Deane's regiment is to be inferred from the admission that they " went out mannerly." We are informed by another observer, that they had " approached the City in a peaceable manner, none offering any injury to them, nor they to any;" and there is nothing in the records of the City to the SETTLEMENT OF THE KINGDOM. 337 contrary. At the same time there may be some- thing in Mercuriiis JPragmaticus's remark — " Sup- pose we had an army of saints on foot, yet, as long as they are in the flesh, we cannot be sure that they will overcome the world and the devil as they did the Cavaliers, and it is to be feared, now that they have gotten the King, and are upon the highest pinnacle of fortune, the tempter may come and show them the kingdoms of the world and the glory of them; and then the question is, whether they may not fall to dividing of it." V. Nine days after his occupation of the City, General Deane was employed in a mysterious and confidential service by Oliver Cromwell, who took him (December 18) to a private meeting at the Rolls, to which the Lord Mayor, the Speaker Len- thall, and Sir Thomas Widdrington the keeper of the Great Seal, were also summoned, for the pur- pose, as Whitelocke, who acted as then' secretary, tells us, of discussing the question of " The Settle- ment of tlie Kingdom.'' " Sir Thomas Widdrington and I went to the Rolls by appointment, where Lieutenant-General Cromwell and Colonel Deane met us ; and, with the Speaker, we had long dis- course together about the present ofiicers ; and the time was appointed for us to meet again to confer and consider how the settlement of the Kingdom might be best effected, and to join counsels for the public good." This remarkable meeting has not, I think, been z 338 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. sufficiently noticed by the chroniclers of the Great Rebellion. It was proposed to dethrone the King, and raise the young Duke of Gloucester to the throne; but this proposal did not meet with the approbation of Cromwell. " Nothing being agreed upon, the Lieutenant-General appointed another meeting on the 21st of December," which took place, with the same result. But "Whitelocke and Widdrington were, on this occasion, ordered " to draw up some of the heads of the discourse to be reconsidered by the same company." Whitelocke and Widdrington met on the 22nd for this purpose, and remained all day at work, drawing up those heads, and " endeavouring how to bring the Army into some fitting temper ;^^ but the two lawyers laboured in vain. The cause of their failure was Cromwell's dissatisfaction at the resolutions pro- posed, and probably carried, by the civilians in the council. It was not in accordance with his views of " the wants of the Kingdom," that any of the Royal family should ascend the vacant throne of Cliarles. What his real sentiments were, we are not informed ; and it was, perhaps, because he did not express himself with sufficient clearness as to his own wishes, that the deliberations of the meeting came to no result. He, probably, thought that the " time " had not yet arrived for such a result as he desired, although the " man " was ready. The committee, as composed, seemed to be not only such as would best suit his own purposes, but also such as could not be reasonably objected to by SETTLEMENT OF THE KINGDOM. 339 the public. The Keeper of the Great Seal, the Speaker of the House of Commous, the Lord Mayor of Londou, aud the Major-Geueral in occupation of the City, were surely qualified to advise with the Lieutenant- General of the Army, by whom the Lord General was represented, on the state of the Kingdom ! Who could suggest a more suitable committee ? No one whose oj)inion was likely to be asked. If Cromwell attended these meetino:s in the ex- pectation of being requested to take the govern- ment of the Kingdom upon himself, he had good reason, from the composition of the Council, to believe that his wishes would be gratified. Tliree out of the four members of it were bound to him by family as well as political ties. Sir Thomas Widdiington was his brother-in-law, Lenthall and Deane were of the Buckinghamshire and Hampden party of the first movement — what signified the opposition of the Lord Mayor of London ? Such might have been Cromwell's calculations ; if so, they were signally disappointed. The Lord Mayor, the Keeper of the Great Seal, and the Speaker of the House of Commons were in favour of a Par- liamentary, as opposed to a Military, Government — a Constitutional Monarchy with one of Charles's sons upon the throne. But this did not suit Cromwell, who knew that under such a rule ven- geance would sooner or later overtake himself; and tha-t his own life at least would be sacrificed to the manes of Strafford, Laud, and others who had z2 340 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. perished on the scaffold, or had been shot by sentence of court martial. The only safety for himself was in the assumption of the supreme power, no matter under what title, into his own hands. Had he pressed this point there is little or no doubt that he would have carried it ; but he did not press it, and so " The Settlement of the King- dom^^ was deferred to a more favorable opportunity. It is almost certain that Oliver Cromwell could have relied upon the support of Richard Deane in any measure involving the trial and deposition of the King. Ireton and Hugh Peters are known to have agreed with him upon this point, and the latter is even said to have advised extreme measures. Richard Deane may not have gone so far at that time ; but we know, from the evidence of Rushworth before the House of Lords on the 22nd of January, 1661, that he was in favour of bringing the King to trial — even before the trial was determined upon by the council of officers at Windsor : — " Mr. Rusliworth was called in, and the Speaker, by dh'ection of the House, asked him Avhat he knew of the meeting at the Bear on the Bridgefoot, Windsor, or any other place, concerning the contrivance of the late King's death? Mr. Rusliworth said that Scout-Master Watson told him that some officers of the Army at Windsor did speak about trying of the King ; and they were of opinion that if the Army did desire the same of Parliament the Parliament would not deny it. That Mr. Watson did name Colonel Deane and Colonel Ireton: and further he knoweth not."* * White Kennet, p. 209. THE HEGICIDAL CONSPIRACY. 341 Prom this evidence it may be inferred that Richard Deane, whose name is first mentioned, was one of the foremost of the ofi&cers of the Army to urge on the trial of the King — as, indeed. Dr. Bates, in his Memoirs of the Kegicides, dis- tinctly says ; and the connection of his name with that of Ireton still further corroborates the con- clusion, for Ireton, we know, was very deep in the confidence of Cromwell, who was the soul of the regicidal conspiracy. On the other hand it is possible that Uushworth, who was for some time attached to the Army as secretary to the council of war, may have con- tracted so many friendships with the leading officers, that, unwilling to do any injury to his old comrades, he limited his recollection to the names of those who, being dead, were no longer amenable to justice or vengeance, on account of the part they had taken against the King. Thus he satisfied his friends, and at the same time " made friends of the mammon of unrighteousness " by volunteering his evidence. But under any view of the case we must come to the conclusion that B;IChard Deane was one of those few officers of the Army who were admitted into the confidence of Oliver Cromwell as to the preliminary trial and ultimate disposal of the King. VI. The evidence of John Evelyn respecting the condition of afiairs at this date is important. His Diary of December 18 has the following entry : — 342 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. " Since my last the soldiers have marched into the City and seized on the public treasure. They have been pretty quiet as to much action, only they extremely insinuate them- selves into the town, where they pretend to live at free quarters until the arrears are duly paid. In the meantime they have garrisoned Blackfriars (which likewise they have fortified with artillery), St. Paul's Church, (which, with London House, they have made stables for their horses, making plentiful fires with the seats,) also Barnard's Castle, with divers other considerable places in the body and rivage of the city. By these means they are ready to govern the election of publick officers, which will of course fall out to be on St. Thomas's day next ensuing." Making every allowance for Evelyn's ready ear for any evil report against the Army, we may still fear that there is too much ground for his assertion that they turned the area of St. Paul's Cathedral into stables for their troopers' horses, even if they did not light fires with the woodwork of the preben- daries' stalls — for this would be a dangerous proceed- ing in a place in which barrels of gunpowder were most probably stored, as they were above one hun- dred years afterwards in 1780 during the Gordon Hiots. Eor no sanctity of dedication will secure any building from being applied to the exigencies of war by soldiers, even of the most Christian age and country. " This is none other than the Souse of God^' is a noble religious principle, but is too apt to be disregarded, even when the desecrators are professedly members of the Church of Eng- land. We ought not, therefore, to be greatly surprised at the profanity of those who, rejecting all Church establishments, and all ideas of local AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. 343 sanctity, hold it as an article of literal acceptation that " God dwelleth not in temples made with hands," and pay accordingly hut little, if any, respect to buildings erected by devotion to the glory of God. We may abhor their fanaticism, but we cannot charge them with inconsistency when, under the pressure of war, they convert a church into a stable, which our own soldiers would not hesitate, under like circumstances, to convert into a barrack or magazine. But it may be a ques- tion, after all, whether St. Paul's, which had been lowered in public estimation by the ordinary uses to which it had been put as an exchange for mer- chants, a news-room, a seat of money changers, and a place of resort for trafficking Jews, and of assignation for idle courtiers and courtesans, was not already more degraded than when, for an important object, it was temporarily occupied by a regiment of horse, under the orders of the Major-General in occupation of the City. We are told, however, a different story by White- locke, " that the foot Avere quartered in private houses, and the horse in inns.''' So a part of what Evelyn heard is erroneous, and the rest, relating to the breaking up and burning of the seats, was, we may hope, exaggerated. VII. There appears to have been, about this time, an intention on the part of the Army to pro- pose a form of government, after the deposition of the King, upon the basis of an " Agreement of the 344 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. IPeople^' by universal suffrage. That sucli an idea was in agitation we have the authority of Evelyn, who took much pains and incurred some risk in endeavouring to ascertain the truth of the report : — " All the discourse is now upon the New Model called ' The Agreement of the People,^ unto which every man will be summoned to subscribe. This being first to be debated by a general council of the Army, made me this day (December 18) have the curiosity to adventure amongst them. Where- upon putting myself in a suitable equipage,* I got into the council chamber, where, Ii'eton presiding, a large scroll con- taining this new device was examined, and each paragraph or title there (after a very short debate) put to the question ; but with that disorder and irreverence, and palpable cozenage, as is impossible for you ever to believe unless you were an eye-witness of these transactions. Neither one thing to any did the officers of whom the council was composed agree, scarcely abstaining from using vuicivil terms at what time they differed in judgment. So young, raw, and ill-spoken men (Ireton himself, in whom the world is so much mistaken, not excepted,) I never imagined would have met in council together." This " Agreement of the Feople,'^ according to Whitelocke, was drawn up by Ireton, whom he calls " a man full of inventions and industry, who had a little knowledge of laic, ivhich led him into the more errors J' ^ Cromwell and Deane were not at this council of officers, being on that day engaged on the general question of " settling the Kingdom,'''' at the Rolls. May not this quarrelsome and futile council have been a device of Cromwell's and Ireton' s to draw * Disguise. KING TAKEN TO HURST CASTLE. 345 off the attention of the officers of the Army and of the public from the meeting at the Eolls ? That the meeting ended in nothing is no proof that nothing was intended. VIII. Nine days after the presentation of the Remonstrance to the House of Commons the King was removed from Carishrook to Hurst Castle, by Colonel Ewers, who had superseded Hammond in the command of the Isle of Wight, by order of Fairfax and his council of officers. Cromwell was at this time (jSTovember 27) before Pontefract, and could only have taken part in these proceedings by letter. The House of Commons attempted to stop Ewers, but their messenger was too late. When General Hammond, upon his recall, gave up the command of Carisbrook Castle, he put it in commission under three officers. Major Rolfe, Captain Bowen, and Captain Howes. These three officers knew that they were holding the command ad intef'im, until another Governor arrived who would remove the Eling. This is charged by Colonel Cook against Major Rolfe particularly, who, being questioned by Cook* as to the reports, treated them as mere rumour, without any foundation in fact. Nevertheless, a few hom's proved the reports to be correct ; Colonel Ewers arrived, and, taking the King out of their hands, took him away by night to Hurst Castle. The King remained at Hurst Castle a fortnight, * See Rushworth. 346 MEMOm OF GENERAL DEANE. and while there was attended hy a Court — if we may so use or abuse a magniloquent word — of fifteen attendants appointed by the House of Com- mons. Two of these, Mildmay and Robinson, bore the names of two connections of Hichard Deane, and may have been recommended by him. The coincidence is remarkable, for while Colonel Richard Deane is in the closest communication with Lieutenant- General Oliver Cromwell, contriving the deposition of the King, a Mildmay ^ a Mohinson^ and a Rolfe are in constant attendance upon, and supervision of. His Majesty. It wanted but a Goodwin to complete the family circle of guards over imprisoned Ptoyalty. Was this coincidence accidental ? Prom Hurst Castle the unfortunate King was taken to Windsor by Colonel Harrison — at whose very name, when announced, he turned pale ; for Harrison had been mentioned by rumour as his likely assassin. He reached Windsor Castle on the thirteenth of December, and was, in a few days afterwards, removed from it to his last prison — St. James's — from which he passed in seven weeks to his last resting-place — the grave. NOTE TO CHAPTER XL Letter of Lord Fairfax to the Lord ]\LiTOR of London. My Lord, I have given order to Colonel Deane and some others to seize the publicke treasui'es of the Goldsmiths, Weavers, and Haberdashers, that by the said moneys I may be enabled to pay the quarters whilst we lie hereabouts, having also ordered receipts and assurances to be given to the treasurers of the said money that they should be fully reimbursed by you and om'selves out of the other assessments of the City due to the arniys and out of the other assessments thereunto beloncrinor. And indeed, although I am unwilling to take these strict coiu'ses, yet ha\ang sent so often to you for the said arrears, and de- sired sums of money to be advanced by you, far short of the siuns due from you, yet I have been delayed and denyed, to tlie hazard of the army, and prejudice of others in the suburbs upon whom they are quartered. Wherefore I have thought fit to seize the said treasuries, and to send some forces into the City, to quarter there, until I may be satisfied of your answer due unto the Ai'my. And if this seems strange unto you, 'tis no less than om* forces have been ordered to do by Parliament in the several counties of the kingdom, whose assessments have not been found. And now give me leave to tell you, the counties of the kingdom have been on Free Quarters, and that for want of your paying the arrears equally with them. Wherefore these ways, if they dislike you, yet they are merely long of yom'- selves, and are as of great regret to the Army as to yourselves, we wishing not only the good and prosperity of the City, but that things may be so carried towards you as may give you no cause of jealousy. I have thought fit to let you know that if you shall take a speedy course to supply us with £40,000 forthwitli, according to my former desire, and 348 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. provide speedily what is also in arrears, I shall not only cause the moneys in the treasuries not to be made use of, but leave them to be disposed of, as of right they ought, and also cause my forces to be withdrawn from being in any way trouble- some or chargeable to the City. And let the world judge whether this be not just and equal dealing with you. I rest. Your affectionate friend, T. Fairfax. This proceeding miglit have been anticipated by the City, if they had remembered what had occurred fifteen months before. On the 11th of September, 1646, " After a sermon in Putney Church, the General and many great officers, inferior officers, and adjatators met in the church, and debated the ^Proposals of the Army^* and altered some few things in them, and were full of the sermon which was preached by Mr. Peters." Hugh Peters had probably very forcibly pointed out to them "the necessity of active measures." These " Proposals " were, " That the Parliament should give leave to the Army to seize money in the City for their pay." They were sent by the Com- missioners of Parliament to the " City, at which, says "White] ocke, " the Common Council were much startled." CHAPTER XII. THE TKIAL AND EXECUTION OF THE KING. I. It has been truly said that between the captivity and death of a King the space of time is short. The fears, if not the interests, of his rebel- lious subjects make it so. They dare not allow him to live lest he should revenge. The trial of the King was resolved upon by the general council of officers assembled at Windsor on the 26th of November, 1618, and among those who are said to have been foremost in pressing this Resolution were Colonels Ireton and Deane.* The question of the trial was brought before the House of Commons on the 28th December, and on the 6th of January it was resolved " That a High Court of Justice should be constituted for the purpose of trying the King" on a charge of " Wilful JIurder of his Feople in a Civil War^ raised and fomented hy himself^ for the purpose of upholding his pretended Prerogatives against the "People's Interest^ Common Right, Justice, and Peace of the Nation^ One hundred and thirty-five Commissioners were named on this Court, of whom twenty were to form a quorum. But of those named fifty-five refused or neglected to take their seats, among whom was * See Rushworth's Evidence before the House of Lords, 1660. 350 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Algernon Sydney, who has left a curious record of his reasons and the effect of them upon Oliver Cromwell. lie attended, in the Painted Chamber, with the other Commissioners on the day appointed for the first meeting, and upon the Decree for the Trial being read he rose and opposed it, " drawing his reasons from these two points — 1. The King could not be tried by any Court ; 2. No man could be (legally) tried by this Court ;" in both of which propositions he was technically right. But Crom- well cut his arguments short — " I tell you we icill cut off his head, ivith the crown on it^^ to which Algernon Sydney replied, " You may take your own course. I cannot stop you, but I will keep myself clear from having any hand in this busi- ness ;" and immediately left the room, and never again joined the Commissioners.* Sir Thomas Eairfax had also been put on this Court, and went a step further, for he attended its first meeting as a Court, but did not take his seat a second time in it, for he saw at once how the proceedings were likely to terminate, and he would not countenance them by his presence. His exer- tions, it is well known, were directed, but in vain, to change the determination of those few but reso- lute men who were bent upon the King's death as the only security for their own lives. The House of Commons endeavoured to throw the responsibility of the trial upon the Army, " but the officers," says Whitelocke, " were too * Sydney's Letters, edited by Blencowe. TRIAIi OF THE KING. 351 subtle " to be drawn into what would have been represented as an act of military violence, in which civilians had little or no share. They saw through the artifice, and compelled the House of Commons to take the initiative and the lead, by voting for the trial and appointing the judges. The motion was opposed by the lawyers, Whitelocke and Wid- drington, and some others, and carried in the afi&rmative by a small majority in a House of only forty-six Members. Those who had voted for it were left to draw up the charges, for Whitelocke and Widdrington, whose duty it was to draw them up, withdrew immediately from London, and con- cealed themselves in the country* until the trial had commenced, when it was too late to make use of their services. II. The narrative of the King's trial has em- ployed many hands, more or less skilful, but the best, because the most clear and methodical, account, with which I am acquainted, is in the pamphlet published "by authority " in 1660, f and entituled — " An Exact mid most Impartial Accompt of the A7^raignment, Trial, and Judgement {according to Law) of Ttcenty-nine Regi- cides, the Murtherers of Sis late Sacred Majesty y The summary in this book of the proceedings * See Whitelocke 's Memorials. t Imprimatm- : JOHis^ Birkenhead. 352 MEMOIR or GENERAL DEANE. before and during the trial of the King, is so use- ful for impressing the facts, as they occurred, upon the memory that I make no apology for inserting it at full length. Por the personal Memoir of The E/EGiciDE is, in an historical point of view, but secondary to the Great Act with which his name is associated. The several votes. Voted dishonoui'able and destructive." THE TRIAL OF KING CHARLES THE FIRST. 7 Dec. 1648. — The House of Commons appointed a day of humiliation. Mr. Peters, Mr. Caryl, and Mr. Marshall to perform the duty. 1. For revoking for non-addresses ^ to the King. 2. For a treaty to be had with him. 3. That his answers to the proposi- tions were a ground for peace. 23 Dec. —A committee appointed to consider how to proceed in a way of justice against the King and other capital offenders. 28 Dec. — An ordinance for the trial of the King was read. 1st Jan. 1648. — Declaimed and adjudged by the Commons — Tliat by the fundamental laws it is treason in the King of England, for the tim.e being, to levy war against the Parliament and kingdom. 2 Jany. — Tlie Lords disagreed to this vote and cast it out, and also the ordinance for the trial of the King. Neni. con. 3 Jany. — The same vote was again put to the question in tlie House of Commons, and carried in the affirmative. 4 Jany. — Master Garland presents a new ordinance for erect- ing an High Conrt of Justice for the trial of the King, which was read the first, second, and third time; TRIAL OF THE KING. 353 assented to ; and passed the same day. And ordered — A^o copy to he delivered. Same day, Resolved — That the people are, under God, the original of all just powers That themselves, being chosen by and repre- senting the people, have the supreme power in the nation. That, whatsoever is enacted or declared for law by the Commons in Parliament, hath the force of law, and the people concluded thereby, though consent of King and Peers be not had thereunto. 6 Jan. — The Commissioners for trial of the King are ordered to meet on Monday next, at two of the clock, in the Painted Chamber. The days of sitting were 8, 10, 12, 13, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29 of January, 1648. Painted Chamber. Monday, Jan. 8. — They chose Ash, Dorislaus, Steel, and Cook to be their counsel and other officers, and sent out their precej^t, under their hands and seals, for proclaim- ing their Court in Westminster Hall, to be held in the Painted Chamber. Which precept is all in Ireton's handwriting. Tuesday, the 9th. — The Commissioners ordered that the Pro- clamation be made. Wednesday, the 10th. — They chose Bradshaw, who Avas absent, for their President, and Saye, pro tempore, who gave Garland thanks for his pains about the business of the Court, and appointed their counsel to prepare and present their charge. And a committee to consider for carrying on the trial, whereof JiiV^m^- ton, Garland, and Marten were three. Friday, the 12th. — Waller 2t\\^ Harrison are ordered to attend the General to appoint the guards to attend the Court, and Tichhourne and Roe and others to prepare for the solemnity of the trial, and to appoint the workmen, &c. The charge to be brought in on Monday, and 2a 354 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Waller, Scot, Tichhoiame, Harrison, and otliers to consider of the place of trial and report next day. Saturday, the 13th. — Upon Garland's report, ordered — Tliat the trial be where the Courts of King's Bench and Chancery sate in Westminster Hall. Monday, the 15tli. — The counsel brought in a draft of the charge, and the committee was appointed to adAnse thereon, and compare the evidence therewith. And they and others to consider of the manner of bringing the King to his trial. And that day Tichhourne presented a petition to the Commons, in the name of the Commons of London in Common Comicil assembled, differing from the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. The substance was, for bring- ing the King to justice, which was ordered to be registered in the books of the Common Council. Wednesday, the 17th. — The charge was recommitted to the committee. Thursday, the 18th. — Tichhourne excused the absence of Mr. Steel, and nothing else done. Friday, 19th. — Upon Millingtons report of the charge, and form of words for exhibiting it, Ordered — That the Attorney, or in his absence the Solicitor, exhibit it. Waller, Harrison, and others, to appoint thirty to wait upon the King, and twenty upon the President. Saturday, 20th. Forenoon. — Ordered — That Mildmay deliver the Sword of State to Humphreys to bear before the President. Tlie Solicitor presents the charge engrossed, which, being read and signed by him, was returned to him to be exhibited ; and then adjourned to Westminster Hall. Westminster Hall. Afternoon. Same day. — The King was brought in by Tomlinson, attended by Hacher and thirty-two partisans ; and Cooh then TRIAL OF THE KING. 355 exhibited the charoje. And the Kino-, not owninfif their authority, Avas remanded, and they adjourned until Monday. Painted Chamber. Monday 21st. Forenoon. — They approved of what their Presi- dent had done on Saturday, and Resolved — That the King should not be suffered to question their jurisdic- tion. Westminster Hall. Same Day. — Afternoon. — Cooh prayed that the King be directed to answer, and, if he refused, that the matter of the charge be taken pro confesso. The King, not owning their authority, was remanded. Westminster Hall. Tuesday, 23rd. Afternoon. — The King, not owning their authority, was remanded ; and the Court adjourned to the Painted Chamber, and there Resolved — That they would examine witnesses. Painted Chamber. Wednesday, 24th. — Spent in examining witnesses. Painted Chamber. Thursday, 25th. Afternoon. — They examined more wit- nesses, and resolved to proceed to sentence of con- demnation against the King ; and that this condemna- tion be — for being tyrant, traitor, murtherer, and public enemy to the commonwealth. And that the condemnation extend to Death. And Ordered — That a sentence grounded upon these votes be prepared by Scot, Marten, Harrison, and others. Painted Chamber. Friday 26th. — The draft of the sentence reported, and agreed, and Resolved — That the King be brought the next dav to Westminster Hall to receive it. 2a 2 356 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Painted Chamber. Saturday 27tli. Forenoon. — The sentence being engrossed, Resolved — That tlie same should be the sentence which should be read and published in Westminster Hall the same day ; That the President should not permit the King to speak after the sentence ; That, after the sentence, he should declare it to be the sense and judgement of the Court; and That the Commissioners should thereupon signify their consent by standing up. The Commons on the same day ordered the Clerk to bring in the record of that judgement to the House. Westminster Hall. 27th. Afternoon. — The King being brought in, and not owning the authority of the Court, the sentence was read ; and upon the declaration of the President that " it was the judgement of the Court,'''' they all stood up, and owned it. Adjouinied to The Painted Chamber : and there appointed Waller and others to consider of the time and place of the execution. Monday, 29th. — Upon the report of the Committee, Re- solved — That a warrant be drawn up for executing the King in the open street before Whitehall the next day, directed to Hacker and others, which was done accordingly. 31st. — Ordered by the Commons that the Lord Grey, out of Haberdashers' Hall, do dispose of £100 for the service of the Commonwealth. * 1648-9. Feb. 2. — The House of Commons ordered, in the first place, " To take into consideration and debate, the House of Lords," for settlement of the Government. * This was, probably, the sum paid to the executioners. TRIAL OF THE KING. 357 Feb. 6. — The House beino 73, and the question put, Whether that House would take the advice of the House of Lords in the exercise of their legislative powers ? The House was divided, and. it was carried in the negative by 15 voices, and then it was resolved — " That the House of Peers was useless and dangerous, and ought to be abolished." And Ordered — That an Act be brought in for that purpose. — 7. — They declared that the office of King in this nation, and to have the power thereof in a single person, was unnecessary, burdensome, and dangerous to the liberty, safety, and public interest of the people, and therefore ought to be abolished. March, 1648-9. — Sir A. Haselrig reports from the Committee that Charles and James Stuart, sons of the late King, should die without any mercy, wheresoever they should be found. (?) April 12, 1649. — Mr. Saye reported the proceedings of the High Court of Justice against the King, and there- fore it was Resolved — •'That the persons intrusted in that great service had discharged their trust with great coui'age and fidelity." Til. The part borne by Richard Deane in these proceedings was not an insignificant one. On the 24th of January he was appointed one of the Committee to examine witnesses, previous to their appearance in Court, against the King. On the 27th, he was one of the sixty-four in Court who stood up in approval of " The Judgment of the Court, ^^ as declared by the President. And on the fatal 29th, he was^the twenty -first of the fifty-nine who signed the Death Warrant of the King, to which his signature E-i. Deane is afiixed 358 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. in a firm and hold hand ; and on which his seal of arms is distinctly impressed, without the least sign of that hurry or nervousness which several of the others hetray — some of whose shields are actually reversed, just as Clarenceux would have reversed them after conviction for high treason ! On the same day Richard Deane was appointed one of the committee of five colonels (Harrison, Ire- ton, Waller, and Okey being the other four) " to consider the time and place of the Execution." This Committee made their Report on the same day, " That they had fixed on the open street before "Whitehall" — resolved, as Harrison said at his own trial eleven years afterwards, " that the thing should not be done in a corner." The Report was accepted and acted upon. There was no flinching from responsibility in any member of the " High Court of Justice," although they might have been sure that a day of retribution would come in the lifetime of many of them. Eor " The Commonwealth" bore within it the seeds of its own dissolution. More than half the nation were Royalists or Presbyterians, who desired a Monarchical Government, tempered by restrictive laws, for the preservation of religion and liberty; and but a small portion of the remainder had the power or even the inclination to establish a despotic Republic beyond the term of a siugle life. That some of thpse who signed the Death War- rant of the King were actuated solely by selfisli motives we may readily admit ; but the excuse TRIAL OF THE KING. 359 which is put fortli for her husband by Mrs. Hutch- inson may be accepted as that which satisfied the consciences of the most honest of the Regicides : " They believed that if they did not enact justice upon the King, God would require at their hands all the blood and desolation which would ensue from their suflFering him to escape ; for they saw in him a disposition so bent upon the ruin of all who opposed him, and of all the righteous and just things they had contended for." The Regicides were, doubtless, moved by a variety of impulses — some by political, some by selfish, and some by fanatical motives ; and a few, probably, by strong religious convictions. Among the last I am inclined to place the subject of this Memoir, unless he may be rather reckoned as one of the family group, who, resenting the ill-treat- ment and exasperated at the loss of Hampden, joined themselves to his relative and avenger, Oliver Cromwell ; and, being embarked with him for life or death, followed him with self-denying fidelity to the end ; prepared either to conquer or fall in the only Cause for which, in their opinion, a freeborn Englishman ought to live or die — that of Liberty, religious and civil, national and iu dividual. There can be no doubt that Richard Deane, whatever might have been his private motives for taking up arms, was an active agent in promoting the Trial of the King — " a forward busiebody" in the matter, as Dr. Bates calls him. If ^^ noscitur a sociis^' be * Life of Col. Hutchinson, p. 337, Bohn's edition. 3G0 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. a rule of character and conduct, then Richard I>eane, the Comptroller of the Ordnance, of which Hugh Peters was the constant Chaplain : Uichai^d Deane, the only officer taken by Cromwell to the Secret Meeting at the Rolls for the express purpose of " settling the Kingdom" after the deposition of the King : Richard Deane, the Colonel who, in conjunction with Ireton, declared his opinion that " The Kinsr ouo-ht to be brou2"ht to trial"— must have been as deep in the regicidal Conspiracy as anv member of the " IIiasslm. 422 MEMOIll OF GENERAL DEANE. P.S. — After the concludino: hereof I received intimation from Capt. Coppin (in tlie Amity frigatt) of the loose and dissolute carriage of his present purser — that he is a very drunken fellow, lying ashore six weeks at a time from his business, insomuch that I do not consider him a fit man to be continued any longer in his place, and desire, therefore, that you will dismiss him from the service, and send down very sodainely one John Pultock, late purser of the Reformation, at Chatham, whom I think to be a very honest and able man, or else some other whom you think more fit to take the charge of purser on board, instead of him that is now to be dismissed — the frigatt going to take her victuals at Harwich. Ei. Deake. Letter 2. To Sir Henry Vane, junior. Dear Sir, I have not much to write to you but what is in publike to the Committee, only I hai-e this to desire you. Captain Penn hath, with more than ordinary care, kept his men on the Coast of Ireland, getting six to four men's allowance, and drinking water, both he and all the ships with him. And if there be not special care taken that they may have viii'^ per diem for their victuals, and ii'^ a man a-day for their beer, those days (that) they had (short) provisions and drank water, you will make the seamen that they will mutiny hereafter and upon no exigeant be brought to it again. I shall not say more to you in so right a thing, and there- fore I shall hasten to subscribe myself Yo"^ affectionate friend And servant, Ei. Deane. 19 June, 1650, On boai'd the SjJcahcr, la tlie Downs. COMPLAINT TO THE BOARD OF ADMIRALTY. 423 This letter is endorsed — " Mr. Penn himself is out of money for bringing down divers gentlemen, by your order, out of Ireland, and therefore you ought to consider him. His petition is before you." The familiarity with which E-ichard Deane writes to Sir Henry Vane, one of the ablest men of the day and the leading spirit of the Council of State, is no small indication of the estimation in which he was held by the ruling powers. To be the personal friend of such a man was a distinction of which any man in those days would have been proud. When Cromwell, three years afterwards, turned out of the House those Members of Parliament whom he hated or feared, he branded one as a ^'^ drunkard^^'' another as an " adulterer ^^ and so on, having an appropriate epithet of abuse for each, but all that he could say against the ablest, and to him the most dangerous man of all was, " Sir Harry Vane ! Sir Marry Vane ! The Lord deliver me from Sir Harry Vane ! " IV. Shortly after this, General Deane sailed to Plymouth to join his division of the fleet, which he found so badly supplied that he deemed it his duty to make another serious complaint to the Board of Admiralty. In this, he dashes at once in medias res, for he had no mind for euphonious circumlocution — the case was far too intolerable to be smoothly introduced. Gentlemen, The beef in the several ships with me hath been so much complained of by the mariners, that I was forced to order a 424 MEMOUl OP GENERAL DEANE. survey tliereof, whereupon I was certified that the beef in the Aviisuch and President frio-atts doth most of it stink, being put aboard very carelessly (as they find) in bloody pickle, which we thought to be the cause thereof. And that which is on board our own ship is very much defected. I caused them in the Nonsuch, to buy salt and make new pickle for preserving what they can till it be eaten. And for that in the President, there is very little but what is past recovery. I shall, the next time that we come in hither, be necessitated to put a great deal of it ashore, and therefore desire you will give order to the victuallers at Plymouth to supply it again. I was unwilling to do it now, until you had notice of it. Wherefore I pray, please to let me hear from you about it against we come to this place again some ten days hence. Which is all at present from Your assured friend Ri. Deane. From on board the Hpeaher setting sail from Pljmonth Sound, this 24th day of July, 1650. The officers of the Victualling Board made an excuse — hut not a very successful one — for the negligence of their officials, in reference to this complaint. Their letter is in the British Museum, Addl. MSS. 9302. General Deane cruised ahout the Channel until October, when he returned to London. On the 31st August he was in the Downs, and from the 9th to the 12th of September he lay in Yarmouth E.oads. As an ordinary instance of his prompt and business-like habits the following letter to Captain Penn may be adduced : — Sir, I desire you, all former orders notwithstanding, on receipt hereof, to make your speedy repair forthwith uuto Ports LETTER TO CAPTAIN PENN. 425 mouth with the Fairfax under your command, and there careen, and fit your said ship with all things wanting that you stand in need of, which I have written to Colonel Willoughby to get in readiness against you come. Pray let me have an intimation of what is done therein, and then expect fm:ther orders from me. I am, your assured friend, Ei. Deane. "Whitehall, Oct. 25, 1650. This letter is endorsed — For ye Speciall Service of the State. To Captain William Penn, Vice-Admiral of the Irish Squadron, and Captain of The ship Fairfax riding in Torbay — These ! Haste ! haste ! haste ! Post haste ! Oct. 25, 1650. Past 10 at night. Ri. Deane. The above letter is interesting from the fact that a Lieutenant Grimsditcli had been appointed First Lieutenant to the Fairfax in the earlier part of this year ; and was made by Penn captain of a Portu- guese prize of 26 guns, taken off the Azores, January, 165^ — a promotion which was confirmed on his arrival in England. There is reason for conjecturing that he was brother of General Deane's wife. If so, his promotion would be easily ac- counted for. Penn, who owed his promotion as Vice-Admiral to Deane, would naturally take the first opportunity of repaying the obligation, by advancing the General's relation to the rank of Captain. " Such things are done every day." CHAPTER XV. WAR WITH SCOTLAND. — BATTLE OF DUNBAR. ARRIVAL OF GENERAL DEANE WITH THE FLEET. — HIS SERVICES IN SCOTLAND. INVASION OF ENGLAND BY THE SCOTS. — BATTLE OF WORCESTER. GREAT GALLANTRY AND TOTAL DEFEAT OF THE ROYALISTS. — APPOINTMENT OF GENERAL DEANE ON THE COMMISSION FOR THE SET- TLEMENT OF SCOTLAND. I. The troubles of Ireland had hardly subsided when a still more serious conjunction of parties" occurred in Scotland, in favour of the Stuart dynasty. The Scottish Parliament had proclaimed Charles the Second King, and opened a corre- spondence with him at Breda, in consequence of which the Marquis of Montrose crossed over from Holland to the Orkneys, with some foreign troops, and, recruiting an additional force there, landed in Caithness, and marched straight for the Highlands. But the Presbyterians of the Kirk, althoiigh they had proclaimed Charles the Second, were not pre- pared to receive an enemy of the Solemn League and Covenant in the person of the King's lieutenant, who was certainly an Episcopalian, and might be at heart a Papist. They accordingly sent an army against him, and Montrose, being ultimately defeated at Philiphaugh, was betrayed into the hands of the ruling powers, and executed at Edinburgh as a traitor to the estates of Scotland. WAR WITH SCOTLAND. 427 This proceeding, which was little short of a judicial murder, was said to have been prompted by the Marquis of Argyle, from motives of private vengeance, and in retaliation for the defeats which he had formerly undergone from Montrose. A few years afterwards, Argyle himself expiated in the same place, and upon the same block, his ungene- rous conduct to his rival. This serious crime or mistake cost Scotland her liberty, for the English Parliament, alive to the dangers of a covenanting King, for whom the Scotch were in arms, sent hastily to Ireland for Cromwell, who arriving in London in May 1650 was received by the Government with honoiu's proportionate to theii' alarms ; and, upon the refusal of Sir Thomas Eau'fax to serve against the Scotch Presbyterians, was appointed *' Lord General and Commander in Chief." Pairfax is said to have thrown up his Commission at the instigation of Lady Paii'fax, his wife, who was a severe Presbyterian, and looked upon the Scottish cause as that of religion and liberty. Cromwell's commission was dated June 26, and on the 29th he began his march for the North, and, entering Scotland by Berwick on the 22nd of July, encamped at Haddington. On the third of September the great and decisive victory of Dunbar was gained, and Scotland lay at the mercy of England. It was one of the most crushing defeats ever sustained by that nation. The details of the battle of Dunbar belong to general history, and have no connection with the 428 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. subject of this memoir, who was, at the time, cruisinj? in the Channel alons; the east coasts of England, to intercept any reinforcements to the Royal cause from Holland. Scotland, however, though broken in strength and spirit by this defeat, was not yet quite pros- trate ; neither was the cause of Charles the Second entirely hopeless so long as Cromwell's army, for want of supplies, was unable to move from its base of operations at Leith. This difficulty Avas, at length, overcome by the arrival of General Deane, on the 29th of March, with his fleet, in which he had embarked his own regiment of foot, and large supplies of the munitions of war. Among these he " brought twenty-seven large flat-bottomed boats for the transport of troops across the Frith of Forth into Pife, that so thereby a quick despatch might be made of this work, so far advanced abeady."* The practical mind of Richard Deane had anti- cipated the difficulties of a campaign in a country so indented with creeks and friths, and so covered by lakes, as Scotland. And the success of the campaign, which was. chiefly secured by the em- ployment of these boats, justifies this selection of a land general to be one of the Generals at Sea, and the subsequent employment of the General at Sea on land. This arrival of General Deane was most oj^por- tune. Cromwell, owing to a month's exposure in * Terfect Politician, p. 169. ARRIVAL OF DEANE WITH THE FLEET. 429 the marshes of Dunbar, liad been taken ill with an intermittent fever, and all the operations of the army were paralysed by his illness. But the arrival of the jfleet, under the command of his well-tried friend, gave new spirit to his councils, and new vigour to his exertions. He subdued or threw off his ague by the innate power of his strong will, and, with the beacon of hope once more before his eyes, resumed his aggressive movements against the enemy. Edinburgh had already fallen to his arms, and the greater part of the south of Scotland followed its example. But the Scotch army had only retreated to Stirling, and had there entrenched itself so strongly that a direct assault was out of the question, and the only chance of dislodging it was by cutting off its supplies in the rear. "With this object, Cromwell re-organised his staff on the 6th of May. Eichard Deaxe was added to Lambert as ^'Major-General of the Army ;^^ Monk continuing in his post of Lieutenant- General of the Ordnance. Por Eleetwood, the appointed " Lieu- tenant-General of the Army " — that is, second in command to Cromwell — had not yet joined. Thus Major-General Laml)ert was, pro tempore, acting Lieutenant-General; and Deane, as Major-General* of the Army, succeeded Lambert, taking precedence of Monk, his hitherto senior ; which must have been very grievous to that sensitive but eminently * The order of rank was the same as it is now : General, Lieut enant~ General, Major-General, Colonel, ^'c. But a Major-General of the Army was third in command, over all mere Lieutenant-Generals, and next to the Lieutenant-General of the Army, who was second only to the Lord General. 430 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. cautious man, who reaped, as will be hereafter seen, the fruits of his prudent taciturnity on this, and on a subsequent similar, supersession by Deane. The army now consisted of — Foot. 1. Tlie Lord General's Regiment. 7. Col. Goffe's. 2. Major-General Lambert's. 8. Col. West's. 3. Major-General Deane's. 9. Col. Cooper's. 4. Lieut. -General Monk's. 10. Col. Ashfield's. 5. Col. Fairfax's. 11. Col. Daniel's. 6. Col. Pride's. HOKSE. 12. Col. Reade's. 1. The Lord General's. 8. Col. Okey's. 2. Lieut. -General Fleetwood's. 9. Col. Lidcot's. 3. Major-General Lambert's. 10. Col. Berry's. 4. Comm. -General Whalley's. IL Col. Grosvenor's. 5. Col. Tomlinson's. 12. Col. Alured's. 6. Col. Twisleton's. 13. Major Husband's. 7. Col. Hacker's. 14. Col. Rob. Lilburne'i Dragoons (six troops) Major Mercer's.* II. On the 25th of June, 1651, the English Army, supported by sixty pieces of artillery, assem- bled on the Pentland Hills ; and on the 2ud of July marched through Linlithgow towards Stirling, where the Scottish army lay entrenched. The flat-bottomed boats, brought by General Deane, were now put in requisition, and a strong division under Lambert was conveyed by them across the Perth to Fife, under the personal super- * Hist, of the Coldstream Guards, i. 126. HIS SERVICES IN SCOTLAND. 431 intenclence of Deane.* A Scottish Army, under Sir John Brown, was in occupation of Pife, and opposed Lambert's progress. A sanguinary battle ensued, which terminated in the total defeat of the Scotch, and the capture of Sir John Brown himself, together with between forty and fifty stands of colours. By this victory the country was opened as far as Perth, or St. John's Town, as it was then usually called ; and the main army of the Scots and Royalists was isolated at Stirling, and cut off from its supplies. On the 24th July Oliver Cromwell and Michard Deane^ reconnoitred together the position of the Scottish Army from Bannockburn, with a view to an attack ; but found it too strongly posted to pro- mise any certainty of being attacked with success. It was resolved, therefore, to offer them battle in the field, and ten regiments of horse and ten of foot were sent round, with eight pieces of cannon, in the hope that the Scotch, alarmed at the move- ment, would anticipate the attack by attacking, as at Dunbar, and thus fall into the same snare. Por, hand to hand, their raw levies were no match for the veterans of Cromwell. But the Scotch were too wary to repeat the fatal blunder. The prophe- sying ministers, who had seduced them into the field of Dunbar, had either lost their influence, or had become too wise to exert it, and Leslie was left * Daily Intelligencer. — King's Pamphlets, B. M. No. 504. f See Cromwell's Letter to the President of the Council of State. — Carlyle. 432 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. to his own strategy — which was not unworthy of the education he had received in the Low Countries. His caution haffled Cromwell for the time ; but the confidence of the Lord General in his own ulti- mate success was unabated, and to the warnings which he received from London, that the enemy might elude him and break into England, he replied, on the 26th July, that " the troops which he had disposed on the south side of Stirling were amply sufficient to repel any such attempts." But in this he was wofully mistaken, for the Scots, cut off from the north and east, and straitened for food and supplies, sallied out of camp, and by a bold manoeuvre vigorously exe- cuted eluded the vigilance of the English, and by forced marches through Biggar arrived near Car- lisle on the 6th of August, only two days after the first report of their escape had reached Cromwell. This unexpected movement was made by Leslie while Cromwell and Deane, with a part of the army, were absent on an expedition against Perth. The town held out for two days and then capitu- lated, but the time thus lost was not to be recovered. Cromwell, as soon as he heard of Leslie's raid into England, sent Lambert and Harrison, with a strong body of horse, to hang upon his rear, and retard him by frequent skir- mishes until he could come up with the rest of his army. But Leslie was not to be seduced, in this manner, into a halt. Covered by his own light horse, who moved much faster than the heavy OLIVER CROMWELL OUTGENERALLED. 433 cavalry of Lambert, he outfought or outmanoeuvred his pursuers, and hopelessly distanced Cromwell. Never was Oliver Cromwell so surprised and out- generalled. His letter, dated August 4, in which he informs the Parliament of what had occurred, betrays his chagrin, even under the mask of confi- dence. The Scotch were gone, and he did not know in what direction. He attributes their evacu- ation of the Camp at Stirling to " desperation and fear, and inevitable necessity." Sir Philip War- wick takes the same view of the case, as most Englishmen did. His remarks are pertinent to our subject : — " When Cromwell was sent to subdue the Scots, his ships were lighter but his arms were heavier. He takes in the Pirth ; afterwards he runs up with his ships to Inverness or those parts, and cuts off all communication between the north and south of Scotland, insomuch that he forced our present King Charles the Second, afterwards defeated at Worcester, rather to march into Eng- land upon necessity than choice."* But I cafl. understand Scotch writers claiming for their General Leslie an ah initio desiorn of invading England, and effecting a junction with the Welsh and Western Poyalists, and then march- ing upon London, in the confident expectation of overthrowing the Parliament before Cromwell could come to their assistance. It was with this object, they might contend, that Leslie enticed Cromwell to cross the Pirth. And, if we may judge from the * Memoirs, p. 143. 2f 434 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. first promises of success which attended the move- ment, there seems to be ground for believing that the Scotch General for once outmanoeuvred the English. Had the Welsh been equally active in meeting and joining him at Chester, and the Western E-oyalists at Worcester, the march upon London and the overthrow of the Parliament would, humanly speaking, have been effected. General Deane's fiat-bottomed boats were asiain most useful to the army, by reconveying them across the Pirth and putting them upon the track of the enemy. Deane himself, as Major-General, accompanied Cromwell in the pursuit, taking his own regiment with him. The Scots, in the meantime, marched as few but Scottish troops can march, regardless of rest or food, and intent only upon the object before them. Lambert's and Harrison's horse, finding they could do nothing effectual upon their rear, made a circuit and passed them, and thus, having gained a march in advance, took up a position on Warrington Bridge. But they were speedily dislodged, and the Scots passed on to Shrewsbury, which they sum- moned in the King's name to surrender; being disregarded, they lost no time there, but marched on to Worcester, where they expected to find the Welsh and English Boyalists, very few of whom kept tryst. Here, however, they found it neces- sary to halt. King Charles set up his standard on the 22nd of August, and " the faithful city " pre-r pared to defend it. BATTLE OF WORCESTER. 435 Worcester,* both city and county, was among the strongest holds of the Royal Cause. Several regiments had been raised here in 1644 for Charles the Pirst. Sir James Hamilton raised, at the expense of the county, one of Horse and one of Dragoons, 400 men in each, besides a regiment of Infantry, 1,000 strong. This latter was cut to pieces at Devizes. Sir Samuel Sandys of Ombersley raised three regiments, — one of Horse, 600, one of Dragoons, 700, and one of Foot, 1,000, all at his oimi cost, and all "Worcestershire men. This proved fidelity of the county caused Charles to fix upon Worcester as his rallying point, and here he awaited with some confidence, for the place was strong, the forces of the Parliament. " Worcester might repeat the success of its neighbour Glou- cester in a better cause," — so thought the unfortu- nate King. Oliver Cromwell followed as rapidly as his men could march, by way of York, Nottingham, and Coventry, raising the county militias as he passed, and in six days after the King had set up his standard appeared in sight of Worcester with 30,000 men, having been joined by Fleetwood and Lambert at Warwick. His army was now divided into four divisions, under himself as General, * Symonds's Diary (1644) celebrates the loyalty of Worcester by inform- ing us that the Coi-poration who rode out to meet the King — Charles the First — " wore scarlet gowns faced with Satlian /" Cromwell would have accepted the spelling as expressive of the spiritual influence by which they were moved. 2f 2 436 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Pleetwood Lieutenant-Gencralj and Lambert and Deane Major- Generals. The King had scarcely more than half the num- bers of the enemy, but he possessed the advantage of strong fortifications in a friendly city, which, with the excellent officers who commanded his army, almost compensated for the disparity of numbers ; for, besides Leslie and Middleton, he had Ilassey, the late Parliamentarian General, who had so successfully defended Gloucester against the late King, and given the first turn of the war against him, and it was confidently expected that he would do the same for the cause which he had now adopted. There would have been very good grounds for this confidence if circumstances had been similar ; but such was not the case, for when Massey gained his reputation there was no one opposed to him with the genius of Cromwell. Besiegers and besieged were both equally inexpe- rienced. Now, however, the besiegers were vete- rans, and the besieged, for the most part, raw levies and volunteers. The result, therefore, however long postponed, was certain, and Cromwell and his able Generals did their best to accelerate it, III. The third of September, 1651, the anniver- sary of the victory of Dunbar, was, perhaps, with a politic superstition, chosen for the day of battle. It was the last struggle of despau' and hope. The English Hoyalists never fought so well — the Scots never better. But the fortune and genius of Crom- BATTLE OF WORCESTER. 437 well and the steady valour of liis veterans pre- vailed. To the achievement of this victory the skill and courage of Richard Deane not a little contributed. He commanded a division under Lieutenant- Gene- ral Fleetwood, having Lambert's Horse with him dm'ing the first part of the battle, and fought his way up to the walls of Worcester, against Massey, with a resolution which no efforts of the enemy could withstand — ^'heating tliem^'' according to Cromwell's dispatch, "from hedge to hedge.'" As this was the last action upon land in which General Deane was engaged, and the battle itself of such importance, I may be excused for entering into fuller details than usual in a biographical memoir. The advanced guard of horse, under Major- General Lambert, reached Upton, ten miles south- west of Worcester, on the 28th of August, and found the bridge of six arches over the Severn blown up by orders of Massey, who held the Pass of Powick, a village between Upton and Worcester on the small river Teme, which falls into the Severn a mile and-half below the city. Lambert's dragoons and Deane's regiment of foot laid planks across the broken arches of Upton Bridge, and, " creeping over them upon their bellies,"* seized the post and restored the bridge ; " the Generals Lambert and Deane (says the same chronicle) working at it with their own hands." * See Contemporarj Journal. 438 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. The next morning Deane's division, supported by Lambert's horse, crossed the river, and seizing upon Upton town and church defended themselves from repeated attacks of Massey until the arrival of Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, when Lambert re- crossed and rejoined Cromwell, who had by this time come up on the left bank of the Severn. Early in the morning of September 3, Fleetwood and Deane advanced with their entire commands upon the Pass of Powick, with the purpose of forcing it and investing that side of the river, while Cromwell and Lambert made a simultaneous move- ment on the other side. Pleetwood had with him his own regiments of horse and foot, Colonel Twisle- ton's horse, and Deane's and Goffe's foot. Deane marched at the head of his own regiment.* The whole consisted of about 1,200 horse and 3,000 foot. " They brought with them twenty great boats with planks for the pm-pose of making two bridges, one across the Teme at its mouth, and the other just below across the Severn, to communicate with Cromwell and Lambert. They arrived at the junc- tion of the river at 2 p.m., and in half-an-liour both bridges were completed, and forthwith a party of foot ran down over the bridge across the Severn, and began to skirmish on the side of the Teme towards Worcester." They were from Cromwell's and Lambert's divisions. Pleetwood and Deane now assaulted the Pass of * G. Downing to Lord , also Scott and Salwey, Parliamentary Com- missioners, to the Tresident of the Council. GALLANTRY OF THE ROYALISTS. 439 Powick vigorously, and were opposed by Massey with equal bravery. A baud- to-hand fight ensued of long duration and dubious result, until Fairfax's and Ingoldesby's regiments of foot came across the Severn bridge to their assistance, then twenty horse, then Cromwell's Life Guard, and, lastly, Cromwell's own regiment of horse — the redoubted Ironsides — led by Cromwell himself, for the moment was critical. Massey, overpowered and severely wounded, fell slowly back, disputing the ground, " from hedge to hedge," until near sunset, when he was compelled to take refuge within the walls of Worcester, and Fleetwood and Deane occupied the suburb of St. John up to the west end of the bridge. It was a severe and desperate struggle. A Dutch account of it makes the work of Fleetwood and Deane even harder than is admitted bv the dis- patches. " The Scotch army," it says, " had taken posses- sion of several hedges, behind which they posted sharpshooters, who poured in a galling fire on the English troops. Fleetwood was ordered, with the assistance of Colonel Deane's and Colonel Goffe's regiments of infantry, to drive them from their position. This was done with much spirit, but the Scotch troops made such a gallant resistance that no advantage was obtained, and not a foot of ground was lost ; and they gave so much trouble to their enemies that if Fleetwood had not obtained a con- 440 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. sidcrablc support lie would have gained but little honour by his attack."* While this was going on upon the right bank of the Severn, the garrison of Worcester, observing that the forces on the left bank had been weakened by the withdrawal of troops to the assistance of ^Fleetwood and Deane, sallied out suddenly, horse and foot, upon the division left with Colonel Pride, and drove them back in confusion upon Lambert's reserve, and all but routed the whole, when Crom- well, seeing the state of affairs, recrossed by Deane's bridge of boats, and restored the battle. He then charged the Royalists with such vigour that they were partially broken, and began to retreat ; and, being again charged with increased impetuosity, gave way on all sides, and rushed precipitately back again into the royal fort, into which their pursuers entered pell mell, captured the fort, and drove them headlong into Worcester. The gates were hastily closed upon them, but in vain ; neither bars, nor gates, nor walls were any longer of avail against their own artillery of the royal fort, which Cromwell now turned upon them. The great gate of the city was battered down, and the Parliamentarians rushed through the breach, and a desperate hand-to-hand fight began within the streets — horse and foot mingled in inextricable confusion. Pleetwood and Deane, becoming aware of what was passing on the other side, forced the * Hist, of the English Rebellion, p. 220. DEFEAT OF THE ROYALISTS. 441 bridge of the Severn and took the E-oyalists in rear, and the " Crowning Mercy " was won. The King's army, having no way of retreat open to them, were compelled, after a gallant resistance, and a loss of 2,000 killed, to lay down their arms. King Charles, with a few horsemen, cut his way through one of the gates, and escaped without being recognised — a deliverance no less fortunate to his enemies than to himself. Por his capture would have been a serious embarrassment to them. They would not have dared to put him to death, and could hardly have kept him a prisoner for any length of time without exciting another insurrec- tion, and bringing down upon them the indignation, and perhaps the combined hostility, of Europe. The results of this battle were fatal to the Royal Cause. The last body of men in arms for the King was annihilated, and, still more unfortunately, all his best generals were either killed, taken, or dis- abled. The power of Scotland was broken, and there was hardly a village in England in which the fugitive King could lay down his head in safety. The number of prisoners taken at Worcester amounted to ten thousand ! The Royal standard and 118 colours were taken. The King's collar of S.S., all his personal effects, stores and baggage, all his artillery and horses, every thing but the clothes upon his back, and the horse on which he rode away, became the prize of the conquerors. The noblemen and officers taken prisoners were as in- fluential as they were numerous. One duke, seven M2 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. earls, two barons, seven generals, six colonels of horse, twelve colonels of foot, nine lieutenant- colonels of horse and eight of foot, twenty-three majors, one hundred and nine captains, one hun- dred and twenty-seven quartermasters, and a pro- portionate number of subalterns, all prisoners, were undeniable evidence of a decisive victory. The loss of the Parliamentarians could not have been small, considering that in the estimation of Cromwell the battle had been " as stiff a contest for four or five hours as he had ever seen." Yet, strange, if not incredible, he sets down his actual loss at only two hundred killed. Not a single ofl&cer of rank fell, and one only — Lambert — had even a horse shot under liira. IV. The dispatches of Cromwell, meagre as they usually are in details, are always worth reading. Two were written by him on this occasion ; the first as soon as the last shot had been fired on the day of the victory, the second on the next day, when he had had an opportunity of realising some of its consequences. 1. — To the Honourable William Lenthall, Esq. Speaker of the Parliament, Tliese : Near Worcester, 10 at night, 3 September, 1651. SlE, Being so weary and scarcely able to write, yet I thouo-ht it my duty to let you know thus much. That upon this day, bcino- the 3rd of September (remarkable for a mercy vouch- safed to your forces this day twelvemonth in Scotland), we DISPATCHES OF CROMWELL. 443 built a bridge of boats over Severn, between it and Teme, within pistol shot of the other bridge. Lieut. -General Fleet- wood and Major-General Deane marched from Upton, on the south-west side of Severn, up to Powick, a town which was a pass the enemy held. We from om* side of the Severn passed over some horse and foot, and were in conjimction with the Lieutenant- General's forces. We beat the enemy from hedge to hedge until we beat them into Worcester. The enemy then drew all his forces on the other side of the town, all but what he had lost, and made a very considerable fight with us for three hours' space, but in the end we beat him totallv, and ]3ursued him to the Royal Fort, which we took, and indeed have beaten his whole army. When we took this fort we turned his own gams upon him. The enemy hath had a great loss, and certainly is scattered and run several ways. We are in pursuit of him, and have laid forces in several places, which w^e hope will gather him up. Lideed, this hath been a very glorious mercy, and as stiff a contest for four or five hours as ever I have seen. Both your old forces and those newly raised have behaved with very great courage, and he that made them come out made them willing to fight for you. The Lord God Almighty frame our hearts to real thankfuhiess for this, which is alone His doing ! I hope I shall, within a day or two, give you a more perfect account. In the meantime I hope you will pardon, Sir, Your most humble Servant, Oliver Cromwell. 2. — To the Honourable William Lenthall, Esq. Speaker of the Parliament. Worcester, Sept. i, 1651. Sir, I am not yet able to give you an exact account of the great things the Lord hath wrought for this Commonwealth, and for His people, and yet I am unwilling to be silent . . . 444i MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. This battle was fought with various success for some hours, but still hopeful on our part, and in the end became an abso- lute victory, and so full a one as proved a total defeat and ruin of the enemy's army, and a possession of the town, our men entering at the enemy's heels, and fighting with them in the streets with very great courage. We took all their baggage and artillery ; what the slain are I can give no account, because we have not taken an exact view, but they are very many, and must needs be so, because the dispute was long, and very near at hand, and often at push of pike, and from one defence to another. There are about 6,000 or 7,000 prisoners taken here, and many officers and noblemen of quality — Duke Hamilton, the Earl of Rothes, and divers other noblemen .... Their army was about 16,000 strong, and fought ours on the Worcester side of the Severn, almost with their whole, whilst we had engaged half our army, on the other side, but with parties of theirs. Indeed it was a stiff business, yet I do not think we have lost two hundred .... The dimen- sions of this mercy are above my thoughts. It is, for aught 1 know, a Crowning Mercy .... I am, &c. Olivek Cromwell. By the memorable expression " Crowning Mercy^^ Cromwell probably meant that it was the last battle ; that the greatest efforts of the Hoyalists had been made, and were exhausted ; and that the arms of the Parliament were now crowned with a jiermanent success. But the victory was a "Crown- iug Mercy" to himself, in a sense of which he had hardly at this time any clear conception, for it soon raised him, under the name of Protector, to the autliority and power of King. REVIEW OF THE BATTLE. 445 V. In reviewing the battle of Worcester it may not be too mucli to say that a considerable part of its success was clue to the forethought of the General at Sea. The suggestion and supply of the fleet of boats, and the rapid construction of the bridges, by which a communication was effected between the two parts of the army upon the right and left banks of the Severn, were probably the result of having a Naval Commander, with all the resources of his scientific profession, in the field. Por General Deane, we are told, not only superin- tended the repair of the old bridge which had been broken down by Massey, but " worked at it with his own hands all night." To the forethought of Richard Deane, the Seaman, Cromwell had been already indebted for cutting off the Scotch Army from their supplies and base of operations ; and the same officer, with the same means, enabled him to transport his army across the Eirth of Porth in pursuit of his enemies, and to turn them aside from London and bring them to bay at Worcester. Great events have often depended upon simple circumstances. Thus the twenty-seven flat-bot- tomed boats " brought by General Deane to Leith" directly ministered to the success at Worcester, whose fall was mainly attributable to the two bridges of boats built by General Deane over the Severn and Teme. That the services of Richard Deane at Worcester were of the highest importance may be inferred from his immediate promotion, in conjunction with 446 MEMOIR or GENERAL DBANE. Lambert, to the civil and military government of Scotland, now prostrate at the feet of the conqueror of Dunbar and Worcester ; and his appointment, on the retirement of Lambert, to the supreme command of that kingdom, both by land and sea. Eor the " General at Sea " still retained his share of the triumvirate of the English seas, while he exercised the ofBce of General in Chief of all the English forces employed in Scotland, and of Presi- dent of the Council of Government in all cases, civil and ecclesiastical, in that hitherto distracted kingdom. Eleetwood also, shortly afterwards, was married to Cromwell's daughter, and made Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland ; and Colonels Pride and Goffe were, ever after their services at Worcester, among the chief favourites of the Lord General. Thus showing clearly the high value set by Cromwell upon all the principal oflB.cers to whom he was indebted for the Crowning Mercy. It has been remarked of Oliver Cromwell that he always knew where to find the right man, and to put him, at the right time, in his right place. He had studied man in all his moods, and was rarely, if ever, mistaken in his man. His choice of Hichard Heane, a subaltern of artillery, to be Comptroller of the Ordnance in the New Model, would seem to have been a sufiiciently rash experiment; but it was justified by its results in that excellence of the Parliamentarian Artillery, to which all the histo- rians of the Civil War bear witness. The promotion ATTEMPT TO CAPTURE THE KING. 447 of tills artillery officer, however excellent he might be in a field of battle on shore, to the supreme command of the Fleet at sea, seemed a still more dangerous experiment — for the loss of a naval battle, through the ignorance or want of judgment of the Admiral, might be fatal to the fortunes of the confiding Government; yet Oliver Cromwell braved this danger in the selection of Popham, Blake, and Deane, three Colonels of his army ; and never has the flag of England been more gloriously borne than at the mainmasts of these military Admirals ! But one step more was wanting to justify the conviction of Cromwell, that a good General, and a good Admiral combined, was the most hopeful material for a good civil Governor, to whom common sense, firmness, and a habit of authority are indispensable. And all these qualifi- cations he found in Admiral-General Richard Deane. VI. For some time after the battle of Worcester, the great object of the Lord General was to capture the fugitive King, in which pursuit he was fortu- nately unsuccessful. For, had he taken him, he would have had to deliver him up to the Parliament, who would not have known what to do with him. All hope of capturing the King being gone, Cromwell went up to London upon the old question which had already, more than once, exercised and baffled inquiry, viz. The Settlement of the future Government of the Kingdom. A conference of 448 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. " Grandees," as they were popularly called, was held at the house of the Speaker, but to no purpose. For while some (the lawyers) were for a Constitu- tional Monarchy, of King, Lords, and Commons; others advocated a Democratic Republic, and others a Republic "with something of Monarchical power." " Generally," says Whitelocke, " the soldiers were against any thing of a monarchy, though everyone of them was a monarch in his own regiment." " A Republic, with something of a Monarchical 'power, ^^ was the opinion of Oliver Cromwell — with himself as the irresponsible President ? But the fruits of Worcester were not yet ripe enough to be plucked by him. Troubles in the North were apprehended before the nation could settle down in peace, and the promoter of that peace be exalted to his " Throne of Eighteousness." Scotland, under the vicarious rule of Lieutenant- General Monk, was in a very critical state ; and matters not so pleasant as they might be across the Channel, where the Royal family had taken refuge. Prance was unfriendly, and Holland hos- tile. The Old Republic was jealous of the New, and openly sympathised with the Stuarts. It Avas but a question of time — and that a very short time — when these jealousies and sympathies might break out into war ; and for this probability it behoved Pngland to be prepared. The proceedings of Monk in Scotland were very vexatious to Cromwell, who desired, above all things, to soothe the wounded spirits of that brave COMMISSION FOR GOVERNMENT OF SCOTLAND. 449 and irritable nation, and not to goad tlieiv ^' perfer- mdtim ingenium^^ into a dangerous despair. The conduct of Monk was calculated to defeat all his hopes. Under the idea of wholesome vigour, he exercised such severity, that the most timid of the people were ready to rush to arms, convinced that it was better to die in the field than to be slaugh- tered in their beds. For, in imitation of Cromwell's policy at Drogheda, Monk had put to the sword the greater part of the garrison of Dundee, and many also of the unarmed citizens, when he carried that city by storm ; and a bitter feeling of revenge had been generated in the country, which waited only for a favourable opportunity to declare itself. Such an opportunity might be aflPorded by a Dutch war. This Cromwell knew, and wisely wished to obviate; and, as there was no hope of reducing Scotland to tranquillity while Monk remained in the chief military command of it, Cromwell resolved to " relieve " Monk of his responsibility. The method which occurred to that sagacious director of events as best calculated to effect his object, without giving offence to Monk or his army, was to frame a mixed commission of oflB.cers of the army and civilians, of whom the superseded general should be one, to inquire into the grievances and regulate the administration of Scotland, so as to bring it into better harmony with that of England. The commission consisted of eight persons, five military and three civil — with Major-General Lam- 2 G 450 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. bcrt at its head, and Major-General Deane as his second. The other commissioners were, Lieutenant- General Monk, Colonel Penwick, and Major Sallo- way; Lord St. John, Sir Henry Vane, and Alderman Pickhourne of London. Monk was thus, virtually, deposed from his despotism, retaining only the command of the Army in the North, Lambert being the Commander-in-Chief of all the forces in Scotland. The instructions of these Commissioners were forbidden by Parliament to be entered in their journals, and only one copy* was to be engrossed for the use of the Council of State. This remarkable precaution intimates the delicacy and dangers of the experiment. Lambert opened the Commission at Edinburgli, December 6, 1651. But this was his first and almost last act of autho- ritj^ as Chief Commissioner, for intelligence arrived shortly afterwards of the death of Ireton in Ireland, on the 26th November, and Lambert was appointed his successor in the Lord-Lieutenancy of that king- dom, and the Presidency of the Commission of Scot- land, together with the Command-in- Chief of the Army, devolved upon Pic hard Deaxe. The necessity for the total removal of Monk, now that a junior general had passed over his head, was so evident, that Cromwell discovered that a change of climate was necessary to the restoration of his health, impaired by too long service in the extreme North ; and Monk, accordingly, was advised by his * I'arliamcnt. Hist. \i. 1.577. MONK SUPEESEDED. 451 physicians to " try the Bath waters ^^^ and, with his usual prudence, wherever his own self-interest was concerned, accepted the hint, and gave up his com- mand to Deane, who thus became not only the Chief Commissioner, hut also the chief military and naval commander of all Scotland — an amount of power which had never before, and has never since, been conferred by Parliament upon any single man in these kingdoms. It was an appointment exceed- ing in power, if not in rank, the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland, for it was the command of Scotland, both land and sea. Nothing could more clearly show the high value set by Cromwell on the capa- city and fidelity of Hichard Deane. The " ill health " of Monk is admitted by God- win * to have been a mere excuse to get him out of the way ; for, as Godwin says, " he was incompe- tent to the duties of the civil Government." The prudent patience with which Monk submitted to his temporary exclusion from power was afterwards rewarded by his promotion, upon the death of Popham, to be one of the Generals at Sea, in con- junction with Blake and Deane. " Monk," says Godwin,t " who, when Cromwell marched from Scotland in pursuit of the invading army (of Leslie and Charles the Second), had been left by him in charge to complete the reduction of that country, was not, now that hostilities were over in England, thought suflB.cient for settling of affairs * Hist, of the Commonwealth, vol. iii. p. 319. t Ibid. 319, 5f>G. 2 G 2 452 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. in the North. He bore the style of * Lieutenant- General of Ordnance.' Major- Generals Lambert and Deane, two of the Commissioners for settling the affairs of Scotland," were sent to exercise a higher authority. The purpose of sending these two officers was to receive submission, to grant terms, to quiet the minds of the people. We are told that they and the officers who accompanied them heard controversies between party and party, and that the litigants were greatly satisfied at the full examination that was made, and the speedy decisions that were pronounced." The first act of Lambert and Deane was to undo some of the mischief that Monk had done. " Lam- bert and Deane," we read in the Memorials of Whitelocke, " made a progress through the west of Scotland, and returned about the end of December, having given great contentment in settling business there, and taking off free quarters." This was quite in accordance with Deane's sentiments, as expressed in " The Eemonstrance of his Eegiment," in 1648, when, among other grievances to be redressed, that oi^^ free quarters'' \^ noticed as especially galling to the people. VII. The appointment of Lambert, in the first instance, to the government of Scotland, and after- wards to that of Ireland, was made by the influence of Cromwell, who is said to have entertained a jealous suspicion of his intriguing character, and was anxious to remove him as far as possible from SAGACITY OF CROMWELL. 453 London. For, although Lambert was a weak and vain man, he was ambitious and plausible, and had many friends in Parliament. Cromwell suspected that Lambert was endeavour- ing to supplant him in the favour of the ruling powers, and, therefore, was glad of any opportunity of recommending him for promotion, provided that the promotion removed him to a distance from the centre of political intrigue. The sagacity of the Lord-General also told him that this was the surest way of convincing the Par- liament that their ambitious favourite was unworthy of their consideration. Por he knew, by intuition and experience, that the possession and exercise of power would make Lambert ridiculous. He, there- fore, contrived that he should be at the head of the Commission for the Settlement of Scotland, taking care to counteract any real mischief that his vanity might do there, by giving him TUcliard Deane as his military second, and St. John and Vane as his colleagues in the Council. The straightforwardness and judicious vigour of the soldier, supported by the legal knowledge and political craft of the two civi- lians, would, he thought, prevent any permanent injury from the vanity of the President, at the same time that his helplessness as the Chief Commis- sioner would became manifest, through the second- ary part which he would be found to have played in all business of importance. Before this experi- ment had been fully tried, the death of Ireton afforded an opportunity of sending him still further 454 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. off; and Lambert, to his own vainglorious delight, was named " Lord-Deputy of Ireland." The absurd conduct of the new Lord-Deputy almost immediately proved the shrewdness of Cromwell's calculations. He was elated beyond measure at the appointment, and nothing short of regal magnificence was suflBci- ent for his pride and vanity. Only one man could have made himself more ridiculous under the cir- cumstances, and that was Harrison; for whom, however, a diseased mind, bordering upon insanity, would have been at once an explanation and an excuse. But Lambert was without this excuse, unless excessive vanity and inordinate ambition be proofs of an unsound mind, as they often are its attendants. The account, by Mrs. Hutchinson, of Lambert's conduct upon this occasion, is very amusing. These personal anecdotes, when authentic, are extremely valuable as keys to political events, which might, otherwise, be unintelligible, for public documents are generally very inadequate exponents of the real characters and motives of men. A collection of memoirs of the individuals by, or through, or over, whom Oliver Cromwell rose to supreme authority, would throw great light on the agencies which he employed, and the obstacles which he so skilfully overcame. Por a successful usurper, like Cromwell or Buonaparte, works no less effectually through the weakness of his rivals than by the wisdom or vigour of his own mind, and the practical virtues of his supporters. The genius and craft of Oliver SAGACITY OF CROMWELL. 455 Cromwell might have been of little avail but for the noble modesty of Fairfax, the insane fanaticism of Harrison, and the ridiculous vanity of Lambert. Accidents conspired to smooth the way for his ambition, but similar accidents might have hap- pened to thousands without being of the least use to them. It was the faculty of turning everything and every man to his own account that constituted what has been called " Cromwell's Luck." A " lucky " man is generally he who makes the best use of his opportunities. "After the death of Ireton," says Mrs. Hutchinson, " Lambert was voted Deputy of Ireland and Commander-in- Chief there, who, being at that tnne in the North, was ex- ceedingly elevated with the honour, and courted all Fairfax's old commanders and other gentlemen, who, upon promises of preferment quitted their places and came to London and made him up there a very proud train, which still more exalted him, so that too soon he put on 'the Prince,' immediately laying out £5,000 for his own particular equipage, and looking upon all the Parliament men, who had conferred this honour upon him, as underlings, and scarcely worth such a great man's nod. Tliis untimely declaration of his j)ride gave a great offence to the Parliament, who, having only given him a Commission of six mouths for his Deputyshi23, made a vote that, after the expiration of that time, the Presidency of the civil and military power of that nation should no more be in his, nor in any one man's, hands again. This vote teas upon CromicelVs procurement, who designed to make way for his new son-in-law, Colonel Fleetwood, who had niarried the widow of Ireton, the late Deputy Cromwell's plot took as well as he himself could wish; for Lambert, who saw himself thus cut off from half his exaltation, sent the House an insolent message, that, ' if" they found him so unworthy of 456 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. the honour they had given liim, as so soon to repent it, he would not retard their remedy for six months, but was ready to surrender their Commission before he entered into his office.' They took him at his word, and made Fleetwood Deputy, and Ludlow Commander of the Horse; whereupon Lambert, with a heart full of spite, malice, and revenge, retreated to his palace at Wimbledon, and sat there watching an opportunity to destroy the Parliament."* The continuation of this story is equally amusing and worthy of attention. It shows how thoroughly Cromwell understood the character of his would-be rival, and how skilfully he worked upon him, and with him, to overthrow the Parliament which stood in the way of his own aggrandisement. Very different was his conduct to Richard Deane, who had no personal foibles, and no ambition but to promote his country's welfare, and be deserving of his country ; and if in his estimate of England's wants he reckoned the elevation of his friend and patron to supreme authority, it showed that he was the friend of order, and conscious that nothing but disorder would continue if public matters were not taken in hand by the only man in the kingdom capable of " settling it." It is somewhat singular that Mrs. Hutchinson makes no mention of either Blake or Deane in her memoirs of her husband. She had probably never come across either of them ; but she certainly must have known the names at least of those " Crom- well's Colonels " whom she calls " his associates in * Memoirs of Col. Hutchinson, pp. 360, 361. Cromwell's colonels. 457 the Army, who were carrying on their designs of private ambition." In her eyes they were " Crom- well's creatures," with whom her husband disdained to act, in their apparent object — the elevation of Cromwell to supreme power. We may respect her E/cpublican prejudices, but should have been better pleased with less reticence, for she might have told us many things of historical value in individual characters and actions, which we should have been delighted to know on such indisputable authority. CHAPTER XVT. G1?EAT CHANGES IN SCOTLAND THKOUGH THE JUDICIOUS ENERGY OF THE ENGLISH COMMISSIONERS. — SUPPRESSION OF TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. — THE SIEGE OF DUNNOTTAR CASTLE. THE DISAPPEARANCE OF THE REGALIA OF SCOTLAND. — DEFENCE OF GENERAL DEANE AGAINST THE CHARGE OF CRUELTY FO THE SECRETERS OF THE REGALIA. — GENERAL DEANE's CAM- PAIGN IN THE HIGHLANDS. — THE PACIFICATION OF SCOT- LAND. I. Great changes in tlie administration of Scottish affairs followed close upon the arrival of the English Commissioners. The tyranny of the Presbyterian Church was restrained ; the laws of the land were better administered; and equal justice was dealt out to high and low, rich and poor. Sir Walter Scott admits that the four English judges and three Scot- tish appointed by the Commissioners " distributed justice with an impartiality to which the Scottish nation had been entirely a stranger, and which ceased to be experienced from the native judges after the Restoration." The peculiar rectitude of the men employed by Cromwell being pointed out to a learned judge in the beginning of the next century, his lordship composedly answered, ' Devil thank them for their impartiality ; a pack of kinless loons — for my part I can never see a cousin, or a friend, in the wrong.' "* * Talcs oi" a Graudfather, iii. 122. SUPPRESSION OP TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAPT. 459 One of the first al3uses to tlie coiTeetion of which the attention of the Commissioners was turned was the cruel exercise of what the Kirk of Scotland called "justice." This was the apprehension, trial, and inevitable punishment by death, of miserable old men and women on the charges of " sorcery " and " WITCHCRAFT." The extent to which these cruelties was carried would be incredible were it not placed beyond question by contemporary chronicles. " The Chro- nicle of Fife'" of 1650-3 is full of these persecutions, without entertaining apparently any doubt of the reality of the crimes charged, or any horror of the atrocities judicially perpetrated upon the victims. 1(349. — " This summer tliere were many witclies taken and bm^nt in several parts of the kingdom, as in Lothian and Fife." 1650, July 7. — " A general fast was appointed by the General Assembly, ^ The maine causes were the threatening of the Sectarian Armies of England to invade the kingdom, and the abounding of sor eerie.'' " Sir James Balfour* testifies to the great preva- lence of witchcraft in this year in the shires of Pife, Perth, Stirling, Linlithgow, Edinburgh, Hadding- ton, the Merse, and Peebles. On the 20th of July he saw commissions issued " for trying and burning twenty-seven witches, women ; and three men and boys." " Likewise divers commissions were issued by the Lords of Council, in November and Decem- ber of this year, for trying and burning of witches ; * Annals, iii. 437. 460 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. their depositions were read, amongst the which was one that confessed that she had been of late at a meeting with the devil, at which there were above five hundred witches present." " So far," remarks Sir John Balfour, with pious simplicity, " had that wicked enemy of mankind prevailed by his illusions and practices over these poor, wretched, miserable souls." The arrival of the English Commissioners at Dal- keith Palace would have been celebrated by " these poor, wretched, miserable souls " with a much more joyous meeting than any they had ever had with " the enemy of mankind " had they but known of its consequence to their security^ For the first act of the Commissioners was to rescind all judicial appointments "made in the name of Charles Stuart," and to proclaim new judicatures and courts of justice in which the law, according to the prin- ciples of English justice, should be administered " without fear or favour." The new courts of judicature being established, the judges went their circuits and, as might have been expected, were presented with innumerable accusations and indictments of all sorts of moral crimes and offences, prominent among which were the stereotyped charges of sorcery and witchcraft, which Heath calls " the ordinary and most frequent crime of the nati(m ;" but he adds, with the candour of an Englishmen, " such was the Kirk's cruel usage of these sorcerers, and upon such weak conviction, that . . . the judges, finding there was sometimes " SUPPRESSION OP TRIALS POR WITCHCRAPT. 401 — (he might have said alioays) — " more devilish malice in the accusers than the accused, superseded that numerous condemnation of them as formerly."* The " Chronicle of Eife " of September, 1652, informs us " that there was a general jury of ^ng- lisli at Stirling who cited before them witches, &c. As for the witches they had liberty to go home again upon caution till April, 1653 ;" a lenity upon which the editor makes no remark, and this want of approbation would seem to indicate that he looked upon this proceeding of an English jury as a proof that " the glory had departed from Israel." Of the sitting of the court at Edinburgh, in October, 1652, we have these notices in a letter dated Leith,t October 23. " On Wednesday last the English Commissioners for the administration of justice sat upon criminal matters at Edin- burgh. Those convicted of adultery, &c., were only fined •,% but that which is most observable is, that some were brought before them for witches, two whereof had been brought before the Kirk about the time of the armies coming into Scotland, and, having confessed, were turned over to the civil magis- trate. The court demanding how they came to be proved witches, they declared that they were forced to confession by the exceeding tortures they were put to, which was by tying their thumbs behind them, and then, hanging them up by them, two Highlanders whipped them. After which they set lighted candles to the soles of their feet, and between their toes ; then burned them on the head. There were six of them accused in all, four whereof died of the tortures.'''' " The judges," continues the writer, " are resolved to inquire into the business, and have appointed the sheriffs, ministers, and * Chronicle, 320. f King's Pamphlets, B. M. X The Kirk would have put them to death. 462 METviom OF general deane. tormentors to be found out, and to have account of their cruelty." " Another woman that was suspected, according to their thought, to be a witch, was 28 days and nights witli bread and water, being stript stark naked, and laid upon cold stone with only a linen cloth over her. Others had hair shirts dipped in vinegar ])ut on them to fetch off the skin. It is probable there will be more discoveries shortly of this Amboyna kind of use, but here is enough for reasonable men to lament upon." The determination of the Commissioners to put an end to these barbarities was so effectually carried out, that after this there was no case of condem- nation for witchcraft until February 6, 1656, three years after the death of General Deane. And there were not even any trials for this " crime " until after he had given up his government in 1653, when, under the feeble rule of his successor, Major-General Lilburne, the Kirk partially re- covered courage, and instituted proceedings against sorcerers and witches, but without success, until 1656. The Kirk, as might have been expected, was vehemently but impotently indignant at the pro- ceedings of General Deane and his colleagues — "English Infidels" as they were called. "The Presbytery," says a letter, dated Edinburgh, March 7, 1652, " are still very high in their pulpits against the Parliament and Army, telling the people that they are sectarians, hereticks, &c., and that they are about to tolerate all manner of blasphemous wickedness." The Commissioners only smiled at these ravings. STOOLS OF REPENTANCE. 468 and the declaimers against English tyranny and in- fidelity became gradually insignificant for want of the persecution which they coveted. In this the Commissioners followed the example of Cromwell, of whom it is related that after the battle of Dunbar he attended service in the principal church of Glas- gow, when the preacher improved the opportunity by abusing all Independents, &c., and among them Cromwell himself. One of his oflBLcers offering to pull the preacher out of his pulpit by the ears, the Lord General replied, " Sit still, leave him alone. He is one fool, and you are another."* II. But the English common soldiers were not so tolerant as their superiors. The privates of Deane's regiment f carried their abhorrence of the severity of the Ku'k so far as to remove the " Stools of Repentance " out of some churches, and in others to sit upon them during divine ser- vice, to bring them into contempt, in which they for a time succeeded. These " Stools of Hepent- ance," like the English stocks, were to be found in every village, and were used for the correction of morals by a public punishment of vice ; but unlike the stocks, which were always in the open air upon the village green, the stools of repentance were placed in some conspicuous part of the church, and the sitters thereon exposed not only to the eyes of the congregation, but also to the public reproofs and admonitions of the ministers. * Tales of a Grandfather, iii. 99. f Cliron. of Fife. 464 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. The ordinary cases to which these implements of spiritual police were put tended not a little to excite the risibility of the English soldiers. In England the stocks were usually tenanted by drunken and refractory men, who were constrained by the confinement of their legs by day to repent of the too free use of their fists in the alehouse over night. In Scotland the stools of repentance were dedicated to the correction of the more deli- cate or indelicate transgressions of youth. This, in a simple state of society, might be effectual to the repression of vice through fear of public exposure. And had the Kirk been satisfied with thus punish- ing the graver moral offences of her erring children, even the English soldier, impatient as he was of all ecclesiastical authority, might have respected the stool of repentance as a reasonable insti'ument of punishment ; but the severity of the Kirk in'-reased with the refinements of the age, and what in a grosser state of society was regarded as a mere inde- corum, became in the eyes of the austere kirksmen of the seventeenth century a deadly sin. Offences of " impropriety " were multiplied, while the in- strument of punishment remained the same. The Kirk had but one method of publicly showing her abhorrence of the sins of the flesh ; and the giddy boy who ventured to snatch a kiss from a merry girl in open day was tli ought as fit a sul)ject for the stool of repentance as the most profligate liber- tine. This, in the eyes of the English soldier, was too absurd, and he omitted no opportunity of CHRISTIAN LIBERTY. 465 bringing the unreasonable custom into contempt. He looked upon it as " an abridgment of that Christian liberty " which he enjoyed in his own country, and was determined that his fellow Christians of Scotland should be delivered from this worse than Egyptian bondage, a Levitical ordinance not to be found in Scripture. Hence there was a constant running fight between the soldiers in country quarters and the ministers of the parish churches which they frequented — the former looking upon that hallowed bench as an " abomination of desolation," which the latter regarded as " Corban." The stool, if moveable, was carried off, or, if fixed, desecrated, and the enormities of the "Blasphemers" formed the bur- den of many a complaint at head-quarters, where they were received or laughed at according as the commanding ofiS.cer happened to be a Presbyterian or Independent. The soldiers of General Deane's regiment were notorious for these outrages, probably because they had imbibed a portion of their colonel's liberality of opinion, and detested every kind of arbitrary and irrational oppression. Occasionally, however, they carried this " Chris- tian liberty " further than the rules of any church even much more tolerant than that of Scotland would have permitted. An instance of this is recorded in "The Chronicle of Pife," imder the date July 28, 1652 :— " Some of Major-General Deane's regiment of foot who 2h 466 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. lay at Largs and Levin, viz. two corporals, did challenge Mr. James McGill of Largs (after he had ended his sermon and said the blessing) before he came forth of the pulpit, for praying for the prisoners in England, and saying that ' they did suffer for righteousness sake,' they (the corporals) affirm- ing that they suffered for unrighteousness. But after some words passed between them, he answered that he would be forthcoming for what he had spoken before a competent judge, and in time and place convenient, for he did not acknowledge them, and left off." The feeling between the English soldiers and the Scotch clergy had never been friendly, and they were now still further estranged from each other by a regulation which the impartial justice of General Deane compelled him to enforce. The ministers of the Kirk had been hitherto exempted from having soldiers quartered upon them, but this privilege was enjoyed at the expense of the farmers, who were, generally, much less able to bear the cost. In the golden days of the Solemn League and Covenant, when every Presbyter was a little bishop in his own parish, the native generals would never have dared to commit such a sacrilegious act as to quarter a soldier on the manse. But the indepen- dent English General took a different view of ministerial duties and obligations. Soldiers were quartered, fairly, on layman and ecclesiastic, ac- cording to their means of maintaining them. Every householder was bound to receive a soldier or two, and give them shelter and food, upon pay- ment of reasonable charges. The two corporals of Largs presumed, perhaps, too much upon their SOLDIERS BILLETED IN MANSES. 4iQ7 familiarity with their host Mr. McGill, upon whom they were quartered.* Others, it is to be hoped, were more respectful to the m.inisters, or other ministers more prudent, for many soldiers were similarly lodged. Mr. Moncrieif, of Scone, had soldiers in his manse.* The chronicler from whom we have this information adds — " This was the first time that ministers quartered either horse or foot." But he does not make any remark as to the cause, necessity, or justice of this regulation, from which we may conclude that he thought the proceedings justified by circumstances. If this infringement upon an ancient privilege seems to have been a hardship, unfeelingly inflicted by the strong upon the weak, we must bear in mind the part which the ministers of the Kirk had taken in the conflict between the two nations. They are expressly charged by their own countrymen with undue interference in military matters, and driving the fanatical troops into fatal action, contrary to the opinion of their commanders, and of thus being the cause of much unnecessary bloodshed. If such was the charge brought against them by their friends, in what light must they have appeared in the eyes of their enemies ? — as aggravators, doubt- less, of the miseries of war by standing between the clemency of the victor and the hope of the van- quished, and urging on the destruction of the help- less " Heretic." No wonder, then, that a victorious English General should have little or no sympathy * See Chronicle of Fife. 2 H 2 468 . MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. with those whom he could not but regard as " fire- brands," and "enemies of peace;" or that he should deem it not only no punishment, but rather equal justice, to subject both Layman and Eccle- siastic to the same common fortunes of war — which, in this case, amounted to no worse than having one or two non-commissioned ofiicers quar- tered in the manse, while the rest of the soldiers were billeted in the village ; and none of them at free quarters ; to which, we have already remarked that no Parliamentarian General was more con- scientiously opposed than K-ichard Deane. The personal appearance and character of General Deane were in harmony. He was a man of stern aspect and determined resolution. So much we gather from his panegyrists and his portraits. But there was nothing in his conduct, in military life, which betokened a cruel or persecuting disposition. If we except his sitting in judgment upon the King, and signing his Death- Warrant — to which principle, and not ferocity, may have urged him — there is nothing recorded or proved, or even reasonably sur- mised, which can in any degree derogate from his reputation of a Christian soldier. He seems to have been just such an officer as a judicious Lord- General like Cromwell would have set over a high- spirited people like the Scots. He had neither the vain weaknesses of Lambert, nor the sullen fero- ciousness of Monk, so as to expose him to either ridicule or hatred. He was, moreover, a man of few words and decisive speech, and therefore un- A TOUR OF INSPECTION. 469 likely to incur the contempt of those over whom he ruled, by " speaking unadvisedly with his lips," a fault into which many, otherwise able, men fall, from over-confidence in their gift of words. For if "cunning be not wisdom," talking may often be anything but eloquence. He speaks best who speaks most to the point. Such a speaker was Richard Deane. The best proof of his judicious vigour was the tranquillity in which he left both Highlands and Lowlands, when called upon by his country to resign his command in Scotland, and resume his Generalship of the Fleet in the Dutch War. For this eflPectual " Pacification " he received the Thanks of the Parliament; and that he did not thereby lose the goodwill of the Scottish Nation, may be inferred from the manner in which the Edinburgh newspapers record his movements and actions, both while he was in the country and after he had left it; denoting an interest in the man, such as would hardly have been taken in him, had the popular feeling been adverse to his adminis- tration. III. Soon after his assumption of the chief com- mand in Scotland, General Deane began a tour of inspection, for military purposes. The contem- porary journals record his proceedings : — Edinburgh, March 9, IQb^, Major-General Deane is gone northwards, and is expected about a week hence. I hear, before his return, he will treat at 470 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. an appointed place with Argyle. The Commis- sioners, not heing a quorum until the Major-General returns, do little of concernment. The country- people labour their grounds in all places, so as there is good hope this year may produce much corn; and the next year, it is hoped, if the Lord continue peace, all the parts will be stocked as formerly. Dalkeith, March 13, 165 J. Major-General Deane returned from Dundee and St. Johnstone. Monday they set forward for Dumbarton — viz. Major- General Deane and Major Salwey, as joint Com- missioners, to treat with Argyle. General Deane had been to Dundee to choose a site for the building of a citadel to contain 500 men; and marked out eighty-four perches square for the purpose. Heath* remarks, upon the pro- jected conference with Argyle, that it took place at Dumbarton Castle, about the 20th of March ; and that Major Salwey had been joired in commission with the Major-General, " because Deane was not Mercurial enough to word it with the Scot." Mer- cury, the god of eloquence, had not been propitious to the man of action ; nevertheless, we shall pre- sently see an occasion upon which his words, how- ever inelegant, were not without force. The Marquis of Argyle was one of the most cun- ning politicians of the day, and it was another instance of the sagacity of Cromwell that, in a matter of such importance, he did not send the acute St. John or the crafty Sir Henry Vane, to * Sec p. 310. TREATY WITH THE MARQUIS OF ARGTLE. 471 ''word it with the Scot,^' but rather the plain- spoken, straightforward soldier Bichard Deane, assisted by a more mercurial major, who might put the words of Deane into the conventional language of diplomacy. The Marquis was, by these means, left in the enjoyment of his own confidence and less upon his guard than he would have been had he been forced to an encounter of wits with St. John or Yane ; and the result was a less disadvan- tageous peace with the Highlanders, and with less of delay than when civilians are engaged in protocol- ing one another, not so much for the advantage of their respective countries as for the display of their own talents and gifts. This treaty was too conclusive and eflPectual to please all parties. The Royalists had the least reason to be satisfied with it, for it struck at the root of their hopes of an insurrection in the High- lands. We are not surprised, therefore, to find them endeavouring to cast ridicule upon the inex- perienced negociators — e.g. " Argyle came with thirty of his Clan. . . . After two or three days, the Sophies parted, having entertained their time with some godly descants upon Providence, the Parlia- ment's supreme authority, and his Highland Mightiness." But the treaty was of the utmost importance, and as such is noticed in the London Journals. " The Weekly Intelligencer " dwells upon it with great satisfaction : " It is certified, from Scotland, that there hath been a treaty at last with the 472 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Marquis of Argyle, at Dumbarton. There were two meetings, the one at the English quarters, the other at his own. There were none present at it but Major-General Deane and Major Salvvey, and the Marquis and one Mr. Campbell his kinsman. Among these four the treaty has been carried on with so much privacy that it is not yet known to any but the Council of State, but it is believed that it is attended with a good event, in regard that at the departure there were, on both sides, such reciprocal expressions of respect and love. The people in Scotland were generally coming in before. I have been this morning advertized that, something being confirmed, the Marquis will, undoubtedly, submit and comply with England." This " something " was probably the question of the Kirk and its continued establishment. Eor General Deane, in his Report to Parliament, dated March 17, says, " he was in treaty with the Mar- quis of Argyle for the settlement of the country, especially the Highlands, and that the Marquis insisted much for the interest of the Kirk."* This " Intelligence from Scotland " is confirmed by a letter from Berwick, dated March 21: "Major Salwey is returned from the treaty with Argyle. The Commissioners wait for further instructions from Parliament, but Major-General Deane is yet abroad about businesses. The issue of the meeting is yet secret." The Parliament were so weU satisfied with Gene- * Whitelocke. PACIFICATION OF THE LOWLANDS. 473 ral Deane's Report of his negociations, that they sent him " The Thanks of the Souse ^^ for his ser- vices. " May 14, 1652 : The Thanks of the House were voted to Major-General Deane for his services in Scotland ; and the Speaker is ordered to sign the letter conveying them to him."* Although the Highlanders were not yet entirely subdued, yet this treaty deprived them of the open aid and countenance of Argyle, without which they could not long continue in hostility to the ruling powers. But General Deane had amply deserved the Thanks of the Parliament for another important " pacification " — he had " pacified " the Lowlands, had reconciled Edinburgh, Glasgow, and all the chief towns of Scotland to English Government, and that without unnecessary severity or bloodshed. A few places only still held out in remote districts, and these were soon afterwards reduced, without recourse to that indiscriminate slaughter which would have been their fate had Monk remained in command of the Army of the North. On his return from the conference with Argyle the General caused Blackness Castle to be " slighted," that is, destroyed, "and, passing by Newark House, came to Ayre, where he laid the platform of a citadel, the place being convenient for trade f either with Prance or Ireland, being opposite to the most westward part of Scotland." The Diurnal of April 6 tells us, " General Deane's troops have made themselves masters of the Castle * See Journal of the House of Commons. f Heath, 310. 474f MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. of Braddock, in the Isle of Arran, lately the resi- dence of the Duke of Hamilton, and of the Castle and Island of Basse." The capture of this last- mentioned place was diJG&cult and of the greatest importance, for with guns of long range it could seriously impede the navigation of the Forth, whose estuary it commanded. " The Basse Bock " is about three-quarters of a mile in circumference, rising abruptly out of the sea to the height of 420 feet. It is situated three miles east of the Boyal Burgh of North Berwick, and two miles from the mainland. It is accessible only at one flat shelving point, which forms the south-eastern termination of the island, where there are two landing-places. But in the seventeenth century there was only one landing-place, and that artificially cut out of the rock, immediately under a scarped platform, to which a flight of steep and slippery steps led, under a fortified gateway. On this platform guns were planted, commanding every approach, so that all access to " The Rock " was extremely difficult, if not impossible, until the guns had been silenced by the fire of men-of-war. The command of the sea enabled General Deane to take the Bass Bock— and it was an important conquest. IV. General Deane's progress had been hitherto comparatively easy and rapid. All the strongholds which he summoned had been surrendered to him, SIEGE OF DONNOTAU CASTLE. 475 with little loss of life ; one x^lace, however, remained to be " taken in," and this was the most valuable and most coveted of all. Dunnottar Castle still held out, and with good reason, for it contained no less sacred a trust than The REGAiiiA of Scotland. The capture of this castle and the treatment of its brave Lieutenant-Governor, Ogilvie, form an interesting and important episode in the personal history of Hichaed Deane. The subject is thus introduced to us by one of the Edinburgh Journals : — " Dundee, May 6. Major-General Deane is coining towards St. John's Town (Perth) and to Dundee, and then to Dun- nottar Castle. So that the whole army wiU very suddenly take the field. Lieutenant-General Monk's regiment, on Monday, went to Dmmottar, to lay siege to it." *' Edinburgh, May 10. Tliis day Major-General Deane intends, we hear, to go from Leith to Burntisland, and so fi'om thence to Dunnottar Castle." The conduct of the sieeformed Churches in one universal Church, which should hold the fundamentals of Christianity under the sole guidance and authority of the Holy Scriptures, ignoring all merely man-made articles of faith and human heads of the Church, whether Pope, King, or Presbytery. To such a sect Pichard Deane may have inclined, for the writer of his epitaph, who knew him well, seems to indicate some such comprehensiveness of creed when he says of his principles — Religio erat, in Sacris nee cohere nee cogi, HcBC aurea lihertas ; a description which may, indeed, denote only his Independency, but it may extend beyond it," and characterise his Behmism. He had been an Anabaptist, i.e. what is now called a baptist, before he was appointed one of the Generals at Sea in 1649, if we may believe an imiendo in a lampoon. In this lampoon, which I have already quoted, the sailors are urged to " neio- clip Deane," a phrase which implies that he had already been once dipped, that is, that he was an Anabaptist. His father and mother belonged to the Church of England, for he was duly and regularly baptized in Guiting Poher Church, Gloucestershire, July 8th, HIS RELIGIOUS OPINIONS. 537 1610. He left tliat communion, and became what was called in general terms an Independent ; but of what particular creed we have no other informa- tion than the assertion of Prince, that he was a Behmist. One thing, however, may be fairly deduced from all we know of him, viz., that he was neither a bigot nor a fanatic. On the memorable 20th December, 1647, all the principal oflacers of the army met at Windsor to hold a solemn fast, and " continued praying very fervently and pathetically from nine in the morning until seven at night." * The leaders of prayer on this occasion were Cromwell, Ireton, Hewson, Gough, Harrison, Galloway, and Hugh Peters," hut not Richard Deane, although he was present, t Again, when he was in command at Edinburgh, 1652, he sent his Lieutenant-Governor on a mission to the burgesses of Musselburgh, "who prayed about an hour so sweetly that it was much upon them." But we have no such testimony of " the sweetness in prayer" of the Governor himself, although his name and actions are found every day in the newspayers ; and, doubtless, if any such virtue had been in him it would have been brought out of him, on paper at least. So far from this, we are told that the appointment of Major Salloway as his colleague in arranging the treaty with the Mar- quis of Argyle was " owing to Deane's not being * Perfect Diumall, Dec. 22, 1647. t Evidence at the trial of the Regicides before the Lords, 1660. 538 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. tliouglit mercurial enough to word it with the Scot." Mercury, the god of eloquence, had not been pro- pitious to the votary of Mars, and it would not have been safe to trust him alone with Argyle, a " cannie Scot," who had peculiar gifts of the tongue, not only for prayer, but also for all sorts of cajolery. Major Salloway, therefore, one of the praying officers of the Windsor Staff, was directed to accompany him. "The Scot," however, with another "fair and false " Campbell, is said to have been too much for the English " iSophis,^' and made a good bargain for himself at the expense of the other Highlanders, who were sold for the value of twenty brass guns, which went into the Marquis's pocket.* It is needless to say that the guns were of no use to the purchasers, and had been only an encumbrance to Inverara Castle. The Major- General was a man of action and not of words. There is, indeed, a record of 07ie speech having been made by him at this time which will give us, probably, a juster idea of his ordinary eloquence. It is certainly very forcible, and very much to the point, and must have been both intelligible and convincing. I have noticed it before, but it is worth repeating. A party of Highland gentlemen, who had been in arms against the Government, finding the Major- General too strong and too active for them, were willing to make terms, and came to a conference with him. The excuse which they made for them- * See Merc. Prasmat. of that date. HIS RELIGIOTJS OPINIONS. 539 selves in taking up arms may be inferred from the General's answer, " And so ! you Highlanders ! stand upon conscience ! Will you not swallow these pills ? We will make you do it !" Here spoke the " rough and ready " General at Sea ; and if this is a fair specimen of his ordinary addresses they must have been just of that kind which soldiers and sailors would have understood and appreciated. But the commander who talked in this way was not a likely man to be found dipping into the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel to ascer- tain the duty of an English admiral in the face of an enemy. On the other hand, there is no ground for setting him down as an infidel or sceptic, such as Henry Marten and his like, or a prayerless heretic, such as he is represented by Prince ; for every other record of his life agrees with the description given of him by the Weekly Intelligencer of June, 1653, which deplores him as " that godly and valiant gentleman IIichaiid Deane." Of Blake the same character may be certainlv given. He also was " a godly and valiant gentle- man." His valour we know was unbounded, and if his godliness ever outran itself into superstition, as it is alleged to have done on this particular oc- casion, however superstitiously he may have ac- cepted the day of battle, he " went down " into the battle itself with alacrity, and conducted it with vigour to a glorious close. 510 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. NOTE TO CHAPTER XVII. Naval Chaplains. Every State's ship was supposed to have a chaplain on board, but this was not always feasible. The smaller ships had none, and the want was curiously supplied, as we learn by the following letter or order from the Commissioners of the Navy Board to the Commissioners of the Admiralty : — Gentlemen, — In those great fleets set out by the State to sea, it often falletli out that many of the ships carry not minis- ters with them, whereby it frequently happeneth that the com- manding officers and the company, when destitute of a minister, make choice of the chirurgeon, or some other man in the ship, to officiate for that duty, who hath not only his pay according to his condition and office in the ship he belongs unto, but likewise claimeth the groats which the State alloweth to a minister, if any be ; and for us to give such large remunera- tion to men unlearned would beget many ignorant that pre- tend to learning for gain to seek that benefit, and by that means we should lose our able ministers in the State's ships. The ancient custom is, and hath been (where no ministers are), that the groats are saved to the State, and the Treasurer chargeth himself with the same yearly on the front of his ledger. Yet oftentimes we have given some small reward to men that have exercised their parts and gifts when ministers are not to be had, and think they may receive some encou- ragement, but not a full allowance as now chirurgeons, or others, do claim. We desire your honours to j)ut this business in some settled way, and that you would be pleased suddenly to declare your commands therein that we may accordingly present the same.* 29 Aug. 1650. N.B. These "groats" were not given by the Govern- ment, but collected from the ship's crew, a groat a head, and paid to Government, who tlien transmitted them (with deduc- tions for l>ay) to the chaplain. * See Older Feb. IS, 1GC7. S. P. O. CHAPTER XVIII. COMPARATIVE FORCE OF THE ENGLISH AND DUTCH SHIPS, AND RELATIVE CHARACTERS OF THE SEAMEN. CAUSES OF THE GREAT DESTRUCTION OF HUMAN LIFE IN THE DUTCH WARS. I. " The three days' hattle off Portland " has been described by many writers, English, Dutch, and French, who differ little as to its incidents, and still less as to its results. I will take these accounts in order, beginning with the official despatches of the opposed admirals, and comparing them with the narrative of an impartial Prenchman, illustrating them by extracts from private correspondence, English and Dutch ; and, lastly, by historical writers on both sides. This process will carry us as near as possible to the truth, which is rarely to be attained by the evidence of one side alone. But, before we enter upon the comparison of evidence, let us take a view of the principal causes which rendered the Dutch wars the most severe and san- guinary in which our nation has ever been engaged. The principal causes of this great destruction of human life were — 1. The insufficient strength of the ships to resist the cannonade to which they were exposed. 2. The facility and constant practice of boarding. 3. The employment o^ fire-ships. 4<. The extraordinary animosity which actuated 542 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE, the combatants — a ferocity far greater tlian that of any of our wars with the French or Spaniards. These four cases comhlned will amply account for the enormous slaughter wliicli attended upon our wars with the Dutch in the seventeenth century, both under the Commonwealth and during the reign of Charles the Second. It is also worthy of remark that our most sangui- nary battle in more recent times was that of Cam- perdown, when our adversaries were not Erench but Dutch. 1. Insufficiency of Strength in Ships to resist a prolonged cannonade. The English men-of-war had, in this respect, a considerable advantage over the Dutch, the latter being built with more regard to buoyancy on the water than to resistance against shot ; and of deal rather than oak, of which latter material the Eng- lish ships were exclusively built. Hence the greater losses of the English by shipwreck after a battle, and of the Dutch under fire in close fight. The English ships were also, for the most x^art, larger than the Dutch of the same rating, and of greater draught of water. Eor the shallowness of the seas in the harbours of Holland necessitated the nearest possible approach to flat bottoms consistent with safety in the open seas. The Dutch made up their fleets with numbers rather than size of ships, and, what was still more to the purpose, were especially TONNAGE OF OUR SHIPS IN THE DUTCH WAR. 543 skilful in the construction and use of fire-sliips, by means of which they had destroyed the huge vessels of the Spaniards, and thus obtained that dominion of the seas, which was not successfully disputed by any nation until Blahe, Deane, and Monk gave the first serious blow to their naval power, which ultimately fell, under the sea-generalship of Monk, Montagu, and Penn, and of James the Second when Duke of York. The following table will give some idea of the size and armaments of our principal men-of-war during the conflicts of 1652 — 1670 : Name of Ship. Date. Length of Keel. Breadth of Beam. Depth of Hold. Draught Tonnage. 1. Royal Sovereign* . . ) Guns, 100. Meu, 815. \ 2. Kasehy (Royal Charles) ) Guns, 100. Men, G.50. \ 3. Resolution (Royal Prince) ) Guns, 80. Men, .550. \ 4. Fairfax Guns, 64. Men, 380. 1637 1655 1641 1649 Feet. 127 131 125 116 Ft. In. 48 42 35 8 Ft. In. 19 4 20 8 14 6 Ft. In. 22 20 8 17 6 1,556 1,229 789 The above were all considered to be line-of-battle ships. The first two were first-rate ; the " Hesolu- tion " second rate ; and the " Pairfax " third rate. The English ships, being built of tougher wood and sharper keels than the Dutch, were less subject * The huihling of this ship was the immediate cause of the tax of ship- money. See Evelyn's Diar3\ 544 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. to splinters, and fitter to dispute the weather-gage, which was an important advantage in action.* The Dutch, at a later period, warned by their repeated defeats, built larger ships; and in the great battle of June 3, 1665, made up by size and weight of broadside what they wanted in number of guns. Thus, while the guns on the side of the English were 4,537 to 3,893 Dutch, the latter had the ad- vantage, in line of battle^ of 500 guns ; having two ships of 84 and 82 guns, seven of 70 to 80, and several between 60 and 70 ; whereas the English had only one 86-gun ship, two 78, one 76, two 70, and four 68-60. But, if the 58 and 56-gun ships on both sides be counted as line-of-battle ships, the weisrht of metal in favour of the Dutch will be reduced to 300 guns, taking no account of calibre, which is unknown, but which was, probably, in favour of the English, on whose side also there were more frigates. The English ships, on the other hand, were more fully manned in proportion to the number of guns, having onQ-Jifth more men in each line-of-battle ship than the Dutch of the same rating. Thus the English three-decker of 86 had 700 men; while the two Dutch three-deckers of 84 and 82 had only 500 and 400 respectively. In this apportionment of men to guns the Dutch appear to have been " wiser in their generation" than the English; for crowded decks make greater slaughter and more discouragement — * CoUiber, Columna Rostrata. ENGLISH AND DUTCH SAILORS COMPARED. 545 a lesson which the English had learnt before their late war with the Prench, and for want of which the French always suffered so terribly in action whenever it came to close quarters. For their captains and commanders, at sea as well as on land, usually sought to make up by num- bers what they wanted in moral and physical force, and to supply by activity their deficiency in power of endurance. Hence the heaviest losses have always fallen upon them in battle ; because the English, well knowing their enemies' weak point, always fired into the ship ; whereas the French, generally anxious to escape, fired at the rigging. The Dutch sailor, on the contrary, is very little inferior to the English in point of endurance on his own element, and will bear an unlimited amount of blows before he will haul down his flas^. He ac- cordingly fires into rather than at his enemy's ship ; into the hull rather than at the rigging. Hence the slauorhter of men on board an En£>iish man- of- war engaged with a Dutchman has always been greater than between English and French. And this was the principal cause of the sanguinary nature of our Dutch wars ; both adversaries being equally bent upon destruction of life. But the Dutchmen had (and still have) another practice, very unpleasant to an enemy, and one in which he stands alone among Europeans, or shares only with the resolute Turk. When all chance of victory appears to be gone, he blows up his own ship in the hope of involving that of his enemy in the 2n 546 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. same destruction. Our -Dutch wars of the seven- teenth century record several instances of this desperation, and their own war of liberation many more. In the battle of the North Eoreland, June 2 and 3, 1653, there was a remarkable instance of this national, but irrational (?), heroism displayed by no less sober a person than Tromp himself; but with a calculated daring which places his coolness and courage above all praise. In the heat of action a rash of boarders from Penn's flag-ship had ob- tained possession of Tromp's forecastle so com- pletely that his repeated efforts to get rid of them by charging were vain. In this extremity he sud- denly quitted his men, but it was only to fire, with his own hand, a train to a barrel of gunpowder (which he had previously placed under the fore- castle for this very case of emergency), and thus he blew them all up, and rescued his own ship. I have assumed that it was his forecastle which Tromp blew up in this manner, but the tradition says that it was his " upper deck,'^ an exploit almost too marvellous for credulity. Por if Tromp blew up, not his forecastle, but his upper deck, his ship, one w^ould think, ought to have gone to the bottom. An English man of- war would probably have done so ; and if the Dutchman did not, it was, perhaps, because of its more fragile material and lighter build, which made a lesser resistance to the explosive force. The last instance on record of this desperation was in the year 1832, when a sloop of war lying off DESPERATE COURAGE OF THE DUTCH. 547 Antwerp was unexpectedly boarded by a crowd of Belgian insurgents, and to all appearances taken. The Lieutenant in command, by name Van Speylc, unable to dislodge the armed rabble, descended into the magazine room, and, by the discharge of a pistol, set fire to a cask of powder, and blew them all up together — the ship, himself, and all his crew. A monument erected to his memory at the Hague by the Dutch Government, and a pension conferred upon his family, record this sacrifice of life as an act of patriotic heroism. The inscription upon the monument is needless to enforce the lesson of the monument itself — " Go and do thou likewise.'^ A nation actuated by such a spirit, however small it may be in numbers, can never be permanently deprived of its freedom by conquest. Bsto i^er- petua is on its phylactery. II. THE Custom op Boarding. This was common to both nations, English and Dutch, and always attempted in every general action with something like system. Two or more ships would single out one of the enemy, and assault her on both sides at once if possible, and throw as many soldiers as they could upon her main deck. Then began a hand-to-hand figh^, in which, if the enemy were not well banded together, in two lines, back to back, and not only brave, but also enduring in their defence, the ship was sure to be carried. The dauntless character of the English sailor, and the 2 N 2 548 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. desperation of the Dutcli, made boarding always an act of internecine ferocity. Monk brought 1,200 soldiers to the fleet from Queenborough for the very purpose of being used as boarders in aid of the seamen, and many more embarked at Dover. These were picked men from tried regiments. We shall presently find that Cromwell's, Monk's, and Ingoldesby's regiments served on board the fleet as marines in 1652-3.* Deane's would also have been on board with him had he not been compelled to leave it behind in Scotland, for want of time for the march to the Thames, and for want of other means of convey- ance — all the available ships having been hastily sent on to join the fleet. The Dutcli opposed to these veterans men of the same stamp and discipline, veterans of the wars of the Low Countries. When such men met on the deck of a man-of-war, sword or pike in hand, the slaughter could not but be great ; and we are told, what we can readily believe, that it was enormous. The statisticians of those days never pretended to enter into details, so that we can rarely, if ever, approximate to the true number of the sailors and soldiers who fell in a great naval battle. They were always given in round numbers and generally much below the real, to prevent discouragement. In this battle off Portland, upon which we are now entering, the Trmmph had at least eighty men killed, and Lawson's ship, the Fairfax, out of a * s. p. o. BATTLE OF CAMPEliDOWN. 549 crew of 380, lost about an hundred! These may be taken as a fair average of the rest, for several ships, both English and Diitch, went to the bottom with all their crews ! Our great battles at sea with the Dutch have always been very sanguinary. The last was Camper- down, in which we* defeated them by weight of metal rather than by superior bravery or tactics. Every officer on board the Dutch Admiral's {De Winter) flag-ship had been either killed or wounded, and all the masts had gone by the board before she struck her colours, and not a Dutch prize had lost less than 100 men killed and wounded, while the flag-ships had lost 250 each ! The number of guns were, in the aggregate, in favour of the Dutch, in the proportion of 1,212 to 1,060, but the weight of metal in line of battle was greatly in favour of the English, who had seven "seventy-fours" against four, and seven " sixty-fours" against five "sixty- eights," that is, 960 heavy guns against 636 ! — a great disproportion. To compensate for this dis- parity of force the Dutch unwisely brought frigates into the line, and hence probably their terrible loss of life. And yet the English had upwards of 700 killed and wounded ! a much greater loss, in pro- portion to the numbers engaged, than in either of the battles of the Nile or Trafalgar. " A more sanguinary action," says an historian of the Wars of the Ereucli Eevolution, "was never fought" — unless, we may add, with Tromp and De li-uyter, and Opdam, in 1652 — 1670. 550 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. And yet there was no particular animosity be- tween the English and Dutch at Camperdown. The Dutch fouglit under the influence and pressure of the French, whom they hated; against the English, whom they respected as co-religionists, and the only true friends of liberty then remaining in the world. The courage they displayed was there- fore the genuine one of nature ; and that they dis- puted the victory so long against such odds, was a proof that they were true descendants of the Tromps and De Ruyters. It was no dishonour to them to strike their flag to an English fleet, before which a Erench fleet of equal size would not have stood half the time. In this point of view the battle of Cam- perdown is as great a glory to the conquered as to the conquerors. It may be called a drawn victory! The character of the Erench for bravery is not to be measured by their powers of endurance. They were not morally but physically overcome by us. It was a grand characteristic of their seamen that, although sailing out of their harbours to almost certain defeat, whether by fleets, squadrons, or single ships, they never shrunk from the contest. This is true heroism, no matter how fostered, whether by vanity or principle. Against sailors of less physical endurance they would be always victorious. III. Eire-ships were another cause of the enor- mous loss of life in these wars. These formidable instruments of destruction FIRE-SHIPS EMPLOYED BY THE DUTCH. 551 against wooden ships were mucli depended upon in the seventeenth century, but the Dutch seem to have excelled the English in the preparing and handling them. Sir Anthony Deane, the celebrated shipbuilder and Commissioner of the Royal Navy, during the reigns of Charles the Second and James the Seconds had been an eye-witness of the fearful havoc caused by Dutch fireships in battle, which he described in a conversation with John Evelyn, and which Evelyn records in his Diary, March 7, 1690. Sir Anthony Deane's remarks made a deep impression upon that intelligent and patriotic gentleman. The conver- sation turning upon the comparative merits of large ships and frigates. Sir Anthony insisted upon the superior value of the latter, " for, being to encounter the greatest ships, they would be able to protect, set on, and bring off those who would manage the Jire-sliips ; and the Prince who should first store himself with numbers of ^uch fire-ships, would, with the help of and countenance of such frigates, be able to ruin the greatest force of such vast ships, by the dexterity of working these light vessels to guard the fire-ships." He represented, says Evelyn, " the dreadful effects oi fire-ships that he continually observed in our late maritime war with the Dutch ; that when the enemy's fire-ship approached, the most valiant commanders and common sailors were in such consternation, that though then, of all 'times, there was most need of the guns, booms, &c., to keep off the mischief, they grew pale and aston- 552 MEMOIR or GENERAL DEANE. ished, as if of a quite other mean soul, and slunk about and forsook their guns and work, as if in despair, every one looking about to see which way they might get out of the ship, though sure to be drowned if they did so." This statement of Sir Anthony Deane is corrobo- rated by the author of " The Life of Tromp,"* who, speaking of " The Battle of Four Days," June 1GG6, in which fire-ships were effectively employed on both sides, says, " The English Rear- Admiral beat off or sunk no less than three sent against himself, and his coolness and courage were the theme of general admiration among the Dutch, which was so much the more remarkable, because some of his men, having saved themselves by swimming, and got aboard a Dutch ship, assured us that near 300 of his men leapt overboard into the sea at the approach of two fire-ships, choosing rather to perish by water than by fire." Tn this engagement the Prince 90 (formerly the Resolution) with the Earl of Sandwich, Admiral of the Blue Division, on board, was destroyed by a fireship, and more than half her crew perished with their brave Admiral. It was, doubtless, the Earl of Sandwicli commanding the third or rear division, who so gallantly repulsed or sunk three fireships, and was destroyed by the fourth — as related above. Sir Anthony Deane was a relative of Richard Deane, and was probably introduced through his interest into the national dockyards. His subse- * r. 3o7. Loud. ICO'J. FIRE-SHIPS IMPROVED BY THE DUTCH. 553 quent rise and celebrity were owing to the discern- ment and friendship of Samuel Pepys, Secretary to the Admiralty, to whose zeal and integrity while in office the English Navy owed — we will not say its efficiency, but its very existence in the reigns of Charles and James the Second. Por such was the profligacy of the former King and Court, and so low the tone of general society and patriotism, that had it not been for the honesty and industry of Pepys, seconded by the support of James, the Navy, and with it possibly England itself, would have been utterly ruined. The due projoortion of fire-ships in a fleet was a main question in fitting out a naval expedition. The preparation of such fire-ships exercised the chemical knowledge of the seventeenth century, in which the English were, unfortunately, behind the continentals — and especially behind their Dutch neighbours, who, if they did not originate the fatal art, carried it to the highest pitch of excellence. Their ingenuity had been sharpened by the neces- sities of their wars of Independence, to counteract the overwhelming power of their Spanish tyrants whose yoke they so gallantly threw off. The great desiderata in a fire-shij) were, that it should ignite easily, burn steadily for a given time, and explode exactly at the calculated moment, giving time for its crew to escape in their boats, and get beyond the reach of the exjDlosion before it involved everything within its circle in destruction. A fire-ship that exploded a minute too soon or too 554 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. late was useless. Hence the nicety requisite for the compounding of the combustibles, and the necessity of a first-rate chemist for their preparation and application. Sir Anthony Deane, who knew so well the value of fire ships and built several himself, was never able to come up to the skill of the Dutch in this respect. His fire-ships, Pepys tells us, were too often failures, not exploding soon enough after they had come in contact with the enemy, and thus giving him time to sink or shove them off, before any damage had been done by them. The scientific chemist should have been joined with the naval architect — it was too much to expect of one the knowledge of both. IV. THE EXTRAORDINARY ANIMOSITY OE THE ENG- LISH AND Dutch against each other. This was the most remarkable, and to ordinary comprehension the most unaccountable, feature of these wars. That the only two Republics in Europe — kindred in blood, language, and religion — each of whom had won its civil freedom with the sword, and both of whom had recently shaken off the spiritual tyranny of E-ome— should suddenly assume all the characteristics of the most bitter hostility towards each other is a very singular and startling fact in the moral history of the human race. The quarrel was not merely that of the two Govern- ments; it was essentially a popular one on both BITTER HOSTILITY OP DUTCH AND ENGLISH. 555 sides. The people of England and the people of Holland adopted it as a personal question in which every Englishman and every Hollander was individu- ally concerned. And this quarrel would have broken out at the time it did had the one nation retained, and the other adopted, a Monarchical form of government, as surely as it broke out when both were E^epublics. Eor the principal, if not the only, cause of this bitterness was commercial jealousy. It showed itself at the beginning of the century in the East Indies, in the cruelties practised by the Dutch colonists of Amboyna upon the English merchants who attempted to obtain a settlement among them and earn a sliare in the spice trade ; and it was continually breaking out in Europe, in the rivalries of the herring fishery. The smoulder- ing fire broke forth at length into a conflagration, fanned by the pretensions of the English to the dominion of the narrow seas, and by the Dutch protection of the Hoyalist refugees from the perse- cution of the Parliament. The barbarities of Amboyna occurred in the reign of James the Eirst, and were ultimately avenged by Cromwell, who compelled the United Provinces to pay a compensation of £800,000 for the torture and execution of ten Englishmen, and the confisca- tion of about £40,000 of property. Charles the Eirst had vainly endeavoured to obtain satisfaction for the outrage ; but the breaking out of his own troubles interfered with his intentions, which would, if carried out, have certainly led to a war. 556 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. The English mind has, in all ages, revolted from every kind of torture inflicted upon the helpless. The mere fact that some of their countrymen had been put to torture by the Dutch of Amboyna would have been enough to exasperate them. But when the nature of these tortures was made public, and engravings representing them were circulated through the country by the industrious philan- thropy (?) of the "Merchant Adventurers trading to the East," the fury of the people knew no bounds, and the ^^ Sogens-IIogens^^* were doomed by the popular will and voice to annihilation. These engravings represented the unfortunate victims as taken out of theu' prisons in irons, and fastened in cruciform postures against walls, with loose cloths under their chins. Into these cloths, and into the forcibly opened mouths of the victims, water was continuously but slowly poured, to prolong the tor- ture, day and night ; and the poor wretches were exhibited in these plates as swollen to enormous sizes, and finallv burstini? with the accumulation of water in their stomachs. How far this was a true representation of facts, and whether or not such results are physically possible, it never entered into the popular mind to inquire. " The thing must be true, for there it is, in print and picture," would be argument enough, even now, for anything horrible that '' the people " wished to believe. It was irre- sistible in days when ignorance was so general and so happy, that it would have been "folly to be wise." * Sc. lli(jh M'ujhtincsscs. CRUELTIES OF THE DUTCH AT AMBOYNA. 55? These and such like pictures (which I remember to have seen when a schoolboy), accompanied by the most harrowing descriptions of the previous suffer- ings of the unfortunate traders, while in prison, multiplied in the popular imagination the ten Eng- lishmen into ten thousand martyrs ; and there was scarcely a man of the ten millions of England who did not burn for vengeance upon the torturers, in comparison with whom even the Spanish Inqui- sition was, for the time, regarded as humane. We need only open any one of the volumes called " The King's Famphlets'' in the British Museum, between the date 1650 — 1675, to be convinced of the bad feeling which prevailed for a quarter of a century between the two countries. Mr. Granville Penn, in his life of Admiral Sir William Penn, notices this animosity of the vulgar, of both nations, against each other, and gives instances of the un- scrupulous language which they employed in ex- pressing it. Two specimens, one in verse and one in prose, cited by Mr. Penn, will suffice to prove this. The *' Laughing Mercury,'" of September, 1652, has the following : — I. Now Neptune bends his curled brow, His rolling billows tremble ; The Dutch do sink, the Lord knows how, Tarpaulins curse and grumble. II. Our Navy brave, stout men of war, That in the Channel ride, ' 558 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Will make these sons of pitch and tar Full dearly rue their pride. III. The devil sure intends a feast For to invite all such men, Having provided at the least A shoal of pickled Dutchmen. TV. Avaunt, ye sponges ! sows in ruffes ! Amboyna we'll revenge, When we have made the sea your tomb, We'll squeeze out your orenge. The prose reviler is not beliind his poetical brother in rancour, and goes even beyond him in vulgarity. How, now, my Dutch mullipuffs, my fat boars in doublets ! what price bear herrings in Holland now ? Have ye fished fair and caught a frog ? Ye high and mighty dotterels ! Ye most illustrious pilcher-catchers ! Ye ungrateful Schellums! .... How many honourable and renowned Englishmen have sacrificed their dearest blood in your redemption from the ambition and tyranny of proud Spain, who usurped over your lives, consciences, and estates by their cruel Inquisition ? Have we not been your schoolmasters that have taught you both wit and valour ? And do ye thus reward us for all these kindnesses ? Nay, then, expect the reward of ingrati- tude, and to render a strict account of your Amboyna tor- tures, that will never be forgotten by any true Englishmen ; and justice, that a long time hath now slept, hath begun to take vengeance on your perfidiousness. The Hollanders were not backward in retorting their hatred and contempt " in songs, pictures, and bywords," * especially after Blake's defeat on 29th * Heath's Chronicle. ENGLISH AND DUTCH CAHICATURES. 559 November, in which they were encouraged by the ajDplause of the Royalists, who had taken refuge with the Court of King Charles at Breda. Even Clarendon, at Paris, in his correspondence with Secretary Nicholas in Holland, does not hesi- tate to say, " "We are in great hope that this notable fight at sea, in which the Hollanders have so tho- rouglily banged the rebels, will make a great altera- tion in the councils with vou, and here. It is the first signal overthrow that these devilish rebels have sustained either at sea or land." It was the last ! and Clarendon had to wait seven years and a half longer before they " talked of bringing tlie King back." The Dutch had one advantage over their adver- saries, which they used with great industry — that of engraving caricatures, in which they excelled. These engravings or woodcuts would be priceless, if they could be all recovered. The coarse wit which they displayed was, probably, supplied by the Eng- lish refugees. The style in which the Royalist remnant in London backed their brethren in Holland may be seen in Mercurius Fragmaticus, Mercurlus Aiilicus, 3Ier- curius Rusticiis, and otlier fugitive papers of the day, which were printed by stealth, and published under heavy penalties. They may be found among the King's Pamphlets. Into one of these volumes a manuscript leaf is stitched, which was evidently written during the great naval battle of the North Poreland, before the result of the battle was known 560 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. on shore ; and it is a very curious as well as in- genious production. It is the work of a E-oyalist "to the backbone," for he seems to allude to the Dutch War of Liberation as an inexcusable act of rebel- lion against the King of Spain and the Netherlands ! Tromp is in his eyes the " rebel,'' and Richard Deane, unquestionably, the '' ]2,egicide;'' and he divides his venom between them, with impartiality. A COPY OF VERSES ON THE LATE FIGHT AT SEA. My wishes greete — the Navy of the Dutch. The English fleet — I all good fortune grutch. May no storm tosse — Yan Tromp, and all his force ! The Harp and Crosse — shall beare my daily curse ! Smile gentle fate — on the Dutch admirall. Upon our State — the plagues of Egypt fall. Thus I my wishes, and my prayers divide Between the Rebel and the Regicide. Oh, that the proverb old would wheele about, True men might have their own when rogues fall out. The preceding lines, it will be noticed, are either complimentary or the reverse, according as they are read perpendicularly in columns, or horizontally in whole lines. It is, I believe, one of the earliest examples of this quaint and fanciful style of verse making. While we are upon this point of our subject, I cannot help again remarking that it is singular how very few lampoons were written against General Deane " the Regicide." I have only met with two or three, and those as feeble as they could well be. It could not have been that he was too insignificant RESPECTFUL MENTION OF DEANE. 561 for ridicule. The high positions which he occupied, soon after the execution of the King, contradict any- such supposition. That he had some enemies and detractors we are informed by his posthumous pane- gyrist " Th. Tw.y^ who exclaims against them — Hence, ye detractors, be it understood. The ill of him was better than your good ! This was only during his life, when political feelings, or professional envy, very naturally fol- lowed in the wake of his exploits. But his glorious death seems to have silenced every railing or en- vious tongue, as his second panegyrist, "J". R. 3Ierchanti^ tells us, in very uncouth, indeed, but very honest lines : — Then rest thee where thou art, I'll seek no glory By the relation of so sad a story, But tell the world that thou hast paid the debt That's due to sin, and neve a lihell yet Bespattring thy chaste name, lohose sacrifice Hath stopt the mouth of all thy enemies. The eminent services of Bichard Deane in the " Pacification of the Highlands," for which he re- ceived the Thanks of Parliament, may have had some influence in producing this general forbear- ance of his enemies, or rather the enemies of his Cause ; but they must, I think, have been supple- mented by his personal character. Por being a plain, practical, straightforward soldier, carrying out with a sound head and strong hand the orders of Parliament, and never given to any excessive or absurd preachings or " exercises," he never made 2o 562 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. himself ridiculous in the eyes of the Royalists. And unless they could discover any peculiarity of personal appearance or manner, such as the rubi- cundity of Oliver Cromwell's nose, or the semi- insane fanaticism of Harrison, they had nothing to lay hold of and hold up to laughter. His person, if we may judge of it by his portraits, was remark- ably fine and commanding. His words were few, and he was never to be found praying in public, or preaching " in the corners of streets to be seen of men." He was therefore spared the sarcasms of the witty and unwise, as one upon whose tough and impenetrable buff coat no such light artillery could make any impression. An humble soul hid in a stern aspect, A perfect friendship in supposed neglect, A learned head, without the boast of books, A devout heart without effected looks, is a character at which even envy must have been ashamed to throw her dart. His imperfections and vices, as far as we know to the contrary, must have been summed up by his political adversaries in one word— E-EGiciDE. Whether or not that one word be sufficient to destroy every other claim to con- sideration, let the England which he helped to create decide. CHAPTER XIX. THE THREE DAYS' BATTLE. — ENGLISH ACCOUNT. — DUTCH AC- COUNT. PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. FRENCH ACCOUNT. — CONDITION OF THE SICK AND WOUNDED. HOSPITAL RESOURCES. I. " The three days' battle off Portland " was the first of a series of engagements in which there was any equality of force between the combatants. The Dutch, however, were under the disadvantage of having to protect a large convoy of East Indiamen, richly laden, and a tempting prize. On the other hand several of these merchantmen were quite as well armed as some of the smaller English ships of war, and some of them did, in fact, defend them- selves bravely and successfully. The first intelli- gence of this engagement received in London was sent by Colonel Willoughby from Portsmouth to the Commissioners of the Admiralty, dated Eeb- ruary 19 : — This morning, at 9 o'clock, we heard guns go off very hotly to the westward of the Isle of Wight, and they have remained still more severe till this time, being now near two of the clock, and do yet remain ; by which I conceive the Fleets are engaged. Colonel Willoughby proceeds to inform the Com- missioners that " he sees a rear-admiral standing for the port, having lost her mainmast, with three Elemish ships, but what they are he knows not." 2 o2 564 MEMOIR or GENERAL DEANE. The " Rear- Admiral " turned out to be the Assist- ance of the Blue squadron. She was shortly followed by the Oak, Captain Edwin, with her mainmast gone, and nearly all her guns dis- mounted. The Oak had been obliged to leave the fleet at daybreak, at which time the Sampson had been lost. Captain Edwin saw six Dutch ships on fire before he left the fleet. Later in the day the Advice frigate, Captain Day, came in. Captain Day told Colonel Wil- loughby that he had had five Dutch men-of-war on board him at the same time, and had received much damage from them ; that he had flung thirty dead men overboard, and had forty wounded. At length one of the vessels of his squadron came to his aid, and three out of the five Dutch ships left him, " the other two he sunk outright." One of these was of 36 guns, the other 34. " Only seven men of both crews were saved, the rest went down with their ships." The Advice left the fleet at midnight on the 18th off the western part of the Isle of Wight. The Assistance, Captain Bourne, brought in eighty prisoners. " I could wish," says Colonel Willoughby, " that some order were taken for the removal of some of our wounded men to some hospital, for they being so many, and our town so full, we are not capable of lodging them." II. The joint letter of the Generals to the Speaker ENGLISH ACCOUNT OF BATTLE. 565 gives a modest report of the battle, which the pri- vate accounts represent as having been very sangui- nary ; much more so, indeed, than we should have thought from the official despatches. THE ENGLISH ACCOUNT. OFFICIAL. Aboard the Trbunph, Feb. 27, 1652, in Stokes Bay. To THE SpKAKER, Sir, On the ISth instant, being five leagues distant from the English shore, we descried the Dutch Fleet, early in the morning, con- sisting (as we then judged, and are informed by some of their own number,) of eighty, all men-of-war, and 200 merchantmen, a league and a-half to the windward of the weathermost of our ships, and west of our fleet two or three leagues. The ship Triumph, with the Fairfax (Rear- Admiral Lawson), Speaker (Vice- Admiral Penn), and above twenty more being nearest unto them, the Dutch Admiral Tromp might, probably, (if he had pleased to have kept the wind,) have gone away with his whole fleet, and we had not been able to reach him with our main body, only with a few frigates, our best sailors, which had not been likely to do much upon them. But the said Admiral, as soon as he had discovered us, put all his merchantmen to windward, and ordered them to stay there (as some that we have taken have since informed us) ; and himself, with his body of men-of-war, drew down upon us that were the weathermost ships, when we were in a short time engaged. And by reason that the greatest part of our ships were to leeward, and much astern, those that were weathermost had a sharp conflict of it the whole day, till about four o'clock in the afternoon, by which time a con- siderable number of our ships and frigates had got so far a-head that, by tacking, they could weather the greatest part of the Dutch Fleet, which, so soon as the Dutch Admiral perceived, he tacked likewise, and those with him, and left us. We spent the remainder of that day and night to man ourselves out of the weaker ships, and to repair our rigging, sails, and masts, without which we were not in a capacity to move in the sea. We took and destroyed, in this day, seven or eight men-of-war. They had possession of Captain Barker in the Prosperous, Captain 566 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Bourne in the Assistance, the Oak, and some other ships ; but, blessed be God, we repossessed them again, vrith the loss of some in the Assistance. The leevvardmost part of our ships continued fighting till night separated them, being engaged, within two hours, as soon as we. We lost the Sampson, whereof Captain Button was commander, Avhich was so much torn and unserviceable, the captain and many men slain, that we took out the men that were left and let her sink into the sea. At night the Dutch Fleet and we kept as near one another as we conveniently could without mixing. Each of its haying our lights all abroad all night. The wind coming westerly, and little wind. They steered directly up the Channel, their merchantmen a-head, and the men-of-war in the rear. We were, in the morning, some three or four leagues to the southward of the Isle of Wight. On the 19th, as soon as it was day, we made what sail we could after them, but, it being calm, we could not get up until noon, and our main body not until two of the clock, by which time we drew very near to each other, and had warm work till night parted us. We took and destroyed this day some five sail of men-of-war. The Dutch Fleet steered up the Channel with their lights abroad ; we followed, the wind at W.N.W. ; a fine little gale all night. On the 20th, about nine in the morning, we fell close in with them, with some five great ships and all the frigates of strength, though very many could not come up that day. Seeing some of their men-of-war somewhat weakened, we sent smaller frigates and ships of less force that could get up among the merchantmen, which put their whole body to very great trouble, so that many of them and (some of) their men-of-war began to Itreak off from their main body ; and towards evening we pressed so hard upon them that they turned their merchantmen out of the Fleet upon us (as we con- ceived) for a bait ; but we gave strict order that none of our ships that could get up to their men-of-war, and had force, should meddle ■with any merchantmen, but leave them to the rear. We continued still fighting with them until the dusk of the evening, by which time we were some three or four leagues off Blacknesse in France (four leagues west of Calais), the wind at N.W., we steering directly for the point of land, having the wind of the Dutch Fleet. So that if it had pleased the Lord in his provi- dence, who sets bounds to the sea, and overrules the ways and ENGLISH ACCOUNT OF BATTLE. 567 actions of men, that it had been three hours longer to-night, we had probably made an interruption between them and home ; whereby they might have been obliged to make their way through us with their men-of-war, which, at that time, were not above 35, as we could count, the rest being destroyed or dispersed. The merchantmen also must have been necessitated to run ashore or fallen into our hands, which, as we conceive, the Dutch Admiral being sensible of, just as it was dark, bore directly in upon the shore, where it is supposed he anchored, the tide of ebb being then come, which was a leeward tide. We consulted with our pilots and men knowing these coasts what it was possible for the enemy to do ; whose opinions were that we could not weather the French shore, as the tide and wind then were to get home, and that we must likewise anchor, or we could not be able to carry it about the flats of the Somme. Whereupon we anchored; Blackness being N.E. by E. three leagues from us. The night being very dark, and blowing hard, the Dutch got away from us ; so that in the morning of the 21st we could not discover one ship more than our own, which were betwixt 40 and 50, the rest being scattered, and as many prizes as made 60 in all. W^e spent all this night and day, till twelve o'clock, in fitting of our ships, mast, and sails, for we were not capable to stir till they were replaced, at which time, being a windward tide, and the Dutch Fleet gone, we weighed and stood over to the English shore, fearing to stay longer upon the coast, it being a lee shore. On the 22nd, in the morning, we were fair by the Isle of Wight, being the place whereunto we thought fit to repair for accommoda- tion ; but the wind blew so hard we could not get in that day. The 23rd we weighed, and got near St. Helen's Road, and sent for all the Captains on board to understand the state of the Fleet ; but it blowing hard we were not able to accomplish it, only recom- mended all the ships that were disabled to turn into Stokes Bay, and the rest remained about us. The 24th we sent for all the Captains on board this ship, and ordered out two squadrons, one to ply to the eastward and the other to the westward of the Isle of Wight, the last of which sailed on the 25th present. It hath blown so hard we have scarce been able to send our boats one from another, or do any thing until this day, that We got up to this place. 568 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Tims, you see, how it hath pleased the Lord to deal with us poor instrumeuts employed in the late transactions, wherein He hath delivered into our hands some 17 or 18 of their ships of war which have been taken by your Fleet (without the loss of any one ship save the Samjysoii) taken or destroyed, besides merchantmen, whose numbers we know not, they being scattered to several ports. We have many men wounded, and divers both of honesty and worth slain. We are, &c., Robert Blake. Richard Deane. George Monk. Several of the Dutch are driven ashore in France, one without any men at all in her. The first letter written after the engagement was by General Deane, two days before the preceding official report. It was in reply to a demand from the Commissioners of the Admiralty and Navy for a particular account of the condition of the fleet. This letter has never, to my knowledge, appeared in print; it elucidates some points not touched upon by the official despatches. The original is in the State Paper Office : — Gentn., We received yours by John Poortmans, and for y® particular account of y® Fleet it is not possible to give you as yet, by reason of the blowing weather, and our distance one from another. Only y*^ first day we came to an anchor we made the best observation of the Fleet as time would permet. All the ships that were lame and unserviceable we sent into Stooks Bay, and y^ Spithead, and those which were in any capacity to go to sea, we made them lye by us and fit as well as they could, and these are now all gone, being near twenty sail ; the one half are under the commond of Captain Durn- ford, appointed to ply to the westward as far as the Start, the other under Captain Hill, to ply between Fairlee and Bullin, and not to come to the westward of Portland. So that we hope, if there be any ENGLISH ACCOUNT OF BATTLE. 569 ships straggling, they will meet with them. However, we have done as much as we can for the present, and shall endeavour to get as good an accoimt of the rest as we can, but could wish you would not stay so long before you come down to us. We suppose three ships will bring all we need for masts, sails, and cordage, which whether it be better to send the same ships by piecemeals about to Chatham or supply them here, we leave you to judge. For my part, I heartily desire to see some of you down here, for there are many things to be done, which, except we have a meeting together forthwith, this affair is like to suffer. My partner not being present, but gone ashore somewhat feverish, I thought it needful to give you this brief account, which I desire you will accept. Your most affectionate friend and servant, Ei. Deane. John Poortmans, mentioned in the above letter, was one of the Commissioners of the Admiralty and Navy at Portsmouth. He wrote, shortly afterwards, to the principal secretary : — I have acquainted General Deane with what ships were to sail out of the river to the Fleet ; and he thinks they are most here. He seems to be very earnest for the Commissioners coming down to Portsmouth to consult about the present state of the Fleet here. Prom these intimations it seems that the Generals had some things to say to the Commissioners which they either could not sufficiently explain by letter, or which they thought to be of too delicate a nature to be trusted to writing. The conduct of some of the officers of tlie fleet might not have given entire satisfaction to the Generals; or, perhaps, the fol- lowing letter from E.. Coytmore to General Deane (received by him on the same day, Peb. 25th, that he wrote the above), may throw some light upon his meaning : — 570 MEMOIR OF GENEEAL DEANE. Right Honourable, I am afraid that I am troublesome with yom* Honour with my frequent letters ; yet out of the respect and service I owe you, I cannot but report unto you such things as come into my mind. As in my letter last night I acquainted you with those ships of the West having to go for Newfoimdland, by which means you will lose about 2,000 mariners, and I believe many that were on board your ships will run away to go with those ships, I am of opinion that you will find many Scots, Irish, and English among those seamen that you have taken. Whether it were not fitting to cause marshall law to be executed on some of them for example sake, and put them to fling the dice, that one out of them may suffer for it. For there hath passed one or two Acts of Parliament for their return home to serve the State, and not to serve any foreign State, upon the pain of death. I know you are troubled with many weighty affairs, which makes me take the boldness to mind you of these things. I am. Your Honour's most humble Servant, EOB. COYTMORE. 25tli February, 165f . For y^ Eight Honourable Major-Gen". Deane, On board the Trlumjih, or elsewhere, these present. This letter is in the State Paper Office ; from which we may infer that, in the opinion of General Deane, it contained important matters. The Acts of Parliament alluded to, are noticed by Heath, Chron. p. 327, who says that all English seamen in the service of any foreign prince or state, were to return to England in forty days ; and that those who were in the East Indies, had twelve months allowed them for their return home ; and that "death without mercy" was ordered against all English carpenters and shipwrights on board enemies' ships, " who loere to be thrown overboard at sea, and never brought to shore. ^* ENGLISH ACCOUNT OF BATTLE. 571 It is possible that these might have been the orders privately given to captains of ships, but no Act of Parlimnent has come under my observation containing any such directions. E/obert Cotymore was an Admiralty clerk, and has left a great many letters behind him in the State Paper Office, tending to justify his own opinion of himself — that he was a "troublesome" fellow. He was a busybody, who seems always to have had an eye to his own interests. At the Restoration he appeared as a Crown witness against the Regicides, and identified Colonel Harrison as sitting on " lohat they called " the High Court of Justice. None would have been more forward than E;. Cotymore himself to call it by the same name, if he had been asked by General Deane to define it. It does not appear that the Commis- sioners came down to Portsmouth, as desired by the Generals. But one of them. Sir Henry Vane, wrote a letter to General Deane, which must have been of some importance, from the trouble taken to deliver it by the messenger, who thus reports his proceedings to his employer : — Southampton, March 1, 165|. Right Honourable, In obedience to your Honour's commands, I was at General Deane his lodgings with your lettei's, who was at that instant on board the Triumph, and, the water being rough, I could not procure a boat to carry them ; but his lady sent them in his own pinnace. Since which, coming to this place, I find near eleven hundred Dutch prisoners, whom I have carefully provided for, and nothing of the State's allowance have been wanting to them, neither, God willing, shall. I find among them about sixty sick and wounded men, who 572 MEMOm OF GENERAL DEANE. have been placed under the care of chirurgeons and physicians of this place I am, &c. Kic. Belchambers. To Sir Harry Vane, junior, Kn'., a Member of the Parliament of England, and Couucillorof State, at his lodgings at Whitehall, humbly present. The Mayor of Southampton was less pleased than Mr. Belchambers with the manner of quartering the Dutch prisoners upon the inhabitants. In a letter, March 3, he deprecates the leaving 1,200 prisoners under the charge of a single company of 50 men of Colonel Pride's regiment ; and reminds the Commissioners of the Admiralty and Navy of what had happened in 1644, when two regiments of Lord Essex's defeated army were quartered, as prisoners, in Southampton. He says that they introduced a sickness into the town, which carried off at least 100 of the townpeople. He requests that some of the Dutch prisoners may be sent to Poole and the Isle of Wight. Major Morford, the Commissioners' agent at Southampton, seconds the Mayor's remonstrance, saying that there are no accommodations for the prisoners except in tradesmen's houses; and that the town is small, and unfit for such a large number of prisoners. III. THE DUTCH OFFICIAL REPOET. Admiral Martin Herbert Tromp to the States General. High and mighty Lords, .... This battle, which has lasted three days together, began the last uf February, at nine o'clock in the morning, and ended not DUTCH ACCOUNT OF BATTLE. 573 till the 2nd of March,* when the night parted the combatants. It was given in the extent of sea that is between Holland and Swatness or Bullin. The English had about 69 or 70 sail of frigates and men-of- war, and we 70 men-of-war and 150 merchantmen. I cannot yet give your High Mightinesses all the particulars, because most of the ca])tains hardly had time on the 1st of March to come on board the Admiral. They have informed me that DeRu)jter''s squadron, which fell upon the enemies' rear, took some ships from them, whilst several others on both sides were sunk. As for our vanguard, of which I had the command, with Rear- Admiral Floriz, we attacked that of the enemies, under the command of Blake. The fight was fierce and obstinate, and the victory very wavering, so that neither of the parties had any cause to brag of the advantage they had. This was the success of the first day's fight. About 4 o'clock in the after- noon, observing that the English had detached a squadron of their nimblest sailors to go and fall upon the merchant ships, with design to burn them, we quitted the fight to hasten to their assistance. After the action I sent for the general officers of the Fleet, Evertz and De Ruyter on board the Admiral, while Floriz was left to take care that the ships of the Fleet should be repaired that had need of it. We, therefore, consulted whether it should be advisable to leave our merchant ships to their shifts, to go and attack the enemy once more, since we were too weak to spare a detachment of men-of-war strong enough to convoy them ; and, besides, we had some grounds to fear that the English might still have some body of reserve towards Calais ; or whether it would not be better to defend them by making them keep closer by us, and so, in a fighting posture, to await the enemies charge. And because we were in want of powdei", order was given to husband it well, and not to make one shot unprofitably. We discovered to the eastward, at a good distance from us, the ship called the Ostrich, so terribly battered and disabled, that she had nothing left but her main and mizen sails ; whereupon I ordered De Wilde to go and take her (in tow) and bring her to the Fleet. As soon as we had got together all our ships, both men-of- war and merchantmen, we stood to the northward, and towards evening we had a great calm. De Wilde, not being able to bring * The Dutch had adopted the new style. 57A MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. off the Ostrich^ the English carried her away the next day to tlieir Fleet. That day, about 10 o'clock, the enemy came and charged us again. They had posted in the wings of their Fleet five or six of their best ships, to endeavour to intercept some of our ships. We fought all that day till the dark of night. Captain Le Sage, of Zealand, and Le Bruin, and Van Zeelst, of Amsterdam, were sepa- rated from the Fleet, Towards evening several Captains canrre and complained that they had not any ammunition left. Upon which, because I had on board the Admiral a great many bullets, eight-pounders, I distributed them among those that had guns of that bore. We still pursued our course, the wind at W.N.W., and every one endeavoured to repair their ships as well as it was possible. On the 2nd of March the English attacked us again with a great deal of vigour, and we had hardly fought two hours but half our ships had spent all their ammunition. We fired some guns for a signal to them to come on board of us, which they did. I placed them in the main body of the Fleet, and chai-ged them to make show, as if they wanted nothing ; telling them that they which still had any ammunition should take care to defend them ; so that I made shift to maintain the fight till night, defending them all that while -with not above 25 or 30 ships, that were still provided with powder and bullets. Two hours after, Blake, having assembled all his forces, made show as if he would fall upon us once more. When I saw that I took in my sails, and let him know I was ready to begin again with liim. Upon which, after the vanguards of the two Fleets had charged one another for some time, the English at lengtli sheered off to seawards, and Blake, being out of cannon shot, came no more at us. Vice- Admiral Evertz coming then to me, told me they wanted powder and bullets. When night was come we hung out lanterns, being to leeward. Towards midnight w^e perceived Calais bearing S. W. of us, at about two miles distance, without seeing any English at all. I am persuaded they are retired towards the Isle of Wight to repair, and refit their ships. (Signed) Maktin Herpertz Tromp. In comparing these English and Dntch official DUTCH ACCOUNT OE BATTLE. 575 reports, we are reminded of Sir Roger de Coverley's sagacious remark that on every disputed question '^ much may he said 07i both sides." Having heard what can be said on both sides respecting the " battle of three days," we may not be far from the truth, if we assign the palm of victory to Blake, and that of seamanship to Tromp. The valour of the Englisli has never been more distinguished than in the defence of the Triumph against her nume- rous assailants ; and the skill of Tromp was con- spicuous in getting so well out of the fight, and in saving so many of his convoy; for the largest number said to be taken was only thirty out of one hundred and fifty, and half of these were picked up by Vice- Admiral Penn, and his reinforcement of fifteen ships, which he brought up on the second day.* Most of those which he captured were small vessels, under 300 tons burden, laden with wine, vinegar, and salt. Two only were of any value — viz. of 400 tons each, laden with silver bars. They were all sent into Dover. The total loss of the Dutch was set down at eleven men-of-war out of seventy-three, taken or destroyed ; two thousand men killed, and fifteen hundred prisoners. f The English admitted the loss of one ship only, the Sampso?i, sunk by themselves, after it had been retaken from the enemy. They did not recognise as "taken " those which had been captured by De Ruyter on the first day, but had been afterwards recaptured. Tromp, plainly, but * Life of Sir W. Penn, i. 479. f Pictorial Hist, of England, iii. 409. 576 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. not confidently, says that " some " ships were taken by De Euyter and others snnk by him. The latter may have been a mistake, and may refer to the ^'Advice" and "Assistance,'' which were compelled to fall out of the action in a sinking state, and retreat into Portsmouth ; as we have seen from Colonel Willoughby's letter. The conclusion of Faul Hoste, the French re- porter of the battle, is, I think, a just one. He allows that the English had, from the beginning, the advantage over the Dutch, but he adds that •' Tromp entered his ports with the glory of having, by his skill and valour, preserved for his country a rich convoy, which was on the point of becoming the prey of the English." Greater glory than this could hardly have been gained by any Admiral, not only so encumbered by merchant vessels under his convoy, but also so ill supported by some of his own captains. Had they all been equally true to their country and their commander, the result might have been much less to the honour of the English, who fought without any incumbrances. TV. — PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE AND JOURNALS. a. The wind being at N.W., Vice- Admiral Penn in the Speaker, as Admiral of the Blue, being ahead of the Generals Blake and Deane in the T7'iumj)h, began the fight with the wind on the star- board bow, and seeing the Dutch bend all their force to destroy the Generals, he, with his division, tacked and stood through the Dutch Fleet, with the wind on the larboard side ; as Lawson, Vice- Admiral of the Red, did in the Fairfax with his larboard tack aboard, being DUTCH ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE. 577 about a mile ou the starboard quarter, and as mucli astern of the Generals, when the fight began ; so as the main stress of the fight lap upon the Blue and Eed divisions.* b. In the great battle off the Sussex and Hampshire coasts the English Fleet of 41 sail attacked Van Tromp, who had 55. Blake and Deane in the Triumph fought nine hours in the middle of the enemy. Blake was wounded in the thigh by a bar of iron, which carried away pai't of the coat and breeches of Deane. The Triumph had 700 shots in her hull, and eighty killed and wounded, with her Captain Ball.f c. Slain — that noble and approved soldier Captain Ball, and Captain Mildmay, and Captain Barker, who deported themselves with singular dexterity and courage ; with our Secretary Sparrow, whose deaths are much lamented. | Mr. Granville Pena, to whom I am indebted for the preceding " Extracts," observes that "it is very remarkable that the Generals of the Fleet shonld not have noticed in their despatch the deaths of these gallant and distinguished commanders." It does seem remarkable that, having mentioned the death of Captain Button, they should have omitted the names of Ball, Mildmay, Barker, and Sparrow (the Generals' secretary). There may have been a reason for this, which I will endeavour to find out. It is observable that no mention is made in the official despatch of Blake's wound or of the enormous loss of life in the Generals' ship. It may be a sufficient reason for these omissions that it was not customary in the despatches of those days to enter into minute details respecting indivi- * Letter from an eye-witness on board the Assurance, cited in the Life of Su- W. Penn. Appendix JL t Perfect Politician, Feb. 16o§. X Letter from an officer on board the Eagle. Life of Penn, i. 481. 2 p 578 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. duals. Every one was presumed to have done his duty, and the praise was always rendered to the Lord, who gave the victory. But, setting aside this ordinary "self-denying " principle, we may, I thinlc, suggest another reason for the omission of two, at least, out of the four gallant officers who fell in these engagements. They were near of kin or affi- nity to Richard Deane : Sparrow was his brother- in-law, having lately married his sister Jane, and Mildmay was related to, if not brother of, Robert Mildmay, the husband of one of the daughters of Sir Richard Deane, Lord Mayor of London in 1629, the great-uncle and first patron of the General ! If, as is vety probable, General Deane wrote the despatches, General Blake being wounded and un- able to write them, he might think that to praise his own relatives was, indirectly, to glorify himself, and as Blake had, most likely, forbidden all men- tion of his own wound, Deane might have thought it a proper act of modesty to say nothing in a public despatch of the losses of their ship or the death of her gallant captain. By these omissions he consulted the feelings of his colleague and spared those of the public, leaving them to the first enjoyment of their victory without alloy. We may regard these as mistaken views of duty or policy, but they were consistent with the characters of men who ascribed everything to the Lord and nothing to man. The despatch, although signed by all the three Generals, could hardly have been written or even DESPATCH SIGNED BY THREE GENERALS. 579 have been clictated by Blake, who had gone on shore, ''feverish''* from his wound, two days before, and was not likely to have been on board the Trhmiph, at Spithead, when the despatch was written, for he was not able to resume his duties for two months afterwards. Monk, who also signs, had taken little or no part in the first day's action, being three miles astern witli the White Division, and could not possibly come up much before night. He would hardly, therefore, attempt to describe the battle from the beginning. Blake and Monk, moreover, were men of classical education and taste, and the composi- tion of the despatch is hard, dry, and unattractive, not such as scholars would have written, but ex- actly such as might have been written by a plain straightforward man of action like Richard Deane. The Generals' secretary, whose duty it probably was to draw up reports and despatches, was killed ; the General-in-Chief was wounded and sick on shore; it follows then as highly probable that the oflicial account of the three days' battle was written by General Deane, of whose simplicity and modesty it is a fair specimen, and no unfavourable one of his piety, for there is in this despatch much of the sound sense and nothing of the repulsive cant of the period. * See Gen. Deane's Lettei", srqjra. 2p 2 580 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. IV. FROM THE "LIFE OF MARTIN HERBERT TROMP." Translated from the Dutch. London, 1690. The two Fleets were scarcely advanced within cannon-shot of one another, but Tromp tack'd about upon Blake, who presently began to play upon him with all his artillery, tho' without doing Tromp any great harm, because he was at such a distance from him. But this latter, forbearing to fire till he came within musket-shot of his enemy, let fly at him a broadside, and then tacking about nimbly, he fired a second at him on the same side, and then flanking him again on the other side thundered off a third at him with so great success that there were nothing but cries and groans to be heard on board of Blake, who fought after that only in retreating and sheer- ing away as fast as he could from Tromp, who ceased not to pursue him. [N.B. The Dutch biographer forgets to mention that Tromp had six ships with him besides his own, and that these seven surrounded and fell upon the Triumph at the same time. The Triumph did not " retreat " nor " sheer away," for the simple reason that she was disabled, having received 700 shots in her hull, and lost her captain and 80 men. She was towed out of action by Lawson, Vice- Admiral of the Red, the General's division, who came up to her aid in the Fairfax, while the Blue division, under Penn, with the remainder of the Eed, w^as giving a good account of Tromp's Vice- Admirah] After this prceludium the two Fleets intermixing one with the other, the battle grew so furious that there was little else to be seen but masts overtuned into the sea, and splinters flying on all sides, sails rent in pieces, and masts and cables cut short in sunder. In one moment the enemy was boarding our ships, and in a moment after were chased off again, when they were seen to be blown up into the air. with the deck they stood upon ; and on another side was seen a ship swallowed up by the waves, with several hundreds of men, and the sea turned red with human blood, and covered over with dead bodies, and floating pieces of shattered ships, which yet, instead of dismaying the combatants, served only to inflame their courage the more, and flush them on the more cruelly to mutual and EXTEACTS FROM LIFE OF THOMP. 581 implacable slaughter ; and the complaints and lamentations of the miserable wounded wretches, instead of mollifying their hearts with any sentiment of pity, and inspiring them with abhorence for such cruelty, rendered them but the more bloody minded, and the more violently excited them to fiercer and remorseless revenge The Lord Admiral Tromp pierced through and through the English Fleet, which took up about a mile in extent, thundering at all that opposed his passage. Captain Konik signalized himself every way, for his ship, called the Ostrich, fought on still some time longer against several English ships, sunk one of them, and defended herself so long as she had any men left ; but, at last, the valiant Tromp, observing she had lost all her masts and rigging to the very hull, and was ready to sink, " Is it possible," cried he to his followers, " that there should be any Captain in the States Fleet so cow-hearted* as to suffer so brave a man to be overwhelmed by numbers ?" And gave order at the same time to De Wilde to go and rescue him. In pursuance of which De Wilde had already fastened a hawser to his ship to tow him away, but the calm hindered him, so that all he could do was only to save some of the seamen, who threw themselves on board of him whilst the Ostrich was left swimming, in a manner as much in blood as water ; and especially upon the deck there was nothing to be seen but a most horrible spectacle of dead and woimded men, there being reckoned eighty of the former ; and of forty young men of Scheidam, all under 20 years of age, there were but three left alive. The English had already boarded her to pillage her, but being afraid she would sink under them they quitted her, till the same enemies finding her again the next day, without a soul in her, they carried her to Portsmouth. Captain Port, having attacked a great English man-of-war, sunk him ; but two more falling upon him a moment after, he received several shot between wind and water, which obliged him to call Stoers to his assistance, who presently advanced to the head of Port, whilst the two Englishmen were battering both his sides. And so, the four ships being grappled to one another, Port's ship was over- turned, together with one Englishman, but most of the men were saved by Sivers. At the same time Port was cruelly wounded in the reins by a splinter, and was seen, though thrown down on his back * Hence " CoivcrrdV 5S2 MEMOIll or GENERAL DEANE. ou the deck, waving his hanger to the last, and to encourage his men, till the waves swallowed up both him and his ship. Swers likewise, on his part, had so severely handled an English ship that had attacked Fori, that he also was sunk ; but almost at the same time his own ship was attacked by four other English, and sunk. He and some of his men were saved by the enemies and carried to London after the fight, but understanding the Spanish tongue he made himself pass for a natural Spaniard, so that shuffling himself in amongst the domestic servants of the Spanish ambassador, he found means to get a passage into Flanders, and from thence to his true country. This was the same Swers that was afterwards made Vice-Admiral of Holland, of the college of the Admiralty of Amsterdam, and who gave signal marks of his courage and ability. Captain Kleidyk, of the Brill, received at almost one and the same time the fire of three great English men-of-war, and being already reduced to a very pitiful condition, Regemoster, a Zealand captain, came to his aid, and cleared one of the sides ; then Kleidyk began to take a little breath, and sunk one of the English ships that lay against the other side of him, but soon after his own ship under- went the same fate ; yet he saved himself and his men after a most wonderful manner ; for throwing themselves into the English ship that lay against the side of Begemoster, they leapt at the same moment from there on board of JRegemoster, who was just then killed with 30 or 40 of his men. Kleidyk being then got thither took the command of the ship, and spoke with so much courage to his people, that they began to fire afresh at the English ship, and that with so much success that it was disabled, and soon after buried in the deep. Captain Munich's ship of Amsterdam was taken about the same time, and towards evening they burnt her. Captain Aart van Ness, following close after Tromp, found him- self in the midst of the enemies, where he gave signal proofs of his undaunted courage. He would have grappled an English ship that had the disadvantage of the wind, but she, letting fly at him a broadside, made him glad to sheer off. After which he attacked another, which he furiously battered. He fought at the same time against the two English Vice- Admirals of the Blue and White flags ; and aftenvards, when he saw De Itinjter surrounded by four or five English men-of-war, he fleAv in like lightening to his assist- ance, Avlth Captain Balk, in which place they fought, on both sides, EXTRACTS FROM LIFE OF TROMP. 583 with an inconceivable obstinacy, till at last the English letting go their hold tacked to the West, and then Van Ness tnrned his to the East, because all his cartridges being discharged he wanted respite to charge new ones, besides that his foremast was so shattered there was no piecing it up again. Rear- Admiral Floriz was for a good while inclosed by six English ships, and fought valiantly till Tromp came and rescued him. De Wilde and the other Captains, Vanderzaen, Kemper, &c., signalized themselves. Likewise Captain Scholte Wiglemo, after a long fight, was blown up into the air with all his men. Some say that being grappled by two English ships, and seeing no hopes of saving him- self, he had the courage, with his own hands, to set fire to his powder, that he might destroy the enemies at the same time that he was going to perish himself.* There were likewise some other ships on both sides that were sunk. About four o'clock in the afternoon Tromp was much surprised to see twenty-six of his Captains desert the Admiral's flag and retire out of the fight, whilst, on the other side, several of the best English frigates were detached to go and fall upon the mer- chant ships, which were imder the protection of his squadron. It was presumed that the English intended to unmast them; that not being able to follow the main fleet, they might with the more ease make themselves masters of them. But Tromp took care to pre- vent the enemies' design by speeding to their assistance, and chasing from them the English frigates. This first day's fight ended not till night. It was found that Tromp had made that day 800 cannon shot from his ship alone, and one single brass gun that was towards the poop had been discharged 70 times. The Holland Fleet wandered about here and there, during the obscurity of the night, every vessel endeavouring to repair, each one their respective damages, and to recover themselves into a condition to maintain a second fight. The next day, being the 1st of March (19 February 0. S.) Admiral Tromp put up a white flag, and called together on board him the principal officers of the Fleet, and exhorted them to acquit themselves worthily of the duty they owed to their country, and to fight like men of honour and courage. The English followed them * This is quite credible ; it has been often done by the Dutch. 584) MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. close at the heels, and the battle began again the next day at 10 o'clock in the morning, about three miles to the N.W. of the Isle of Wight. The Englisli had the wind, but coming near them, we could not find they had any inclination to come to a close fight, they contenting themselves only with shooting at our masts, sails, and rigging, as they had done the day before. Tromp had drawn up his fleet into the form of a crescent, the better to protect the merchant ships, and the English came up six several times to endeavour to cut off those ships from the main body of the Fleet, but were always repulsed. Tromp was ravished with joy to see some of his captains fight that day more courageously than they had done the day before. Captain Va7i Ness kept so close to Tromp that he could easily call him to his assistance in case of need. De Euyter also gave upon this occasion new proofs of his bravery, for after he had received his oi"ders from the Admiral, he engaged so far among the thickest of the enemies, that he was many times in danger of being oppressed by them ; and after noon he was so grievously battered that he was not able to move either forward or backward ; upon which Tromp commanded Captain Duin to assist De Ruyter to get off and go out of the battle. Almost at the same time the Admiral was informed that the merchant shijDS were standing to S.S.E., upon which Captain Van Ness was detached away to command them by Tromp's order to stand N.N.E. in order to make towards the straits of Calais. Van Ness performed his commission, and bid them at the same time clap on more sail ; but happening to come too late, and they having neglected the orders given them, the English took their opportunity to snap up some part of the Fleet, together with two men-of-war, of which they made themselves masters, of which one that was commanded by Le Sage yielded not until after a very stout resistance. Of the merchant ships there were 12 taken, others were defended by the men-of-war, and part of them saved themselves in Havre de Grace, as likewise did two of the men-of-war that had lost their masts. At the coming on of night one English ship took fire, and there the fight ended. The next morning, at break of day, the English were seen to come on again to charge them, upon which Tromp, having put all things in order for that purpose, advanced towards the enemies' Fleet, with more courage and resolution than any forces he had to fight them. For, at most, he had but one poor squadron under his EXTRACTS FROM LIFE OF TROMP. 585 flag that had any ammunition left, whilst the rest were unprovided of all things. At 10 of the clock in the morning the fleets came up with one another and commenced a third battle, which was very obstinate and bloody, yet without any great advantage to the enemies. The English Vice-Admiral of the Blue braved for some- time the Dutch Admiral, thundering continually at him with his gims ; but he forbearing to fire until he came up almost close to his side, gave him first one broadside and after that another, so much to the purpose, that he was forced to retire. But whilst on one side the valiant Tromp signalised himself, many of his Captains basely deserted him on the other, and betook themselves to a shameful flight ; besides others that were constrained to it by pure necessity, for want of powder. Towards evening the English took some more of our merchant ships. Captain Vcm Ness, at the beginning of the fight, advertised them by order from the Admiral, to clap on all the sail they could, and make towards the straits of Calais ; but those orders were neglected. Tromp sent to them the Fiscal or Treasurer of his Fleet, to press them to make more haste, but all in vain ; it being impos- sible with all that could be said or done, to make them go forward, so that many of the enemies' frigates appearing in the evening came and fell upon the main body of that Fleet. Van Ness did all he was able to defend them, but they falling into confusion and disorder, one part of them blindly threw themselves among the enemies' men-of-war, whilst the others, falling foul of one another, knocked themselves to pieces, and the Dutch men-of-war that were there could give them no assistance for want of powder, so that a considerable part of those merchant ships fell into the hands of the English. At the approach of night, Blake made a show as if he would have come on again to charge the Dutch Fleet, but Admiral Tromp keeping himself in posture ready to stand the shock, the English Admiral retired, steering his course towards the coasts of England, whilst the States' Fleet made sail quietly, without being pursued, towards the coasts of Flanders, and came to an anchor on the 3rd of March, within three miles N.W. of Dunkirk, from whence they got into the harbours of Holland and Zealand. These three successive battles, as the Dutch would needs flatter themselves, cost very near as dear to the English as the Dutch. It is true the Hollanders confess that they lost 24 merchant ships. 586 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. but the English reported them in London to be above forty !* Tlicse Dutch men-of-wiir, viz., the Great St. Luke, the Ostrich, the Amity, and the Golden Cock, v^ere taken and carried into Plymouth and Dover. The Crown, the Angel Gabriel, and the ship of Kleidyk, were sunk, and that of Scliolte Wiglemo blown up. Among the Captains that were killed were reckoned Balk, Van Zaanem, Port, Alart, Spanhem, Sipke Fokkes, and Regemoster. Schey, Van Zcelst, and Sicers were made prisoners. The number of men killed was about 600,"]" and that of the wounded somewhat more. De Ruyter having lost all his masts, and most part of his men, was forced to retire before the end of the battle. On the side of the English the Reindeer, the Saturn, the Samp- son, the Rose, and Captain Button's ship,| was sunk, and the Charles burnt, as was likewise the frigate called the Fairfax,^ but that was done by the English themselves because she was not in a condition to be made fit for service again. The Marmaduke, the Merlin, the Pheasant, the King David, the Greyhound, and the Seven Brothers were so miserably battered that they have never appeared at sea since. The Admiral, the two Vice-Admirals, and the Eear- Admiral had likewise no reason to boast of any better treatment. De Ruyter took from them the ship called Prosperity. The number of men killed and wounded of the English, according to the accounts given in Holland, amounted to about 2,000 seamen and soldiers, among which are reckoned the Captains Mildmay, Barker, Ball, Kirhy, Hall, Dakers, Broadhridge, Jeffreiv, and Button killed, and Back, Day, Tadnal, Laivson, and some others, wounded, to which they add that the number of the maimed was very considerable. V. Tlie author of the Life of Tromp proceeds to cite a letter purporting to have been written by an of&cer on board Admiral Blake's flagship, who was in the action, in which several circumstances are mentioned (or invented) which are not to be found * The true number was fJiirtj/. ■f The English say 2,000, which must he nearer the mark from the sanguinary nature of the battles. J The " Sa7)ipson " already mentioned. § Accidently burnt in harbour after her return to port. LETTER OE AN OFFICER IN BLAKE's SHIP. 587 in the otlier accounts. This letter, if a forgery, is conceived in a better spirit than forgeries generally are, for it is written in a good and right spirit, on wliich account it may, possibly, be genuine. Valeat quantum valeat. The almighty power of God, in which we put all our trust, hath given his servant real marks of his blessing, by the defeat of the formidable fleet of Holland, we having beaten them in three suc- cessive battles, given three several days, one after another, so that a great number of prisoners are fallen into our hands. The others are dispersed, and part of them chased into places out of reach of the pursuit of the victors. Ever since the 10th of this month God hath given us assured presages of his assistance by sending us favourable winds. Our fleet was right against Portland Scarcely were the two adverse fleets met but they engaged in battle. We had, at first, the disadvantage, because the enemies had the weather gage, and that the major part of onr best ships could not come up to us, which was the cause that our Admiral's ship, the Triumph, was forced all that day to endure the greatest fire of the enemy, while the others, at the same time, were in no less peril. But God was our sovereign protector, for though our ship had already lost half her men, yet the courage of the rest gave us still great hopes, and much allayed our grief for the loss of the others. But more could not be expected of them than it pleased God they should do, and which our enemies, doubtless, experienced. The first day we took from them three Rear- Admirals * and one Vice- Admiral, and a little after we sunk them three ships. The others are now at Portsmouth. The second day we burnt or sunk eight or ten more of them. The third day they began to give way, and take themselves to flight. Their losses are so much the greater and more feasible in that we took from them above forty men-of-war and merchant ships. We boarded them in the sight of Tromp, he not being able to oppose us. Captain Lawson grappled a great ship and took her, but he * Qvi. Ships belouging to the squadrons of the Eear and Vice-Admirals ? 588 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. was much battered. Martin and Gaver took also two ships, so that we have taken several We have lost several officers recommendable for their merit and valour, as likewise five or six masters of the first rank, much lamented for their good conduct and great fidelity, besides a great many other brave men that were in the fleet. But we have lost never a ship, except one, which we sunk ourselves. Our Admirals behaved themselves with an unexampled bravery. Admiral Blake was wounded in the thigh, but we hope he will not be much incommoded by it. He could hardly be persuaded to go down into the ship to be drest, and never quitted his post during the whole fight. In fine, we observed that every day, so long as the battle lasted, the arm of the Almighty God favoured our arms, being bound to acknowledge that 'tis He that gives the victory, and not the great number of ships or the strength of armies. Other accounts say that Blake's wound was in the nech. The tliigli is more prohahle, from the fact that the same bar of iron, which is said to have caused tlie wound, cut away at the same time a part of the breeches of General Deane, who was standing by Blake on the quarter-deck at the time. VI. A FRENCH ACCOUNT OF THE THREE DAYS' BATTLE. By Paul Hoste* Battle of Portland. The English had seventy ships of war under the command of Admiral Blake, and the Dutch had as many, and were convoying 200 merchantmen richly laden. The two fleets met in sight of Portland, and the English used every effort to bring on an engage- ment. The Dutch had the wind, and it appeared that they ought to avoid a battle in which they should hazard their convoy ; never- theless. Admiral Tromp, considering that if the wind should change he should be obliged to fight with less advantage, resolved to bear * Taken from the " Life of Sir W. Penn, i. 483. FRENCH ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE. 589 down on the enemy, after having placed his convoy to windward. He then divided his fleet into three squadrons, and attacked the EngHsh with great resohition. These received him with the utmost vigour, and the battle became very sanguinary. Many ships were disabled, or sunk or fired ; and nothing was able to separate two enemies so furiously excited but the darkness of the night, during which both parties prepared themselves to renew the combat, which had remained undecided. But the English received a reinforce- ment of sixteen ships of war, and the wind, having changed, gave them all the advantage they could desire. Admiral Tromp found himself exceedingly perplexed, and after many deliberations he determined to retreat. He drew up his fleet in a half-moon, and put his convoy in the middle, that is to say, that his own ship formed, to windward, the obtuse angle of the half-moon, and the rest of his fleet extended on each side, on the two lines nearest to the wind, to form the faces or fronts of the half-moon which covered the convoy. In this order he proceeded with the wind right astern, thundering to the right and left on all the English that approached to insult his wings, and he would have entirely preserved his convoy if some of his own ships had not, in a dastardly manner, abandoned their stations. The English frigates hereupon entered the openings which these cowardly deserters had made in the fronts of the float ing half-moon, and carried off some merchantmen, which obliged Admiral Tromp to put himself again in order of battle, and he con- tinued to fight till night, which gave him time to renew tlie order of retreat. He was pursued the following day by the English, but after having sustained some volleys of cannon he entered his ports, with the glory of having, by his valour and skill, preserved for his country a rich convoy, which was on the point of becoming the prey of the enemy. The Prenchman's account seems clear and can- did. His conclusion is that to which every un- prejudiced mind must arrive. The Dutch were defeated in every day's action, but the glory of the three days was divided between the combatants ; to Blake and his brave supporters was due the prize of superior strength and valour, and to Tromp 590 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. and his captains the naval crown of those who had saved the honour of their country. It is remarkahle that no two accounts agree as to the numher of ships engaged. According to the Dutch official despatch they had 70 against the English 69. The English official letter omits to mention the numher of the English men-of-war, and sets down the Dutch at 80. An English news- paper says 41 English against 55 Dutch ; Colliber, 6Q and 70 ; and Paul Hoste, who writes impar- tially, says 70 each, which may be taken as the approximate number. But we have no clue to what is much more important, viz., the number of gujis and weight of metal ; the former being pro- bably (as was usually the case) in favour of the Dutch and the latter of the English. VII. ENGLISH NAVAL HISTORY. Colliber's Columna Mostrata, p. 112, &c. A great fleet of Dutch mercliant ships lying at the Isle of Ehe, and not daring to pass the Channel without a sufficient convoy, the enemies fleet of men-of-war, consisting of eighty sail (or at least seventy, as the Dutch relate it), was sent to open them a passage in spite of the English. To oppose this design, the English Fleet of sixty-six, under the command of Blake, Deane, and Motik, was sent to the westward, and meeting the enemies Fleet on their return (being divided into four squadrons, under Tromp, De Ruyter, John Evertsen, and the Admiral * of the north quarter), they came to an engagement on the 18th of February, 1G53, at eight in the morn- ing. The Dutch following their course up the Channel, with the advantage of the wind (as their historians affirm), began the fight ; the rather because only a part of the English were as yet come \\\>. * Floriz. COLLIBEH'S ACCOUNT. 591 Agreeably to which, the English writers relate, that Blake and Deane, iu the Trmmph, being advanced before the rest of the Fleet, with no more than 12 ships, sustained a sharp fight, near six hours, against above thirty of the enemies, till at last they were bravely relieved by Lawson. On this occasion, Blake himself was wounded in the thigh, his ship was so shattered, and his men mm'dered to such a degree, that the Trhmiph could have no share in the victories of the following days. But when the rest of the English Fleet came up, then happened the most furious and bloody engagement that had been seen during the course of the war. In short, the Dutch were pressed so vigorously, that our authors confess that twenty of their best ships turned tail about four o'clock, and left the rest to the fury of the English, who thereupon (as the best English writers relate), took or sunk six or seven men of-war, one of which was a flagship. The Dutch histories speak likewise of one com- manded by Captain Wiijhman (Wiglemo) which blew up, and another that was biu'nt. Most of Tromp's officers (as the writer of his life confesses) were killed in this fight, and his ship much disabled, having been, at the beginning, a considerable time closely engaged with Blake, till seasonably relieved by a ship that interposed between the two Admirals. De Ruyter, having lost his mainmast and foretojDmast, was in great danger of being taken, but was bravely relieved by Evertsen. The English, on the contrary, lost but one ship (the Sampson), which, being quite disabled, they sunk themselves. The ship Pros- pei'ons had been taken by De Ruyter after a hard fight ; but while De Ruyter was himself iu danger of the same fate, she was re- taken. The following night was spent in repairing the damage, and making the necessary dispositions for a second engagement, which, though many of the English coald not come up, was begun the next day, about three leagues to the N.W. of the Isle of Wight. Tromp had rallied his Fleet, and ranged it in the form of a half-moon, inclosing the merchant ships within a semicircle, and in that posture he maintained a retreating fight. The English made several despe- rate attacks, striving to break through to the merchant ships, on which occasion De Ruyter's ship was again so roughly treated, that she was towed out of the Fleet. At last the merchantmen, finding that they could be no longer protected, began to shift for them- selves, throwing part of their goods overboard, for the greater expe- 592 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. dition Eight men-of-war and fourteen or sixteen merchant- men were taken, and the fight continued until night set bounds to the victory of the English, On the third day the Dutch, continuing their course towards their own coast, and the English pursuing, the fight was renewed with great bravery on both sides. Three Dutch men-of-war were taken by Lawson, Martin, and Graver, and many merchantmen by Penn and others, but ammunition failing, and the Dutch being almost got within protection of their sounds, the English gave up the chase. VIII. The ojSicial report of this great battle was receiyed in London with tumultuous rejoicings. A day of general thanksgiving was appointed ; troops of horse escorted the prisoners from the several ports at which they were landed on the south coast to London, amidst the ringing of bells in every parish through which they passed.* A subscrip- tion was raised at the recommendation and after the example of the Parliament, by whom pensions were voted to the widows and children of those that had fallen. The effects of this victory was felt at the extre- mity of Scotland. Ifercurms JPolitictis of March 17 says : — The late blow given to the Dutch at sea hath stricken all as dead as herrings in the north of this nation, and their correspondents and well wishers are become very mute and temperate in the low- lands. The Hollanders, on the other hand, were by no means dismayed, for they no less confidently de- clared that " the action did not pass altogether so much to the advantage of the English, that they * Life of Tromp. TREATMENT OE SICK AND WOUNDED. 593 ought to attribute to themselves all the glory of it, since, excepting the merchant ships that fell into their hands, the Dutch have not much less right to claim the victory." * It was, in fact, an action equally honourable to the endurance of both nations. Tromp, with an enormous convoy under his charge, had to fight under great disadvantages. A more military or less commercial nation than Holland would not have very severely condemned him if he had cast all the merchant ships adrift, and fought it out regardless of their fate. But had he done so, and even gained a decisive victory at this cost, he would have received scant welcome on his return home, and it would not have been surprising if he had been disgraced for his greater regard to the glory than to the commerce of his country. As it was, he went as far as man could go to save both. IX. The account of this great battle is incom- plete without some inquiry into the manner in which the sick and wounded were treated on shore, and of the provision made for the widows and children of those that had fallen, for such matters belong to the civilization of our country. There were in those days no naval hospitals at the sea ports, and no regular staff of naval surgeons on shore. Every ship of war had, indeed, a " chi- rurgeon," who had more than enough to do on board his own ship, for he often acted as chaplain * Life of Tromp, p. 119. 2q 594 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. as well as doctor, but there was no proper provi- sion against casualties. Whenever an extraordi- nary emergency arose oflGicial notice was sent by the Commissioners of the Admiralty and Navy to the Master and Wardens of the Company of Barber Surgeons of London, who issued their mandate to the Livery of their Guild, who were, at that time, all medical men, to answer the demand, and the requisite number of chirurgeons was forthwith dispatched to Portsmouth, or any other port where they were wanted, to be employed under the direc- tion of the London surgeon acting pro hdc vice as Surgeon- General of the Navy.* After the sangui- nary battles of February 18, 19, 20, commonly called ^' the Battle of Bortland^^ the number of sick and wounded seamen was very great ; it is not possible even to approximate to the true number, for there are no official returns extant, if any were ever sent to the authorities in London. The Dutch set down the English loss in killed and wounded at 2,000, which is probably not beyond the truth, for the contests on the first two days were of the most desperate character, and at least 3,000 must have been killed or wounded in the two fleets. Many must have been blown up or drowned of whom no account was taken. One Dutch ship, with all her crew, was blown up. Of the crews of two others that were sunk only seven men were picked up. The English also lost ships and men, who went down in them. The Triumph lost 80 killed * See S. P. O. Order of July 7, 1G53. TREATMENT OE SICK AND WOUNDED. 595 and wounded, and there could not have been a single ship on either side which did not sustain a heavy loss in men. If therefore we set down 500 killed and 1,500 wounded on each side we shall, I think, be within the mark. I have been fortunate enough to find in the Cor- respondence in the State Paper Office several letters which throw considerable light on the question. Two from Dr. Whistler, the chief physician sent down from London to superintend the temporary hospitals at Portsmouth, will be interesting, espe- cially in reference to the condition of General Blake after his wound. 1. Dr. Whistler to Sir Henry Vane, jun. Rt. Honourable, In pursuance of your order, whereby you authorized me to take the general care of the sick and wounded men here on shore, and in the parts adjacent, I thought fit to inform myself first of the con- dition of them, and finding many healed almost, or slightly wounded, accounted it safe for them, and less chargeable to the publick, to return them to their ships, where salt meat will not do more hurt than strong drink will do here. Others, whose wounds would be in the most probable prognostick of art of long cure, or if short, yet so as to leave them iiseless for want of limbs in present service, I thought expedient for them, and less expense to the Commonwealth, that they were sent to London, to be disposed of in the hospitals or otherwise, as your honours shall think fit. There are thii'ty-two sent up in four waggons ; a list of their names is here inclosed. The sick men of the Fleet increase daily, whom General Deane has ordered to be quartered in Farum (Fareham), because this town is full already of wounded men, notwithstanding its double evacuation. But there is some malignity in the sick that might endanger this place, being a garrison, for which cause that place (Fareham) is thought more proper for the Fleet to unload themselves of their sick. 2q2 596 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. General Blake mends but slowly, which detains me here, waiting' for an opiDortunity of his desired firmer recovery, as also to see these new sick men provided for as to all accommodations for their re- covery. So with my service and respect presented, I am, Yonr Honour's Most faithful humble Servant, Daniel Whistller. Portsmouth, March 16, 165|. 2.. Dr. Whistler to the Commissioners of the Navy. Right Honourable, I find, in pursuance of my trust in relation to the general care of the sick and wounded men here, so great a difficulty of right accom- modating them with means suitable for their safe and speedy recovery in respect of their scattered quarters, that I account it my duty, not only by way of apology for past miscarriages, if there hath not been so much done as could be wished, but also for the pre- vention of the like in future upon such another occasion, to represent that it were veiy desirable, some one place, capacious and well situated in respect of aii*, water, and conveniences of landing were procured to remove these inconveniences following — as the exposing sick and wounded men long in the open ground in expectation of quarters before they are received into any house ; and then the long being in that house before notice given to the physicians and chirurgeons. Also the difficulty of sufficient visiting them after notice by physicians, chirurgeou, and apothecary. The want of leisure and medicine timely, which should be in readiness aforehand in store, the supply of both from London after present occasion being too slow a remedy. Besides the difficulty and charge other- wise of ordering their diet and nursing, the thronging of weak men into poor shifting houses, the temptations of drinking inordinately in victualling houses who have no other but strong drink, and that at such extraordinary times of want new and wholesome water, especially in this place, where the water is brackish. Besides, the expense of one man scattered, if to the satisfaction of his host, is so much as would suffice two in the hospital. I understand by letter from Doctor Prujean and Doctor Bates that the Council, upon these or better reasons, are in consideration of erecting an hospital here about, and that Portchester was named TEEATMENT OF SICK AND WOUNDED. 597 as convenient, which upon view I found it likewise so for situation, and for air and water healthful, but whether it may not cost as much to repair an old ruinous, as well as to build a new house, I refer to the judgment of the surveyor in architecture. General Blake, I hope, mends, but I am check'd from too pre- sumptuous prognostick by that maxim, " cle senibus non temere sper- andum.'" It is the prerogative of the Great Physician in Heaven to presage life or death according to His sacred decree, a ray of whose allseeing knowledge appears but dimly to us through narrow cran- nies of conjectural guesses. That His protection, who is Omni- potent as well as Omniscient, may be on him and you, and all public instruments of our safety, is the hearty prayer of Your Honours' most f\uthful and humble Servant, Daniel Whistler. Portsmouth, March 21, 165f . In reference to the subject of the above there is a postscript to one of these letters of Generals Deane and Monk to the Commissioners of the Navy, dated April 1st, which confirms its principal parts, viz., the great sickness prevailing in the Fleet at Ports- mouth and the want of a proper hospital there: " The sickness increaseth daily on ship and on shore, and the places adjacent will not contain them. "VYe could heartily wish you would think of some convenient place for them. Porchester hath been offered as a fit place, but no answer has been returned." The Commissioners returned no answer because, probably, they thought with Dr. "Whistler that the restoration of the old Castle of Porchester would be too expensive an undertaking and that a new build- ing would be preferable. This new building was put off from time to time until the year 174<6, when Haslar Hospital was founded. 598 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. The provision for the maimed and widows was not on a very liberal scale, but as liberal probably as the pecuniary means of the Government permitted. Widows had £8 or £10, according to the number of their children, but it does not appear whether this was a sum down or an annual pension. John Fowler, the "Advocate of the Fleet," who was wounded in the next great battle, June 2. 1653, received £40 in one sum for his wounds, which in the following October was increased to £65 " in consequence of the severity of his wounds." To the widow of a midshipman with two children, £30 was given ; of a lieutenant, £40; of a lieutenant with five children, £50.* * s. p. o. CHAPTER XX. THE CONDITION OF THE FLEET. COKRESPONDENCE OF THE GENERALS WITH THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY AND NA^T. INVASION OF THE PARLIAMENT BY CROMWELL. DISMISSAL OF OBSTRUCTWE MEMBERS. — THE " DECLARA- TION OF THE GENERALS AT SEA." SAILING OF THE FLEET UNDER DEANE AND MONK. DEFEAT OF BLAKE BY TROMP. — CRITICAL CONDITION OF ENGLAND. I. Blake, finding his wound troublesome, landed at Portsmouth, where he remained under medical treatment for some weeks, leaving the command of the Pleet to Deane and Monh, who hoisted the flag of the Generals on board the JResolution ; but that noble ship was far from being ready for sea, for on the 10th of March 136 pressed men and volun- teers were put on board, and on the 21st we read that *' The Hesolutioti hath sails to yards ; about Friday they intend to sail, if powder can be got.'^* On the 9th of April she was still unprepared. Whether from want of practice or through the con- fusion naturally consequent upon the simultaneous return of so many shattered ships and wounded seamen to port, the storekeepers and others had become bewildered under the sudden pressure — everything seemed to be in arrear. The difficulties of the Generals in getting the Pleet properly sup- plied may be inferred from the following correspon- * s. p. o. coo MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. (lence of Generals Deane and Monk,* especially from their second letter to the Council of State : — 1. Generals Deane and Monk to the Council of State. Gentlemen, In our last we gave you an account that we ordered Vice- Admiral Pemi for the service according to the Council of State's command. He was then under sail, but it proved then and since so little wind, that he could not get out of the bay. This morning there is a fine breeze at N.W. He is making the best use of it to get out to sea. You will herewith receive an account of the number of ships sailed with him, "as also their names ; how manned and victualled, and how the rest that are here are disposed of, and how many remain. You will likewise hear fi"om the Commissioners (as they infoim us) in what posture affairs stand here, in point of victuals and munition, to fit the remaining part that is now in this port, as also what men are wanting, whereby timely provision may be made for supply of what is needful. We hope you are mindful of pilots, as was desired in our last, and that now you will see that the fleet that goeth eastward is provided as to men and victuals. We pray you to take special care for their speedy supply in the service. All diligence should be used to fit us for a conjunction as soon as may be ; for this dividing, if it could be avoided, is not very desirable. Yoii having the intelligence at the Council of State, we shall not take upon us to say much concerning it, especially con- sidering what a fair warning you have had of late, out of the Straights, f Captain John Browne is now almost well, and offereth to go to sea with us, but by reason the Swiftsure will not be ready these two months, we desire that he may have the Unicom, and Captain Strong may stay for the Swiftsure; for, Browne being desirous to go along with us, we are very willing to have him, having had good experience of his ability, honesty, and courage. We are, your very affectionate friends and servants, Ei. Deane, Geo. Monk. April 1, 1653. * S. P. O. t The defeat of Captain Bodily. CONDITION OF THE FLEET. 601 Postscript. — The sickness continxieth daily on ship and on shore, and the places adjacent will not contain the sick. We could heartily wish that you would think of some convenient place for them. Por- chester hath been offered as a fit place, but no answer returned. 2, Generals Deane and Monk to the Council of State. Gentlemen, We have yours of the 2^ instant, and do herewith send some commission according to your desire, and shall send you more as soon as they are ready. We are sorry to hear that mariners come in so slow with you, and to find the like effects here, although your Commissioners of the Navy inform us that they have done their utmost. It is somewhat strange to us, when the service is at such a point, there cannot be such employed as may find out seamen, when we are credibly informed by some ships come from the West, that there are above a thousand gone to Newfoundland out of Dart- mouth. If men come not, we know not how to get out the Fleet. We are constantly troubled (as we formerly wrote to you) with the seamen about our doors, for paying the tickets of such as were turned over from one ship to another at Queensborough, pre- tending they had lost their clothes in the last fight ; which indeed many of them have ; others shot and torn ; and having run in debt for washing their linen, are not in a capacity to go to sea. And we profess the equity of their desires is such that we know not what to answer them, having given orders to the respective captains to take their tickets and carry them to the Commissioners to get them signed, which they do, and deliver none but to such as they are assured will not go away, and receive the money of others themselves, allowing them some to buy necessaries, and keeping the rest so long till they are engaged to the service. But notwith- standing our care, you have renewed your commands to the Com- missioners here to pay no more, but to sick and wounded men, which seemeth to us as ready a way of losing men and hindering the present manning of the Fleet as could be imagined. For if those^lThb are sick (being many) shall be looked after at the State's charge, and have their tickets paid, it is likely but few of them will 602 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. return ; and if yon tlischarge them when you see them ashore, yon may be confident you shall see them no more, and many will be sick to gain the opportunity. We have a letter from the Treasurer of the Navy to the Com- missioners here, who writes he has given orders to his deputy not to pay any more tickets, whereby nothing is left to the discretion of the Commissioners upon the place, so that when we recommend things of that nature to their consideration, which seems to be ad- vantageous to the service, and, in some cases, of absolute necessity for support of those who shall be employed, they answer us, " They have no jyoiver ! " We think it neither reason nor conscience to compel men to go who must perish for want of clothes, having formerly lost them in the service ; nor yet when their families are ready to starve, as they tell us, and have money due from the State and their tickets signed, and their captains satisfied they will not run away, all which is very much to prejudice the present carrying on of affairs here, and there- fore we have thought it needful to offer it to your consideration, and also desire your speedy answer to the Commissioners of the Navy. For arms for the soldiers, you know the proportion designed for every ship, and so can best judge whether it be fit they should leave them behind, though it is probable some might be spared, yet not the whole. Yesternight came in the Sampson and the Marmaduke into the Roads, with a hundred barrels of powder from Pendennis, as like- wise the ships from the eastward, bound with corn for Ireland ; but those who are a2)pointed for their convoy are gone to Rye for the shot; and therefore we could wish you would hasten a ship or two hither for that purpose, we having none here, except we should send the Marmaduke and Sampson, which we are unwilling to do. We are, &c. Ri. Deane. Geo. Monk. Portsmouth, 5 April, 165.S. This was a singular letter for the Council of State to receive from their " affectionate friends CONDITION OF THE FLEET. 603 and servants," and must have warned tliem that those who coukl write in this style were not un- likely some day to become their masters — as the event showed, when in a few days afterwards " Mi. Deane " and " Geo. Monk " headed the subscrip- tion of the Captains of the Pleet to the " Decla- ration," which placed the Council of State and Parliament itself at the feet of One who neither " did anything negligently " himself nor suffered any one else to do so. The want of men for the Elect was so great and evident that the Council were obli2:ed to issue a Commission on the 24th of May (it was the New Council of Oliver) to the Vice-Admirals of the maritime counties to summon before them all . the seamen and mariners in their respective counties, from 18 to 50 years of age, and to press as many of the most able among them as they could get. A shilling a-head press money and a penny a mile travelling expenses to Deptford were allowed. But the most curious part of these proceedings was a letter written to the Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, to the effect that students of the uni- versity who should volunteer for the sea service were not to be disqualified thereby from fellow- ship.* One of the causes for the deficiency of seamen was the great numbers of privateers, which giving higher wages carried off many of the best men. * Bisset, i. 59. 60di MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. This is always the case in war, and ought to be anticipated by the Admiralty whenever a war is imminent — notwithstandiDg the late European Con- vention, which is not recognized in America, and will be operative only against England. 3. From Generals Deane and Monk to the Commissioners of THE Admiralty and Navy. Gentlemen, We received yours of the 6tli instant with an inclosed paper for Captain Clarke at Cornet Castle, and doubt not but you may have stories enough of that nature which neither you nor we know how to answer nor supply. However, we had it in our thoughts before to fetch over those vessels from St. Malo's soon as we could get any ships ready, and have appointed the Marmadulce and Joyce for the service, as by their instructions, a copy whereof we send you here endorsed. You likewise hint unto us that you have left it to the Commissioners of the Navy here to order the payment of tickets, according to their discretion, for the good of the service ; yet, at present, they show us your commands, which they apprehend wholly restrain them. Besides (which is above all) the Treasm'er here satisfies us that he hath orders from the Treasurer his Master not to pay any. We have so fully represented the business unto you before that we shall not trouble you at this time ; only we could wish that what you intend in this business you would be clear in. For the soldiers you mention we do desire that the number of 600, as was agreed on, may be supj)lied somewhere else towards the manning of the Fleet here, if that Colonel Ingoldesbyes be gone on board that part of the Fleet with Vice- Admiral Penn. We shall be ready now to take them as fast as. they can be sent. We hear nothing as yet of the seamen that should come out of the West, and not having 120* men on board the Resolution, although we have taken out of most ships here three, four, or six men each, and some more. We yesterday received letters from the Council of State about De Wit's being out, copies of both which we herewith send to you, * There seems to be some error here, for 13G men were put ou board on 10th Marcli, but they were pressed men and volunteers; perhaps the Generals allude to able seamen. CONDITION OF THE FLEET. 605 and hope that neither they nor you will deal so hardly with us as to impute the not speedy fitting out of the Fleet unto us. We have not else to trouble you with, but are, Your affectionate friends and servants, Ki. Deane, Geo. Monk. Portsmouth, 9th April, 1653. Postscript. — We are much importuned by several persons on be- half of Captain Seaman and other officers that are now prisoners in the Straits, where they were honourably lost. Therefore we desire more speedy and eifectual course may be taken for their releases, which, no doubt, will be an encouragement for them and others for the future to hazard their lives when they shall see such care taken of them. Mi. Deane. Geo. M k. The officers of the victualling department at Portsmouth wrote on the 18th of March, three weeks before the preceding letters of the Generals, stating that, if the Fleet were not ready to sail as soon as required, the fault would not be theirs. The following is their letter of apology to the Com- missioners of the Navy : — There is scarcely one ship or frigate but is now in hand, and will probably be sooner desj)atched than either men can be got to man them, or powder to furnish them. We have consulted, according to your Honours' orders, with Colonel White, and do find, that notwithstanding his powder from London, and that from Gilford coming in to-day, being added together, there is but 120 barrels remaining for the furnishing of the Resolution and the whole Fleet, unless it be some fifteen ships and frigates. We desire your Honours' resolution touching the allowance of fish for this Fleet. That which we apprehend will please the seamen best, is to take in the one moiety in fish, and the other in money, which we conceive will be no way prejudicial to the service, the Generals being of the same opinion. 606 MEMOm OF GENERAL DEANE. Money is much wanted. "We pray that sudden care may be taken for a supply, without which we shall not long be able to carry on the service with any content. We shall give your Honours an account of Porchester Castle as soon as our extra business will give us leisure to inform ourselves of the things required. We are, &c. Tho. Scott. Peter Pett. Fra. Willottghby. The severity of this hattle of the "three days " may he estimated by the number of guns requu-ed to replace those that had been rendered unservice- able. The Generals sent in requisitions for — Feet. lb. No. Di. Cannon . . . 8| — 42 — 80 8~ — 40 — 120 Culverins . . 8J — 36 — 100 10 — 40 — 40 8 — 34 — 360 Di. Culverin . , , . 10 — 30 — 50 8 — 24 — 500 8| ~ 17 — 200 1500 That they did not obtain all the guns they re- quired will appear hereafter, when we shall find General Deane, on the eve of his great battle of the North Eoreland, stopj)ing armed merchantmen on the high seas, and taking out then' guns and ammunition for his own use. The supply of officers fit for duty must have been even more difficult to be obtained, unless the fol- lowing letter from the Commissioners of the Navy in London to the Commissioners at Portsmouth be a jocose reply to an " unctious " application : — DUTCH REWARDS AND COMPENSATIONS. 607 Eight Honble, We have received your order for the providing of officers under the degrees of Captains and Ijieutenants, " such as fear God, are faithful to the Commonwealth, and able to discharge their respec- tive employments," which we know not how to answer, being not acquainted with three men of these capacities on the river. II. The Dutch were equally active in repairing their losses, and more successful, for they were ready to put to sea before the English. The en- couragements which they held out to the men were of the most tempting kind : — 1. Whosoever shall board any of the enemies' ships, and take it, shall have the ship, with the men, and all that belongs to her, for his free booty, 2. Whosoever shall board and take the Chief Admiral's ship shall have not only the ship, and all her equij)age, to himself, but a recompense besides of 10,000 livres. 3. For the capture of the Vice-Admiral 6,000 livres in addition; and 4,000 livi^es in addition for the capture of every other ship under subalternate general officers. 4. Those who shall have courage, with arms in their hands, to venture to go and pull down the flag from the mainmast of the Admiral's ship shall receive 1,000 livres recompense; and for those of the other Admirals, 500 livres each. For the flag of a foremast, 150 livres; for that of the poop, 150 livres ; and for those of less consideration, 50 liv7'es each. The compensation for wounds was calculated upon what appears to be a liberal scale, considering the frugality of the Dutch nation, and the value of money in those days : — For the loss of both eyes Lirres. . 1066 pen. — 23 den. — 3 „ one eye . . . 840 — — „ both arms . 1066 — 13 — 3 „ right arm . 333 — 6 — 6 608 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Livrcs. pen. den For the less of left arm . 26G — 13 — 3 both hands . 933 — 6 — 6 right hand . 266 — 13 — 3 left hand . 240 — — both legs . 533 — 6 — 6 one leg . 240 — — both feet . 333 — 6 — 6 one foot . 160 — — Those who were otherwise rendered incapable of servicej were allowed a pension of a crown a week. III. While the Elect was being refitted. General Deane came up to London, and took up his residence in the parish of St. Martin-in-the-Eields ; probably at his official chambers in Whitehall, where, if necessary, he might be in close communication with Oliver Cromwell. This was a critical moment, not only in his own life, but in that of the Parliament and Nation. The " three days' battle " had made a terrible inroad upon his family circle and connections, and admonished him, not only by the loss of his friends, but also by his own narrow escape, to think seriously on the uncertainty of life. Eor many years he had been accustomed to "look death in the face," but now death had come into his own house, and laid hands, as it were, on the curtains of his own bed. Two out of the nine superior ofiicers killed in the late engagement, Captains Mildmay and Button, were related or allied to him; a third. Captain Ball, was the captain of his own ship ; and the fourth, Dru Spar- row, the secretary of the Generals, was his brother- DEANE MAKES HIS WILL. 609 in-law. His colleague, General Blake, had been struck while standing by his side on the quarter deck of the Resolution^ and he himself had only just escaped being severely, if not dangerously, wounded by the same iron bar or bolt. It was probably in consequence of these warnings that one of his first acts on reaching London was to make his Will,* which was executed on the 31st of March. On the same day he returned to Portsmouth, and made final arrangements for the White and Blue divisions of the Eleet to proceed to sea, as we learn from the following entry in the journal of Captain Jordan of the Vanguard\ : — Spithead, April 1. General Deane came on board Admiral Penn, and it was ordered that I | should be Vice-Admiral, and Captain Greaves Eear- Admiral to him. Blake, notwithstanding his wound, resumed his command at the latter end of March (after the 21st) hoisting his flag on board the Essex ; and was des- patched, by an order from the Council of State, to the North Sea, in observation of the Dutch, who were reported to have come out again, and to have steered for the North of Scotland. This report turned out to be false, and subsequent events have left a strong probability that Blake was sent to the North through the contrivance of Cromwell, to be got out of the way at a critical moment of politics ; and that he who desired his absence had originated the report. The following considerations tend to this impression : * Inserted at the end of this volume. f Sec Life of Sir William Penn. X He was transferred on 10th April to Admiral Lawson's division. 2ii 610 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEA.NE. Oliver Cromwell was omnipotent on shore; and the feeble Parliament, conscious of his power and suspicious of his designs, were meditating the reduction of the Army, hoping thereby to recover a portion of their own authority, which had been ominously waning of late, under the ascendancy of the Lord General. He, on the other hand, was equally aware of their intentions, and determined to anticipate the execution of them by crushing the Parliament. The favourable moment for this blow seemed to have arrived when Blake was compelled by his wound to retire, temporarily, from the command of the Pleet, the absolute control of which was thereby placed in the hands of Deane and Ilonk, upon whose co-operation Cromwell could more confidently rely. But Blake's unexpectedly rapid recovery, or, what was equivalent to it, his indomitable conviction that *' he had no leisure to be ill," and his deter- mination, well or ill, to be never absent from his duty for any length of time, left Cromwell no alter- native between running the risk of the Admiral's opposition or sending him out of the way on a wild- goose chase after Tromp. As Blake's opposition was too great a risk to be incurred, the latter plan was adopted ; occupation was found for him in the North, while Deane and Monk were detained in the South, and near the scene of action, to be ready to come forward and give the sanction of the Navy to the high-handed proceedings of Cromwell against the Parliament. He had already secured that of the Army. On the 1st of April Deane, who had DEANE RETURNS TO SPITHEAD. 611 been in communication with Cromwell in London, returned to Spithead ; and nine days afterwards Cromwell, entering the House of Commons, con- veyed to the members the startling information that — " The Lord had done with them /" However violent and unconstitutional the proceeding was, it was fortunate that such an assembly of mischief- makers (who verified Cobbett's illustration of a " noun of multitude)* was broken up. Eor, among other pernicious resolutions, they had, on the 9th of July in the preceding year, appointed a com- mittee " to ascertain what cathedrals were jit to he pulled down, and what to be left standing T^ Thanks to Oliver Cromwell they did not survive to carry their proposed vandalism into execution. Whitelocke relates a characteristic conversation between Cromwell and Calamy, on the subject of Cromwell's intended, or apprehended, assumption of supreme power. Calamy had denounced the plan as both un- laioful and impracticable. To the first objection Cromwell replied, " Salus Fopuli lex supremaf which, as an abstract propo- sition, could not be denied. To the second he said — But how impracticable ? Calamy. *' Because it is against the voice of the nation. Nine in ten will be against it." Cromwell. " Very well ! But what if a man should disarm the nine, and put a sword into the * A noun of multitude, as .... " House of Commo7is" " Den of Thieves,'^ &c. See Cobbett's English Grammar. 2 R 2 612 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. hands of the tenth man ? Would not that do the business ? " It was soon afterwards made clear to the com- prehension of Calamy that the thing was prac- ticable. Twelve days after the ejection of the obnoxious members from the House of Commons, the famous ^'Declaration of the Generals and Officers at Sea " came out in the form of a letter addressed by Richard Deane and George Monk, and thirty- five of their captains, to Vice- Admiral Penn, and the officers with him, cruising off the East coast, long before any intelligence of what had been done at Westminster could reach Blake and his squadron, then cruising off the Orkneys. This Declaration, pledging the Pleet to take no part in the political movements on shore, but simply to do their own duty at sea, irrespective of every other consideration but their allegiance to The Nation, was an immense support to Cromwell, and was skilfully employed by him to represent to the people at large, that what he had done had received the approbation of both the military and naval ser- vices of the State. Penn and his captains adopted the same opinions and re-echoed them. Penn had probably been let into the secret by Deane on the 1st of April, on board his vice-admiral's ship — as we may infer from the fact mentioned by Captain Jordan,* of Deane's * See Journal. DECLARATION OF GENERALS AT SEA. 613 arrival and conference with Penn, and the imme- diate despatch of the latter eastward to make it appear that the suhsequent adoption of The Decla- ration hy Penn and his officers was a spontaneous act, and not previously concocted hetween him and The Generals. The knowledge of this strange Revolution first came to the ears of Blake when lying oif Aberdeen. His officers, we are told, wanted him to resent the rude overthrow of the Parliament by military violence. Blake replied, " That it icas not for them to mind affairs of State , hut to keep foreigners from fooling them " — an answer conceived in the spirit of The Declaration, to which he never indeed gave his adherence by his signature, but which he never thwarted by his secret or open hos- tility. As he spoke, he acted. He neither courted nor shunned Cromwell; neither feared, nor flattered, nor braved him. The " powers that be " were to him " ordained of God," and he lived and died " The fortress of his country." IV. This was one of the most critical periods of the career of Oliver Cromwell, for if the Pleet had refused to support him, and pronounced against his proceedings, and gone over to the King in Holland, it might, and probably would, have returned in combination with the Dutch and with a large foreign army to England, which, reinforced by the Boyalists and discontented Presbyterians, might have been too strong for the " Lieutenant- General 614 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. of the State," who would probahly never have lived to sign himself Protector. Por his ultimate promotion to this high office Oliver Cromwell was not a little indebted to the friendship and timely support of Deane and Monk. All successful usurpers must have, not only the force of their own characters and a fortunate con- currence of events in their favour, but also the assistance of men but little inferior in resolution, skill, and daring to themslves, to carry out their schemes. Oliver Cromwell had many such friends, and as they were all men of admitted probity in private life and had given proofs and pledges of their zeal for their country in public, there can be no doubt that in the elevation of this one man to supreme power they sincerely believed the true welfare of their country to consist. Richard Deane was one of the most trusted of these able and faithful adherents of Cromwell, for we have seen that he was taken into his counsel at some of the most critical periods of his political life. We have already touched upon the family and county connections which formed the network of Cromwell's intrigues. To Buckinghamshire he was principally indebted for his success. Those friends and relations who had rallied round John Hampden in his resistance to arbitary power transferred their allegiance, after his death, to his cousin Oliver Cromwell ; and Richard Deane through the TTascs, Wickhams, Mildmays, Buttons, Goodicins, DEANE AND MONK SUPPORT CROMWELL. 615 and Fleetwoods, was a junior member of the family- compact. His devotion to Cromwell we have already in- ferred from his posthumous panegyrist, Th. Tw. : — The swelling seas and crossing tides can't part Brave Deane from hxaxfor ivhom he kept his heart. Let others chase the pirates, he on shore Must serve his General 'till wars give o'er. While Cromwell's regard for Deane is intimated by the other elegiac memorialist, who describes the widow weeping — For him, whose death doth unto mourning call Cromwell the great and noble General, The Glory of the Age The friendship of Cromwell was shown in the rapid and unparalleled promotion of Richard Deane within the short space of ten years, from obscurity to some of the highest offices of trust and power in the State. He was one of the first triumvirate of Generals at Sea selected, after the death of the King, to execute the office of Lord High Admiral, an office which has ever since, with few and brief interruptions, been in commission to this day. He was the Chief Civil Commissioner, and at the same time Military Commander-in-Chief in Scotland, holding also the baton of a General at Sea ; des- tined, according to one account,* to command an army of invasion in Holland, and, according to another,t to lead an expedition against E,ome to compel the Pope to a better treatment of the Pro- testants of the Continent ! He must therefore have * John Lilbume. f J. R. MeiX'haut's Elegiack Memorial, 1653. 616 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. had the strongest ties of interest with Cromwell, whose influence affected every promotion, after his creation of the New Model, and was irresistible after his appointment to the office of Lord- General. That Deane, together with Ireton^ was the most prominent of the Colonels at Windsor who insisted upon bringing the King to trial, we have the evi- dence of Rushworth before the House of Lords in 1660. The order of proceedings dm^ing the trial shows that Colonel Deane was one of the Com- mittee for the examination of the witnesses previous to the arraignment of the Xing before " The High Court of Justice," and that with Ireton, Waller, Harrison, and Okey, he was one of the committee of five Colonels appointed to select the place of the execution. We find him on an immediately previous and important occasion the only man taken by Crom- well to the secret and mysterious conferences at the E.olls, where, with the Lord Mayor of London, the Speaker of the House of Commons, and the Keeper of the Great Seal, Cromwell consulted on the form of the Government to be founded after the deposition or death of the King. And now we find him in joint command of the Fleet with Monk, issuing that Declaration by which the captains of the chief part of the ships in commission were vir- tually pledged to maintain Oliver Cromwell in his assumption of supreme power. The collective force of these arguments appears to me very great towards proving the intimate con- DEANE Cromwell's coneidant. 617 nection of E^ichaed Deane with Oliver Cromwell in bringing about the events which terminated in the overthrow of King and Parliament and the establishment of the Protectorate. V. The manner in which The Declaration was procured and accomplished may perhaps be thus explained :~ A. Blake, whose concurrence was doubted, was sent out of the way as soon as it was discovered that he would not allow his wound to be an excuse for inaction. A false report had been spread, that the Dutch were at sea again in the North, and Blake, characteristically, fell into the trap and ac- cepted the command of the squadron that was to go in pursuit of them. B. Mo7ik, thus left in command of the Pleet at Spithead, (for Deane had gone to London " on private business,") employed himself in preparing the minds of his captains for the " coming event, " while c. Deane, in London, was in personal communi- cation with Cromwell, and arranging with him the time, manner, and probably the very wording of The Declaration, which was to follow the coup d'etat. These arrangements being completed, he returned to Portsmouth on the 31st of March, and on the 1st of April communicated them to Vice- Admiral Penn, whom, on the very next day, he sent to sea, to be out of the way when the great news arrived (?) and so appear to be acting in an 618 MEMOIU OF GENERAL DEANE. independent and conscientious manner, when he added his own signature or sanction to The Declaration. On the 10th April Cromwell eliminated the Pres- byterian element from the House of Commons, and twelve days after came out the famous and effective " Declaration of the Generals at Sea." And yet all this was done in accoi^dance with law, so far as the Fleets were concerned ! Por the com- mission under which the Generals at Sea acted gave them power to take any measures which they deemed necessary for the public welfare, provided that two of the three generals concurred. Thus the concurrence of Generals Deane and Monk constrained their colleague, General Blake, to ac- quiescence in a course to which had he been left to his own free will and judgment he would not have consented.* The " Declaration " was as follows, and was entituled — The Declaration of tlie Generals at Sea and the Captains under their command, concerning the late Dissolution of Parliament, and their Resolution thereupon : as it was sent through the Deputy Governor of Dover Castle to Vice- Admiral Penn to be communicated to the Commanders and Officers of the ships under his command for their concurrence therein : who unanimously assented thereunto. Gentlemen, There being certain intelligence come to our hands of the great changes within this Nation, viz. the dissolution of this Par- liament, We the Generals at Sea, Commanders and Officers, here * iSec Clarcmlon. THE DECLARATION. 619 present with tliis part of the Fleet, have had a very serious consi- deration thereof; as also what was our duty and incumbent upon us in such a juncture of time ; and we find it set upon our spirits that we are called and entrusted by this Nation for the defence of the same against the enemies thereof at sea, whether the people of the United Provinces or others. And we are resolved, in the strength of God, unanimously to prosecute the same according to the trust reposed in us ; and have thought good to signify the same unto you, desiring you will take the effectuallest course you can for the strengthening and encouraging one another in this work, and doubt not but the Lord, who hath done good and wonderful things for His people that trusted in Him, will also be found among us His poor unworthy servants, if we continue firm and constant in our duties, walking before Him in faith, humility, and dependence, not seeking ourselves but His glory,* which that we may all do is the desire and prayer of Your affectionate friends and brethren, Ri. Deane, •) _, Geo. Monk, \ ^^'''''^^'- Thomas Crosby. Ben. Grimston. Seth Hawley. Jo. Hayward. Li. Lane. Anth. Farning. Tho. Atkinstall. Will. Pyle. Jo. Jefferson. John Edwin. Giles Shelley. Will. Hadock. Rob. Sanders. Th. Thor. Ed. Blagg. Will. Goodson. Rob. Graves. Tho. Bunddidge. Jo. Limbry. Ro. Clarke. Rich. Stayner. • Jo. Seaman. Fr. Park. Er. Smith. Ja. Peacock. Th. Hare. And. Rand. Mch. Lucas. Geo. Dakins. Jonah Hyde. Nich. Foster. Will. Morrock. Jer. Smith. From on board the JResoltition at the Spithead, April 22, 1653. * This smacks of O. C. ; it is not the composition of R. D. C20 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. To which letter Vice-Adiniral Penn sent his answer, addressed to Oliver Cromwell, through whom he had probably received the "Declaration." May it please your Excellency, Until now I have had no opportunity to call the Commanders of this part of the Fleet together, when after reading your Excel- lency's letter, with the Declaration which I received from the Deputy Governor of Dover Castle, they severally declared abundance of affection to this good work, voluntarily professing, in the presence of the Lord, to engage their lives and all that is dear unto them in promoting it in every thing they are able, not in their own but in His strength, as they desired me to signify to your Excellency. The enclosed is the Declaration to the Generals of the Fleet, and Commanders of that part of the Fleet at Portsmouth, in answer to one from them, which I make bold to trouble your Excellency with, not knowing of so safe a way of conveyance. Om* Fleet at present is somewhat disjDci'sed through the stormy weather we had yester day and night. I have endeavoured our speedy meeting, which I hope will be to-morrow, when we shall proceed westward, in obedience to your Excellency's and our Generals' commands. I humbly take leave to be, Your Excellency's faithful and obedient Servant, William Penn. From on board the ship called the James, April 25, 1653. There is no date to the above in Mr. Granville Penn's extract ; but by a note in Captain Jordan's Journal we find the date to have been April 25, for on that day he says he went on board Admiral Penn's ship, then lying in the Downs, to a council of captains, and that they unanimously resolved '^ to engage against all their enemies for main- taining truth and righteousness y LETTER OF PENN TO CROMWELL. 621 What that " truth and righteousness " was, is with equal indefiniteness called by Penn " the Good Worh^^ which preceding events inform us was the violent ejection of obnoxious members from the House of Commons by the Lord-General, and the assumption of the whole power of government into his own hands. One of the remarkable features in this corre- spondence is, that Blake's name is not mentioned at all in it, or in any document of the time relating to this Declaration, which corroborates the con- clusion that he was not considered friendly to the elevation of Oliver Cromwell to supreme authority in the State. VI. The business which had detained one fleet at Spithead and the other in the Downs being thus pleasantly concluded, Penn and Lawson sailed from the Downs with the White and Blue squadrons, on the 27th April, westward, to meet the E,ed Division of the Generals, who sailed about the same time from Portsmouth; and, on the 29th of April the three divisions were in conjunction four leagues E. of the Isle of Wight. We learn this from Captain Jordan's Journal, which now comes in very use- fully in noting the daily movements of the Pleet ; and, as it is an undeniable authority as to matters of fact, we cannot do better than follow it. Por the transcript I am indebted to Mr. Granville Penn, who very justly calls it "a valuable memorial." 022 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. A JOURNAL ON THE " VANGUARD r 1653. * April 29. Went aboard the Generals. „ 30. "Went aboard the Generals. That the whole Fleet be put into the several squadrons or divisions. This night stopped the ebb. Weighed next morning with the flood. May 1, Wind easterly, with small rain. Anchored off the Ness in 17 fathoms. Weighed at 7 at night, and were nigher to the Generals and anchored again presently. „ 2. Wind S.W. Weighed in the morning at 5, and stood towards the Downs off Dover. Espied 15 or 20 sail towards Calais; the whole Fleet chased, and found to be several bound to several places. A Council of War was held on board the Generals, the result thereof to take the opportunity to fight the enemy. ,, 3. Stood over to the Holland coast. „ 4. Little wind — easterly. In the morn, at daylight, divers fishers' vessels were esi^ied. All chased. Being very little wind, sent boats after them, which took about 40. In the afternoon went aboard the Generals to Council. The result was, for many reasons, the fishermen should have their liberty, upon their en- gagement not to take up arms against the Common- wealth of England. ,, 5. Wind W. At 8 a.m. Camjjei^down bore E. by S. about 3 leagues distant. Some small vessels, with a pilot boat, were taken, which occasioned the Generals to call all the flag officers aboard, to communicate the intelligence of the Dutch Fleet sailing from before the Texel at 5 p.m. with about 70 sail of men-of-war, and 200 merchant ships to convoy, probably north- ward. It was resolved to follow them through the North Channel. * The Journal begins March 2'^. JOURNAL OF THE VANGUAED. 623 May 6. Wind S.E. Steered S.W. Went aboard the Generals to Council. The result was a proposition made to send 20 frigates to get between Admiral Tromp and the Fleet coming from France, to intercept their coming to Tromp, Not to send them, but keep in a body together. Most voices for the latter. Some provisions we took in this day to complete two months'. Steered away this night with an easy gale N.N.W. ,, 10. Wind S. Went aboard the Generals to Council. The result was to send all the fishing vessels taken for- merly, into Aberdeen, about 3 or 4 leagues distant. Accordingly sent in the Dogger boats, &c. Several gentlemen came aboard the General while we were aboard at dinner. The Council consisting of only the flag oiBcers. Anchored in 18 fathoms. ,, 11. W. Set sail about 4 p.m. Steered for the Isles of Orkney. „ 12. W. About 4 p.m. nigh the Isles of Orkney. This night steered away for Scotland. ,, 13. N.W. and N.N.W. About 4 p.m. were near Fairy Isle. „ 14. About 2 a.m. heard some guns shot in our Fleet, which was to give warning of vessels passed through. We also fired two guns to give notice. We espied one flyboat that had lost her foretop-mast. She bore before the wind, then westerly. Some of our Fleet chased, and took a small Flemish man-of-war. Arrived at Breesound Bay in Shetland. Went aboard the General to Council — only flag officers, to resolve what course to bend in case no news of Tromp, or any of the merchant ships to come from France. ,, 15. W.N.W. At daylight weighed, and ran with all the great ships to the entrance of the harbour, the smaller ships further in, that we might take our water aboard. Anchored in 13 fathoms. ,, 16. Got our water aboard. Washed our ship between wind and water. G24 MEMOIR OF GENEUAL DEANE. May 17. N.W. Set sail about 9 a.m. from Breesotind Harbour. A Council aboard the General^ what course shoukl be thought most advisable at present for the advance- ment of the sei*vice. Resolved, " The whole Fleet should bend their course for the Riif, so as to gain intelligence ; and for the Texel to meet the enemy." „ 18. N.W. Steered E. by S. and E.S.E. „ 19. N. Little wind and a whelming sea. Steered E.S.E. „ 20. About 8 a.m. saw Shetland. Wind N. Went aboard the General's ship in Council about trial of some officers of the Raven, &c,, for misdemeanom* — who were cashiered. The check ducked. ,, 21. N.W. Went aboard the General to Council. Flag officers. The result was to hold on our course for the Riff, to send scout to gain intelligence. With- out just occasion otherwise, to proceed, as formerly, for the Texel. „ 22. Little wind. W. Calm in the afternoon. Steering S. „ 23. N. Steered S. and by S. and by W. and S.S.W. This day ducked John Overy, a soldier, for misdemeanour ; also punished several seamen. Steered S.S.W. „ 24. N. Steered on S.S.E. and S.E. by S. Saw the land about 6 at night, the beacon or brandcr of the Scheldt bearing S.E. by E. Stood off all night till 4 next morning. „ 25. N.N.E. Tack'd at 4 a.m. and stood on (E. for shore). About noon fell in with the Schelling Island. The great fire beacon S. or S. and by E. about three leagues distant. After steered along the shore near the entrance of the Fly. About 2 p.m. went to Council. The result to lie before the Texel, to pre- vent a conjimction with those 20 ships of war joining with Admiral Tromp, supposed, by all the probable intelligence could be gained, (to be) to the southward of our Fleet, about Weilings or Goree. „ 26. N. About 8 a.m. fair by the Texel. About noon all the Fleet chased, to speak with a vessel to the wind- ward. JOURNAL OF THE VANGUARD. 625 May 27. N.N.E. Went aboard, to Council, to the General. (Only flag officers.) The result was, that the whole Fleet should stand over towards Yannouth, to join with about 20 of our men-of-war, supposed to be there- abouts — to leave scouts off the Texel, the Maes, &c. to take notice of the enemies' motions. „ 28. "Wind variable. Easterly with calm. Steered over for Yarmouth. „ 29. Wind westerly. About noon made the land about Leostoffe, six leagues off. Anchored 2 p.m. in 20 fathoms. S.S.W. „ 30. Wind variable, E, and W. The flag officers went aboard the General. The result was that we should ply two or three tides to gain a conjunction with those ships ready about Lee Road, or the Swin, and then attend the motion of Admiral Tromp, he having been on our coast lately, and no certain intelligence of his departure. This day Captain Strong in the Unicorn, with seven ships of war, came and joined with this Fleet. Tided up in the night-time, and anchored, being calm, with ebb. „ 31. S. W. and S.S.W. and S. Weighed with the tide serving, at 4 a.m. and plied to Solebay ; there ar- chored at noon, tide down, in 13 fathoms. After, it proved blustering, at S.W. VII. The journal of Captain Jordan has now brought us down to the eve of the great battle of June 2, 1653. It shows how assiduously the Gene- rals Deane and Monk endeavoured to discover the Dutch fleet, first in the north, then along their own coasts, and now, finally, along the coasts of Nor- folk and Suffolk, where they found the enemy whom they had been so long seeking. That a whole month should have elapsed before they made this discovery, is little to the credit of 2s G26 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. the home authorities, who should have kept them better informed of the movements of the enemy. They were either unprovided with the means of conveying the intelligence of the proximity of the Dutch fleet; or they mistook the Dutch fleet in the offing for their own ; for it must have been frequently seen from the shore. This was an un- pardonable neglect, and might have been attended with serious consequences. We remark in the journal of the Vanguard, how frequently the Generals called a Council of War. This, according to Mr. Granville Penn's ideas, may have been but a proper deference of the land officers — Colonels Deane and Monk — to the opinions of seamen, like Penn and Lawson, who were thoroughly masters of their own noble profession ; and of their captains, who had been bred up in the service. But as Deane, at least, knew what were the duties of a thoroughbred seaman, it may also have been a deference — partly to the established usages of the navy, and partly to the characters and experience of their own Captains, which were of the highest order ; but we must not, with Mr. Granville Penn, infer, that because the Colonels Deane and Monk so often called their flag officers into Council it Avas owing to their diffidence of their own knowledge and experience, and a tacit confession of their own incapacity. Mr. Granville Penn has some very sensible remarks on the vexed question of hrealdng the line, and contends, with success, that although a Dutch invention (by Tromp), it was first practised BREAKING THE LINE. 627 by tlie English in the great battle of June, 1653, under Deane and Monk. But he claims the appli- cation of the Dutch manoeuvre against the Dutch themselves for Vice- Admiral Penn, by whose advice he conjectures that Deane was swayed; for he excludes Monk altogether from any participation in it, as, on the only occasion when he was in sole command he refused, or disdained, or forgot to act upon it. I have elsewhere claimed the credit of this decisive measure for General Deane, to which claim, and to the arguments upon which I support it, I refer the reader.* But I cannot help remarking in this place, that although Captain Jordan, a sailor, mentions so many councils of flag-ofl5.cers called on board the Resolution by the Generals, he never once hints that the subject of naval tactics, or manner of bearing down upon the enemy, ever engaged the attention of the Council on any of these occasions, which they probably would have done if such a startling novelty had been suggested by Penn for the first time to General Deane on the eve of his greatest and last battle. Deane and Monk, who called their officers together on every occasion whenever there was a possibility of doubt, even in apparently trivial matters, would hardly, I think, have, in a matter of such importance and novelty, have taken the advice of Penn alone, with- out a reference to other flag-officers. I infer, there- fore, that in this question they, or rather General Deane, did not act upon any advice of Penn's, but * See p. 0(38, &c. 2 s 2 G28 MEMOIR OP GENEllAL PEANE. upon his own original conviction of the vahie of ^^ fighting in line'^ and ^'breaking tlie line'''' of the enemy. One thing, at least, is admitted or main- tained by Mr. Granville Penn, that it was in this battle that the manoeuvre was first practised by the English, and that by it the victory was gained. VIII. When Deane and Monk were steering northward in search of the enemy along the English and Scotch coasts, Blake, with his squadron of thirty men-of-war, was cruising along the Dutch coasts from north to south, in the hope of intercepting Tromp as he came out of, or was entering his own harbours. The destiny or fatality which had lately pursued Blake in the matter of the Declaration again overtook him, when, with his thirty ships, he found himself a second time in the presence of Tromp at the head of an hundred I Most men, under these circumstances, would have declined the battle, and satisfied themselves with skirmishing as they retired towards the English shore, in the constant hope of some reinforcement which might enable them to fight with something like an equality, and some shadow of a chance of success. But Blake was not the man to save him- self at the risk of damaging the reputation or check- ing the ardour of his gallant crews. He chose rather to sacrifice himself, if necessary, than to leave the enemy untouched, and flushed with a bloodless victory to fall upon Deane and Monk with a supe- rior force, and possibly to defeat them. He believed BLAKE DEFEATED. 629 that Deane and Monk were not far off, and might hear the sound of his cannonade, and come up at the critical moment of his engagement with over- whelming power, and crush the enemy. He, there- fore, accepted the battle, and fought it with a heroism never surpassed, if ever equalled, by any Admiral at the head of a ileet at sea. The battle was, necessarily, in favour of the Dutch, as to its immediate result, but immeasurably advantageous to the English in its ultimate consequences, for it proved them to be invincible in anything like an equal battle, and ever after sent them into action with a confidence which generally ended in victory. Blake, disputing every league of the water, with a gallantry worthy of his renown, fought from the Dutch to the English Coast, with a tenacity of purpose which left Tromp no hope of being able to successfully contend with him, Avhen re-inforced from the English ports, or united with Deane and Monk, whose arrival he hourly looked for and dreaded. But they did not arrive, and Tromp was victorious. Blake, with a shattered remnant of his squadron, was compelled to take refuge under the guns of Deal and Dover ; and the Dutch Elect, at the mouth of the Thames, spread consternation along its banks, even to London Bridge ! Eor the people would naturally think that Tromp had defeated, not a small division only of the English Elects, but the entire fleet itself. Eortunately the Dutch ships had been too much shattered to take any immediate advantage of their success, so that G30 MEMOIU OF GENERxVL DEANE. Tromp, after alarming the coast for a few hours, retired to his own ports to refit, that he might return for the encounter with Deane and Monk on more equal terms ; and well and rapidly he carried out his intentions. The valour of Blake has deservedly earned the praises of posterity; but we shall not, in admiration of our own hero, overlook the consummate abilities and diligence of his rival, Tromp, who was equally brave, and even more skilful as a naval commander. Having repaired his damages, he was in a few days again at sea, and upon the English Coast, with a fleet only less by fiifteen ships than his former, and again created an alarm, amounting to a panic, along the shores of Essex, before Deane and Monk had even heard of his action with Blake! The intelligence of that defeat only reached the Generals on the 27th of May, in Yarmouth Boads, but it was coupled with the welcome news that Blake, although defeated, was not annihilated, and that he would soon be at sea again with twenty ships, confident of arriving in time to put the finishing stroke to the victory, which he antici- pated would be initiated by his gallant colleagues — a confidence amply justified by the result. IX. Pour days before he received this intelli- gence. General Deane had joined Monk in a letter — his last — to the *' Commissioners for the affairs of the Admiralty and Xavy," giving them a report of the proceedings of the fleet up to that date ; and HIS REPORT TO COMMISSIONERS. 631 as such his letter is especially interesting. It will be seen by it that the fleet, notwithstanding all the promises of the Victualling Board, was still very far from being properly supplied, even with articles of ordinary use and necessity. This letter is dated on board the Resolution^ off Dunnidge (Dunwich) May 31, 1653 ; and is as follows : — Gentlemen, Yesterday morning came mito us, being at anchor off Yar- mouth, the Unicorn and Rutland frigates with six merchant ships- of-war more and nine or ten victualling and water ships, and we are now between Dunnidge and Alborrow* with the whole Fleet, in- tending to get up as high as Longsand Head, to expect such ships as are now in the river and Lee Eoad ready to sail, to whom we have sent orders to make their repair unto us this night if possible. Even now we are informed by a ketch that Admiral Van Tromp, with his Fleet, was seen last night off the Longsand Head, whom we shall endeavour to find out according to the best intelligence we have received, and should be glad (if you know any thing of his motions) you would communicate the same unto us for our better direction. However, our confidence is in the Lord, and we hope we have His spirit for our guide, and that He will enable us, with wisdom from above, to manage this great trust committed to iis, as will stand much for His glory and the good of the Commonwealth.f We much wonder there is not sent down with the victuals a pro- portion of wood and candles answerable, with such like necessaries, according to the late allowance, or, at least, as much as concerns the victuallers, or money to supply it at any place where we come, about which we have already writ, but hear nothing of it. We have also writ about hammacoes and the great want there is of them in the Fleet, which you promised should be sent unto us some time since, though we have them not as yet. Unless these, and such like * Aldborough. f So far the pen of Monk may possibly be traced. The remainder of the letter is ahnost certainly the composition of Deane. 632 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. trivials, are timely provided, as well as the rest, the service will very much suffer. We are your very affectionate friends and servants, Ri. Deane, Geo. Monk. " The Service will very much suffer /" These were the last words of Richard Deane to the Com- missioners for the affairs of the Admiralty and Navy — and they were only a somewhat louder echo of similar words of complaint in almost every letter which he wrote to them from the time in which he first entered upon the duties of one of the Generals at Sea. They were but a variation of the ordinary language of Popham and Blake. The Generals had "confidence in the Lord, that He would enable them to discharge their trust." The Commissioners seem to have had still greater confidence in a Providence not their own, and the wonder is that they were so seldom disappointed. The " merchant ships-of-war " to which the General's letter refers, were often as well armed as the smaller frigates of the State, and nearly as serviceable in action. The conditions upon which they were usually engaged, may be seen in the following Agreement * between Generals Deane and Monk on the one part, and Hichard Marshall, captain and owner of the Samuel, on the other part. March 21, 165f . * State Paper Office No. 19, which collection contains several such Btirccments. MEHCHANT SHIPS-OF-WAR. 633 The Samuel was of 300 tons burthen, and carried 32 guns and 110 men. Conditions — 1. The ship to be furnished with 25 guns by the owner. All over 25, and also all the ammunition, &c., to be supplied by the State. 2. The owner guaranteed against " honourable " loss in battle. 3. Terms. £180 a month, paid two months in advance. The State finding powder, swords, half-pikes and spits, muskets and bandoliers, and round shot for each piece and pistols ; also victuals for six months, and all tackling complete. The Generals, by a recent order of Council, had power to take one-fourth of the men out of every merchantman they met, whether inward or outward bound. CHAPTER XXI. THE BATTLE OF THE NORTH FORELAND. — DEATH OF GENERAL DEANE. ENGLISH AND DUTCH ACCOUNTS. — OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE LETTERS. — THE DEATH OF TROMP. — " WHO FIRST BROKE THE LINE?" I. The Generals issued their " Instructions how to act in the presence of the enemy ^^^ * on the 26th of March; and on the 28th of May, when they received tidings of the near approach of the enemy, these " Instructions " were repeated. The fleet was divided into three squadrons — Red^ White, and Blue, under the respective commands of the Genehals, who were Admirals of the Red ; of TFilliam Penn, Vice- Admiral of England ( White) in the James, QQ ; and of John Laioson, E-ear- Admiral of England {Blue) in the George, 58. The flag ships of the different squadrons were distin- guished by having their flags at the main, fore, and mizen. The Vice-Admirals and Rear-Admirals of the Fleet commanding divisions, were : — Vice- Admiral James Peacock . Bear- Admiral Samuel Howett Vice- Admiral Lionel Laue . . Rear-Admiral Thomas Graves . Vice- Admiral Joseph Jordan . Rear-Admiral William Goodson Triumph . 62 ) p , Speaher . 56 j Victory . fU^^^-,,^ Andrew . oGj Vanguard 56 |. Rainhoio . 58 J * See these " lustructicms " in the Appcuilix. BATTLE OF THE NORTH FORELAKD. 635 The Generals' squadron consisted of 38 ships, carrying 1,440 guns and 6,1 G9 men The Vice-Admirals' 33 „ „ 1,189 „ „ 5,085 „ The Rear-Admirals' 34 „ „ 1,189 „ „ 5,015 „ 105 3,818 1G,2G9 'Five fire-ships, each carrying 10 guns, and 30 men, were attached to the fleet — three to the first division, and one each to the other two divisons. The morning of June 1, 1653, broke with a strong gale from the north-west. At six o'clock the fleet weighed anchor, and got under sail; and at eight anchored again. The Generals lay outside the Shipioash in twenty fathoms, waiting for the heavy saflers. AVhile they were thus lying at anchor the advanced ships espied two galliot hoys, scouts of the enemy, and chased them to leeward, until they came in sight of The Dutch Pleet, which they immediately sig- nalled to Rear-Admiral Lawson, and he repeated it to the Generals, who instantly fired the gun " to loeigh;^ and the whole fleet weighed and stood out to sea in order of battle — the three squadrons bear- ing down perpendicularly towards the enemy in three columns of attack. At four o'clock in the afternoon the entire fleet of the Dutch was visible, about four leagues distant to leeward of Admiral Lawson's squadron, which had outsailed the other two, and was in advance. It was six o'clock before the Generals and the E,ed squadron were able to come uj) with the Blue ; but 63G MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. the White squadron being still far behind, and, " the leeward tide come," the English fleet anchored again in thirty fathoms, for the night. The Dutch fleet, of about ninety sail, were under the command of Tromp himself, and, flushed with their recent success over Blake, gave no sign of desiring to avoid an action, although they were not quite equal in number of ships to the English ; in guns and weight of metal there was little or no difference between the two fleets. In fire-ships, the Dutch were superior. So that Tromp had every reason to calculate upon a probable, though dear- bought, victory. Tromp made good use of the night ; for at day- break the next morning he was seen to windward, having gained the weather-gage, while the English were lying quietly an anchor. At daylight the English fleet again weighed, and advanced upon the enemy, w^ columns of squadrons. The " Blue," as before, outsailed the " Bed " and " White," and the latter, from the heavy sailing of the James, was considerably behind. The wind being light, it was eleven o'clock before Lawson, in the George, closely followed by Jordan, in the Vanguard, and Goodson in the Itainboto, broke the line of De Ruyter, the Vice -Admiral of Holland, and second in command to Tromp. The Generals came up, shortly after, in the Resolution, and " charging " through Tromp's divi- sion, were instantly surrounded by sixteen of the enemy's men-of-war ; and for some time the Meso- To face page G3G. 3 NAVY AT SEA. ■'d Colonel GEORGE MONK, Esrpnres, Generals and Admirals. Together carried, at that memorahle Eight on the 2d and 3d of June, 1653, in which, f War, and also took 1350 Prisoners, with very little loss on our 2^ art ; and margin) which have been taken Prizes, and are nom in the Service of the ^ito the 'Aral of Men. Guns. 360 66 220 50 180 42 180 40 180 42 170 38 120 33 100 32 100 30 90 12 180 46 140 34 160 38 30 10 I J P c P 2 J raVs 300 60 200 42 140 32 P il20 32 P il20 32 P il40 38 ^120 32 lllO 30 P ilOO 28 p iJli'S 34 1 Ti'aVs '^'360 56 ^160 36 ^140 36 T 90 24 P *^'l70 38 ^PO 30 P ^100 26 ^L60 40 AOO 30 53 ships. i5 men. 59 guns. Cfjc CftirD Sijuatiron. The Elite Flags, commanded by John Lawson, Esq., Bear- Admiral of England, and Admiral of the Blue Flag. Ships' Names. Commanders. George *JoHNLAWSON,Esq. Adm. Kentish iv\g2iiG *Jac. Ile}Tiolds, Captain ... Great President ... Francis Park Nonsuch frigate Thomas Penrose Success William Kendall Welcome *John Harman P Oake John Edwin i?;'flr (7 frigate Thomas Heath Eastl. Merchant ... John Walters Adventure Edward Greene Samaritan Shadrach Blake p ir«?i^e/' fire-ship Men. Gun? 350 58 180 50 180 40 170 40 150 38 200 40 120 32 120 30 J 10 32 160 38 120 30 The Vice-AdmiraVs Bivision of the Bear-Adm Sqtiadron. Vanguard *JosephJordan,Vice-Adml. Entrance Richard Newbery,Captain Dragon John Seaman Concert Phillip Githings Paul Anthony Spatchurt Gift Thomas Salmon Crescent frigate Thomas Thorowgood Samuel Taboat Joseph Ames Benjamin Robert Sparks King Fardinando ... Richard Paine Roebuck *Henry Fenn 30 10 iraVs 390 56 200 43 260 38 120 32 120 38 130 34 115 30 110 30 120 32 140 36 100 30 Tlie Rear-AdmiraVs Division of the Rear- Admiral's Squadron. Rainbow Convertine frigate.. . Amity frigate Dolphin Arms of Holland ... Tulip Jonathan Dragoneare William and John... Nichodemus frigate . Blossom Will.Goodson, Rear-Adm. Anthony Joyn, Captain... Hemy Pack Robert Davis Francis Mardrig "Joseph Cubitt Robert Graves Edward Smith Nathaniel Jessou William Ledgart Nathanial Cock 300 58 210 44 150 36 120 30 120 34 120 32 110 30 110 32 120 36 40 12 110 30 The Rear-Admiral's squadron, consisting of ... 34 ships, managed by ... 5015 men. mounted with... 1189 guns. f guns, 3,840. I^ist, whose names, and numbers of guns and men, cannot be given at present. atrensftJ aiili ISntrrrtr accorDuig to ovtirr. t Died in 1GG2 ; liaving attended tlie king to England in IGCO, as liis M:ressed. Ships' Namea. Resolution Worcester frigate ... Advice ixigaXe Diamond irij:ato ... Saphire frigate M(i nnaduhe Pelican Mermaid p Golden Fleece Loyalty Society Malaga Merchant... Martin p /b.!; fire-ship Fo rtu ne fii'e-sh ip ... Renom n fire-ship . . . The Vice- Admiral's Triumph Xrt«;'ci frigate ^IrffCft^Hj'e frigate ... Providence frigate . . P Bear P Heart's-ease P Hound p Ann and Joyce London P Hannibal P Mary Thomas and William Commanders. The Generals George Dakins, Captain... *Jer. Smith, Captain William Hill Nicholas Heatoii Edward Blagg *Peter Montham *John King Nic. Forster John Limbrj Nie. Lucas Henry Collins John Vessy Cornelius Humphry MoiTis James Salmon Men. Guns. 550 88 220 50 180 42 180 42 140 38 160 42 180 40 100 2G 180 44 150 34 140 44 140 30 'JO 14 30 10 30 10 30 10 Division of the Generals' Sriuadron. JamesPoacock,Vice-Adm. 350 62 *John Stokes, Cajitain 200 48 Robert Nixon 160 40 John Pearce 140 33 Francis Kirby 200 46 Thomas Weight 150 36 Jonah Hide 120 36 William Pile 119 34 'Arthur Browne 200 40 William Haddock 180 44 Henry Maddison 120 37 John Jefferson 140 36 Tlbe Rear-Admiral's Division of the Generals' Squadroti. Speaker trigate Saml. Howett, liear-Adml. 300 56 /S'kss^a' frigate *Roger Cuttance, Captain . . 180 46 Guineairigate ♦Edmond Curtis 150 34 Tiger *Gabriel Sanders 170 40 Violet ♦Henry Southwood 180 40 P Sophia *Robert Kirby /'(//moH/'A frigate ... *John Jeffreys P Four Sisters Robei-t Bccke HamhurghMerchant William Jessell 110 Phtenix Hem:y Eaden The Generals' squadron, consisting of 38 ships. managed by 6196men. mounted with 1440guns. KiO 38 1 100 26 120 30 j 110 34 i 120 34 i ?Ii)c SefOiiD gjinialiron. Men. Guns. 360 66 220 180 180 The English Colours and White Flags, committed to the conduct of William Penn, Esq., Vice-Admiral of England, and Admiral of the White Flag. Ships' Names. Commanders. James "William Penn, Esq. Ad. Lion *John Lambert, Captain... ^«Jy frigate *llobert Sanders Assistance frigate ... William Crispin Foresight frigate ... fRichard Stayner 180 Portsmouth irigRtc. . Robert Doenford 170 p Anne Piercy Thomas Hare 120 Peter John Littleton 100 Exchange *Henry Tedman 100 -p Merlin George Crapnell 90 RichardandMartha Eustace Smith 180 Sarah *Francis Steward 140 Lix a Merchant Simon Baily 160 P i^afc(0»i. fire-ship 30 The Vice-Admiral Victory Centurion frigate .. Expedition frigate. p Gilly Flower P Middleborow p Raven Exchange Globe Prudent Mary Thomas and Lucie. 's Division of the Vice-Admiral's Squadron. Lionel! Lane, Vice-Adml. 300 *Walter Wood, Captain ... 200 Thomas Vollis 140 *John Hayward 120 Thomas Witbing 120 ♦Robert Taylor 140 •Jeffrey Dare 120 Robert Coleman 110 John Taylor 100 Andi'ew Rand 11'5 Tlie Rear-Admiral' s Division of the Vice-Admiral's Squadron. Andrew Thomas Graves, Rear- Ad. 360 yls«H7'a«(^(; frigate ... *Phillip Holland, Captain. 160 Crown Thompson, Captain . 140 Dutchess Richard Seaiield 90 Princess Maria Saite Hanlv 170 Water-Hound *Gylcs Shelly 120 Pearl *James Cadman 100 Reformation Anthony Erning 160 Industry Ben. Salmon 100 The Vice- Admiral's squadron, consisting of ... managed by . . . mounted with... 33 ships. 5085 men. 1189 guns. JCtje CSii'H Sijuaftroii. Th£ Blue Flags, commanded by JOHN IjAwson, Esq., Rcar- Admiral of England, and Admiral of the Blue Flag. Ships' Names. Commanders. SIcn. George *JOHNLAWSON,Esq. Adra. 350 Eentish itigate *Jac. Re)'nolds, Captain ... 180 Great President ... Francis Park 180 A^07isuch fiigate Thomas Penrose 170 Success William Kendall 1.50 Welcome *John Harman 200 Oake John Edwin 120 Brazil irigntc Thomas Heath 120 Eastl. Merchant ... John Walters J 10 Adventure Edward Greene KiO Samaritan Shadrach Blake 120 jr?(?j*e/' fire-ship 30 The Vice- Admiral's Division of the Rear- Admiral' i Squadron. Vanguard *JosephJordan, Vice-Adml. 390 Entrance Richard Newbery,Captain 200 Dragon John Seaman 260 p Concert Phillip Githings 120 p Paul Anthony Spatchurt 120 P Gift Thomas Salmon 130 Crescent h-ig&te Thomas Thorowgood 115 Samuel Taboat Joseph Ames 110 Benjamin Robert Sparks 120 King Fardinando ... Richard Paine 140 Roebtick •Henry Fenn 100 The Rear-Admiral' Rainbow Cunrertine frigate... ^OTiYy frigate Dolphin p Arms of Holland ... p Tulip Jonathan P Dragoneare William and John... Nichodemus frigate . p Blossom s Division of the Rear-Admiral't Squadron. Will.Goodson,Rear-Adm. 300 Anthony Joyn, Captain... 210 Henry Pack 150 Robert Davis 120 Fr.ancis Mardrig 120 •Joseph Cubitt 120 Robert Graves 110 Edward Smith 110 Nathaniel Jesson 120 William Ledgart 40 Nathanial Cock 110 The Rear- Admiral's squadi-on, consisting of ... 34 ships, managed by ... 5015 men. mounted with ... 1189 guns. The Total of ships in the Fleet, 105 ; of men, 16,269 ; of guns, 3,840. „„, f i,„ n-ivpn nt ra-cscnt Besides these, there have come to the Fleet, and with General Blake, and other ships, above twenty since the draft of this List, whose names, and nmnbers of gims and men, cannoc ut given av p.v,»Lui,. London : jirinted by M. Simmons, and are to be sold at liis liouse in Aldersgate Street ; and by Tug. Jenner, at the South Entrance of the lioyal Excliange. 16S3. UtrcnSfD aiiti ISntfirti accorOiiig to otDff. The captains marlied with an asteriali commandea Mi\,s, after the Uestoration, in the victory obtained by the Duke of York, the Sd J une, 1G65. f Died in 1002 ; having attended the kmg to England m 100 , as ns . .ijes y s rear- DEATH OP DEANE. 637 lution was alone.* The opportune arrival of their Vice-Admiral and his supports rescued the noble ship from destruction ; but not before the fatal shot had been fired which deprived " the thrice-worthy General Richaud Deane " of his life. He fell, sword in hand, in the bow of his ship, as he was waving his sword f and encouraging his men to follow him in boarding the Dutch Admiral. The action had now become close, and had lasted for three hours before Penn, with the White Squadron, was able to get into it, when the Dutch, overpowered, began to retreat. The English pur- sued through the night, but, in consequence of the lightness of the wind, were unable to overtake them until the morning of June 3, when the action was again renewed. II. There have been many accounts of this great naval battle, and all agree in the main particulars — that Lawson, at the head of the Blue squadron, first broke through tlie Dutch line ; and that, shortly afterwards, the Generals broke through at another point, and that General Deane was killed by a round shot from Tromp's ship, at nearly the first broadside, when the ships were locked together — the bowsprit of the Resolution being athwart that of the Brederode. The circumstances of General Deane's death are thus related : — 1. It hath pleased the Lord to take away Major- General Deane * See Life of Sir Win. PeiiD. f Thus described in the Illustrated Clarendon in the Bodleian. G38 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. in this encounter ; an honest and able servant to this Common- wealth. He was slain by a great shot.* 2. The first day the greatest execution was done, but not visible to us further than the blowing up of one great ship of theirs and the sinking of another. But the second day we had the harvest and gleaning of the vintage, and with less loss than any heretofore, not one ship, not one commander lost, save our thrice-worthy General Deane, who was shot into the body with a great shot the first broadside. Yet did God put a spirit of courage into the men, and made them valiant and vigilant.^ 3. In the beginning of the fight, and at the first broadside, General Deane was shot, almost off in the middle, by a cannon bullet, while standing by General Monk, who without any disturb- ance bade his servants and seamen remove him, and continued the service without further notice of the accident. J 4. Monk threw his cloak over the body lest the sailors should know and be discoui'aged by their loss.§ 5. Deane was slain with a great ball, the first shot made by the Dutch, in whose death there happened something so remarkable, that it may be worth inserting. This Deane, the night before he was killed, the rats had torn and devoured all that part of his doublet on the left side, where he was shot with a cannon bullet, and his own spirit was much sensible of his approaching fate, for though he was a Beamist in religion, yet he retired for two hours to some private devotions (which was not usual with him) the morning before his death, and those who observed him then, he being valiant enough, saw death in his face. Of which we make no further reflexion, but that there are more good spirits that watch for us and warn us. || [A curious testimony to the popular superstition on this subject is borne by Sir James Turner in his Maxims, p. 59, Bannatyne edition. One night, as he lay asleep in bed, his stockings were carried away from his bedside, and were found the next morning in * Monk's Despatch to the Admiralt}'. f Life of Penn, i. 496. Letter of Mr. Lyons, Chaplaiu of the BcsolutUm. X Heath. § Colnmna Rostrata. II Prince's Worthies of Devon, p. 590. DEATH OF DEANE. 639 a rat liole, upon which he makes the following remark : " I have often heard that the eating or gnawing of clothes by rats is ominous, and portends some mischance to fall on those to whom the clothes belong. I thank God I was not addicted to such divi- nations, or heeded them. It is true that more than one befell me shortlie after, but I am sure I could have better foreseen them myself than rats, or any such vermin, and yet did not."] 6. We had but one captain killed, except Admiral Deane, which was indeed a great loss.* 7. Captain Bourne of the Resolution writes, that he hoped for one hour more to end the war ; and others, that ere they have done Tromp shall pay dear for Deane's blood. 8 Admiral Deane was killed by one of the first shots that flew from the Hollanders. Monk, seeing him fall, covered the body with his cloak, and endeavoured to encourage the seamen. f 9. Letters and messengers from the fleet did bring the news, that yesterday, about noon, the English engaged the Dutch fleet about the North Foreland The report of the guns was heard in London ; 126 men were slain in the English fleet, but none of note, except General Deane and one captain. | 10. These notices of the death of Richard Deane may be appro- priately closed with the spirited and poetical description of it, and its effects, by Payne Fisher, the Poet Laureate of Cromwell, in his Inauguratio Oliveriana. Deanus, ut adversum videt increbescere classem, Aligeris dat vela notis ; proj)iorque Batavis Adstitit ad Ifevam transversis brachia costis. Prima quidem pugnae facies Cquam sera dolebit Posteritas, pra^sensque gemens reminiscitur setas,) Terribilis, tristisque fuit, quje turbine diro Abstulit, et primis Deanum deleverit ausis. Scilicet, admoto surgens animosior hostis Tela inter, pr^ecepta suis animosa ministrans. Occidit, intentus perituris hostibus : Hlo Xil minor incumbens stratis qui victor Achivis Et Sparta patrias sancivit sanguine metas. * Ludlow's Memoirs, 178. f Life of Martin Herbert Tromp, p. 57. X Whitelocke. 640 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. * Non impune tamen Batavi sensere cadentem, Ncc coniites O Deane tui ! sine principe naula Dum credit superesse nefas, violentius hostes Involat attonitos, ceu qixos pr^esentia vivi Auxerat, et magnis toties animaverat actis, Tangeret extincti sensus : sine corpore credas Prostratum jingnasse Ducem, tacitisque furentes Motibus instigasse suos, mentemque per ipsos Erravisse din poros, (sic) animumque cadentis Rursus ab extremo credas rediisse feretro. Sic cecidit felix Heros, moriensque superbum Pertulit ad Manes venalem morte triumphum ; Et quanqiiam medios Libitina abruperit ausus, Ille satis vixitqne super : nee gloria lethi Nobilior nostris poterat contingere votis. III. " Oh ! for one hour more, and Tromp shall pay dearly for Deane^s blood ! ^' was the prayer of * Thy fall, O Deane, was not itnfelt — the foe And friend both felt it. The surviving crew, Counting it a crime to have outlived their chief, Rushed on the enemy with tenfold force. As if the magic of his deathless name "V^Tio had so often led to daring deeds Inspired them with a tenfold power to strike. One would have thought The Spirit, bodiless, Fought like its former self among the crew ! One would have thought that every gun which poured Its deadly thunder on the foe, was fired By the own hand of the immortal chief, Who could not rest in peace upon his bier While but a single enemy remained To dim the victory his death secured. Thus fell the Hero, happy in his fall, And to his Manes bore his honoured head. Encircled by a death-won diadem. Though Libitina, with a ruthless hand, In mid-life cut the thread of his career; He had lived long — aye ! long enough, whose death Was full of glory, greater than the prayers Of fondest love could ask for the beloved. FIRST BATTLE OF THE NORTH FORELAND. 641 the Resolution; but it was not granted. Day closed, and Deane's blood still called for vengeance. Another day was necessary for the payment of this debt. On the approach of night both fleets ceased firing, as if by mutual agreement, to repair damages, and in the morning the engagement was renewed with increased vigour by the English, who are re- ported to have hoisted black flags — "iV^o Quarter V This is said to have been done at the instigation or example of Monk, in revenge for the death of Deane. But Captain Jordan, of the Vanguard^ to whose Journal I again refer for the continuation of the battle, makes no mention of the black flag, and only notices the death of Admiral Deane in a parenthesis, as a matter of fact, with which he had only just become acquainted by going aboard the flag-ship. And most likely it was so, for it was in accordance with the discreet taciturnity of Monk to keep the loss concealed from the Elect as long as possible. No black flag was hoisted, for the avengers of Deane were not pirates. His death was looked upon as the fortune of war, and under all its circumstances was an Euthanasia — the happiest of any of the Eegicides. JOURNAL OF THE ''VANGUARD:' June 2. Proving little wind, it was eleven in the morning ere we came to engagement at a distance; two or three hours after more closely. My Admiral, Lawson, with myself and Rear- Admiral were closely engaged (with some others). After that, the Generals and Admiral of the White came to a close engagement. Sunk 2 T 642 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. three or four. All the night little wind. We kept fair by them. June 3. Wind this morning about four came to S.W. Went to Council aboard the General ( General Deane slain). The result was that we should pursue the enemy as far as the shoals would pennit. They stood away, close by the wind, to the southward. Made a run- ning fight along by Bl'ankenberg, and intended to have gone by the Wi clings, but the wind veering to W.S.W. and not tide beside, we beat them along the coast till ten at night towards the Maes this day. The fight began about noon. About four a fresh gale sprung up, so that our frigates came up and plied them so hard that those whose masts or sails were torn were soon seized on. Five of them, in a huddle, being foul together, well defended them- selves, though Tromp had left them. One was a Vice-Admiral, another a Rear. At my passing a broadside into them, they cried for quarter, which was given. About 13 this day were sunk or taken. The Rear-Admiral above-mentioned confessed our broadside sunk him. We anchored in 13 fathoms, about midnight. , 4. Tromp, with his whole fleet, we sup]iose, got into the Wielings or the Maes this morning. General Blake came yesterday in the Essex, seven or eight ships in company with him. It was the arrival of Blake, on the second day, that completed the defeat of Tromp ; hut Captain Jordan, being far in advance in the pursuit, was not aware of his junction and decisive attack upon the extreme right of the Dutch Pleet. The final victory was complete. Eleven men-of- war, of which one bore a Vice- Admiral's and two Rear- Admiral's flags, were taken. Six captains and between thirteen and fourteen hundred men were FIUST BATTLE OF THE NORTH FORELAND. 643 made prisoners. Six Dutch ships were sunk, two hlown up, and one burnt. Three fire-ships were also taken, but their names are not mentioned in Blake's and Monk's despatches. These advantages were gained at the loss of only 126 men killed, besides General Deane and one captain, whose name, singularly enough, seems to have been forgotten or overlooked in the death of his General. The wounded, among whom was Mr. Eowler, the Advocate of the Elect, whose thigh was fractured " but a few minutes after brave General Deane fell,"* were carried to Ipswich in the Tenth Whelp, and in other ships to Harwich, where Dr. Whistler and a staff of surgeons came to them from London. IV. In recapitulating the results of this two days' battle, which has obtained the name of " The First Battle of the North Foreland,^^ we will follow the same order of narrative which was observed in the account of " The Three Days' Battle of Bort- land:^^ — 1. English account {official)— To THE Commissioners of the Admiralty. Gentlemen, Yesterday morning, being at anchor some two miles without the south-head of the Gable, early in the morning, we discovered the Dutch Fleet about two leagues to leeward; we made sail towards them, and, between eleven and twelve at noon, we were engaged, and for three hours the dispute was very shari? on both sides, which • See Memorial of J. Fowler, S P. O. 2t 2 644 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. continued from three till six in the evening, at which time the enemy bore away right before the wind, and little more was done, only the frigates gave chase so long as there was any light to dis- tinguish the one from the other. One of the Dutch Admirals was blown up, and three or four more sunk, as we are informed, but cannot hear that any of our own ships were lost in the engagement^ Blessed be the Loi'd ! "We are at this time very fair by them, and shall endeavour our utmost to engage as soon as we can. It hath pleased the Lord to take away Major-General Deane in this encounter — an honest and able servant to this Commonwealth. He was slain by a great shot. In this engagement we have spent the greatest part of our powder and shot, and therefore I earnestly desire you that you will take care that a considerable portion may be sodainely provided us, and sent, with such victualling and water-ships as are yet behind, to be ready in Yarmouth Koad upon all occasions. I have mentioned it to the Lord- General that Vice- Admiral Penn may be added to make up our number, of whose honesty and ability I hope you are well satisfied, and do desire it may be seconded by you, if you approve him. What ships are making ready in the river may, as soon as they can, be sent into Yarmouth to attend all commands. This is the best account can be given at present. Your most affectionate friend and sei-vant, Geo. Monk. From on board the Resoliitioji, 14 leagues from the North Foreland, bearing W. of us. June 3, 1653, at 6 in the morning. 2. To THE Lord-General Cromwell. June 4, 1653. May it please youu ExcELiiENcv, Your Lordship's of the 2^ instant with the enclosed intelligence on this day received, and according to your Excellency's (desire) thereupon we have engaged the Dutch Fleet. A brief account of the first day's action Ave have already sent unto your Lordship. The next day, being the 3'''^ instant, we did what we could to re- engage them; and having the wind (which was but little), about noon we came within shot. After four hours' dispute with them, or thereabout, they endeavoured what they could to get away from us. FIRST BATTLE OF THE NORTH FORELAND. 645 but having then a pi-etty fresh gale of wmd, we pressed so hard upon them that we sunk and took many of them, as appears by the enclosed list ; and we suppose we should have destroyed most of them but that it grew dusk, and being off Ostend, among the sands, we durst not be too bold, especially with the great ships ; so that, as was thought fit we should anchor all night ; which we ac- cordingly did about ten of the clock. This morning some of our ships descried the enemy again afar off, steering towards the Weil- ings ; whereupon we resolved to pursue them so far as with safety we might, and to range along the coast until we came to the Texel, the better to improve the present victory God hath given us. Unless we see cause to divert our course, we shall not further trouble your Lordship, but subscribe ourselves. Your Excellency's most humble servants, Robert Blake, George Monk. Prisoners, 1,350 ; 6 captains. Dutch ships-of-war taken 11, whereof one Vice- Admiral and two Rear- Admirals . ,, „ sunk 6. Waterboys taken 2. Ships blown up 2, amongst their own fleet, one an Admiral. „ sunk 1, disaster caused by the above explosion. Tromp and 16 ships fell on the Resolvtion, who was at first alone. Men slain in our Fleet 126, whereof one captain and General Deane. „ woimded, about 236. In the General's ship 10 slain and 8 wounded. The General's sails were so shot to pieces that they were constrained to take them off and bring all new sails to yards. 3. The Dutch Account. Official. tromp to the states general. first letter. High and Mighty Lords, The 12th instant (N.S.) we perceived the enemies hovering about Nieuport. Our forces consisted of 98 men-of-war and 6 fire ships ; and those of the English between 95 and 100 sail, among which we reckoned 77 or 80 large men-of-war or frigates, well manned and provided. The two Fleets engaged in fight about 1 1 646 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. o'clock before noon, and ended not till night, which separated the two parties, who both stood off to sea about 9 o'clock. We lost that day Captain Joost Bulter, whose ship was sunk with part of her men, the others being saved by our people. Captain Velzen's ship was blown up, there being but five of her men saved. This day all the Generals and subalternate officers of the Fleet came on board the Admiral, and were informed that the most part of them had so little ammunition left that 'tis impossible for us to stand a second fight. Among others Vice- Admiral de Wit has not for above three hours spending, and De Ruyter has less than he. However, we have resolved to attack the enemies this day, and so retire to Wielingen, and fight our way thither retreating, if the English persist to fight so long. In fine, we pray your High Mightinesses that we may be reinforced, and may receive the am- munition necessary, &c. Tromp's Second Letter. High and Mighty Lords, Yesterday at 11 o'clock before noon I writ my last letter just as I was using all my endeavours to get the weather gage in order to fall into the middle of the enemies' Fleet, but a calm preventing us the enemies gained it, and attacked us. The fight broke not oft' till towards evening. There happened some disorder among some ships of the Fleet, caused, doubtless, by the ignorance and want of experience of the sea officers, which was the reason that the nimblest English sailers, coming up with them, easily intercepted them, and took or sunk them. So that, according to the report made to ijs this morning, we hear that the Captains Verburg, Duin, Schellinger, Laurenz, Peterz, and Westurgoo are fallen into the hands of the enemies. If there were any more taken or sunk it is more than I know yet, because I have been able to know nothing but by the report of others, and because the thick smoke arising from the cannon hindered me from discerning what passed in the fight. But, how- ever, I am sure we have lost the captains above mentioned. It is possible that they might lose us in the night and may be gotten into si'me harbour, though against order. Tlie. pilot Vander Huyden, having just now come hither, has delivered us the two letters from your Higli Mightinesses, dated the FIRST BATTLE OF THE NORTH FORELAND. 647 9th of this month. He reports he met 17 of our ships before Schowen, and that he spoke with four of them. The two Fleets are still in presence one of the other, and the English, with the reinforcement they have received, are now 100 sail strong of men-of-war. By the advice of all the general officers of the Fleet we have resolved to retire to Wielingen, to wait there for the deputies of your High Mightinesses to come and give order that the Fleet may receive the necessary ammunition, and a con- siderable reinforcement to enable them to make head against their enemies. One Admiral ship has received several shots between wind and water, and though we have had her caulked as well as possible, yet she leeks still so much that the water has gained upon her, in spite of our pumps, above five feet in height. However, till at present, we have made shift of many hands to keep her above water. But if after all we find our labour lost we shall be obliged to run her ashore behind Ramekins .... 4. Private Accounts. English. letter from the chaplain of the resolution. Right Honourable, I could not omit on this occasion to let your honour understand the goodness of God in his outgoings with and for His people, by sea as well as land. Wednesday, the first of this instant, our Fleet being in Sole Bay and standing along our own shore, we espied about noon two galliot hoys that were upon scout from the enemy, to which several of our frigates gave chase, and stood very near their whole Fleet, and then returning to our own made the usual sign upon discovery of a Fleet. So the alarum went through the whole Fleet, who stood towards them ; but the weather proving hazy and dark we lost sight of the enemy, and stopped upon the tide again, expecting the coming out of those ships with General Blake. But Thursday at day dawning we saw the enemys' Fleet to the leeward of us, and weighing all hands we stood with them, but the wind failed us. By that time we drew near them, and the enemy stood lashing away ; yet did the George (Rear- Admiral Lawson) and his squadron very hotly engage the enemy for some hours ; so Tromp declines engagement with our 6 18 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. main body and flag, and bears up to rolievc Ruyter that was hotly engaged by Rear- Admiral Lawson, who with his second came very well oflf, and all his squadron (being the Blue) with safety and honour. And now the wind bearing about to the eastward, the enemy takes the advantage and comes with his whole power, and engages sharply for two hours, till ours had recovered the weather- gage again, and then he endeavoured to keep us all as close together as he could that he might make the best of his way without loss, dreading our great ships. His design was, our frigates would leave them astern, and then he would deal the better with them. But our Fleet did ivork together in better order than heretofore, and seconded one another, which I am persuaded, by God's providence, was a terror to our enemies, otherwise, for number and quality of ships, I am persuaded they could not but reckon themselves of our equal strength. But Tromj:) is loath to play that game ; he would not willingly fight on equal terms. However, God took away their hearts at this time, so that they fled from us this day, and next too, till noon, at which time we were within sight of Calais cliff" and Dunkirk. Here they tried their policy another way, to make away with the great ships or to make them unserviceable, viz., by engage- ment upon the sands and in shoal water. But herein God dis- appointed them ; for all our ships were preserved, and fought them gallantly most part of this day, one squadron or another, even till night, and then the wind blowing pretty fresh we were forced to come to an anchor, for fear of sands and shoal water in the night. The enemy will go where we cannot follow him, like the Highlanders to the mountains. The fii'st day the greatest execution was done, but not visible to us, further than the blowing up of one great ship of theirs and the sinking of another ; but the second day we had the harvest and gleaning of the vintage, and with less loss than any heretofore ; not one ship, not one commander lost, save our thrice worthy General Deane, who was shot into the body with a great shot the first broad- side. Yet did God put a spirit of courage into the men and made them valiant and vigilant. Tlie enemy lost, that were sunk, taken, and destroyed in both days' service, about 20 of his Fleet, of which were 2 Vice-Admirals and 3 Rear- Admirals. I am, &c Richard Lyons. Aboard the Besnliition, off the Weilliiig, 4th diiv, 4th ninth, 53. FIRST BATTLE OF THE NORTH FORELAND. G49 Another letter from Mr. Lyons says that they saw General Blake with his Fleet from their top- mast head. Rear- Admiral Lawson was ordered to wheel ahout and fall upon Tromp, who. with all the ships he could, fell upon the ResoliiHon, and main- tained a sharp fight, but Tromp was forced to retreat, and go away right before the wind. Cap- tain Bourne, Captain of the Resolution, writes, *' That he hoped for one hour more to end the war," and others, " That ere they have done Tromp shall pay dear for Deane's blood."* 5. CoUiber's Columna Rostrata, 124. On the 1st June, ■while the English fleet were lying at anchor in Yarmouth Road, under command of Deane and Monk joined in commission, advice was brought that the Dutch, commanded by Tromp, De Euyter, De Witt, and Evertsen, were seen upon the coast ; whereupon the fleet weighed and stood towards the enemy. On the 2nd the fight began between eleven and twelve at noon, off the south point of the Gober. The English, who were the aggres- sors, had 95 sail of men-of-war and five fire-ships, and the Dutch had 98 men-of-war and six fire-ships. The English Blue squadron charging through the enemies, De Euyter's division suffered much, and himself was in great danger of being taken or sunk by Lawson till relieved by Tromp, but Lawson soon after sunk a man-of-war of 42 guns, commanded by Captain Bulter. An unfortunate shot, in the beginning of the engagement, took off the English Admiral Deane ; but Monk, who was in the same ship, covering his body with his cloak, and encom-aging his men, the battle continued with great fury till three o'clock, when the enemy began to hold off, and maintain a sort of running fight, which lasted till nine in the even- ing, about which time one of the Dutch men-of-war commanded by Cornelius Van Velsen blew up. Upon this occasion the Dutch * Extract from Life of Sir W. Penn, i. 496, &c. from Journals of the time quoted by the Author. 650 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. historians complain that several of their captains were deficient in their duty. The enemies retreating towards the coast of Flanders, the fight was renewed the next day about noon off Newport, with such fury that after a dispute of four hours they were entirely defeated. Admiral Blake, who joined the fleet the night before with some ships, had a share in the honour of this second victory. During the engagement Tromp, having boarded the Vice- Admiral Penn, was beaten off, and being boarded in turn was forced to blow up his deck, of which the English had made themselves masters. But being again entered by Penn and another at once, he would have been in extreme danger of being taken or ruined if not seasonably relieved by De Witte and De Ruyter. The enemies were at last so vigorously pressed that they fell into great disorder, and after the loss of many ships were forced to save themselves by flight among the flats on the side of Newport, from whence they afterwards escaped to Zealand. The English writers affirm that in this latter fight the Dutch had six of their best ships sunk, two blown up, and eleven taken, with 1,550 prisoners, whereof six were captains of note, and that of the ships which were taken or destroyed one was a Vice- Admiral and two were Rear- Admirals. But the Dutch histories confess the loss of but seven or eight men-of-war. On the side of the English the only considerable loss was that of the Admiral Deane ; not one ship being missing, and but very few men killed, among whom was a captain. This appears not only from the concurrent testimonies of the English writers, but from the express words of the Proclamation for a Thanksgiving which was published on this occasion. 6. The Weekly Intelligencer has the following' remarks on the victory : — The news of the defeat given by the English on 2nd June much startled the Court of Charles, and, indeed, all France. Charles Stuart's followers gave out reports at first that the Dutch had beaten the English, and that he was to go to Holland, and that they would do great things for him. And the English (Royalists) went vapouring of it up and down the streets (of Paris), and some of them were soundly foxt (drunk). But the next day came news FIRST BATTLE OF THE NORTH FORELAND. G51 to several merchants of the city, besides letters to the Courts which were kept more private, that the Dutch were beaten and had sus- tained a very great loss. Upon this there was a great meeting of the Council with the King, and their countenances very sad all about the French Court, and divers of the English going through the streets of Paris were so mocked and jeered at that they have been ashamed almost to show their heads abroad. 7. Dutch Account. Private. From the Life of Martin Herbert Tromp, p. 120. The Admirals Deane and Monk, who had the joint command of the English fleet, resolved to be beforehand with Tromp, by attack- ing him before his junction with the Zealand squadron and other ships destined for his reinforcement, but they came a day too late, so that a few poor fishermen bore the brunt of the displeasure they had conceived for so unlucky missing their blow. There were 54 of them in Terreer Road newly come from Zerikzee, of which 47 were destroyed, and of two ships that served them for convoys there was one that had but four guns, and yet defended herself so valiantly that the English frigates were forced awhile to let her alone. But at last, being attacked by a great man-of-war, she was forced to yield. Deane and Monk were informed by the prisoners taken on that occasion of the state of the Dutch fleet, and then they put them ashore upon promise that they should never serve against the English, after they had used all the flatteries they could to convert them into the service of England. The two Eng- lish Admirals writ the following letter to the Parliament, to inform them of what had passed : — " Since our last we saw ourselves just upon the point of a bloody battle, but God having ordered it otherwise was pleased to permit Tromp and De Witt to prevent us by steering away to the north- ward with a great number of merchant ships, as well to convoy them that way as to reconduct the ships they should find there coming from France, but especially those returned from the West Indies. In the meantime we doubt not you have heard of the prosperities which it has pleased God to heaj) upon us, having put us in a condition to strike terror into the heart of the enemies' country by a descent upon their coasts, which was followed by several advantages, and chiefly by the taking of 50 fishing vessels 652 MEMOIR OP GENERAL DEANE. newly come from Zerickzee. We have put all the country in alai-m for fear we should make an irruption, and that we should make use to that effect of the vessels we have taken from them. However, it is a great mortification to the poor inhabitants of Zerickzee and a great loss to the whole country, because they used to furnish fish to the towns of Amsterdam and Rotterdam. We flatter onrselpes with the hopes that we shall quickly meet with Tromp. May it please God to favour the desires of those that pray for us." * 'Tis true the English had begun to carry the terror of their arms to our coasts near the Texel and the Helder, but having landed some men, they were received with so much courage and resolution as made them little stomach to venture again upon such another attempt. The 10th and 14th May (N.S.) the English fleets sailed towards the coasts of Zealand, and on the 15tli the two fleets came within five miles of one another, yet without meeting together. Our merchant fleet, consisting of 300 sail, having fetched a compass about Scotland, by the greatest happiness in the world was already safely arrived into our ports, without seeing any enemies by the way. Tromp having convoyed our merchant ships northward as far as Hitland, and not finding those there that were to come from France, and which he had orders to conduct home, returned towards the coasts of Holland about the end of the month, and entered into the Maes, where he received a reinforcement of seventeen ships of war and one fire-ship, brought him by Eear- Admiral Floriz from Zealand, upon which he went to take the Admiral's ship, the Bi'ederode, which was there repaired, having been extremely endamaged in the last fight.f On Whit- Sunday Tromp had a conference with three deputies of the States General ; the result of their consultation was, that Tromp should make towards the Downs of England, in hopes to meet there with some of the Parhament's ships. On the 4th June they discovered some of them to the northward, upon which, holding a council of war, it was resolved that He Euyter, with his squadron, jointly with Eear-Admiral Floriz, should steer to the southward, whilst Tromp, with his Vice- Admiral De Witt, should move to the northward, that so by shut- ting up the enemies' squadrons within the Downs, they might * This letter, if uot apocTjplial, is prol)ably altei-ed to suit the subsequent statements of the biographer of Tromp. f With Blake. FIRST BATTLE OF THE NORTH FORELAND. 653 attack him with greater effect. But the English, especially Bod- ley, who was returned with eight men-of-war and eight merchant ships from the Mediterranean, was come to an anchor under the castles of the Downs, of which Tromp had had advice. Bodley^ to escape him, had removed to the westward, so that Admiral Floriz, coming thither first, found no more but two little ships that were retired under the cannon of the castles of Dover and the Downs, The Dutch began to cannonade them briskly, to which they returned as vigorously : but the Hollanders, at length getting nearer Dover, foimd in that road five small vessels, of which three were taken, the fourth fled, and the fifth retired quite under the castle. The English fired most terribly from the Castle of Dover upon the Hol- landers, but Tromp answered them so vigorously that all the inhabitants of the country were alarmed at it, knowing not where to fly, and durst not stay in their houses, which they saw imroofed by the Hollanders' cannon balls. After that expedition Tromp advanced towards Swartness, where being informed that the English fleet had appeared near the ^Hie, he thereupon resolved to go in search of them, and on the 14th, having discovered them over against Xieuport, he made directly up to them. The Dutch fleet was then composed of 98 men-of-war, but all of them much smaller and nothing near so well provided for war as those of the English. The wind was N.E., and the English had the weather gage. The two fleets having remained some time in presence of one another, without any offer made by the English to attack the Hollanders, Tromp did all he could, by luffing, to get up to them. When he came nigh them the English began at length to cast their fleet into a line of battle, and divided it into three sqixadrons. They at first made a motion to enclose the Dutch within a crescent,* but when they saw the others observe them very narrowly, and seem resolved to stand them, their squadrons joined again, and advanced within cannon shot of their enemy, and then Deane and Monk gave the signal for battle, and so the two fleets engaged about 11 before noon. The wind being northward, favoured De Euyter's squadron, so that he, taking advantage of that opportunity, fell lapon the Eng- * This must be a mistake of the reporter, for the English fleet was never in line. 654 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. lish and got the weather gage of them, and then the two fleets most vigorously charged one another. Admiral Deane was killed by one of the first shot that flew from the Hollanders. Monk, seeing him fall, covered the body with his cloak, and endeavoured to encourage the seamen. The fight was furious and bloody, par- ticularly between Lawson's and De Ruyter's squadrons, for this latter fought with such obstinate courage and eagerness that he consumed most of his powder. Then Tromp came in to his assist- ance ; which Monk perceiving, advanced with his main strength, and fell upon the Dutch, which redoubled the fury of the fight and the courage of the combatants. Lawson, at the head of nine or ten frigates, advanced with intent to intei'cept the captains, Yander Zoon and Joosh Bulter, of Gro- ningen, who made great resistance ; but at length Bulter's ship, called the Camel, having received four or five shot between wind and water, was forced to yield, and presently after sunk. Bulter, who was wounded with a splinter in the middle of his body, died with his drawn hanger in his hand, and was swallowed up, half dead, with part of his wounded men ; the rest of the crew saved themselves on board of Vander Zoon, who ran great hazard of being involved in the same misfortune as Bulter, being likewise surrounded by his enemies, but he made his way through them by sinking one of their ships. Tromp made all imaginable efforts to grapple the English Admiral, but never could get near enough to him. While they were fighting, the wind happening quite to fall, the English White squadron was by that means separated from the rest of the fleet. The Hollanders, willing to improve that opportunity, advanced with design to intercept it ; while the English, on the other hand, did all they could to rejoin their forces, but before they could effect it the Dutch pressed close upon the English Blue squadron, and with broadsides made their way through the EngHsh Fleet. The victory having for a long time wavered, began then to declare itself for the Hollanders, who, making their enemies give way, pursued them ; but, a great disorder happening in their Fleet, the English knew so well to make their advantage of it that they gained the weather gage of them, which gave occasion to a second engagement no less bloody than the first, and which caused the destruction of most part of the ships that composed the fleets. About 9 o'clock at night another English (qu. Dutch') ship was FIRST BATTLE OF THE NORTH FORELAND. 655 burnt, but tbey continued still fighting till the night parted them, and then the English stood to the northward, and the Hollanders to the southward. But, unfortunately, when the enemy had already retired out of cannon shot, as Captain Van Velzen was firing off his last shot, his powder took fire and blew up his ship, with almost all his men, hardly ^ve escaping of the whole ship's crew. The whole night was spent in repairing damages sustained in the battle, and mending up as well as possible the ships that were most battered. At break of day the next morning the two Fleets found them- selves not above a mile distant from one another. Lieutenant- Admiral Tromp put out the usual signal to call his officers on board him, at whose arrival he heard with much vexation the ill news that most part of the ships of his Fleet wanted ammunition, by which they were disabled to stand a second battle. It must be confessed that if Tromp had been seconded as he ought to have been the day before by some of his Fleet that failed in their duty, and were false to the fidelity which they had sworn to their country, the English would have been so well reduced to reason that they would hardly have had any mind to begin a new battle the next day. Vice- Admiral de Witt had so small a quantity of powder and bullets left that it would hardly serve him for three hours firing, and De Ruyter had less than he. And, besides, a great many other ships were much weakened by the numbers of men they had killed and sick. Notwithstanding all these disadvantages Tromp was in the mind to venture a second battle, as thinking, if he were worsted, to retreat towards Wielingen to take in necessary ammunition and provision. Second Day's Fight. Lieutenant- Admiral Tromp had done all he could from the first appearance of the enemy to tack to the south-east to get the weather gage, which the English had, that so he might the more success- fully force his way into the middle of their Fleet. About 8 o'clock the vanguards of the two Fleets began to fire at one another at a distance, but Tromp, pursuing his design, had already, about 10 o'clock, got Dunkirk at the S.S.E. of him, and was in hopes to get up to the main body of the English Fleet and to intercept a good part of their ships ; but they were no sooner engaged than there happened a calm, which was the cause that the Hollanders found 656 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. themselves to the leeward, and the English had the weather gage, which opportunity they improving, came thundering about 11 o'clock upon the Dutch Fleet with so much the greater advantage, because Blake had reinforced them in the night with a squadron of 28* men-of-war, which he had brought with him from Portsmouth. Tromp thereby found himself obliged to close up the rear of his Fleet, to endeavour, as well as it was possible, to sustain the shock of the enemies. Tromp, De Witt, De Euyter, and some others, fought with unparalleled bravery, but, unhappily, from the very beginning of the fight, a disorder having happened in the Dutch Fleet from want of experience in the officers, they began to give way, and, at length, were part of them taken and part sunk. Nay, the confusion was so great among them that some of them quitted their fire-ships after having set fire to them themselves, who endeavoured to palliate their infamous cowardice by pretending they had received several shots between wind and water.| Although the valiant Tromp saw himself thus deserted by his rear guard, yet he lost not his courage for that, but possessing still the same presence of mind, and being animated by reflexions upon his past glory, and by the hopes and inextinguishable passion he had still to maintain it to the last, grappled the Vice- Admiral Penn, boai'ded him, and poured so many men into his ship that he had already made himself master of her, when thirteen ij: English frigates tacking aboxit upon him so cruelly handled him that they forced him to let go his hold. The enemies, likewise, in their turn grappling Admiral Tromp, poured in so great a number of seamen on board of him that his men were forced to fly all under deck. Upon which Tromp, seeing himself overpowered with numbers, thought there was no other remedy but to set fire to some barrels of gunpowder, which he did so effectually that in an instant, as by a clap of thunder, the enemies were blown pell mell into the air, and their bodies were seen to fly about, half burnt, and rent to pieces. Yet this blow did not so much discourage the English, but they came on again and charged him afresh ; and he had certainly been lost had not De * Only 1 3, besides Blake did not join until nearly the close of the second day, when he certainly turned the scale, and took away all hope fi-oni Tromp. t Which is not improbable, for the English would naturally endeavour to .sink the fire-ships. X Perhaps Tradition had tlms represented the succour of Blake's tkii'teen ships. FIRST BATTLE OF THE NORTH FORELAND. 057 Witt and De Ruyter, espying tlie great danger he was in, come up, without losing time, and disengaged him about 7 o'clock in the evening. Captain Schellinger's ship being much battered and deserted by most of her seamen feU into the English Fleet, and was soon after burnt to ashes. The ship Westergoo, being surrounded by three English men-of-war that furiously battered her on all sides, was forced to yield, just when she was ready to sink. A little before that Captain Verburg's ship, having had her helm shot away, fell into the enemies' hands, and after a vigorous resistance was at last constrained to yield. Tromp, and the other general officers fought till within night, when the English made off to sea, steering north- ward ; but the Hollanders made for Ostend, where they arrived about mid-day, and cast anchor. The next morning the English appeared again, but because there were so many ships in the Dutch Fleet very much shattered, and that wanted both provision and ammunition, Tromp, with the advice of the other general officers, thought it best to retreat with the whole Fleet towards Weilingen. Tromp and the rest of the general officers being come to Flushing into the presence of the Deputies of the States, they all unanimously declared that it was impossible for them to continue their services unless the Fleet were reinforced with a considerable number of great ships, well appointed and furnished for war, and so much the more because there were in the English Fleet above 50 men-of-war the least of which was better than that in which Tromp sailed, whereas, on the contrary, there were reckoned above 50 ships in the Dutch Fleet that were unfit for service. De Ruyter made no scruple to say that he intended to go no more to sea unless the Fleet were re- inforced and made more numerous, and were better armed than it had been before. And Vice- Admiral De Witt being afterwards, in the presence of the Assembly of the States, added to their com- plaints these words : " Why should I keep any longer silence ? I am here before my sovereigns, and am free to speak ; and I can say that the English are, at present, masters both of us and of the seas." The States General, therefore, endeavoured to remedy all these disorders and to repair all the losses they had lately sustained, as well as it was possible in so pressing a juncture. But in the mean- time the English Fleet held the coasts of Holland as it were beseiged, after they had stopped up the North of the Texel.* • Life of Tromp, p. 132. 2u G58 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Some of the facts mentioned in the preceding statement are borne out by the postscript of Blake's and Monk's letter to Cromwell, especially that part in which allusion is made to the desertion of Tromp by some of his ships. " By one that was with Tromp' s Elect is certified, that they gave the men much strong water at the beginning of their going to fight, which made them, for six or seven hours on Thursday, very desperate, but afterwards, the strength" of the liquor being over, the men were abundantly cowardized ; that the captains were so vexed that they tore their hair and were much troubled, and thirty of them forced to fly away, and Tromp, getting into a small frigate, sailed and shot after them, and yet could get back but thirteen." Prom the above-mentioned fact or report arose the English proverb of " Dutch courage,'^ a phrase still current in our sea-ports. In this particular instance it may have been true, for the Dutch crews had been recently engaged in a hard fought battle with Blake, and their exhausted strength may have required stimulants ; but, as a general rule, nothing can be further from the truth than the insinuation conveyed by the proverb, for no braver seamen than the Dutch have ever exchanged broadsides with the English. Gun for gun, and man for man, a Dutch man-of-war will fight longer and kill more of our men than a ship of any other continental nation with which we have as yet ever engaged at sea. The courage of the Erencli may LETTERS DEPLORING HIS DEATH. 659 be more fiery, and that of the Spaniard more chivah^ous, but the real " Dutch courage " is more cool, more orderly, and more enduring than either, while Dutch seamanship is scarcely, if at all, in- ferior to that of the English. One great proof of this is, that the Dutch, like the English, always fired into the ship and not at the rigging, that is, contemplated a victory and not an escape. V. The effects of this battle were felt on both sides of the Channel. The English were elated, and the Dutch correspondingly depressed. But the death of General Richard Deane modified both the joys of the one and the griefs of the other nation, while the blaze of glory in which he fell justified the consolation of the laureat — — nee gloria Lethi Nobilior nostris 2)oterat contingere votis. Several letters * from the sea coasts mention his death with much feeling : — 1. " I am heartily sorry to hear of the loss of the gallant General Deane. I hope the Lord will make it up to us in some other way. " Peter Pett. " Chatham, June 4, 1653." 2. " The loss of our worthy old friend General Deane is indeed a great loss. The Lord make it up to us ! I trust He will. Yet it is good to see God in such dispensations. He hath an end in it which we shall learn hereafter. We ought to be affected with the loss of the nation's worthies. " Thos. Wilson. " To Tho'. Kelsey, Esq. L^.-Govr. of Dover Castle. " Dover, June 6." * S. P. O. 2u 2 G60 MEMOIK OF GENERAL DEANE. Other letters expressive of a similar feeling may be cited, but are superfluous, for there was but one opinion of the loss, namely, that it was a national one. But the spirit in which the war was undertaken by the English is remarkable. The war, if we may take the private correspondence of the day as an index to the public feeling, was a missionary war ! in which " The Orlory of God " was held out as the chief object of achievement. John Poortmans, who seems to have been acting as the secretary of the Generals on board the Resolution, writes from off the Texel, June 9 : " We are now plying it to and again, between the Texel and the Ely, to hinder all ships coming from thence to join with that part of the Dutch Elect which are at the Wellings, as well as to stop up their fishing and merchandize trade. Wherein I hope the Lord will be with us, that if He hath appointed that nation for mercy. He will bring down their lofty spirits to yield to such a peace as may stand next for His glory in the exaltation of the Lord Jesus Christ, who must now be King, though the heathen rage and the people imagine a vain thing. The time of Anti- christ's glory is now expired, and as he hath had a time to rise and grow, so now must the people of the Lord have their time, whose kingdom shall never fall, being built upon the Son of God, who was, and is, and shall be to all eternity." " I am very willing to believe," says Major Bourne to the Commissioners of the Admiralty, CONSTERNATION OP THE DUTCH. G61 " that God hath borne witness against those who have lifted up themselves against Hiin. and his interest." " I hope the Lord, who hath been pleased to own us, will continue in owning us, and perfect the work which he hath began by us," is the prayer of Thomas Poynter, who writes from on board the JResolution, June 5, to the same Commissioners. Prom these and other expressions of even the officials of the Government, it is evident that in their estimation the cause of the Commonwealth was the cause of God, and that they regarded the Dutch and all other enemies of the State as mere children of Antichrist. It is easy to call this fana- ticism and to ridicule it as folly, but it was Power and it led to Victort. In Holland the news of the two days' battle was received with consternation. " The people are in great misery," says a correspondent of an English Journal, " and earnestly wish for peace." " Great differences there are amongst themselves about the Prince of Orange," is the testimony of a trumpeter who had returned on board the Generals, after bearing a message from them to the States. Nothing could reconcile them to the defeats which they had sustained. The biographer of Tromp informs us, that " Dis- turbances began to be experienced in several towns, especially in Egknisen, which depended upon the herring fishery, now intercepted by the English. The mob appeared in arms and seized upon the 6G2 MEMOIR OF GENEEAL DEANE. town house, the gates, the ramparts, and all the stores of warlike ammunition ; hoisted the flag of the Prince of Orange in opposition to that of the States, and fired upon the magistrates and the troops sent to appease them. The tumults were at length composed by the prudent management of the Deputies from the States and the Sieur Brede- rode, sent from the Hague." The States, at the same time, displayed such activity in restoring their affairs that in a few weeks Tromp was again at sea with a fleet of between 80 and 90 men-of-war, to join De Witt, whose squadron had been shut up in the Texel. They effected a junction with great gallantry, Tromp fighting his way through the blockading fleet. On the 29th July the united Dutch Pleet came out and offered battle, when another sanguinary engagement ensued, in which the Dutch were again defeated with a greater loss of ships and men than in any previous encounter ; but their greatest and most irreparable loss was that of the gallant Tromp, who was killed on the quarter-deck of his flag-ship by a musket ball, which entered his left temple. The circumstances of his death, as described by his biographer, are very picturesque and interesting. His ship being covered with a thick cloud of smoke, was not to be seen any longer ; and in the meanwhile the English Rear- Ad- miral, followed by some frigates, approaching them, there flew from the third of that rank a fatal ball that struck him on the left temple as he was giving order about his guns, and laid him for dead at the feet of his lamenting seamen. So mournful an accident pierced them to the quick, that to revenge the death of so valiant a DEATH OF TROMP. 663 man, and that it might not be said that the author of so terrible an act went impunished, a common soldier of the Admiral's ship, ad- vancing upon the deck, shot the Captain of the aforesaid frigate in the cheek, and felled him dead with a musket bullet as he was making bravadoes with his drawn hanger in his hand. Lieutenant-Admiral Tromp being carried immediately into the captain's chamber, was laid on a pillow, and some moments after gave up the ghost, after he had exhorted his seamen to fight like men of courage, and prayed God to take into his protection all that were under his command. Some report that at this approach of death he addressed these words to his men — "/ have finished my coui'se, have good courage^ Thus the short space of one month put an end, by a similar death, to the rival Admirals, Richard Deane and Martin Herbert Tromp. Each of them fell on the open deck of his flag-ship : — — nee gloria Lethi Nohilior nostris poterat contingere votis. The fall of Tromp reminds us, in all its circum- stances except victory, of that of our own hero, Nelson. Nor is the parallel confined to their deaths. Their lives, actions, and characters were as nearly alike as the difference of times and countries admit. The same brave spirit and honest heart, the same devoted patriotism distinguished them both. Por if of Martin Herbert Tromp it could be said that " he was very much an English- man in all things hut his nativity^'' * of Horatio Nelson it is recorded, and for many generations yet to come it will be remembered, that in mind, and heart, and every feeling, he was, above all * Heath. 064 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. who have ever served their country, an English- man. Tromp was accompanied in death by more com- manders of the enemy than had ever yet graced the fall of a rival chief in a naval battle. Seven captains of the English fleet, two of whom were acting admirals, fell in this action, and five were wounded. The frigate from which the fatal shot which slew Tromp was fired, was the Tulip, 31, Captain Joseph Cubitt. She belonged to the rear squadron of the K-ear-Admiral's division, and her Captain was the only one in that division who was killed — thus corroborating the account of Tromp's biographer, VI. The funeral of Martin Earpertz Tromp was solemnised with extraordinary pomp, at the expense of the States, at Delft, where a costly monument is erected in the church, recording his great deeds, while his great rival Blake lies in St. Margaret's Churchyard, cast out from Westminster Abbey, with E;ichard Deane by his side — Unwept, unhonoured, aud nnsung. as far, at least, as the nation's gratitude is con- cerned ; and " with no other monument to his memory than that of his deathless renown." The order of Tromp's funeral procession is in- teresting as showing that in all European countries similar forms and ceremonies attended the burial of a great general of whom his country was proud ; and' I insert it as afi'ording a parallel to those of TROMP'S FUNERAL. 665 Deane and Blake, and Monk, all of whom were interred, with similar honours, at the national cost. Tromp was buried in the choir of the old church at Delft, September 5, 1653. THE ORDER OF THE FUNERAL. Four hundred Guards of the States trailing pikes and colours. Four Trumpeters. The States Heralds, armed cap-a-pied. The Great Admiral's Flag. The Little Standard. The Coat of Arms, Gauntlets, Head-piece, Spurs of Knighthood (conferred by Charles L), and Sword. The Funeral Hearse laden with the personal weapons of the deceased, and covered by a Black Pall supported by Four Captains. The Body. The Commissioners of the Admiralty. Three Sons of Tromp. His Family and Relations. The States General. The Council of State. The States of Holland. The Great Council. The Court. The Chamber of Accounts of Holland. Ministers of the Church. Burghers of the Hague. Four Companies of Armed Burghers received the Body at Delft, and fired Three Vollies over his Grave. The monument erected to Tromp was of the usual kind in those days. The tomb was sur- mounted by an effigy of the hero in white marble, surrounded by military trophies. The epitaph in Latin, is neither better nor worse than the Latin epitaphs of an age remarkable for what we should call bad taste ; for it is replete with strained anti- 666 MEMOIU OF GENERAL DEANE. theses and exaggerations. But it is, notwitlistand- ing, an honest expression of the puhlic admiration, for one who was deservedly considered " The first Captain of his age^^ at sea; and whose renown has been only once equalled since — by our own Nelson. Por of Blake, though it may be said " Qiiam prox- ime accessit," yet not even Bridgwater, the town that gave him birth, can place him on the same pedestal with Tromp. ^TERNiE MEMORI^ Qui Batavos, Qui Virtutem, ac verum laborem amas Lege ac Luge. Batavje Gentis decus, Virtutis Bellicse fulmen, Hie jacet, Qui vivus nunquam jacuit : Et Imperatorem Stantem debere mori, exemplo suo docuit. Amor Civium, Hostium Terror, Oceani Stupor, Martinus Harpertz Trompius. Quo nomine plures continentur laudes, quam liic lapis capit, sane angustior : Et cui Oriens et Occidens Mare Materia Triumphorum, Universus Orbis Theatrum Glorias posuit. Prasdonum certa pernicies, commercii felix Assertor, Familiaritate utilis non vilis, postquam Nautas et MiHtes Dunmi genus paterno et cum efficaci et benigno rexit imperio, Post quinquaginta Prrelia, quorum Dux fuit, aut pars magna, Post insignes, supra fidem, victorias, Post summos, infra meritum, honores, Tandem Bello Anglico Tantum non victor, certe Invictus, X. August. Anno iErae Christianje CIO D L 1 1 1. ^tat. LVL Vivere et Vincere desiit. Fcederati Belgae Patres Heroi Optime merito. M. P. RESULTS OF THE DEATH OF TROMP. 667 VII. The death of Tromp so damped the warlike ardour of the Hollanders, that they willingly accepted overtures of peace from Cromwell, now Protector of England ; and conceded the honour of the flag, and a pecuniary compensation for the losses sustained by the British merchants at Amboyna. The war thus concluded had lasted only one year and eleventh months, and yet, in that short time, the English had taken seven hundred prizes, valued by the Dutch themselves at sixty-two mil- lions of guilders, or nearly six millions of pounds sterling. Those taken by the Dutch did not amount to above a fourth of that sum in value. This great difference, however, shows not so much the superior naval power of England, as the more extended commerce of Holland, which received almost a death-blow by this war. The English were victorious in five general en- gagements. Tromp achieved two victories over Blake, and De Buyter gained one over Ascue ; but the two former were gained by overwhelming numbers, and the latter was not decisive. Never- theless the English have never met, before or since, any enemy at sea so nearly equal to them- selves. There was, then, no exaggeration in the tribute to Tromp — " Tantum non victor,'' and but little, and that excusable, in the phrase — '' Certe Invictusy VIII. The most remarkable event of these great 668 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. naval battles was the first application, by the English, of the manoeuvre subsequently so success- ful at the battles of Cape St. Vincent and Trafalgar that of BREAKING THE LINE. The credit of this conception has been, popularly, ascribed to Sir John Jervis, but was strenuously claimed by the late Lieutenant-General Sir Howard Douglas for his own father, who was flag-captain to Sir John Jervis at the battle of St. Vincent's, and who, he affirmed, suggested it to his Admiral. Sir Walter Scott, on the other hand, claimed the original idea for his friend and countryman Clerk, a civilian, who had written a very able book on " Naval Tactics," some time before the battle of St. Vincent's, from which book Scott maintained that Captain Douglas derived or might have de- rived his information. But Mr. Granville Penn has since, most success- fully, vindicated the claim of no less a person than Tromp, to the original conception and first applica- tion of this manoeuvre, which he employed against the Spanish Fleet, whose line of battle he broke, and which he signally defeated in the Downs, in the year 1639, within cannon-range of the English coast, and in the sight of thousands of spectators. Mr. Granville Penn further shows that, at the battle of the North Foreland, June 2, 1653, this manoeuvre was employed against Tromp himself, by Deane and Monk — but he asserts that it was at the suggestion of Vice-Admiral W. Penn that they adopted it. The only ground for this confident MANCEUVRE OF " BREAKING THE LINE." 669 assertion seems to be that J^enn was a sailor born and bred; and that Deane and Monk were both soldiers, and therefore unlikely to have thought of anything of the kind. So at least argues Mr. Granville Penn, But he did not know — or had forgotten — that Deane had been a sailor long before he became a soldier, and that he had risen " from a common mariner, to the reputation of a bold and excellent officer." This is on Clarendon's authority. I have shown how Clarendon might have been mistaken as to the origin of Richard Deane, and that Deane was not a •' common mariner ^^ in the sense in which that expression is usually taken, i.e. " a man before the mast." That he had served at sea for ■ some time — probably years — before he took arms on land, is affirmed by several authorities. One writer indeed, says that he had been a boatswain — which, if true, would prove that he had served on board of a man-of-war. However this may have been, it is clear that he might have learned at sea some of that seamanship which he was, in later life, called upon to exhibit in practice ; and Clarendon had very good grounds for knowing that he had "risen to the reputation of an excellent officer.^' This " excellence " must be taken in a professional sense — that of a good naval com- mander. This being the fact, there appears to be no neces- sity for Admiral Deane's application to Vice- Admiral Penn, for any especial advice as to the 670 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. manner in which they should attack the enemy. At any rate, being the Commander-in-Chief, Deane had the option of accepting or rejecting his advice — sujiposing Penn to have given it ; and (as Monk is expressly excluded by Mr. Granville Penn, as a landsman ; and as not having availed himself of the manoeuvre afterwards when he commanded in chief,) the same credit, at least, is due to Deane for adopting Penn's supposed suggestion, as has been given to Sir John Jervis for adopting that of his Captain Douglas. But I go beyond this limited assumption, and claim for Admiral- General Deane the unassisted adoption of the idea of " breakingiihe enemies^ line," either from a recollection of Tromp's defeat of the Spaniards, or independently of that example, as a military officer candying into execution at sea those tactics which he had observed to be so effectual on land. Por the methodical division of the fleet into Med, White, and Blue, squadrons — of which this was, as far as I can learn, the first instance — corresponds exactly with the ordinary arrangement of an army in the field — as at Nascby and elsewhere ; and denotes the manipulation of a Major- General of the army. But supposing that the tripartite division of a fleet was no novelty, and that it had long prevailed at sea — what is more likely than that to a military general ofi&cer it would suggest a military use ? — that is, of bearing down upon the enemy who was BREAKING THE LINE. 671 in line — in th^ee columns ? — and breaking through at three points, for the purpose of doubling upon him, and inclosing him between two fires at those points, and overwhelming him in detail, before he could bring his other ships together to his as- sistance ? In this manner many a great victory has been gained on land, and a good land General, like Deane, would naturally resort to it, if in com- mand at sea. Mr. Granville Penn shows that previously to 2nd June, 1653, engagements at sea were little else than duels of ships. Ships were laid alongside of or run aboard ships — and, if practicable, two or more would fall upon one, and carry it before relief could arrive. But nothing like system had ever been used by an English Admiral before Deane and Monk " charged^^ Tromp and De Huyter in three columns at the memorable battle of the North Eoreland. The only wonder is that Blake, who had also been a Colonel before he was a General at Sea, did not employ these tactics in the three days' battle of Portland. The answer is that Blake had never commanded^ nor, so far as we know, had ever been present at a pitched battle on land ; whereas Deane had seen almost all the great battles of the^ Civil War, and had commanded a brigade as Major- General both at Preston and Worcester. Neither Blake nor Monk had had such military experience on shore. Blake had been distinguished by two memorable defences, those of Lynn and Bridgwater, 672 MEMOIR or GENERAL DEANE. and they Avere among the most gallant actions of the Avar ; but he never had a command in a field of battle. Monk had seen some severe fighting in Ireland, and had proved his capacity for hard work in the storming of Dundee, but he never commanded even a brigade in a great battle. Richard Deane, on the other hand, had served through the campaigns of the Earl of Essex and of Sir Thomas Eairfax in the West of England. He had been present at the battles of Edgehill, of Newbury (both), of Naseby, of Preston, and of "Worcester ; besides the minor, but still instructive, engagements of Langport and Torrington ; and the storming of Sherborn Castle, of Taunton, of Dart- mouth, and the sieges of Exeter, Bristol, and Oxford. If experience could teach him, he ought to have been a soldier, f actus ad unguem, before he arrived " at the reputation of a bold and excellent officer " at sea. -, It may not be then too much to assume that E;ichard Deane, when second in command to Blake, at the " three days' battle of Portland," discovered, by the terrible losses of his flag-ship, the necessity of some system of naval tactics, which should pre- vent a recurrence of such a calamity as that which had so nearly proved fatal to Blake and himself. He might also have thought that it was owing to the want of some system of combination and mutual support, on the part of the English, that the Dutch were enabled to carry away so many of their shat- tered ships and convoy out of the battle. The THE " CHAUGE " FIRST ADOPTED BY DEANE. 673 anxious mind of a " General at Sea " would natu- rally, under sucli circumstances, take counsel of himself as a General at Shore, and endeavour to ascertain how these difficulties and dangers were to be overcome. And the "charge," in three columns of ships, would suggest itself as that plan of attack most likely to he effectual. This plan of attack was adopted ^br the first time in English History, by General- Admiral Richard Deane, and succeeded ! E,ichard Deane fell by the first broadside of the enemy, and therefore the friends of Vice- Admiral Penn, the sailor, could, without contradiction, and with perfect plausibility, claim the honour of the plan of attack for him. "While the friends of his commander, Richard Deane (branded to all time as a Regicide) could expect no other answer to their claim for him, than the proverbial Jewish sneer, " Can any good thing come out of Nazareth ? " The extent, almost ludicrous, to which this pre- judice has been carried by writers professing to be historians of England, is shown by Mr. Granville Penn, who remarks that Sir William Temple, in recounting the victories of England by sea, entirely ignores those of the first Dutch war, solely because they were gained by the Admirals of The Common- wealth. And yet the same Granville Penn remarks that " Of the Regicide Deane, at sea, we know little or nothing, except that he received the recompense of a cannon ball ! " * Had he inquired, without pre- * Life of Penn, i. 410. 2x 674 MEMOIU OF GENERAL DEANE. judice, he might have known something more. He might have discovered that it Avas Deane who first found out the merits of his ancestor J?enn ; and that to the countenance and patronage of IRichard Deane, William Penn was indehted for his most important step in the ladder of promotion. But the hiographer of the Regicide has, after all, very little reason to complain. Eor if Robert Elake has no enemy's skull out of which he may quaff mead in that valhalla of naval worthies, no wonder that nothing is accorded to the merits of HiCHARD Deane. He must he contented with the tribute of a contemporary writer, to whom those merits were well known : — And is a duty or a danger near, On land or sea, and noble Deane not there ? and who has only translated and slightly magnified the testimony of another :* — Quid raptim te, Deane, canam dignissime Deane ! Et terra pelagoque potens, in utrumque parate ! Payne Fisher. CHAPTER XXII. FUNERAL OF GENERAL DEANE. — HIS LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT. I. The remains of the deceased General-at-Sea were conveyed, immediately after the victory, to Gravesend, where they awaited the orders of the Council of State. These were soon received. A public funeral in Westminster Abbey was decreed to him, and with honours similar to those which, two years before, had been awarded to Ireton. The son-in-law of Cromwell and the Lord-Deputy of Ireland was thought to be entitled to the distinc- tion of a E;Oyal funeral, and obtained it ; but second only to Ireton in rank and services — for He also had governed a kingdom and died in arms for his country, was Hichard Deane, and his funeral was also conducted on a scale corresponding to his rank and renown. " The body of the deceased General," says Whitelocke, " was brought, on the 24th of June, in a funeral barge, by water, from Gravesend to Westminster, attended by many barges and boats in mourning equipage, and many hundreds of great shots were dis- charged as it passed from ships, and from the Tower, and from guns placed in the way ; and he was honourably buried in Westminster Abbey. Secretary Thiirloe sent to me and to others to be present at the funeral, where they were accordingly, and a very great com- pany of soldiers, and Cromwell himself was there."* * Whitelocke's Memorials, 1653. See also Public Intelligencer, &c. 2x2 676 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. The hearse was received at the west door of the Abbey by the great officers of State, and the coffin was borne by a select party of soldiers — most pro- bably of tlie General's own regiment — to Henry the Seventh's Chapel, and deposited in one of the royal vaults, which already contained the remains of the Earl of Essex, of Popham, and of Ireton. There was a general similarity in all these great funerals, regulated by heraldic rules, varying only in degree according to the rank of the deceased. The funerals of Essex and Ireton were especially magnificent, the Parliament undertaking the for- mer and Cromwell the latter. Both Houses of Parliament followed their late Lord-General, and the insignia of Ireland distinguished the hearse of the Lord-Deputy, while led horses proclaimed the high rank of the great deceased. Both Essex and Ireton had lain in state previous to their interment ; but the General-at-Sea does not appear to have been considered entitled to that honour, at least in London. He may have lain in some kind of state at Greenwich. His obsequies, how- ever, were sufficiently sumptuous, if we may judge of them by those of his comrade Bobert Blake, who, four years later, was carried with similar pomp to the same resting-place ; the funeral of Blake being directed to be celebrated " in such sort as teas done for the funerall of Generall Deane,''^ which shows the estimation in which General Deane was held by his contemporaries. FUNERAL OF DEANE. 677 I have not yet been able to find any official document or heraldic programme of General Deanes funeral, but there is a memorandum of the intended procession at Blake's, among the MSS.* in the British Museum, in the handwriting of the under- taker who conducted it, which we may fairly assume to have been copied from the programme of Richard Deane's. The Order in Council relating to Blake's funeral is as follows : — 1. WTiitehall, August 13, 1657. Ordered, That the Commissioners of the Admiralty and Navy doe forthwith give orders for the interment of General Blake in the Abbey Church of "Westminster, and for all things requisite to be prepared for the funerall of Generall Blake, in such wise as was done for the funerall of Generall Deane ; and that they give direc- tions for preparing Greenwich House for the reception of the body of Generall Blake in order to his funerall. And that the housekeeper, and all other persons concerned, are to yield obedience thereunto. Hen. Scobell, Clerk of the Council. MIKUTES OF COUNCIL RELATING TO THE EXPENCES. Tuesday, Nov. 24, 1657, At the Council at Whitehall. In consideration of the report of the Commissioners of the Admiralty and Navy, that they, the said Commissioners, being desired to give orders for the intennent of Generall Blake in the Abbey Church at Westminster, and for all things requisite to be prepared for the said funerall, in such sort as icas done for the funerall of Genercdl Deane; the charges of the said funerall amount * Addl. 12,514. Pluto, clxxxix. E. 678 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. to five hundred and fifty pounds, for payment whereof they pray that order may be made. Ordered, W. Jessop, Clerk of the Council. PROGRAMME OF GENERAL BLAKE S FUNERAL. Four Trumpets. Pennon of his Arms, borne by a Major. Three Trumpets. Guidon, borne by a Major. Three Trumpets. Barge with the Great Banner of the Admiralty. Three Trumpets. Barge with the Banner of the State. Three Trumpets. Barge with the Banner of his own Ai'ms. Jaumbes and Gauntlets, borne by . Sword and Target, borne by . Four Trumpets. tf ^ Mantle, Helmet, and Crest, borne by York Herald. B ^ Coat of Armour, borne by Norroy. o ^ ;2 The Barge with the Corpse, g' I" E- Covered with black velvet, adorned with escho. ^ g 3 shields and pensilles. o3 to D Si 2 S^ The Kindred, attended by Six Gentlemen, g; > three on each side, carrying Six Bannerolles of y® ^ g several Matches in order, covered with black. ^ ^ The Lords of the Council in y^ Chief Barge of Glass. The Admiralty and Navy Barges. The Lord Mayor his Barge. The Officers of the Army and Navy. Gentlemen of Quality. His Regiment. Such was the funeral procession of E;0Bert Blake, which was ordered to be conducted " in such loise as was done for the Funerall of Generall FUNERAL OF DEANE. 679 DeaneT Erom which I infer that the funeral order of procession above, was a copy of that of Richard Deane. " The banner of his own arms " borne before General Deane was — Argent^ on a chevron gules, between 3 ravens 'proper, 3 crosses- crosslets or. Crest — On a mound vert, a tortoise displayed or. These were the armorial bearings of Sir Richard Deane, knight, Lord Mayor of London, and of Archbishop Henry Dene, a.d. 1501-3. The hearse and canopy of General Deane exhibit this shield of arms for Deane. Two other shields are represented upon the same face of the hearse, viz. 1. A lion rampant. 2. A griifin segreant, attacking a knight in plate armoui', who has fallen upon his back in the dexter base of the shield. These two are the arms of " the Matches^' — that is, arms of the families with which Richard Deane was connected by marriage. A lion rampant is so common in coats of arms, that in the absence of colour it is impossible to identify the family to which this particular shield belongs. But as we know that it was borne by Oliver Cromwell, and as we infer, from other data, that there was a family connexion between the Cromwells and Deanes (of Guy ting Poher) the probability is, that the "lion rampant" on the hearse represents a " match " with a Cromioell. The other coat presents no difficulty. It is so remarkable and unique, that we can at once assign j| ■the family to which it belonged. It is the shield of'/| G80 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. Grimsdiche of Cheshire, from which a branch migrated into Hertfordshire, and it is probably the arms of Mary the wife of E-ichard Deane. I say " probably," for up to this time I have not been able to find out her maiden name. There is an indication that General Deane was interested in the promotion of a Lieutenant GrimscUtch of the navy, who was made Pirst Lieutenant to Vice- Admiral Penn when the latter was appointed, at the recom- mendation of General Deane, to the command of the Fairfax frigate, October 25, 1650. In the fol- lowing January, Lieutenant Grimsditch was put by Admiral Penn in charge of a Portuguese prize of 36 guns, and, as soon as he returned home, he was promoted to the rank of Captain. This might indeed, have been but in the regular order of things — but it must be admitted that it would have been in the exact course of patronage ! An Admiral of the Pleet recommends a Vice- Admiral to a lucra- tive command, and his grateful friend appoints the Admiral's relative to be his own Pirst Lieutenant, and takes the earliest opportunity of giving him a further " lift." Suppose that Lieutenant Grimsditch was brother-in-law to General Deane, and the whole proceeding would be in the natural order of cause and effect. Could we discover that the maiden name of the General's wife had been \ Grimsditch, there would be no doubt of the relation- ship of this fortunate Lieutenant. Among the Duke of Manchester's papers, pub- lished in 1866, is a letter of Sir Thomas Wrothe, to ARMS ON deane's heaese. 681 the Puritan General, the Earl of Manchester, dated October, 1635, in which he makes mention of an orphan girl of the name of Frances GrimscUtch, his wife's niece, whose connexions indicate a puritanical family. " Dame Margaret " (his deceased lady) " further told me that she had entrusted her brother Sir Nathaniel Bich and myself with the education of her niece Frances Grimsditch (a pretty toward young child then waiting upon her) desiring me to be very careful of her ; and said she had given her £100 and some other things, if she took to good courses and to our liking." Sir Thomas Wrothe (called by Edw. Walker " Prideaux's Jack Fudding'') was of the party of the Parliament, as also were all the family of Rich. It is probable that through the same connexion — viz. the puritanical — Pichard Deane may have been introduced to the family of Grimsditch, and that his wife Mary may have been the sister of the Frances Grimsditch above-mentioned ? This con- jecture, however loosely grounded, may afford a 'clue to the reason why the hearse of Richard Deane bore, among the arms of " matches " — those of Grimsdiche. Two other shields must have appeared on the other side of the hearse, not represented in the engraving, which were, doubtless, those of IVase and TVickham — the names of Pichard Deane's mother and grandmother. It is to be regretted that the printers of the two " Elegiack Memorials " of General Deane headed the broadsides with the 682 MEMOIU OE GENERAL DEANE. same engraving of the hearse. Had they given us the other side of it in the second " Elegiack Memo- rial" we should have had all the four " matches," viz. Deane = Grimsdiche = Qromwell (?) on the obverse ; and Deane = Wase — Wickham on the reverse. II. The funeral took place June 24, and from June 2, the day of the General's death, to that day, the Parliament allowed £100 a-day to his widow and children — both infants, and both girls, and subsequently made them a grant of land worth £600 a-year.* The body of Hichard Deane remained seven years in King Henry's Chapel, when it was removed together with those of Blake, and other worthies of the Commonwealth, and interred in St. Margaret's Churchyard. They are all — twenty-one in number — said to have been buried " in one pit " dug at the back doors of two prebendal houses which then blocked up the north side of the Abbey between the north transept and the west end.f The names of the persons to be disinterred were appended to the following warrant, addressed to the Dean and Chapter, on the restoration of Charles the Second : — It is his Majesty's express pleasure and command that you cause the bodies of the several persons undernamed, which have been un- warrantablie interred in Henry the 7th and other the Chapels and * Letter of Vander Perre, the Dutch Envoy in London, in Thm-loe Papers, f Dean Stanley's Histoiy of Westminster Abbey. 2nd Ed. p. 239. DISINTERMENT OF HIS BODY. 683 places within tlie Collegiate Churcli of Westminster since the year 1641, to be forthwith taken up and buried in some place of the churchyard adjoining to the said church, whereof you may not fail ; and for so doing this shall be your warrant. Edw. Nicholas. Henry 7 Chappel. Dr. Isaac Dorislaus. Mr. Hunifrey Salwey. Coll. Richard Deane. Coll. Boscawen. Mrs. Elizabeth Cromwell. Denis Bond. Coll. Humphry Mackworth. Mrs. BradshaAV. Sir Wm. Constable. Mr. Thos. Hardrick. Mrs. Desborough. Coll. Edw. Poj)ham. Anne Fleetwood. Dr. Twiss. Coll. Robert Blake. Thomas May. Coll. John Meldrum. Valentine Strong. Mr. John Pymme. Steven Marshall. Mr. Wm. Stroud. If these bodies were decently removed from the church to the churchyard, no blame can, justly, attach to the King for the removal ; for he naturally desired to clear his OTvn family vaults of those whom he might, undoubtedly, regard as intruders. But it is not quite so certain that the removal and re-interment were so decorou.sly conducted as tra- dition says they were. The present Dean of West- minster, with the laudable desire of ascertaining not only the place, but also the manner of reburial, caused, in November 1869, the ground to be opened on the spot supposed to be the grave of the re- moved, but found no evidence of a decent and careful interment — such as fragments of coffins, and skeletons, lying side by side in the order of deposit, but only a confused mass of bones so mixed together as to suggest an irreverent emptying 684 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. of coffins into a large common pit. The Dean, and other members of the Chapter who accompanied him, went away, and still remain in tlie charitable hope, that they have failed in discovering the deposit which they sought, but have fallen in with some other not unusual spectacle, in crowded churchyards, where the callous sexton of one gene- ration shovels away the coffinless bones of the pre- ceding, to make room for the bodies of his own contemporaries, who may have occasion for his services. It is earnestly to be hoped that such was the case here ; and, that the only indignity to which Richard Deane and ^Robert Blake were exposed, was the removal of their remains from the burial- place of kings, to that of ordinary christians, *' with no other memorial of their names than that of their deathless renown." But be the case as it may — these facts are certain : they fought on the same deck, died in the same cause, and were buried in the same "pit." "They had been loving and pleasant in their lives, and in their graves they were not divided." Popham, the comrade of Blake and Deane, was buried in the same vault, in Henry the Seventh's Chapel, and was also removed from it, but whether from the superior interest of his family or his own comparative freedom from the guilt of the King's blood, or from a more judicious use by his friends of the moving power of gold, his body was given up to his relations and reinterred in the family burial- place. But even this grace was not unaccompanied DISINTERMENT OP CROMWELL AND OTHERS. 685 by a characteristic meanness — the tablet which had been placed on the wall to his memory was ordered to be taken away, or retersed^ so that no inscrip- tion should be seen to the glory of one who had fought and died for his country. We shall be told that much indulgence should be shown to the natural feelings of a son who could not look with complacency upon any memorial of those who had either brousfht or assisted in bring-ins: his Hoyal Eather to the block. Be it so ; but we cannot grant the same indulgence to that despic- able revenge which visited upon the dead bodies of Cromwell, Ireton, and Bradshaw the wrongs which had been suffered from them when living. Their disinterred remains were taken in a cart to Tyburn, and there hung up on the common gallows, and buried at the gallows' foot, and their dissevered heads taken back to Westminster and set up over Westminster Hall,* in derision of their having there sat in judgment upon Charles the First. By this disgusting barbarity the living avengers of the King's blood were more disgraced in the eyes of a Christian people than the dead rebels whom they thought to stigmatise. "The living dog" was not, in this instance, " better than the dead lion." The body of Colonel Pride is also said to have been taken up from its place of burial and hung, with those of Cromwell, Bradshaw, and Ireton, on the gallows at Tyburn. This barbarism must have been rather the work of the House of Commons, against whom, * Where they were seen by Pepys. 686 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. in their own estimation, the deceased officers had sinned more grievously than against the King him- self. He had lifted his sacrilegious hand against "The House," and violently ejected its members ! That " House " was, indeed, the rebellious Long Parliament ; but, after all, it had been duly returned as the representatives of the people, and was one of the Estates of the Realm, and there- fore, however rebellious, it was a " Holy Thing," and not to be meddled with by profane soldiers. Hence the resentment of the House of Commons of 1660 against the man who administered that "Purge," which did so much good in its own day, and which has been so often wanted since, for every public body elected by the great unwashed must be always more or less unclean ; and irreverent persons are not wanting who " see a Mystery " in its very number, so nearly approximating to " the number of The Beast."* III. The treatment of Richard Deane, " The Regicide," was comparatively respectful. He was only deemed unworthy of remaining in the royal vault ; but it is to be observed, that he had only signed the Death-warrant of the King, and had not raised his hand against " The House." He had fought against the Throne, bat he liad fought with equal vigour against the enemies of his country, and had fallen in the conflict. He was buried with the same honours as Robert Blake — * Rev. 13, 18. And his munher is six hundred and three seore and six. DEANE NOT A FANATIC NOH PERSECUTOR. 687 " let him be reburied with the same contempt, and justice will be satisfied." So reasoned the Parlia- ment of Charles the Second; but nothing which that Parliament could do, or leave undone, can efface the memory of those glorious actions in which *' The Regicide " bore so great a part, and on account of which his name is reckoned amonsj the worthies of the Commonwealth. At a period of remarkable energy he rose, by the force of his own genius and valour, from the obscure condition of a younger son of a country gentleman, of small means and large family, to the rank of a General and Admiral, uniformly success- ful on land or sea, and of an able administrator of the Civil Government of a distracted kingdom, which he pacified and left in peace and pros- perity. In the field or in the council he was the trusted comrade of Oliver Cromwell, which is in itself no small testimonial to his talents, for they were not men of inferior minds whom that shrewd observer of human nature selected for important posts and duties. Richard Deane, moreover, was, in an age of fanaticism, no fanatic ; in an age of intolerance no persecutor. " Religio erat, in sacris nee eogere nee cogi ; hcBC aurea lihertas,'^ was his creed and prac- tice. Conscientious, according to his lights and those of the best men of his age and party, he discharged his public duties zealously and faith- fully, unto death ; and if by his instrumentality his country lost an amiable though misguided King, 688 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. by his courage and self-devotion she was saved from the insults of a foreign enemy, who, a few years after his death, when all public virtue was dead and buried in Westminster Abbey, inflicted upon England the greatest disgrace she has ever sustained since she became a nation. Popham, Blake, and Deane, ignominiously ejected from their graves, were amply avenged by the national disgrace of a dissolute despot upon the throne, and the Dutch in the Iledway ! Richard Deane signed the Death-warrant of Charles the Eirst under a conviction that in no other way could the religion and liberties of the country be saved ; and there are many among us, even at this day, who would confidently balance his only crime with his many virtues, and pro- nounce the scales even ; for it is, indeed, difficult for an impartial politician and moralist (if such a being ever existed) to assign the limits of loyalty and patriotism in an age of religious convulsions. In this age of a free Constitution, domestic tran- quillity, and a Church established upon just and moderate principles, we can form no idea of the dread under which our ancestors of the seventeenth century laboured of the loss of their civil and reli- gious liberties. Some of us may think that those liberties were never really invaded, that the danger was imaginary, and that reason was subjected to a false sentiment; but it would have been difiicult to convince ordinary men of their personal safety when a sentence of the Star Chamber could cut HIS PATHIOTIS^I. 689 off the ears of an impudent lawyer or garrulous dirine merely because the one followed his voca- tion and the other his instinct, or fine an ill-tem- pered gentleman ten thousand pounds ! for speaking querulously of a hard-hearted nobleman who had in- tentionally wronged him; and hard indeed must have been the lot of an honest Member of Parlia- ment who could not argue against the impolicy of an Act proposed by the King's ministers without the risk of beins^ committed to the Tower for con- tempt of the King's Majesty ! The present race of Englishmen cannot realise the feelings of their an- cestors who lived in the days of undefined preroga- tive and recently emancipated liberty. They can- not understand the various motives which agitated the finest spirits of those times ; the earnest pa- triotism of Hampden, when the liberties of this country were in danger, or the chivalrous royalism of the patriot Falkland, when he thought that the throne and altar were about to be trampled under the hoof of an arrogant democracy. Doubtless there were some who took up arms only to prosecute their own private interests, but by far the greater number were personally dis- interested ; they fought for a Cause. All were not tyrants who stood up for the King ; all were not Regicides who fought against him ; and we may even go further and say, that some even of those who sat in judgment upon him and con- demned him to death for abusing his powers when absolute, would have willingly taken up arms at 2 Y G90 MEMOIR OF GENERAL DEANE. his bidding to repel a foreign enemy from their shores, or to put down a domestic tyranny (such as that of the Barons in the reign of Henry the Third) within it. Of this kind of patriots I believe Richard Deane to have been one — Carissimus omnibus, pr£esertim suis, Qui omnes omnium caritates Uni Reipublicaj Postposuit.* Epitaph. p- s 2 < ^ hH H Cb !Z2 o M 3 p OJ p as S rt- en &■ 03 M 5 g p t-i- o l-b ^_ g GO P 1 -4"-:l IsS O 1 <5 o" CD ^ o M o \ 4r T- p' s o cr JD <. & a p n ill § CO cr; p; o o CO CO ►f^ P- o crq CD Pj --HI o! .. >— HI N P N CD u-l 2 o hP Q ^ P- CO ^ iO p' ►a p HI §1 pj Oi tn ►-• 2 O "^ Q p M w^ p, p O ^ P ^«. W^p S ■ a" o •- — HI CO Sj a '-' P- n a: CD ty L_ — Hi 52 2,2 ?;•. td -HI 'S I III-. j-^ ^ cr cp9o . H-. CD , , CD M I'd H, g P I_l CD 0= »<^ CD '"! S £■ |2 ^ P ox ^ Cr !_,, go 5^^2 P CD O («! l-b O "' td CT- 2 <= ^ O '-rf P^ ?5 W 1— o k g- O W 3 ^g- o c 3- CD et: '^ o !_, GO R 01? P 1-! -I CD hT «^& ►^►P 3 C' CD S- '-! P o S p hJ o t?3 3 CD ,. c^ ~ W CD tr- p3 r-^ L_( H O O H ►^ CD ^- s.g 3- ,_. CT- C5 cn CO o 3 h— 1 C5 H^ CO — HI g N P cr CD o "^ 3" g^ 3-Crq o 5' B 3 -HI c IB o H a- ►« OJ M CD C3 c^ CD p P" o ■* P- p" P >-i c fel .^-1 ^, P 3 P T i CD 3 p. ^ p ~ 3 3 o ^ O td ^ o o Hallows-in-the-Wall, It, ob. 1687. of St. Pancras, It. Deane itz. Poyntz. Lancelot Stepney. Charles Poyntz, D.D., Prebendary of Durham, s. p. Georgiana,=pLord John Caroline =p Admiral Hon. Sir Courte- ob. 1851. of )1). 'th >rk Townshend, ob. 1833. Amelia, ob. 18.51. nay Bovle, brother of the 8th Earl of Cork and Orrery, ob. 1844. Charles, = Viscount Dungar- van, died in father's lifetime, 18.34. :Catherine, dau. of Wil- liam, 2nd Earl of Howth . John=^ Hon. John, 4th=T=Elizabeth Boyle, M.P. for Cork 1827 to 1832. Cecilia Fitz- Gerald- de-Eos. Marquis Towns- hend. ob.l863. dau Lord George Stuart. of Gerald Edmund, Captain Rifle Brigade. Robert, Ban'ister- at-law. Ednnind Montagu Bovle. John, 5th Mar- quis Towns- hend. IV. DESCENDANTS OF eTANE DEANE. SISTER OF RICHARD DEANE, GENERAL-AT-SEA. 1. Dru Sparrow, Secretary to Generals- at- Sea Blake and Deane,=jANE Deane, ob. 1670, bu killed in action, Feb. 18, 1652. s. p. at Bnckmgham. 5=2. Stephen Monteage, of All Hallows-in-thc-Wall, I London, merchant, ob. 1687. =William Poyntz. John, ob. 1734. Deane Monteage, ob. 1709. .=John Grice. Hannah.=pLanielot Stepney, of Sf. Puncras, 1 merchant. 1. William Poyntz, Treasurer of Ex- cise, s. p. m. 2. Stephen PojTitz, Steward of Household to H.R.H. William. Duke of= Cumberland, 'Minister at Soissons, Ambassador to Sweden, Member of Privy Conncil, ob. 1750, of Midgham, Berks. Anna Maria, dau. of Brig.- .lo Gen. Hon. Lewis Morrtannt. P oh. 1784. "1 Deane Poyntz. Lancelot Stepney. John, 1st Earl Spencer,=j=Margaret Gcorgii ob. 1783. Poyntz. William Poyntz, of Midghnm, esq.=j=Isabell, dau. and coheir of Kelland Courtenay, of Painsford, ob. 1809. Devon, esq. M.P. ob. 1805. Charles Poyntz, D.D., Durham, s Prebendary i p. GeoLiana.^William,5thDuke G_eirge John, 2nd^Lavin^, dan. Henrietta^IVederick, 3rd WUUam Stephen=,=Elizabeth da. of Ant^ ^^^ll^J^^^'r^ Iri^X'^ Townstnd of Devonshire, K.G. ob. 1811. Earl Spencer, K.G. ob. 1834. of Charles, 1st Earl of Lucan. Frances, ob.l821 Earl of Bess- borough Poynt-z, of Midg- ham and Ci deray, esq. 7th Viscount Montagu, Henrietta, sister and heir of 8th ob. 1843. Viscount. Earl of Cork and OiTerv K.P. ob. 1836. Townshend, ob- 1833. Caroline: Amelia, ob.lSBl. Admiral Hon. Sir Courte- nay Boyle, brother ol the 8th Earl of Cork and . Orrery, oh. 1814. l.Gcor- giana, obiit 1858. :George, 6th Earl of Carlisle, Lord Privy Seal, ob. 1848. Eliza- beth, ob. 1862. 5=Granville, John Frederick,: 1st Earl Charles, 4th Earl Granville, 3rd Spencer, ob. 1846. Earl, KG. ob. ob. s. p. 1857. 1845. ^Elizabeth Geor- giana, dau. of William Ste- phen Poyntz, of Midgham and Cowderay. coheir. JohnWil-=j=Maria, dau. liara, 4th | of John, Earl of I Bess- borough. Earl of Westmor- land, K.G. Two sons Frances Selina, Elizabeth Isabella, drowned wife of 16th Geor- at sea. Lord Clinton, and of Sir Sey- Horace monr. giana, m. Fred- erick, 4th Earl Spencer. Brown - low, 2nd Marquis of Exeter, ob. 1867. Charles, = Viscount Dungar- van, died in father's lifetime, 1834. Catherine, John=p Hon dan. of Wil- liam, 2nd Earl of Howth. Boyle, M.P. for Cork 1827 to 1832. Cecilia Fitz- Gerald- de.Ros. John, 4th= Marquis Towns- hend. ob.l863. Lord George Stuart. Geolge William Frederick, 7th Earl of Carlisle, Lord GranliUe George, 2nd Earl Gran- John Poyntz 5t.h Earl William 5th Williarj Alleyne R«hard SJh «?;;;' ^E^^-^^^ XnLr- ''moXu . Liettenant of Ireland, K G.Ob. 18G4, succeeded by viUe, K.G. Secretary of State for Spencer, Lord Lieutenant Earl of Bess 3rd Marqu.s of Eajl of Cmk Lapta m ^^^^^g ^^^^^ his brother William, 8th Earl. Foreign Affairs. of Ireland, K.G. borough. Exeter. and Orreiy. Bnga le John, 5th Mar- (luis Towns- APPENDIX. APPENDIX A. I. Richard Deane died seized of the manor and grange of Sydenham in the parish of Thame, Oxfordshire, and of West Court in the Honour of Ewelme. He had also some property at Horn- church in Essex. The " Honour of Ewelme " was not the parish of that name in Oxfordshire, but a district in Buckinghamshire, com- prising the manor of Prince's Eisborough, which had formerly belonged to the Black Prince, and which was alienated by Charles the First to the Lord Mayor and Commonalty of the City of Lon- don in 1637, as we learn from the following record :* — *' King Charles the First alienated in 1637, by letters patent, to the Lord Mayor and Commonalty of the City of London the rents of the manor of Prince's Risborough, being £100 7s. ll^d per ann. without pi'ofits of Court, being parcel of the Duchy of Cornwall, and annexed to the Honour of Ewelme, at £84 4s. 7|d. " In 165J, by indenture dated 10 January, Ralph A'Deane, of Gray's Inn, London, Gent., conveyed it for ten shillings to Fre- derick Stephens, of Clement's Inn, Gent , being then among the lands forfeited to the Parliament" (and conferred by them upon General Deane ?) " In 1672, by indenture dated March 23, Francis Lord Hawley, and others, conveyed to Peter Lely,f Esq., of Covent Garden, a fee farm rent of £84 4s. l\,d., issued out of the manor of Prince's Jix^- borough., pai/able to the heir of Richard Deane." ^ This last entry indicates that the widow and children of Admiral General Deane were not deprived of the property which he left to them by his will; as " West Court in Ewelme^'' which is evidently the estate noticed above — an act of generosity for which we should hardly have given credit to the King, who turned the body of the father out of his grave. * Lipscombe's Buckinghamshire, ii. 433. t The famous painter, Sir Peter Lely. % Rob. Car. II, c. 24. 2 y2 692 APPENDIX. But Cbarles the Second was, perhaps, not so much to Ijlame for the barbarities perpetrated in his name, and might, if he had been left to himself, have been much more lenient to his father's enemies ; but his greedy courtiers wanted money, and therefore confiscations abounded. The property of " Richard Deane, deceased," was at first included in the schedule of forfeitures. How any part of it subsequently escaped the rapacity of the King's councillors remains a mystery. There is no such place as West Court in Ewelme, Oxon, nor any tradition of there ever having been any. The old manor house of Prince's Risborough, Avhich might have been this " West Court," has been long since pulled down, but the moat still remains. II. THE WILL OF RICHARD DEANE, Extracted from the Registry of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, 355 Alchin 22. In the name of God, Amen. I, Richard Deane, of London, Esquire, considering with myself the frailtie and incertaintie of my life, doe therfore make and ordeine this my last Will and Testament in manner and form following : — First, I bequeath my soule into the hands of Almighty God, and my body I com'itt to the earth, and as for my worldly estate I dispose thereof in manner following, that is to say, I give all my fee farme rent issueing out of the mannor and grange of Sidenham, in the county of Oxford, and all my fee farme rent issueing out of West Court and lands in Ewelme, in the said county of Oxford, and all my fee farme rents issueing out of all other lands whatsoever in the county of Oxford, and likewise all the lands and tenements and hereditaments in the p'sh of Hornechurch, or elsewhere, in the county of Essex, whereof I am seised, or any other person or persons are and doe stand seised in trust for me, unto my dearly beloved wife Mary Deane, for and during the terme of her natural life, charged and to be chargeable with the severale annuities hereafter following : Item I give and bequeath to Mrs. Anne Deane, my mother, for and during her natural life, one annuitie or yearly rent charge of twenty- five pounds the yeai-e, to be issueing and going forth out of all the lands, tenements, and hereditaments and premises in the p'sh of Hornechurch aforesaid, and elsewhere, in the county of Essex, to be paid half-yearly on the nyne and twentieth day of Septembci', and WILL OF GENERAL DEANE. 693 five and tweutieth day of March, by equal portions, without deduction or abatement of any taxes, assessments, duties, or payments by reason of any order or orders, ordinance or ordinances, act or acts of parliament made or to be made, or otherwise soever, and that she distrain in the said lands for the same in default of payment thereof or any part thereof. Item I give and bequeath to my sister Jane Sparrow, for and during the life of my said mother, and for soe long as the said Jane Sparroio shall continue a widow, an annuitie or yearly rent charge of twelve pounds, to be issueing and going forth out of all the lands and tenements and premises in th p'sh of Home Church aforesaid, or elsewhere, in the county of Essex, to be paid half-yearly, at the dales and times aforesaid, by equal portions, and without such deductions or abatements aforesaid, and that she distrain for the same in the said lands in default of payment thereof or any part thereof. And from and after the decease of my said mother, then I give and bequeath unto my said sister Jane Sparrow, if she shall continue and remain a widow, for and during her widow- hood an annuity or yearly rent charge of twenty pounds the year, to be iosuing and going forth and out of all the lands, tenements, and premises in the p'sh of Home Church aforesaid, or elsewhere, in the county of Essex, to be paid half-yearly, at the dales and times aforesaid, and that she may distrain, &c. Item I give and bequeath to my two daughters, Mary Deane and Hannah Deane, to each of them one thousand pounds a- piece for their portions, to be paid unto them severally and respectively at their several and respective dales of marriage, or ages of twenty years, which of them shall first happen, and in the meantime that the said portions shall be paid and remain in the hands of my said wife, if she shall soe long remain a widow and unmarried, and in case she should marry or die that then the said portions shall be paid to and remain with William Robinson, of London, Esqr., and my cosen Captain Richard Deane, the said portions to be from time to time employed by said trustees for the respective good and benefit of my said daughters, without damage or loss to my said trustees by reason of such employment, so as there is no wilful neglect in them. Item if my wife shall be with child of a son at the time of my death, then I give and be- queath the aforesaid fee farme rents in Oxfordshire, and the lands, tenements, and hereditaments and premises in the p'sh of Home Church aforesaid, or elsewhere, in the county of Essex, after the decease of my wife, charged and chargeable with the several annul- 694 APPENDIX. ties and yearly rents aforesaid, unto tbe said child, being a son, and his heirs for ever. And if the said child shall attain his age of one- and-twentie years in the life of his mother, then I give and bequeath to the said child one annuity or yearly rent charge of one hundred pounds the year for and during the life of my said wife, for his support and maintenance out of the lands, &c., in Home Church. Item if my wife shall be with child of a daughter at the time of my decease, then I give and bequeath unto her the said child, being a daughter, the several fee farme rents issueing out of the aforesaid lands in the county of Oxfordshire, to have and to hold the said fee farme rents, after the decease of my said wife, unto the said child, being a daughter, and her and her heirs for ever. Nevertheless, my will and meaning is that if my s*^ wife shall happen to die before the said child, being a daughter, shall attain her age of twenty years, or be married, that then the said William Robinson and Captain Richard Deane, their executors or administrators, shall have and receive the said fee farme rents in the county of Oxfordshire, for the use and benefit of the said child, until she shall attain the age of twenty years or be married, whichever of them shall first happen. And as touching and concerning the lands, ten*^^, and heredit^® and prm'ises in the p'sh of Home Church aforesaid, or elsewhere, in the county of Essex, I give and bequeath the same (if my wife shall not at the time of my decease be with child) charged and chargeable with the several yearly rent charges aforesaid, unto my said daugh- ters Mary Deane and Hannah Deane, and their heii"S, to be equally divided between them And I desire that if I shall happen to die in Parliament service, and that they shall be pleased to confer anything upon my wife and children for their better support and maintenance, that then they would make a distribution thereof according to the distribution of my estate, hereinbefore by me made, having a regard to my dear mother and sister Sparroic, imless the Parliament shall be pleased to settle the proportions themsel'^es. And I make and ordain my dearly beloved wife Mary Deane my sole and only executrix of this my last will and testament. Signed 31st March, 1653. Richard Deane. Witnesses — John Sparrow. John Robinson. John Bigges. ELEGIACK MEMORIAL. 695 Appendix B. Frequent reference has been made in the preceding pages to two poetical broadsides, printed and published on the occasion of the funeral of General Deane. They are curious specimens of the false taste of the times, which delighted in such effusions to the praise of distinguished men, and especially of those who had fallen in the service of theu- country. As poetical compositions these particular productions are, for the most part, below mediocrity, being full of the vicious verbiage of the age which immediately preceded the noble grandiloquence of Milton. But there are, notwithstanding^ some passages in them of such truth and feeling, that they go far to redeem the commonplace of the remainder. In one respect they are both valuable. They allude to minor points of contemporaneous history which more pretentious writers are in the habit of passing over as insignificant, but which are archjeologically important to those minute inquirers who are never so well pleased as when they think that they have found a clue to some of the hidden springs of action in public men. There are some such points in these " Elegiack Memorials," wliich I shall italicize whenever they seem to bear on the origin, motives, or character of the subject of this memoir, or upon his connection with passing or proposed events. The author of the first and better of these elegies calls himself Th. Tw. A.eav6(j>iXo