1
 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORN! 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 OF T H E/^/ 
 
 POLITICAL HISTORY 
 
 O F 
 
 I N D I A. 
 
 IN WHJCH IS CONSIDERED, 
 
 THE PRESENT SITUATION OF THE EAST, 
 
 AND THE 
 
 CONNECTION OF ITS SEVERAL POWERS 
 
 WITH THE EMPIRE OF 
 
 GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 B Y 
 
 RICHARD JOSEPH t SUL,IVAN, Eso^ 
 
 THE SECOND EDITION, CONSIDERABLY ENLARGED. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR T. BECKET, PALL-MALL, BOOKSELLER. TO 
 
 HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE OF WALES, AND 
 
 THEIR ROYAL HIGHNESSES THE FRJNCfiS. 
 
 M.DCCLXXXIV.
 
 * 
 
 ' y ^ %y
 
 |i -M ii I tmjkj 
 
 
 ler 
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 1 HIS little work was firft, printed in 
 1779. The Parliament which fat that 
 "* year, it was imagined, would inquire 
 into the political fituation of India. Vo- 
 luminous publications had rendered a tho- 
 rough invefligation of the Eaftern fubjecl 
 not only wearifome, but impracticable : 
 impracticable, at leaft, to fuch as had 
 other very ferious matters to claim their 
 conftant and clofe attention. To remedy 
 lb finking an inconvenience, the author 
 prefumed to draw into as fmall a compafs 
 as poflible the leading features of fo com- 
 y| plicated a fcene. Local knowledge had 
 J J , rendered 
 
 o *j or V> O v/
 
 rendered : hiriT,"' fie 'liojred, not intirely un- 
 qualified for the tafk : and truth he was 
 refolved mould guide him in the difquifi- 
 tfon. Pardon mult he claimed for the 
 affertion, though it afTuredly is not ha- 
 zarded without foundation ; that party 
 ideas had warped found judgement ; that 
 men and actions, together with many 
 important political confiderations, were 
 viewed and judged of through a diitorted 
 medium ; and that conteft, fharpened to 
 uncommon animoiity, had banimed, 
 though undefignedly, the welfare of the 
 many ; while the momentary fuccefs, or 
 the paffions of a few, occupied the breafts 
 of thofe on whom the Indian world was 
 dependent for falvation. The BritiiTi 
 empire in Hindoitan is great, not only 
 in icfeif, but in its extenfive connections* 
 Its army, embodied during the lad: war, 
 and which amounted to upwards of one 
 
 bund-
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. v 
 
 hundred and twenty thoufand men, (hews 
 the magnitude of the dominion, which 
 the very few fons of liberty, when taken 
 in comparifon, pofleis' over the native 
 children of Hindoftan. In the courle of 
 a few years, and in the midft of univerfai 
 war, much change mull neceffarily hap- 
 ptn. The Eafl manifefts this in various 
 inftances. But the leading principles 
 which firfl impel to a reformation of 
 fyftem, continue in their nature fo in- 
 tirely the fame, that it is expedient they 
 ihould not be forgotten. Under this 
 conviction, (although certain points treat- 
 ed of in the following pages have been 
 iince carried into execution) the author 
 returns the Analyiis of India, in its ori- 
 ginal garb, in a new edition. Difference 
 of fentiment will lead many men to differ 
 from him in fome of his conclusions : but 
 as he holds them perfectly blamelcfs for 
 
 their
 
 Yi ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 their opinions, fo he trufts they will 
 hold him, for (imply maintaining what, 
 to his conviction, is right. In the notes 
 the reader will find fome exemplifications, 
 which were deemed eiTential to the iubject 
 of the work. In the additions, the hiP 
 tory of the Mahrattahs, Seiks, Abdallies, 
 and others, intirely new, are drawn from 
 the moll: undoubted authorities. 
 
 CORRIGENDA. 
 
 Page 126, line 16, after kingdoms, infert of. 
 
 13 i f 10, before pecuniary, dele the. 
 
 _____ 136, 21, for Roy hindgen, read Roy hindgur. 
 
 155, 22, for Oodipou, read Oodipoor. 
 
 . 166, 6, for Benares, read Banaris. 
 _____ l0 j ( _4 ? for Ally, read Coaly. 
 i C> 2, 4, for right, read rule. 
 
 ,g- } 9, for j 'ae dal, read feodal. 
 
 200, 24, before Europeans, dele the. 
 
 _- . 209, 8, for Leharinpoor, read Seharinpoor, 
 
 - 214, f r Sirjeds, read Siyeds. 
 
 -1 -. 220, 14, inftead of Chaur-Nctugh, read Chaur- 
 Baugh. 
 
 230, 8, for Sufder-Jung, read Sufder- Jung's. 
 
 237, it, for Ummen, read Ummeer. 
 29", 6, bdoxc prefe nt, dele the. 
 
 CONTENTS
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 _. PAGE 
 
 KJ F the European fettlements in 
 India, viz. Englifli, French, 
 Portuguefe, and Dutch, - i 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 The fame fubjecfc continued. Con- 
 duct of Dupleix, Burly, &c. 36 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 Tranfactions of the French and 
 Englifh on the Coromandel coafl, 
 and particularly of the ample 
 pofTeffions of the latter in the pro- 
 vinces of Bengal, Bahar, and 
 Orixa, - - - 76 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 Tranfactions of the Englilh on the 
 Malabar coaft, - - - 1 1 o 
 
 BOOK
 
 via CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 Hiftory of the Mahrattahs, and of 
 Sujah-Ul-Dovvlah, - iiq 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 Account of Timur-Shah Of the 
 Seiks, Rohillas, Rajaputes, Jates, 
 &c. - - - - 189 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 Of the Nabob. Mohammed- A lly- 
 Cawn. Sketch of a treaty of 
 friendfhip and alliance propofed 
 to be entered into with the faid 
 Nabob, - - - 256 
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
 Account of Hyder-AUy-Cawn. 
 Project for the eftablifhment of 
 Reiidents at the principal Courts 
 of Hindoftan. On the prelent 
 mode of letting the lands in In- 
 dia, &c. - - 287
 
 A N 
 
 ANALYSIS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 POLITICAL HISTORY 
 
 O F 
 
 INDIA. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 1 HE refpe&ive nations of the Por- 
 tuguefe and Dutch, the Englifh and 
 French, having alternately founded ex- 
 tenfive empires in the Eaft Indies, and 
 the Englifh in particular having arifen to 
 an high degree of pre-eminence over their 
 rivals in that divifion of the globe, a brief 
 enquiry into the tranfactions of each of 
 B thofe
 
 2 ANALYSIS OF INDIA.' 
 
 thofe governments may not be unwel- 
 come, at a crifis when India matters are 
 become of ferious consideration to this 
 nation. 
 
 The Eaft, for many centuries before 
 our Chriftian asra, poured forth its riches 
 to the uttermoft extent of the then known 
 civilized parts of the creation ; but to no 
 country in fuch profufe abundance as to 
 that of Egypt. How this traffic was car- 
 ried on in thofe days, when maritime 
 knowledge w 7 as flill but in its infancy, is 
 at this moment a matter more worthy of 
 the inveftigation of the antiquary than 
 the hiftorian. Suffice it, that their com- 
 merce appears to have been founded upon 
 the broadefl bafis of mutual and general 
 utility, and that their exports and imports 
 were nearly what they are at this day. 
 Happily (ituated for an intercourfe of that 
 nature, the induftry of the Egyptians led 
 them to partake of all its benefits. By 
 
 the
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 3 
 
 the conveniency of their harbours in the 
 Red Sea, they engrofled the exclufive 
 privilege of purchafing the commodities 
 of India ; and by their ports on the Me- 
 diterranean, they were enabled to diffufe 
 them among the Greeks and the Romans 
 at an exorbitant degree of profit. 
 
 In this manner the trade with Afia 
 was long carried on. At length, upon 
 the defr.rution of the Roman empire, that 
 mighty fabric of ambition, and the fub- 
 fequent eftablimment of its warlike but 
 uncivilized invaders, a ftop was put to the 
 continuance of fo flourifhing a commerce; 
 nor did it again rear its head, until the 
 Venetians, fituated on the Adriatic gulph, 
 boldly ventured upon an enterprize, which, 
 however difficult in the beginning, pro- 
 mifed them* with perfeverance, an ample 
 return for the dangers and rifques which 
 they mould run. 
 
 B z The
 
 4 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 The Venetians accordingly encouraged 
 a revival of the trade with India by means 
 of the Red Sea, and by their contracts 
 with the Egyptians fo effeclually fecured 
 a monopoly of it to themfelves, that Ve- 
 nice foon became the emporium of Afiatic 
 manufactures. Its citizens grew wealthy ; 
 and this little republic, from being of no 
 confequence, fuddenly became a nation of 
 power and confideration. 
 
 Another channel, however, had for 
 fome time opened itfelf for the introduc- 
 tion of Indian manufactures into Europe. 
 This was by means of the Perlian gulph, 
 from whence by caravans pafling over the 
 deferts of Arabia, and fometimes along 
 the borders of that country, the articles 
 of Afiatic commerce, more generally in 
 demand, had been brought by tedious 
 journeys to the borders of the JEgeian 
 fea, and thence tranfported by fhipping 
 
 to
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 5 
 
 to the mercantile dealers at ConftantU 
 nople. 
 
 Thus confined within boundaries which 
 afforded advantage to a few, at the fame 
 time that it impoverished the other coun-> 
 tries of Europe, the traffic of the Eafl 
 became a fubject of difcuffion amongft 
 men, who, from fludy and reflection, were 
 enabled to reafon upon its importance. 
 Rome, enfeebled in all its parts, mewed 
 but the remnants of its former greatnefs. 
 Bigotry and fuperftition had reared to 
 themfelves a power more formidable and 
 rivetted, than human afcendancy had hi- 
 therto acquired. The church declared it- 
 felf omnipotent in its decrees, and made 
 even lovereigns {hake with terror on their 
 thrones. Italy, the feat of its more im- 
 mediate influence, long groaned under the 
 fervitude it impofed. The wretched in- 
 habitants of that fertile clime felt what 
 they dared not utter. Genius lay dead 
 B 3 amongft
 
 6 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 amongft them. A happier gleam of free- 
 dom indeed beamed upon them at a dis- 
 tance; but they were yet in bondage, and 
 their faculties could not be employed. The 
 Spaniards, diffracted within themfelves, 
 torn by perpetual efforts for their liberty, 
 and abandoned to the wildeft chimeras of 
 romance, proudly confined their thoughts 
 to the arrogant Superiority which they 
 claimed over the reft of mankind. And 
 the Portuguefe, though milder in their 
 government, in general were actuated by 
 a fimilar difpoiition. The French, rifing 
 from a ftate of vaffalage in which they 
 had hitherto been kept, aimed, though 
 with inconfideratenefs, at the eftablifh- 
 ment of freedom ; induftry exerted itfelf, 
 as they emancipated from their barons, 
 but their dependence was too rooted to be 
 eafily fhaken oft. The Germans, long 
 involved in bloody contefts with each 
 other, and Smarting from the Struggles 
 betwixt the hierarchy and the empire, 
 
 were
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. y 
 
 were yet unfettled amongft themfelves. 
 Rude and uncivilized, agriculture and 
 war were the only fciences which they 
 cultivated : tranquillity reigned among 
 them but at times ; they yet, however, 
 were formidable, and enjoyed more liberty 
 than their neighbours. The Northern 
 countries, ftill lefs cultivated than the 
 Germans, experienced all the evils of li- 
 centious freedom and barbarity. And the 
 Turks, though numerous in the field, 
 were yet unfettled in their government. 
 England alone of all the European powers 
 feemed to poffefs that fpark of liberty, 
 which, however difcordant on its firft 
 breaking out, was finally to effectuate the 
 downfall of oppreffion. Its nobles, though 
 daring, were indigent and illiterate ; the 
 fovereigns, too limited in their authority, 
 were driven by neceffity to take part with 
 the body of their fubjects, and thus by a 
 coalition of the extremities of the ftate, 
 B 4 that
 
 8 ANALYSIS OF INDIA, 
 
 that conftitution became eftablifhed, which 
 fixed the pride and the glory of a Briton. 
 
 In this fituation was Europe, when the 
 Portuguefe, actuated by a fpirit of enter- 
 prife, and headed by a monarch of ability, 
 formed the defign of extending their power 
 to the Eaft. Madeira was the firft of their 
 difcoveries in 141 8, and the Canary iflands 
 became fubject to their authority in 1420, 
 John the Second, a prince Angularly learn*- 
 ed for the days in which he lived, and 
 above all, intimately acquainted with af- 
 tronomy and navigation, encouraged this 
 propenfity amongft his people. In his 
 reign the paffage round the extremity of 
 Africa was firft accomplifhed, and that 
 too under difficulties, which, even at this 
 time, would ftagger the refolution of the 
 boldeft explorer. Emanuel adopted the 
 plan which had been purfued by his pre- 
 deceffors, and in the year 1497* fitted out 
 the firft fleet for the Eaft Indies, under 
 
 the
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 9 
 
 the command of Vafco de Gama, which 
 fortunately arrived there after a voyage of 
 more than thirteen months. Gama, on 
 his return to Lifbon, failed not to boafr. 
 of the regions he had vifitcd. His ac- 
 counts flattered the ardour of his country- 
 men : the riches he had feen Simulated 
 their avarice, and the profpect. they had 
 of propagating their faith, added not a 
 little to the inclination which they al- 
 ready had conceived for an eftablifhment 
 in the Eaft. 
 
 The Pope, the univerfal fovereign of 
 the earth, and who difpofed of kingdoms, 
 either known or yet to be difcovered, as 
 if they had all been hereditary in the 
 church, conferred upon them the coun- 
 tries which they had thus brought under 
 his jurifdiclion. 
 
 Succefsful in thefe their firft attempts, 
 and finding the nations of India in general 
 
 tradable
 
 t ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 tradable and full of mildnels, the Portu- 
 guefe wifely fet about eftablifhing a fyf- 
 tem of power and of commerce ; and for 
 this purpofe pitching upon Alphonfo Al- 
 buquerque, the moft difcerning of thofe 
 who had been in Afia, appointed him 
 their viceroy. Albuquerque accordingly 
 failed from the Tagus with a confiderable 
 armament under his command, and after 
 a long voyage arrived on the Malabar fide 
 of India, where he feized upon the city 
 and country of Goa. At this place he 
 planned the conduct of his future opera- 
 tions. The neceffity of destroying the 
 trade, carried on by means of the gulphs 
 of Perfia and Arabia, was the firlt. fubject 
 which engaged his confederation. The 
 Venetians, he faw, were entirely to be 
 overfet, or the grand object of his miffion 
 would be inevitably fruftrated. 
 
 Impreffed with an idea of this impor- 
 tance, Albuquerque immediately fet to 
 
 work,
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. it 
 
 work. His principal force he turned to- 
 wards the traffic of the Arabian gulph ; 
 and having taken effectual precautions to 
 prevent the paffage of any veffel into the 
 Indian ocean, he next fuccefsfully turned 
 his arms on the defencelefs mejchants 
 who vifited the Perfian gulph, and carried 
 on that commerce which had hitherto been 
 advantageous to the citizens of Conftanti- 
 nople. The authority of his fovereign being 
 thus eftablifhed where it chiefly was re- 
 quired, and the Malabar coafl: of India be* 
 ing likewife fubje&ed to his power, the 
 ambition of the viceroy led him to an ex- 
 tenfion of his conquefts. The ifland of 
 Ceylon firfr. fubmitted to his fword; next 
 the country of Malacca, whofe principal 
 port was at that time the mofr. confiderable 
 in the Eaft. 
 
 From this place, fo happiliy fituated for 
 the trade of all thofe countries which lie 
 to the eaftward of Hindoftan, Albu- 
 querque
 
 xz ANALYSIS OF INDIA,. 
 
 querque formed the defign of getting a 
 footing in the dominions of the Chinefe, 
 and accordingly prevailed upon his fove- 
 reign to fend an ambaflador to the mo- 
 narch of that empire, who arrived at 
 Canton, under the protection of a formi- 
 dable fquadron, in 151 8. 
 
 The Chinefe, a people as induflrious as 
 they are civilized, and who, without the 
 aid of adventitious improvement, have 
 arrived at an unparallelled degree of per- 
 fection, both in their laws and in their 
 cuftoms, received the ambaflador of the 
 Portuguefe with candid and unaffected 
 demonstrations of kindnefs and reTpect. 
 The ports of the whole empire were 
 opened to their mips. The natives en- 
 tered into connections of amity with the 
 traders ; and their eftablimment had been 
 certain, had not licentioufnefs and rapa- 
 city broke loofe amongft them. Being 
 called upon, however, to affift. the forces 
 
 of
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 13 
 
 of the emperor againfl a pirate who in- 
 fefted his coafls, and who had feized 
 upon the ifland of Macao, they, in concert 
 with the Chinefe fleet, fo effectually de- 
 ftroyed the power of that rebel, that the 
 emperor beftowed upon them the ifland 
 of Macao, and encouraged them to build 
 a town, which, in the fequel, became 
 the general mart of their Eaflern com- 
 merce. 
 
 In 1542, many years fubfequent to 
 this, the Portuguefe being driven by ad- 
 verfe winds, into unknown feas, difcovered 
 the important ifland of Japan. One of their 
 veffels was accidentally thrown upon its 
 mores, and in fo wretched and helplefs a 
 condition, that the natives with impunity 
 might have feized upon both mariners 
 and lTiip ; but humanity and hofpitality 
 reigned amongft them : they yielded their 
 affiftance to the unfortunate with alacrity 
 and chearfulnefs ; and, in a fhort time, 
 
 enabled
 
 i 4 AN ALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 enabled the Portuguefe to return to their 
 homes, filled with admiration at the re- 
 ception they had met with. An account 
 of this occurrence being fpeedily com- 
 municated to the government at Goa, 
 adventurers of all denominations crowded 
 to the mips, which were immediately 
 deft-ined to tranfport a colony to Japan, 
 and the profit of their firfl voyage amply 
 repaid them for the rifque and the expen- 
 ces of the enterprife. 
 
 With advantages like thefe, the avarice 
 and ambition of the Portuguefe might 
 certainly have been fatisried. They were 
 mailers of the gulphs and coafts of Perfia 
 and Arabia, and of the two Peninfulas of 
 India. They pofleffed the iflands of Cey- 
 lon, Sunda, and Molucca, while their 
 fettlement at Macao infured to them the 
 commerce of China and Japan. Through- 
 out this immenfe tract, the will of the 
 Portuguefe was the fupreme law ; earth 
 
 and 
 
 i
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA, i 3 
 
 and fea acknowledged their fovereignty. 
 Even Africa afforded them an empire, of 
 which Mozambique was the center. 
 
 But luxury and effeminacy had un- 
 fining the nerves of the defcendants of 
 the conquerors of the Eaft. Diffipation 
 and extortion had rendered them deteft-? 
 able amongft the natives, over whom they 
 tyrannized. Religion bathed its hands 
 in the blood of all who were unfriended 
 and unprotected ; and the name even of 
 juftice had vanifhed from the land. Thus 
 abhorred in every part, and wicked, with- 
 out fpirit to defend their wickednefs, a 
 combination was formed againft them. 
 The different powers of India leagued, as 
 in a common caufe, againft fuch monfters 
 of inhumanity ; and in that fituation held 
 them, when the Dutch began to (hew 
 
 themfelves in the feas and on the continent 
 of Afia, 
 
 Philip
 
 16 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Philip the Second of Spain, in the year 
 1594, having annexed to his already-con- 
 fiderable dominions the extenfive country 
 of Portugal, and thereby becoming matter 
 of the fources whence Europe was fup- 
 plied with wealth, namely, America and 
 the Eaft, vainly flattered himfelf with the 
 hope of preventing the other nations of 
 Europe from partaking of the treafure. 
 The Dutch, in particular, he determined 
 to exclude. Leagued in defence of their 
 religious and political rights, and embol- 
 dened by the fuccefs with which they 
 had almofr. miraculoufly been crowned, 
 the Low Countries at this time had de- 
 clared their independency. England and 
 France, either openly or in fecret, had 
 granted them the affiftance they ftood in 
 need of; and, in fact, had acknowledged 
 them the free and independent provinces 
 of the Netherlands. 
 
 Philip,
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 17 
 
 Philip, fmarting from the failure of 
 every fyftem of coercion he had adopted, 
 and peculiarly diflrefled at his hereditary pa- 
 trimony being thus difmembered from the 
 Spanifh monarchy, turned the whole bent 
 of his unrelenting temper towardsthe ruin 
 of a people, whom his barbarous policy 
 and rigour had not been able to fubdue. 
 To this end he forbad an intercourfe be- 
 twixt Holland and the Portuguefe. 
 
 Deeply engaged in a commerce which 
 had been reciprocally advantageous, fo 
 fudden a ftop to its continuance was 
 unexpected and diftreffing. In punifh- 
 ing the Low Countries, Philip unde.- 
 iignedly involved his new kingdom in 
 its ruin. Holland rofe from the tempo- 
 rary lones it fuftained ; but Portugal, 
 from this intemperate exertion of the 
 power of its prince, never recovered the 
 blow which it received. Deprived of the 
 channel which had heretofore fupplicd 
 C them
 
 i3 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 them with the luxuries of the Eaft, the 
 Dutch determined to feek them at the 
 fountain-head ; and to this end fitted out 
 two fmall fleets, which, failing in dif- 
 ferent years, returned with fuch unequi- 
 vocal proofs of the advantages of the 
 fcheme, that the States-General united 
 the feveral focieties into one in 1602, 
 under the name of the Eaft-lndia Com- 
 pany. 
 
 This company was inverted with au- 
 thority to make peace or war with the 
 Eaflern princes, to erect forts, chufe their 
 own governors, maintain garrifons, and 
 nominate officers for the conduct of the 
 police and the adminiflration of juftice ; 
 and in reality, according to fome hiflo- 
 rians, having no parallel in antiquity, was 
 the pattern of ail fucceeding focieties of 
 the fame kind, and commenced with ex- 
 traordinary advantages. 
 
 Admiral
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 19 
 
 Admiral Warwick, foon after the in- 
 corporation of the Company, received the 
 command of a coniiderable fquadron, with 
 which he proceeded to the Eafr. ; and 
 there, having pitched upon the ifland of 
 Java, he erected a fort and feveral facto- 
 ries, for the purpofe of trade. He like- 
 wife conciliated to himfelf the friendfhip 
 of fome of the moil: confiderable poten- 
 tates of Hindoftan. 
 
 Abhorred as the Portuguefe were by 
 their fubjects in the Eaft, the Dutch had 
 no difficulty in acquiring an afcendancy 
 over them in the good opinion of the na- 
 tives ; but the internal ability of the firffc 
 difcoverers was frill confiderable. More- 
 over, they had the advantage of refources, 
 for which the Dutch had obftinately to 
 fight. Transferred from the fovereign to 
 the fubiecl, a violent animofity had taken 
 place between thefe nations. Portugal 
 began to contend, as if the had originally 
 C 2 been
 
 zo ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 been concerned in the tranfactions of 
 Spain with the United Provinces ; and 
 the Dutch, exafperated at her conduct, 
 threatened a revenge that mould puniih 
 her for her interference. A bloody war 
 in confequence enfued, and ended in the 
 everthrow of the Portuguefe in India. 
 
 In the year 1624, the Hollanders being 
 invited to the iiland of Formofa, there 
 formed a fettlement, which fpeedily aroie 
 to a great degree of opulence ; and fome 
 time after made their firft voyages to 
 Japan, where the fame rancorous hatred 
 prevailed againfl the Portuguefe that 
 reigned almoft indifcriminately through- 
 out the Eaft. Pliant, wary, and atten- 
 tive to their own intereiis, the Dutch 
 readily liftened to overtures which were 
 made them by the Japanefe. They repre- 
 fented the Portuguefe as the molt aban- 
 doned and profligate of men. The en- 
 mity of the Japanefe towards them they 
 
 com-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 2 i 
 
 commended in terms calculated to mew 
 the warmth and difintereftednefs of their 
 zeal ; but their views they undeviatingly 
 kept fixed upon the acquifition of an efta- 
 blifhment, which, with all their art, they 
 never were able to accompliih. At firit, 
 indeed, having afliited the Japanefe, not 
 only with arms and ammunition, but with 
 the aid of their troops, againft the un- 
 happy Chriltians of the ifland, they ac- 
 quired a degree of credit and reputation 
 which gave them a tolerable footing ; but 
 that was only of momentary continu- 
 ance. Three years had fcarce elapfed, 
 when they were reduced to the loweft 
 extremity of humiliation and contempt. 
 The Japanefe confined them to the li- 
 mits of an inconfiderable iflot : where 
 {tripping them of their rudder, toge- 
 ther with their guns, and every kind of 
 offenfive weapon, they enjoined them the 
 perpetration of an act, which {taggers 
 almoft the power of belief. This was to 
 abjure the principles of the Chriftian faith ; 
 C 3 and,
 
 22 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 and, as a proof of their apoftacy, to tram- 
 ple over, and deride a reprefentation of* 
 the crucifix of their Saviour. How far 
 necefilty might have pleaded for their ac- 
 quiefcence in fo horrible a Sentence, when 
 it was firft propounded, is a difcuflion 
 from which charity prompts us to for- 
 bear ; but that, from a principle of ava- 
 rice, they fhould afterwards perfevere in 
 it, is a depravity of that execrable com- 
 plexion, which (hocks every principle of 
 reafon and humanity. Such, however 1 , 
 
 was their practice at the period we are 
 reviewing, and fuch it is at this moment, 
 
 if travellers are to be credited. 
 
 Great as their difappointment unques- 
 tionably was in being excluded from an 
 influence in the government of Japan, 
 the Dutch had yet other refources, which 
 opened to them a vafl and inexhauflible 
 fource of wealth. Thefe were the iflands 
 of Molucca, which they wrefted from the 
 
 Por-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 23 
 
 Portuguefe in 1627; befides the iilands 
 of Celebes, Timor, and a communication 
 which they opened with Borneo, one of 
 the largeft, and then, indeed, generally 
 fuppofed, the largeft ifland in the world. 
 Nor were they inattentive to parts which 
 were fituated at a greater diftance : fettle- 
 ments were formed on Sumatra, an ifland 
 abounding with gold, tin, and pepper ; 
 but not very well known excepting on its 
 coafts. A trade was alfo eftabliflied at 
 Siam, and fleps were taken for the reduc- 
 tion of Malacca. 
 
 Malacca, as we have already reprefented, 
 was the moll: confiderable commercial town 
 in the Eaft ; but being regularly beiieged, 
 and the approaches vigoroufly fupported, 
 it was at length carried by ftorm, and de- 
 livered over to the pillage of the conque- 
 rors. The Dutch being thus mailers of 
 Malacca, they wifely drew into their 
 power a command of the two only fti eights, 
 C 4 which
 
 2 + ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 which were then known for the admiflion 
 of Europeans into the Eaftern feas of 
 China and Japan. Batavia, at the extre- 
 mity of Java, guarded the ftreigths of 
 Sunda ; and Malacca poflefTed the exclufive 
 navigation of a channel, on the fhores of 
 which it was io admirably placed, and 
 from whence it derived its appellation. 
 
 Not fatisfied, however, with acqui- 
 fitions fuch as thefe, they turned their 
 thoughts towards the ifland of Ceylon, 
 which hath formerly been mentioned, 
 and which they conquered after feveral 
 engagements with the Portuguefe in 
 1658. This was their great object, and 
 that which coft them their dearefr. blood. 
 PoflefTed thus of the Moluccas, from 
 whence cloves, mace, and nutmegs arc 
 derived, and of the beautiful and exten- 
 five country of Ceylon, which yields the 
 hneif cinnamon in the world, the Dutch 
 iecured to themfelves a trade, which hath 
 
 ever
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 25 
 
 ever fince proved to them a mine of un- 
 failing and fubftantial riches. 
 
 Their fettlements, indeed, on the coaft 
 of Coromandel, viz. Negapatnam, taken 
 from the Portuguefe in 1658, Sadrafpat- 
 nam, Pullicat, and Bimlipatnam, are all 
 of but inconsiderable emolument to the 
 Company ; nor is it probable that their trade 
 on the Malabar fide of India is much more 
 advantageous. Be this as it may, in the 
 height of their fuccefs, they began a fet- 
 tlement at the Cape of Good Hope ; a 
 place fo advantageoufly fituated for mips 
 in their voyages to and from the Eaft In- 
 dies, and abounding fo plentifully in every 
 kind of animal and vegetable refrefhment, 
 that it may with juftice be looked upon 
 as of univerfal benefit to the commerce of 
 mankind. 
 
 The territory adjoining to the Cape, at 
 the extremity of Africa, was originally 
 
 pur-
 
 *6 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 purchased from the Hottentots at a very 
 inconfiderable price ; and fo mild and in- 
 offenfive have that extraordinary race of 
 people been found, that many families of 
 Dutch planters have fettled themfelves 
 five or fix hundred miles in the interior 
 parts, without any other defence than 
 the known gentlenefs and humanity of 
 the natives. The climate of the Cape 
 town, though as variable perhaps as any 
 on the globe, is yd temperate and 
 pure ; and the vegetables, fruits, and 
 every fpecies of proviiion, which it luxu- 
 riantly provides, are in no country to be 
 furpaiTed. Thefe unuiual bleffings of na- 
 ture have made the Cape the general 
 refort of mips of all nations employed in 
 the Indian commerce. Proceeding to 
 India, they pafs the promontory of Good 
 Hope, and harbour in fifety in FalfeBay ; 
 and on their return from that country 
 repafs it, and anchor in Table Bay. In 
 truth, fo happily iituated is the Cape, 
 
 that
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 2 J 
 
 that no place could afford fo many requi- 
 fites for a great and commercial city, were, 
 an univerfal traffic to India permitted. 
 The Eaft, in fhort voyages, would pour 
 its riches into its lap ; Europe and Ame- 
 rica would again purchafe Afiatic manu- 
 factures ; and thus a conftant intercourfe 
 would he eftablifhed with the different 
 quarters of the world. 
 
 The Dutch, by the final definition of 
 the Portuguefe confequence in Ceylon, 
 having acquired a complete and decifive 
 afcendancy over them in every part of 
 Alia, cautioufly adhered to the firfl views 
 which had led them to the Eaft. ; and, in 
 a fhort time, fo increafed the principal of 
 their original flock, that the dividends 
 made by the proprietors exceeded the moft 
 fanguine expectations. Nor did their go- 
 vernments in India, all fubordinate to a 
 governor-general and fuperior council of 
 Batavia, relax in the leaft from their laud- 
 able
 
 \ 
 
 *8 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 able inftitutions. Batavia kept a clofe 
 and watchful eye over their actions ; and, 
 though arbitrary in its decrees, ftill kept 
 the property of its conftituents undiffi- 
 pated, and prevented the rife of private 
 fortunes, on the ruin of public welfare 
 
 Could the Company have continued on 
 this folid and lading bails of good govern- 
 ment in India, their profperity would have 
 been unrivalled, and their influence un- 
 controulable ; but an oppofition to their 
 power at an end, the ne^er-failing con- 
 comitant of riches found its way amongil 
 them. - Abufe glaringly pervaded every 
 branch of their admin iftration. The Com- 
 pany became neglected, as avaricious ad- 
 venturers were entruited with employs ; 
 and a period was thereby put to a career, 
 which, with proper management, might 
 have infured to the United Provinces an 
 irrefiflible afcendancy in the dominion of 
 the Eaft. 
 
 Thus
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 29 
 
 Thus having gone through an account 
 of the eftablimments of the Portugueie 
 and Dutch in the Eail Indies ; of the to- 
 tal ruin of the former, and of the evident 
 declenfion of the latter, although they flill 
 poflefs the conqueits which they original- 
 ly made, we mail next proceed to the 
 French, who, in the fequel, will he found 
 to demand our peculiar attention. 
 
 The firft armament fitted out by France 
 for the Eaft Indies was in 1535 ; but the 
 officer unto whom it was entrufted meet- 
 ing with contrary winds, and a variety of 
 difafters, was driven to the neceffity of 
 returning, without having reached the 
 extremity of Africa. Nor did the French 
 entertain any farther thoughts of an Eaf- 
 tern commerce until the year 1601, when 
 two mips were fitted out by a fociety 
 formed at Bretagne ; but thefe, likewife, 
 meeting with misfortunes, as well as 
 three other equally unimportant fleets 
 
 that
 
 jo ANALYSIS OF INDIA; 
 
 that were fitted out in the years 1616, 
 1619, and 1633, all hopes of it were 
 dropped, and nothing more was under- 
 taken till the year 1642, when a fociety 
 was formed to make a confiderable fettle- 
 ment on the ifland of Madagafcar. This 
 ifland had been frequently vifited by the 
 Europeans, who had navigated thofe feas 
 before the French, and by them had been 
 neglected ; but the French expected to 
 reap a harveft unthought of yet by others. 
 The event was unpropitious to their hopes. 
 Their capital was expended in the under- 
 taking, without one fingle advantage ac- 
 cruing to them from it. At length, in 
 1664, m tne reign of Lewis XIV. and un- 
 der the aufpices of Colbert, a company 
 was created upon the model of the Dutch. 
 Still, however, they perfevered in form- 
 ing an eflabliihment at Madagafcar, and 
 flill encountered difficulties which baffled 
 all their fchemes. The refult was, the 
 lofs of a confiderable part of their flock, 
 
 and
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 31 
 
 and the total relinquifhment of a plan, 
 which it was impoffible to accomplifh. 
 
 Following the fteps, therefore, of the 
 other powers of Europe, they failed di- 
 rectly to the Eaft, and there procured the 
 privilege from the natives of erecting fac- 
 tories for the protection of their trade. Su- 
 rat was the place pitched upon for the cen- 
 ter of their government ; but the mores 
 of Guzarat were not looked upon as the 
 moil: eligible fituation. Trincomallee, one 
 of the fineft harbours in the world, and 
 formed at the Northern extremity of Cey- 
 lon, was judiciouily preferred ; but there 
 the Dutch were jealous of a neighbour. 
 The French were accordingly repulfed in 
 an attempt they made upon that place. 
 Nor were they more fortunate in endea- 
 vouring to keep poffeffion of St. Thome, 
 on the Coromandel coaft, which they had 
 wreited from the Portuguefe. The re- 
 mains of their forces, however, enabled 
 4 them
 
 32 ANALYSIS OP INDIA, 
 
 them to people the little town of Pondi- 
 cherry, which they had recently acquired 
 from one of the princes of the country. 
 
 Driven from the obje&s which thus 
 primarily occupied their attention, the 
 French next attempted to form fettle- 
 ments at Siam, Tonquin and Cochin Chi- 
 na ; but in every trial, either from ill ma- 
 nagement, or from fome other caufe, they 
 met with the mofr. lingular and unexpect- 
 ed oppofition to their interefts. Neither 
 could they return to Surat, where they 
 had contracted debts which they were 
 neither willing nor able to difcharge. 
 Pondicherrv, therefore, became the only 
 eftablimment which eventually could be 
 of fervice to them ; but this alio was 
 taken from them by the Dutch ; nor was 
 it reftored until the peace of Ryfwick. 
 
 From this period, therefore, till the 
 year 1714, the French acquired no foot- 
 ing
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA; 35 
 
 ing whatfoever in the Eaft. The Com- 
 pany in Europe difpofed of their exclufive 
 charter to a few merchants upon very mo- 
 derate and reafonable terms ; nor did the 
 purchafers profit by it, although their fyf- 
 tem was confined to trade. Notwithftand- 
 ing all thefe accidents, and the impove- 
 rifhed ftate of their finances, the Company 
 again folicited and obtained a charter for 
 ten years. Their profpects now, indeed, 
 began to brighten in the Eaft. The cabi- 
 net of Verfailles wifely granted them ef- 
 fectual fupport ; and the governor whom 
 they appointed, faithfully and profitably N 
 difcharged the duties of his truft. 
 
 Anterior to the time of which we are 
 now treating, the ifland of Bourbon, ori- 
 ginally difcovered by the Portuguefe, 
 ferved as a place of afylum for fome 
 Frenchmen who had been part of the 
 colony fettled at Madagafcar ; this was 
 in 1665 : but Bourbon affording no 
 D fhelter,
 
 34 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 fhelter whatever for a fleet, the Compa- 
 ny determined to take advantage of the 
 neighbouring ifland of Mauritius, and 
 there eftablifhed a colony in 1720. The 
 ifles of France, as they are in general cal- 
 led, have univerfally been confidered as 
 one of the greateft acquifitions that hath 
 been made by any European power in In- 
 dia. They are looked upon as an admira- 
 ble nurfery for troops ; and to be fo for- 
 tunately fituated, as to infure to the pof- 
 feffors not only excellent harbours for 
 their fhipping, but likewife abundance of 
 conveniences for magazines, and all other 
 kinds of military purpofes. But may it 
 not with propriety be aiked, if India is 
 the field of action, why keep the power 
 of the fword at fo confiderable a diftance } 
 Mauritius from Hindoflan is at leafl a 
 two-months voyage. Neither is its cli- 
 mate in any refpect more falubrious than 
 that of India. Moreover, the expences 
 attendant upon it are unavoidably great ; 
 
 nor
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 35 
 
 nor is there any one fingle article which, 
 it produces that can poffibly reimburfe 
 the charges it mull: neceflarily occa- 
 fion. Had it been conceived of impor- 
 tance, the Portuguefe or Dutch would 
 undoubtedly have kept it in the days of 
 their profperity in the Eafr. ; but they 
 looked upon it as unworthy of their no- 
 tice. Their power they thought of more 
 utility when ready on the fpot ; and, per- 
 haps, it had been better for the French 
 if they had followed their example. 
 
 From the year 1735, therefore, when 
 La Bourdonnois was fent to the govern- 
 ment of the French iflands, the affairs of 
 the French became fo intimately blended 
 with thofe of the Englifh, that we mail 
 defer a continuance of our narrative of the 
 French tranfaclions, until we mall have 
 briefly related fome of thofe of the Eng- 
 lim, prior to the commencement of their 
 rivalfhip with the French in India. 
 
 D 2 BOOK
 
 36 ANALYSIS OF INDIA 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 A T is a matter that would be of no ma- 
 terial confequence to our prefent purpofe 
 to inveftigate the caufes which actuated 
 the firft adventurers among the Englifh, 
 or to follow them, ftep by ftep, in the ma- 
 ny voyages they undertook in the fifteenth 
 centurv. Suffice it to obferve, that at 
 that period they began to build their own 
 fhips ; that they were the only perfons 
 who traded to Mufcovy by the way of 
 Archangel ; that they carried on a trade 
 with Turkey ; that they made many at- 
 tempts to difcover a paffage to India by 
 the Northern feas ; and at length, that 
 Drake, Stevens* Cavendifh, and fome 
 others, reached that place, fome by the 
 South Sea, and others by doubling the 
 Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 The
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 37 
 
 The fuccefs of thefe voyages was fuffi- 
 cient to determine fome confiderable mer- 
 chants in London to eftabliiTi a Company 
 in the year 1600, which obtained an ex- 
 clufive privilege of trading to the Eall: In- 
 dies. As in all undertakings the fears of 
 the majority of mankind preponderate 
 over their hopes, fb on the formation of 
 this Company, the apprehenfion of long 
 voyages and of uncertain returns made the 
 fubfcription lefs than the exigencies of 
 the plan feemed indifpenfably to require. 
 The unneceffary expences of the fleet 
 likewife diffipated a fum, which mould 
 have been appropriated to trade. In fhort, 
 the defects of the inftitution were fo pal- 
 pable, that nothing but a moil: fortunate 
 concurrence of events could have rendered 
 it either of advantage to individuals, or 
 of credit to the community at large. 
 
 Deiirous of forming fome fettlements 
 
 in India to perpetuate the advantages 
 
 ~D 3 which 

 
 38 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 which their firir. returns gave them rea- 
 fon to expect, they embraced the mofl 
 early opportunity of gaining the permif- 
 fion of the natives for fo defirable an end. 
 They did not endeavour to eftablifh them- 
 felves by conquefts : their expeditions 
 were nothing more than the enterprifes 
 of humane and equitable traders. They 
 made themfelves beloved ; yet they were 
 enabled to erect but few factories, and 
 thofe even fuch as could not refill: the at- 
 tacks of their rivals, who were formida- 
 ble, and who were in pofleffion of large 
 provinces, well fortified places, and good 
 harbours. 
 
 By their activity, perfeverance, and ju- 
 dicious choice of officers, they, however, 
 foon erected forts, and founded colonies 
 in fome of the Eaftern iflands, and there- 
 by fhared in the fpice trade with the 
 Dutch. This nation, who had already 
 driven the Portuguefe from the Spice 
 
 iflands,
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 39 
 
 iflands, determined not to fuffer a people 
 to fettle there, whofe maritime force, cha- 
 racter and government would make them 
 moil: dangerous rivals. Every expedient 
 was therefore tried to difpofYefs them ; 
 craft and treachery fucceeded open vio- 
 lence, and, in fhort, all India became a 
 fcene of the moft bloody and obftinate en- 
 terprizes from this commercial jealoufy. 
 Equal courage appeared on either fide, 
 but there was a difparity in their forces ; 
 and the Englifli were on the point of 
 finking, when fome moderate people in 
 Europe adopted a plan, which, for the 
 time, accommodated their differences, and 
 gave the produce of fome of the iflands 
 to the nations in common. 
 
 This extraordinary convention, how- 
 ever, met with the fate which might have 
 been expected from it. The Dutch, when 
 informed of it in India, (hook off the 
 ihackles that were thus impofed upon 
 D 4 their
 
 40 ANALYSIS OF INDIA, 
 
 their iniquitous dealings by their confti- 
 tuents, and contumacioufly exerted all 
 their powers to render it abortive. One 
 inftance of which is fufficient to fhew the 
 fpirit with which all the reft were ac- 
 complished. This was the maflacre at 
 Amboyna ; a (hocking ftain in the annals 
 of a civilized nation, and one which it 
 will never be able to expunge I 
 
 Though in one part unfuccefsful, the 
 Englifh were yet more fortunate in others. 
 Factories were loon eftablifhed at Mazu- 
 lipatam, Calicut, and feveral other ports, 
 and even at Dehli ; and in the year 1612, 
 after hard ftruggles with the Portuguefe, 
 they at length eftablifhed themfelves at 
 Surat. Nor were they inattentive to the 
 trade of Perfia ; for having joined their 
 forces to thofe of Shaw-Abbas the Great, 
 they drove the Portuguefe out of Ormus 
 in 1622 ; and, in return, had an exemp- 
 tion granted them by Shaw-Abbas of all 
 
 duties
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 41 
 
 duties on fuch goods as they might im- 
 port at Bunder Abaffi, the harbour of 
 Gombroon. 
 
 The more fortunate the Dutch were, 
 in their commercial dealings with the na- 
 tives of Hindoftan, the more alive were 
 their apprehenlions on the fcore of intereft. 
 The fmallefi: profpecl: of advantage which 
 the Englifh acquired, attracted the jealoufy 
 of thefe Republicans. Though matters 
 of the fpice trade, they yet could not view 
 the tranfactions in the gulph of Perfia 
 without manifeft tokens of difpleafure. 
 A frefh competition accordingly began, 
 and continued with a virulence and ani- 
 mofity that threatened ruin in its con- 
 fequencees. 
 
 Involved in a complication of diftrefs, 
 and drooping under the preflure of civil 
 and religious difcord, which then unhap- 
 pily tainted the very vitals of the Engliih 
 
 con-
 
 42 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 conflitution, the fervants of the Com- 
 pany could exert but feeble efforts in 
 fupport of the preteniions which they 
 claimed to the commerce of the EafL 
 Public misfortune overwhelmed the imall 
 fpark of induftry which was left. Traffic 
 fled to countries lefs fanatical and dif- 
 tracted. The India Company buffered in 
 the general wreck, and in that fituation 
 was {een proftrate ; when defperate poli- 
 tics led an infatuated people to the unpa- 
 rallelled act of fhedding the blood of their 
 mifguided fovereign. 
 
 Cromwell, great and decilive in all his 
 undertakings, had long been difpleafed 
 with the conduct of the Hollanders; hav- 
 ing foon, therefore, found reafons to pro- 
 ceed offensively againfr. them, he did not 
 delay a declaration of war. A pacifica- 
 tion, however, fhortly took place. The 
 maffacre at Amboyna was difavowed. 
 He procured an indemnification for the 
 2 defcen-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 45 
 
 defcendants of the unhappy victims who 
 perifhed in that dreadful tran faction, and 
 then renewed the privileges of the Englifh 
 Company, anno 1657. 
 
 Thus fupported at home, their fuccefs 
 abroad became confiderable ; and nothing 
 was wanting, according to the notion of 
 thofe days, to compleat their fuccefs, but 
 an entrance into Japan, which they at- 
 tempted. Here, however, they failed. 
 The Dutch had told the Japanefe, that 
 the king of the New Comers had married 
 a daughter of the king of the Portuguefe, 
 a nation which they abhorred; and ad- 
 mittance in confequence was refufed to 
 the Englifh. 
 
 Severe as this difappointment was to 
 the Company, they yet found themfelves 
 rifing from a ftate of indigence, to one of 
 affluence and credit. Their dividends in- 
 creafed confiderably, and every thing pro- 
 
 mifed
 
 44 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 mifed fair for a continuance of fuccefs ; 
 but their progrefs was too rapid to be re- 
 garded without envy, and without a gene- 
 ral defire pr a participation of the benefits 
 they pofleffed. A new body flarted up in 
 oppoiition ; and in confequence of a fum 
 of money, a bribe, which Charles the 
 Second was never able to withftand, they 
 procured from him a charter, inverting 
 them with powers fimilar to thofe which 
 had been granted by his predecefTors, ex- 
 clufively to the old fociety at its inftitu- 
 tion. 
 
 A competition of this nature could not 
 be otherwife than replete with the moil 
 fatal confequences. The two companies 
 becoming enemies to each other, carried 
 on their difputes with a fpirit of rancour 
 and animofity, which fpeedily lowered 
 them in the opinion of the people of Alia. 
 Thefe diffentions were not confined to 
 India only, they feized the minds of men 
 
 in
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 45 
 
 in Europe. At laft, the two focieties 
 made advances towards a reconciliation, 
 and united their funds in 1702. From 
 this period the affairs of the Company 
 were carried on with greater propriety, 
 prudence, and dignity. 
 
 From this aera, therefore, until the year 
 1 744, when a new war was kindled be- 
 tween France and England, nothing of 
 any material confequence happened in the 
 Eaft. Then, indeed, the mofl diftant 
 corners of the globe beheld the amazing 
 ftruggles of thefe rival nations. India, in 
 particular, became the theatre of a long 
 and bloody war ; the confequences of 
 which form the immediate object of our 
 prefent enquiry. 
 
 In treating of the affairs of the Carnatic, 
 with which we mall begin, it might be 
 fufficient to commence at that period 
 when the prefent Nabob, Mahomet- A lly- 
 
 Cawn r
 
 46 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Cawn, afcendcd the Mufnud of that coun- 
 try ; but as fome few circumftances of 
 moment immediately preceded his accef- 
 fion to the government, we (hall briefly 
 obferve, that on the death of Subdter-Ally- 
 Cawn, reigning Nabob of Arcot (mur- 
 dered moll: treacheroufly by Moortiz-xAlly- 
 Cawn, Kellidar of Vellore, his own near 
 relation ;) Coja-Abdulla-Cawn was ap- 
 pointed by Nizam-Ul-Mulc, who came 
 into the Carnatic immediately on that 
 event, to fucceed him in that govern- 
 ment ; but he being alfo carried off in an 
 apoplectic fit the day after his inveftiture, 
 (though a year and a half had elapfed from 
 his nomination) a new appointment took 
 place in favour of Anawer-Odean-Cawn, 
 the father of the prefent Nabob, and at 
 that time Nabob of Hydrabad. 
 
 The inhabitants of the province of Ar- 
 cot having for years been accuftomed to 
 the government of the family of Subdter- 
 
 Ally-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 47 
 
 Ally-Cawn, were diffatisfied on hearing 
 of the appointment of Anawer-Odean* 
 Cawn ; and the more efpecially, as a foil 
 of Subdter-Ally-Cawn, a minor, was then 
 living. Petitions and remonflrances ac- 
 cordingly flew in from all quarters to the 
 Soubahdar, who, to appeafe the ill hu- 
 mour of the people, annulled the appoint- 
 ment of Anawer-Odean-Cawn ; leaving 
 him, however, in fact, the fole executive 
 and deliberative authority, as regent of the 
 province, and guardian of the young Siyed- 
 Mahomed-Cawn, (the infant foil) whom 
 he proclaimed governor of the Phoufdary 
 of Arcot*. 
 
 * Mr. Orme, and other writers, who are in general 
 followed in the text, have been milled in their accounts 
 of this event. Anawer-Odean-Cawn's appointment 
 was never annulled ; nor was Siyed-Mahomed-Cawn 
 ever proclaimed the governor of Arcot. The fact is, 
 Nizam-Ul-Mulc, on appointing Anawer-Odean-Cawn 
 his deputy in the Carnatic, confided to him at the fame 
 time, the perfon, family, and Jagheirs of Siyed-Ma- 
 homed-Cawn. A revocation of Anawer's commiffion 
 never took place. 
 
 Fate,
 
 48 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Fate, however, feemed determined to 
 uphold a fanguinary warfare with the 
 whole race of Subdter-Ally-Cawn. Aflaf- 
 (mations 1:111 were prevalent in Hindoftan. 
 The horror and obloquy which, in other 
 countries, are attendant upon fo daftardly 
 a blow, were here forgotten in the fre- 
 quency of the act ; nor did the death of 
 the young Siycd, butchered fhortly after 
 at an entertainment of one of his friends, 
 affect, more than momentarily, the 
 minds even of thofe whofe voices had 
 been loud in foliciting his appointment to 
 the Soubahdary. 
 
 Sufpicion, however, was not idle in her 
 conjectures ; and the guilt was alternately 
 placed upon Moortiz-Ally-Cawn, whom 
 we have before mentioned, and upon An- 
 awer-Odean-Cawn. On the former, from 
 his bad character, his fudden flight from 
 Arcot, where the murder w r as committed, 
 to his own fortrefs of Vellore, and from 
 
 his
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 49 
 
 his avowed ambitious defign of riling to 
 the Mufnud ; and on the latter, from the 
 certainty it gave him of a permanency in 
 the Nabobmip. 
 
 A deed fo atrocious long remained in 
 doubt ; but late difcoveries have indifpu- 
 tably proved, that the Patan captain, and 
 his followers, who perpetrated the deed, 
 were initigated by no other motives than 
 thofe of immediate perfonal revenge. 
 
 In this manner flood the governments 
 of the Soubahdary of the Decan. Nizam- 
 Ul-Mulc poffefled the fupreme authority, 
 as viceroy of the emperor of Hindoftan ; 
 and Anawer-Odean-Cawn ruled over the 
 province of Arcot as his deputy. 
 
 Long diffracted by intefline factions, 
 
 the extenfive empire of the Moguls was at 
 
 this time haftening, with the quickefl im- 
 
 petuofity, to that point of declenfion from 
 
 E whence
 
 5 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 whence it was never more to rife. The 
 foundation of fo mighty a ftrudlure being 
 fapped, every day faw fome part or other 
 crumbling to deftructicn. Already had 
 the Soubahdars fhook off their allegiance 
 to their fovereign (the Mogul) in every 
 thing but form ; it remained, therefore, 
 for the Nabobs fimply to follow the paths 
 fo fuccefsfully trodden by their fuperiors. 
 One innovation in a fyftem is quickly 
 fucceeded by another ; nor does the evil 
 (top, until the whole fabric is involved in 
 one general ruin. 
 
 Nizam-Ul-Mulc, fome time before the 
 period at which we are now arrived, faw 
 clearly the independent views of the Na- 
 bobs of Arcot. They had long withheld 
 the revenue which, according to the con- 
 flitution of the empire, mould have come 
 into his treafury ; nor had he a profpect 
 of their ever returning to their duty, while 
 a long-eflabliihed family, fuch as that of 
 
 Subdter
 
 ANALYSIS OJr INblA. 5 t 
 
 Subdter-Ally-Cawn, remained in poflemon 
 of the government. 
 
 A ferious enmity had on this account 
 fubfifted for years between the two Dur- 
 bars ; nor did Nizam-Ul-Mulc refrain 
 altogether from coercive meafures. His 
 army he frequently ordered into the field ; 
 and the bordering Mahrattoes, through 
 his means, as regularly rufhed into the 
 Carnatic, and thereby difturbed the peace 
 of the government of Subdter-Ally. 
 
 At the accemon of Anawer-Odean-Cawn 
 to the Mufnud of Arcot, Huflain-Doafl: 
 Cawn, commonly called Chunda-Saheb, 
 a foldier of reputation and of fortune, who 
 had got poflemon of Trichinopoly by 
 treachery fome years before, and who 
 afterwards cut a confpicuous figure in the 
 tranfa&ions on the coaft of Coromandel, 
 was a ftate prifoner at Satarrah, the capital 
 of the Mahrattah empire, w r hither he had 
 E 2 been
 
 52 ANALYSIS OF INDIA* 
 
 been carried by Morarirow, who had difpof- 
 fefled him of Trichinopoly, after a long 
 and bloody fiege. 
 
 The origin of the Mahrattahs, and the 
 particulars of their ftory, fhall be fully 
 detailed hereafter. Suffice it here, that 
 the chout or tribute which they demand 
 of the different potentates of Hindoftan, 
 has been arbitrarily eftabiifhed by them- 
 felves, and fixed as a permanent annual 
 tribute. This they frequently, from de- 
 llgn, allow to run in arrear, and thereby 
 keep up an unremitted claim, which they 
 urge, as their neceiTitie^ or circumftances 
 happen to require. When they are, there- 
 fore, brought to demand this chout, they 
 are never fatisfled, as naturally may be 
 iuppofed, with the fum which is fimply 
 owing to them by the province. They 
 know full well that they can acquire 
 it only through the medium of fear ; 
 and, therefore, with fword in hand, 
 
 and
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 53 
 
 and attended by fire and devastation, they 
 levy fuch contribution, on both prince and 
 country, as their unbounded rapacity leatls 
 them to defire. More of this, however, in 
 the fequel. 
 
 Some time before the appointment of 
 Anawer-Odean-Cawn, the French and 
 the Englifh had committed many acts of 
 hoftility againft. each other in the Eaft 
 Indies. Both nations had fquadrons in 
 thofe feas. Pondicherry had been ineffec- 
 tually befieged by Admiral Bofcawen on 
 the one fide, and Madras had been taken 
 in 1746 by Monf. La Bourdannois, whom 
 we have already mentioned, on the other. 
 How far rumour is to be depended on, it 
 is not our province to determine; but thus 
 far the French declare, that until the 
 taking of Madras, Anawer-Odean-Cawn, 
 agreeably to the true fpirit of Afiatic po- 
 litics, wavered between the contending 
 powers. However this may be, it is cer- 
 E 3 tain
 
 54 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 tain that he foon became more decided, 
 
 and took a fteady line in favour of the 
 
 Englifh : that he aflifted them with troops 
 
 againfl the French ; and that his eldeft 
 
 fon, Mauphuz-Cawn, attacked the French 
 
 forces at Madras, and at St. Thome, du- 
 ring the fiege of Madras, although he 
 
 came off with ferious loffes in both engage- 
 ments. 
 
 Dupleix, who was at this time in the 
 government of Pondicherry, and who had 
 long ftudied the characters of the different 
 courts of Hindoftan, their intrigues and 
 their various interefts, was the firft man 
 of the two European nations, who con- 
 ceived hopes of extending the advantage 
 of his employers, by taking a lead in the 
 politics of the country. By clofe atten- 
 tion, he had acquired fo perfect a know- 
 ledge of all their views and connections, 
 that he was convinced it would be in his 
 power, with the aid of the troops which 
 
 had
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 5$ 
 
 had been brought to Pondicherry in the 
 courfe of the war, to attain at leafr. a prin- 
 cipal influence in the affairs of the De- 
 can ; very poffibly to manage them as he 
 pleafed. His daring fpirit, which promp- 
 ted him to great attempts, gave additional 
 ftrength to thefe reflections ; and an op- 
 portunity foon offered for carrying his 
 project into execution. 
 
 The politic Nizam-Ul-Mulc, Soubahdar 
 of the Decan, was now no more *. His 
 prudence and talents had kept that part of 
 
 * This prince was defcended from a noble family of 
 Samarcund. He was appointed to the viceroyalty of 
 the Decan in the year 17 13. The Soubahdaries of 
 Malwa, Owd, Bijapore, and Decan, had been at different 
 periods inverted in his Predeceflbrs. He himfelf was at 
 one time poffefled of the high office of Vizier of the 
 empire, together with the governments of Decan, Gu- 
 zurat, and Malwa. Nadir Shaw, on his conquest of 
 Hindoftan, manifefted a peculiar attachment to him ; 
 and appointed him, in addition to his other dignities, 
 to the office of Ummear-Ul-Umrah, or captain general 
 of the Imperial armies. He died in the year of the 
 Higeira 1161 or 1748. 
 
 4 India,
 
 $6 ANALYSIS OF IND I -A. 
 
 India, over which he ruled, in aflourifhlng 
 ftate. It was now doomed to experience 
 all the horrors and mifery of civil war. 
 On the death of this great prince, his 
 eldeit. fon, Gazoe Deen-Cawn, was at 
 Dehli, where, in addition to his appoint- 
 ment of commander in chief of the Mo- 
 gul's army, he held fome of the firft 
 civil offices of the empire. His abfence, 
 however, was productive of the moll dread- 
 ful calamities to his country., Though 
 known to be appointed fucceflbr to his 
 father, at the fame time that he held the 
 whole executive authority of his fovereign 
 in his hands, yet fo infatuated were his 
 own brother and his nephew with the 
 wild fuggeitions of ambition, that, neg- 
 lectful of his right, and inattentive to 
 their own fafety, they fet up claims of 
 fovereignty in the Decan, and rebellioufly 
 difputed the government of a country, in 
 which they could be confidered in no other 
 light than that of fubje&s to one and 
 
 the fame matter. 
 
 From
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 57 
 
 From this contention, therefore, Du- 
 pleix expelled to reap the ampleft harvefl:. 
 Either party he was covinced would 
 gladly embrace an offer of European af- 
 (iftance ; nor was he without hopes, 
 that, in the end, fome happy exertion, 
 might throw the whole coafr. of Coro- 
 mandel under the control of the French 
 government. 
 
 MuzzufFer-Jung, the nephew, at this 
 time joined by Chunda-Saheb, who had 
 been reftored to his liberty, implored the 
 affiftance of the French ; and, in return, 
 promifed Dupleix every thing that the 
 moll: ardent ambition could delire. Nei- 
 ther was Dulpleix backward in compli- 
 ance* It was a point of no coniideration 
 with him, which of the competitors was 
 right. His aim was dominion ; and by 
 whatever mode acquired, it was alike in- 
 different, fo that his darling purpofe was 
 ultimately anfwered. In the courfeof the 
 
 agree-
 
 58 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 agreement finally determined on between 
 thefe daring men, the province of Arcot 
 was allotted to Chunda-Saheb, their mu- 
 tual friend, with the title of Nabob ; and 
 faneds were accordingly granted him by 
 Muzzuffer-Jung, with all the form and 
 official ftamp of the Soubahdary of the 
 Decan. 
 
 A nawer-Odean-Cawn, peaceably in pof- 
 feffion of a government to which he had 
 been legally appointed by Nizam-Ul-Mulc, 
 was aflonifhed at the appearance of a com- 
 petitor ; and one with no better preten- 
 tions than the nomination of an ufurper, 
 as yet even unfettled himfelf in the autho- 
 rity to which he rebellioufly afpired. 
 The juftice of his caufe did not, however, 
 make Anawer-Odean-Cawn inattentive to 
 thofe means which alone could fecure 
 him againfl the combination of his ene- 
 mies. From the favours which he had 
 already conferred upon the Engliih, he 
 
 had
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 59 
 
 had good reafon to fuppofe they would 
 not refufe him their warmed affiftauce. 
 Nor was he fo bad a politician as not 
 to perceive, that felf-prefervation alone 
 would naturally incline them to join in 
 a caufe, with which their own {afety was 
 materially connected. The tvent anfwered 
 his expectations. 
 
 Thus was there an alliance formed by 
 him and the Englifh again/1: Muzzuffer- 
 Jung, nominal Soubahdar of the Decan, 
 Chunda-Saheb, nominal Nabob of Arcot, 
 and the French, under the government of 
 Dupleix. 
 
 Nafir-Jung, fecond fon of the de- 
 ceafed Nizam-Ul-Mulc, and brother of 
 Gazy-Ul-Deen-Cawn, was itill at Aurun- 
 gabad, the capital of the Decan, endea- 
 vouring, in defiance of his brother's right 
 of primogeniture, and even of his fub- 
 2 fequent
 
 60 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 fequent appointment:, to eftablifh himfelf 
 in the Soubahfhip of the Decan. His ad- 
 herents were {fill fuperior to thofe of 
 MuzzufFer-Jung *. 
 
 Led on by thefe motives, the objects of 
 contention with the different parties were 
 certainly of thefirft magnitude. Each could 
 bring confiderable aid in fupport of his 
 caufe. Their powers were extenfive; and 
 the whole empire of Hindoftan was likely 
 to be agitated in the conflict. Nafir-Jung 
 and MuzzufFer-Jung, in rebellious oppo- 
 fition to their lawful prince, ffruggled 
 againiF each other for the Soubahdaryof the 
 
 * Nafir-Jung had, during the life of his father, ma- 
 nifefted a like ambitious difpofition, Nizam-Ul-Mulc 
 had left him his naib, or deputy, during a vifit he had 
 made to Dehli. Nafir-Jung feized on the occafion, 
 and proclaimed himfelf independent. The old prince 
 was in confequence obliged to quit Dehli with preci- 
 pitation. He came up with his fon near Aurungabad, 
 and an engagement enfued. Nafir-Jung was defeated, 
 wounded in feveral places, and taken prifoner. This 
 happened in the 1 154 of the Higeira, or 1741. 
 
 Decan.
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 6s. 
 
 Decan. Anawer-Odean-Cawn and Chun- 
 da-Saheb, for the Nabobfhip of Arcot ; 
 and laflly, the Englifh and the French, 
 for their very exiftence in the Ealt. 
 
 Jn a caufe of this nature, where fd 
 many paffions and fo many interefts were 
 neceflarily combined, an inactive conduct 
 could not be long expected. Negociation 
 could yield nothing of fatisfaction to ei- 
 ther party. Their only alternative, there- 
 fore, was to take up arms. 
 
 To follow an undifciplined people 
 through fields of blood, is a talk too un- 
 pleafant for the mind to dwell upon. 
 The mode of war in Hindoftan is too 
 generally known to need any particular 
 mention of it on our part. 
 
 Fortune, long doubtful to which fide 
 flie mould lean, at legth flattered the 
 
 French
 
 *z ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 French caufe with a profpect of fuccefs. 
 Their forces came oft victorious, after an 
 obftinate engagement on the Plains of 
 Amboor in 1749; in which Anawer- 
 Odean-Cawn was flain, and his eldefl 
 fon, Maphuz-Cawn, taken piifoner. This 
 event, promifing as it appeared at firit, 
 proved in the end to be of but little ad- 
 vantage to their affairs. 
 
 In the (bene of joy and exultation which 
 this victory occafioned in the allied army of 
 France, and of terror and difmay which 
 it as inftantaneoufly occafioned in that of 
 its opponents, Mahomet-Ally-Cawn, the 
 fecond fon of Anawer-Cdean-Cavvn, was 
 haflening to Trichinopoly. Efcaped from 
 the dangers which furrounded him, this 
 young prince, immediately on the death 
 of his father, and the capture of his elder 
 brother, fled from the field of battle with 
 the few followers who llill flood by him, 
 and turned his thoughts to ward off the 
 
 im-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 63 
 
 impending ruin which threatened his do- 
 minions. 
 
 Naturally prompt, and determined in 
 his refolves, he hefitated not a moment 
 on the line it was molt advifeable for him 
 to take. He found the government of 
 Arcot unexpectedly fallen into his hands. 
 The great men of his father's court, who 
 had furvived the lafl defeat, flocked to 
 his ftandard ; and, with thefe retainers, 
 but an almoft - exhaufted treafury, he 
 boldly proclaimed his intention of con- 
 tinuing a war that had been levied in 
 injuftice againft his father. 
 
 Early taught to look upon the Englifh 
 with a partial eye, Mahomet-Ally foon 
 fent ambafladors to acquaint them of his 
 acceffion to the Mufnud. He confirmed 
 to them all the privileges granted them 
 by his father ; and without the fmallefr. 
 hefitation, entered into a bond of amity 
 
 and
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 and alliance, that, on his part, hath con- 
 tinued ever iince moft inviolably iacred. 
 
 Amid pretentions fo variable and 
 disjointed as were thofe of the French 
 party, it is not matter of furprifc that 
 fudden jealoufies mould arife, or that a 
 rivalry, highly detrimental to the gene- 
 ral intereit, fhould eniue. Each aim- 
 ing at a particular object, which, when 
 attained, unlefs fubjecled implicitly to the 
 common caufe, would necefYarily involve 
 them in endlefs controveriy, difcord, and 
 difpute ; while the Afiatic pride, awakened 
 by fuccefs, would but ill brook with the 
 dictatorial fpirit of an European, fuch as 
 Dupleix. In fhort, from whatever reafon 
 it might proceed, a reciprocal diftruil: and 
 animofity fpeedily took place. Muzzuf- 
 fer-Jung, galled with the French yoke, or 
 tired of the vifionary fyitem he had adopt- 
 ed, fled to his uncle Nafir-Jung, whom 
 he at once publicly acknowledged to be 
 
 his
 
 ANALYSIS O.F INDIA. s 
 
 his fuperior, and Soubahdar of the Decan, 
 while the French troops, accompanied by 
 Chunda-Saheb, took a contrary rout, and 
 proceeded on their way to Pondicherry. 
 
 In this flate of feparation, the active 
 genius of Dupleix, as yet unwearied in its 
 exertions, fell upon a new, though dread- 
 ful expedient to accompliih its views ; 
 this was by a daftardly arlafli nation, to 
 get the difpofal of the Soubahdary of the 
 Decan into his own immediate power. The 
 bare recital of an ac~l of this atrocious dye, 
 is fully fufficient. The fcheme was artfully 
 laid, and Nafir Jung, in the midft of his 
 camp, fell a facrifice to the machinations 
 of Dupleix, and to the treachery of his 
 own vaflals. This happened the year 
 fucceeding the death of Anawer-Odean- 
 Cawn. 
 
 When affair nations take place in Hin- 
 
 doftan, which for many centuries have 
 
 F been
 
 66 ANALYSIS OF INDIA' 
 
 been fo common as in general to he little 
 noticed, it is not unufual to fee the heir 
 apparent mounting from a dungeon to the 
 Mufhud. This was the cafe in the prefent, 
 inftance. Muzz uffer- Jung, who had ex- 
 pected treatment of a different nature from 
 that which he experienced, had been im- 
 mediately thrown into confinement on his 
 fubmhTion to Nafir-Jung ; and in that 
 fituation was found, when he was refcued 
 from his fhackles, and proclaimed, by 
 the partizans of Dupleix, Soubahdar of 
 the Decan. 
 
 From whence this act of kindnefs 
 could have proceeded in Dupleix, after 
 the feparation of the French and Chunda- 
 Saheb's interefls from thofe of MuzzufFer- 
 Jung, is a matter of conjecture that can- 
 not eafily be folved. Certain it is, how- 
 ever, that the Nabobs of Cudapah and 
 Canole, both of whom were Patans by 
 birth, and who, with Dupleix, had medi- 
 tated
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA; 67 
 
 tated the blow againft Nafir- Jung's life, 
 very early demanded of Muzz uffer- Jung 
 the rewards which had been promifed them 
 on the perpetration of the deed. 
 
 Rid of his immediate rival in Nafir- 
 Jung, tfnd Gazy-Ul-Deen-Cawn being ftill 
 at Dehli, Muzzuffer-Jung no longer con- 
 iidered it as incumbent on him to abide 
 by the agreements into which he had 
 entered ; wherefore, affuming all the 
 dignity and arrogance of a fuperior lord, 
 he pofitively declined compliance with 
 their demands ; but, at the fame time, 
 proffered them certain conditions, which 
 rather than return unrewarded, he imagi- 
 ned they would accept. 
 
 Of all the tribes of Hindoftan, the Pa- 
 tans are the moil daring and high fpirited. 
 Enthufiaftic in the principles of perfonal 
 courage and revenge, which they imbibe 
 in their earlieft infancy, they never forgive 
 F 2 an
 
 68 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 an injury. Danger hath no terrors to 
 men habituated to contemn it. Not even 
 the certainty of death hath been able 
 to withhold their revenge, when they 
 have fancied their honour premeditate- 
 ly ftained. Unfortunately for Muzzuf- 
 fer-Jung, the very men he had to 
 deal with were of this difpofkion. The 
 infill t he had offered, aggravated by a 
 treacherous breach of promife, was more 
 than they could brook. They, therefore, 
 determined upon his fall ; and accom- 
 plished it ; having him affaffinated fhortly 
 after his acceffion *. 
 
 No fooner was the death of Muzzuffer- 
 Jung made known, than the different 
 powers of the French party were involved 
 
 * The countries of Canole and Cudipah, not long 
 after this, were conquered from the fucceflbrs of the 
 Patans; and, together with the province of Serah, 
 were governed independently by the Mahrattah Mo- 
 rarirovv. They now form part ot the dominions of the 
 ion of Hyder-Aily-Cawn. 
 
 a in
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 69 
 
 in confternation. He had originally been 
 the prop of their ambition, and on him 
 were fixed their ultimate hopes and expecta- 
 tions: luckily , however, for their caufe, the 
 conduct of Monf. Burly, commander of the 
 French forces in the army of Muzzuffer- 
 Jung, extricated them from the impending 
 ruin. 
 
 Roufed by the exigency of affairs, this 
 able man faw that nothing was to be 
 gained by inactivity. He fummoned, 
 therefore, the principal officers of the 
 army, bewailed with them the lofs which 
 they had fuftained ; held out to them a 
 picture of the fituation they were in, ex- 
 pofed from without to the depredations of 
 their enemies, and from within to all the 
 diftractions of intrigue and powerful ca- 
 bal; and then, without leaving them time 
 for more temperate reflection, propofed to 
 them the railing of Salabit-Jung, brother 
 to the late Nafir-Jung, to the Mufnud, 
 F 3 in
 
 7 o ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 in preference to the fon of MuzzufFer- 
 Jung, who was frill an infant. 
 
 Salabit-Jung was accordingly declared 
 fucceflbr to his nephew ; and imme- 
 diately on his arTumption of the reins 
 of government, confirmed in the amplefr. 
 manner to the French, the different grants 
 which had been made to them by his 
 predeceffors. 
 
 Fortune thus attending them in all 
 their fteps, the French rolled in a plenitude 
 of power. In the mean time the young Na- 
 bob of Arcot, Mahomet- Ally-Cawn, was 
 clofely confined to the walls of his fort of 
 Trichinopoly, difpoflefled of every difhrict 
 in the Carnatic, and dependent upon no 
 other refources than the fortitude of his 
 own mind, and the affiftance of his friends 
 the Englifh. 
 
 2 The
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. Jt 
 
 The hiftory of the war on the coaft. of 
 Coromandel hath already employed the 
 pens of eminent hiftorians. Exertions of 
 the greatest moment alternately appeared 
 in the operations of the European armies. 
 Victory declared fometimes for the one, 
 and fometimes for the other ; but, in the 
 event the Englifh were the conquerors. 
 Succefs would not, however, have been 
 fo fluctuating, had the Englifh had more 
 troops, or the French better officers. 
 
 From the fituation of affairs, as they 
 have been thus related, it foon became 
 evident to the difcerning part of mankind, 
 that the diflurbances in Afia would never 
 come to a conclufion, unlefs peace was firft 
 eftablimed in Europe ; nor was it at the 
 fame time lefs to be apprehended, that the 
 flame, which had been confined to India 
 for feveral years, might fpread its baleful 
 influence farther. The minifters of France 
 and England, however, obviated this dan- 
 F 4 ger,
 
 ya ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 ger, by enjoining the two companies to 
 fix on certain terms of agreement. They 
 made a conditional treaty ; which began 
 by fufpending all hoftilities at the begin- 
 ning of the year 1755, and was to end 
 by eltablifhing between them a perfect 
 equality of territory, of ftrength, and of 
 trade, on the coafl of Coromandel and 
 Orixa. This ftipulation had not yet re- 
 ceived the fancYion of the courts of Lon- 
 don and Verfailles, when greater interefls 
 kindled a frem war between the two na- 
 tions. The news of this reached the 
 Eaft, when the Englifh were engaged in 
 a very troublefome conteft. with the Sou- 
 bahdar of Bengal. Had the French been 
 then in the fame ftate they were fome 
 years before, they would have united 
 their interefts with thofe of the natives. 
 Unluckily for them, they allowed them- 
 felves to be amufed, until the fucceiles of 
 their rivals emboldened them to attack 
 and feize upon their capital fettlement of 
 
 Chan-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 73 
 
 Chandernagore. The taking of this place 
 was followed by the ruin of all the facto- 
 ries dependent on it ; and put the Eng- 
 lifh in, a condition to fend men, money, 
 provisions, and mips to the coaft of Co- 
 romandel, where the French were jufi 
 arrived with confiderable land and fea 
 forces. 
 
 Before the commencement of this war, 
 the French Company, befides their terri- 
 tories of Pondicherry and Karical, pof- 
 fefTed, on the coaft of Coromandel and 
 Orixa, the five fertile provinces to the 
 northward of Madras, called the Nor- 
 thern Circars. Dupleix had likewile been 
 appointed, by the ufurper of the Decan, 
 viceroy of the Carnatic, one of the moft 
 fiourifhing provinces of the Mogul empire. 
 One fixth pact only of the revenues of 
 which was to be paid into the trea- 
 fury of Salabit-Jung, the nominal Sou- 
 bahdar of the Decan, and the reft to bs 
 
 the
 
 74 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 the property of the French Company 
 in perpetuity. 
 
 If the French miniftry, therefore, and 
 the directors of the French Company, 
 who alternately fupported and neglected 
 their power in India, had but beeii capable 
 of a firm and fettled refolution, they 
 might have fent orders to their agents 
 to give up all their remote conquefts, and 
 to keep to the important fettlement of the 
 Carnatic. It was alone fufficient to give 
 the French a firm eftablifhment, a clofe 
 and contiguous ftate, a prodigious quan- 
 tity of merchandife, proviiions for their 
 fortified towns, and revenues capable of 
 maintaining a body of troops, which 
 would have put them in a condition to 
 defy the jealoufy of their neighbours, 
 and the hatred of their enemies. Unfor- 
 tunately for them, the court of Verfailles 
 ordered that the Carnatic mould be given 
 up. Dupleix, the only man who could 
 
 fupport
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 7$ 
 
 fupport the interefts of his country, was 
 alfo difgracefully recalled, and another 
 appointed to conduct the Indian war, 
 whofe temper could never adapt itfelf to 
 circumftances. This was Lally, the pri- 
 mary caufe of the declenfion of the 
 French interefts in India, of his own ruin, 
 and of that of his family. The evacuation 
 ofSeringham, by his order, which ifland 
 divides the Coleroon into two branches 
 near Trichinopoly, was a principal caufe 
 of the difafters that attended the war of 
 France with the Rajah of Tanjore. Ma- 
 zulipatam and the Northern Circars were 
 loft by his giving up the alliance of Sala- 
 bit-Jung. And at laft Pondicherry was 
 taken and deftroyed by the Englifh, grown 
 powerful from fuccefs, and from the dif- 
 fractions of the French government. 
 
 BOOK
 
 j$ ANALYSIS OF IHP1A. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 A N bringing thefe matters, for the fake 
 of perfpicuity, into one view, we have 
 neceflarily been obliged to anticipate our 
 iubjecl:. To return, therefore, from 
 whence we digreiTed. 
 
 From the year 1752, when Major Law- 
 rence arrived from England, and was in- 
 vefled with the chief command of the Eng- 
 lish forces, the fortune of the Nabob Maho- 
 met-Ally-Cawn began to wear a brighter 
 afpect. Several powers, awakened by the 
 afpiring greatnefs of the French, readily 
 entered into an alliance with him ; fo that 
 in a ihort time, after the junction of the 
 Englim forces, he found himfelf at the 
 head of an army of 20,000 horfe, and of 
 20,000 foot, exclusive of the force the 
 Englim had fent to his ailiftance. 
 
 The
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 77 
 
 The army of the French league, headed 
 by MelT. Law, Dautuiel, and Chunda-Sa- 
 heb, waslikewife of confiderable ftrength; 
 and the pofts which they poffefTed on the 
 plains of Trichionopoly, on the ifland of 
 Seringham, and on the northern fide of 
 the river Coleroon, were fuch as gave 
 them every poffible advantage. Notwiths- 
 tanding this, the French conftantly 
 gave way before the En glim : in almoil 
 every engagement they were worfted ; 
 and, at length, a period was feeming- 
 ly put to a war fo unequally carried on, 
 by Monf. Law's furrendry of the Pagoda 
 of Jumbakiftna, with a force of Euro- 
 peans in it fuperior even to the whole of 
 what Major Lawrence had under his com- 
 mand. 
 
 The fcale thus turned againft the French, 
 Chunda-Saheb found himfelf deferted and 
 forlorn. His retainers had all provided 
 for their own fafety, whilft he alone was 
 
 left,
 
 }8 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 was left, in the center of his nomi- 
 nal dominions, to feek the protection of 
 an enemy. Wary, however, in the 
 choice of him, whom he conceived he 
 could trull: with the greatefr. fecurity, he, 
 after much deliberation, pitched upon 
 Monaick-Jie, an officer of reputation, and, 
 at that time, commander in chief of the 
 Rajah of Tanjore's forces in the allied 
 army of the Nabob. 
 
 How far the truth of the afTertion may 
 be credited, it is not in our power to de- 
 termine; thus much, -however, rumour de- 
 clares, that Monaick-Jie folemnly engaged 
 himfelf by oath on his fword and dagger, 
 the mofr. hallowed obligation of an Indian, 
 to preferve inviolably from danger the 
 perfon of Chunda-Saheb. And indeed, 
 when the difficulties in which Chunda- 
 Saheb was involved come difpaffionately to 
 be confidered, it is not at all improbable 
 that he mould demand a fecurity of that 
 
 facred
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 79 
 
 facred nature, before he committed him- 
 felf to the mercy of a profefled enemy, 
 and one who was acting immediately un- 
 der the command of Mahomet- A lly-Cawn. 
 Be this, however, as it may, Chunda- 
 Saheb threw himfelf into the hands of 
 Monaick-Jie, and was by him moit in- 
 humanly put to death. 
 
 The Nabob thus unexpectedly relieved 
 from an ambitious, able, and fpirited 
 competitor, peace, it was hoped, would 
 once more vifit the almoft-defolate Car- 
 natic ; but peace had fled to a happier 
 clime : war, with all her train of evils, 
 prefented herfelf anew to that miferable 
 country, and from a quarter too the leaft 
 to be expected. 
 
 In the midft of his diftrefTes, and when 
 reduced to the folitary fortrefs of Trichi- 
 nopoly, the Nabob had anxioufly cart his 
 eyes around to fee from whence he might 
 
 derive
 
 80 ANALYSIS OF INDIA, 
 
 rive relief Myfore and the Mahrattahs 
 were the only powers who could effectually 
 befriend him. To them therefore he ap- 
 plied ; and, in confequence of considerable 
 promifes, prevailed upon the Dallaway, 
 or regent of Myfore, to lead his army into 
 the Carnatic ; , and upon Morarirow, a 
 bordering Mahrattah general, to do the 
 fame. 
 
 Among other points of leffer moment, 
 and with an incaution, of which he had 
 afterwards reafon to repent, the Nabob 
 made a promife to the Myforean (who 
 took advantage of his fituation to extort 
 it) of the fortrefs of Trichinopoly ; there- 
 by giving him, in effect, the key into the 
 Carnatic, and opening a road for the de- 
 predations of the Myforeans whenever 
 they mould be inclined to reviiit his do- 
 minions. 
 
 Agitated
 
 ANALYSIS o INDIA. 8t 
 
 Agitated by various conflicts, the Na- 
 bob, when called upon for the fulfillance 
 of this promife, knew not on what to re- 
 folv@. On the one hand he faw inevita- 
 ble ruin entailed upon his country, mould 
 he comply ; and on the other, the calami- 
 ties of a bloody war brought upon him by 
 his own indifcretion. 
 
 In this ftate of mind he attempted every 
 thing that human wifdom could fuggeft 
 to gain a renunciation of his promife from 
 the Dallaway. He offered him largeflea 
 to a confiderable amount ; or, if thofe 
 mould not accord with his deiires, any 
 other compenfation which he might deem 
 equivalent. All, however, was ineffectual : 
 the Dallaway knew too well the value of 
 a fortrefs fituated like Trichinopoly ; and 
 therefore positively infifted on the perfor- 
 mance of the engagement. 
 
 G Driven
 
 8t ANALYSIS OF INDIA? 
 
 Driven thus from all hopes of an ami- 
 cable compromife, the Nabob, as the go- 
 vernor of a province dependent and ap- 
 pertaining to the Mogul empire, reluc- 
 tantly refolved to bear with the enmity 
 of the Myforean, and elude the promife 
 he had given, rather than to difmember 
 from his dominions fo very important a 
 garrifon ; and fignified the fame to the 
 Dallaway. 
 
 The regent, irritated at a conduct fo 
 unexpected, attempted by treachery to get 
 poffeffion of a place virtually his by right 
 of compact. All his efforts were, how- 
 ever, without effect. The Englifh, who 
 garrifoned the fort for the Nabob, baffled 
 all his attempts, and thereby drove him 
 to the accomplifhment of a fcheme he 
 had fometime meditated with Morarirow, 
 of joining his forces to thofe of the 
 French, while the Mahrattah was on 
 fome pretence or other to do the fame. 
 
 A dorm
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 83 
 
 A ftorm of fuch magnitude, thus ga- 
 thering over the yet-unfettled govern- 
 ment of the Nabob, and of his allies the 
 Englim, filled his mind with uneafinefs. 
 From his firft. acceffion to the Mufnud he 
 had experienced a regular combination of 
 unpropitious circumftances; nor could the 
 many difafters which had befallen the 
 enemies of his houfe fecure to him tran- 
 quillity. The hydra of malevolence had 
 firmly taken its {land againfr. him : one 
 head lopped off, another fucceeded in its 
 room. 
 
 We have already feen the caufes which 
 a&uated the Dallaway of Myfore to the 
 part he was determined to purfue, and 
 candour compels us to acknowledge they 
 were juft *. The Mahrattah, however, 
 
 * One of Hyder-Ally-Cawn's reafons, alledged by 
 himfelf, for invading Jhe Carnatic, in the two feveral 
 wars he has fince carried on in that country, was this 
 breach of promife on the part of Mahomet- Ally-Cawn. 
 
 G 2 was
 
 $4 ANALYSIS OP INDIA. 
 
 was deftitute of every excufe ; his defe&ion 
 originated in bafenefs. It is true, indeed, 
 that a mercenary will ever fight for him 
 who pays the bell: : but the treachery of 
 this unprincipled freebooter was without 
 a plea that could even ferve to amufe the 
 world. Difappointed in his view of feiz- 
 ing upon Trichinopoly, at a time that he 
 was inverted both by the Nabob and 
 Dallaway with the facred trufl of um- 
 pire of the differences which fubfifted be- 
 tween them touching that fortrefs, he 
 no longer contained himfelf within the 
 bounds of moderation. The Nabob's 
 treafury yielded not the harvefl he had 
 been accuftomed to receive ; and there- 
 fore, without a thought of the engage- 
 ments he was about to break, he cheer- 
 fully chimed in with the Myforean in his 
 plan of offenfive meafures againft the 
 Carnatic. 
 
 The
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 85 
 
 The Myforean and Mahrattah having 
 thus openly declared in favour of France, 
 their army foon took the field, and a war 
 commenced, to the full as bloody as that 
 which was juft concluded. The whole 
 of the year 1753 was witnefs to the un- 
 remitted exertions of both parties. Tri- 
 chinopoly plains, and the ifland of Se* 
 ringham, were in general the fcenes of 
 action. Each, while the war lafted, 
 boafted of its fuperiority : at its conclu- 
 fion the Englifh were victorious. 
 
 Still rifing amid the difficulties he 
 had to combat with, and in every ad- 
 verfe flroke of fortune finding a refburce 
 in his own genius, Dupleix was yet 
 a formidable enemy. The death of 
 Chunda-Saheb had given him a ferious 
 blow, but it had not depreffed the ardour 
 of his fpirit. Inverted with the dignity 
 of the Soubahdar's deputy in the Car- 
 G 3 natic,
 
 86 ANALYSIS OF INDIA." 
 
 natic, he fought with caution for ' a 
 perfon qualified to be the fucceflbr of 
 Chunda - Saheb. Rajah - Saheb, fon of 
 Chunda-Saheb, would in all probability 
 have obtained the nomination, had he not 
 been found deficient in thofe abilities 
 which the importance of the truft re- 
 quired. Moortiz-Ally-Cawn was there- 
 fore the only man whofe wealth, expe- 
 rience and connections could in any mea- 
 fure entitle him to a preference ; and he 
 accordingly was appointed Nabob of the 
 Carnatic ; fubordinate, however, to the 
 Soubahdar, Dupleix. 
 
 The character of this man (Moortiz- 
 Ally) hath been already (lightly touched 
 upon. The fhadow of authority was not, 
 however, fufficient for an ambition that in 
 many inflances had waded through blood. 
 As Kelidar of Vellore, he found him- 
 felf more independent than as the inftru- 
 
 ment
 
 A"N A L Y S I S OF INDIA'. $7 
 
 rncnt of an European's policy ;' and there- 
 fore, a few days after his acceptance of 
 the NaboMhip, without affigning any 
 caufe whatever, he difencumbered him- 
 felf of a nominal confequence, which he 
 .found neither profitable nor agreeable. 
 
 The French interests at the court of 
 Salabit-Jung, and in the Northern Cir- 
 cars, though they at firft received a 
 mock from the death of Muzzuffer-Jung, 
 were at this time rifen to the meridian 
 of profperity. Buffy inlinuated himfelf 
 clofely into the Soubahdar's favour, and, 
 in fome inftances, had rendered him fuch 
 efTential fervice, as in reality enabled 
 him to get poffellion of the whole of the 
 Soubahdar's authority; an authority which 
 he wifely turned, not only to the advan- 
 tage of his employers, but likewife to 
 that of the officers and men who were 
 fighting under his command. A fudden 
 G 4 reverfe
 
 88 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 reverfe of fortune was, however, fhortly 
 to derange this extenfive influence. 
 
 Gazy-Ul-Decn-Cawn, whom we have 
 already mentioned, being at length releafed 
 from the more important duties of his Na- 
 tion at Delhi, marched at the head of a 
 confiderable army into the Decan, and de- 
 manded from his brother, Salabit-Jung, a 
 formal and immediate abdication of the 
 Mufnud of that kingdom. 
 
 Salabit-Jung, however, emboldened by 
 the prefence of his European allies, frill 
 kept pofTeffion of his ufurped authority, 
 and quickly alTembling his forces, took 
 the field* with a view of flopping the 
 progrefs of Gazy-Ul-Deen-Cawn by the 
 fword. 
 
 ButTy, who never loft fight of the in 
 terefts of his nation, immediately per* 
 ceived the ruin that would inevitably fol- 
 low,
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 89 
 
 low, fhould Salabit-Jung either give way 
 to importunity, or be defeated : his for- 
 mer efforts were therefore redoubled. His 
 attacks with the French battalion were 
 impetuous and animated ; nor was he in- 
 attentive to the lefs hazardous, though 
 more certain, operations of flattery and 
 addrefs. In fhort, fo completely did he 
 determine Salabit-Jung in the refolution. 
 of oppofing his brother, that he made the 
 Soubahdar believe he had nothing to ap- 
 prehend, with fuch affertors of his caufe, 
 from even the affembled forces of the 
 whole empire, which were now combi- 
 ning againft him. 
 
 Succefs, however, was very doubtful in 
 the iflue; and Gazy-Ul-Deen-Cawn daily 
 approaching towards Aurungabad, a confe- 
 rence was demanded by Salabit-Jung. Hi- 
 ther Gazy-Ul-Deen-Cawn came in all the 
 confidence of felf-fecurity and good faith. 
 
 Fate,
 
 *p ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Fate, however, had not yet fmiiTied with 
 the devoted family of Nizam-Ul-Mulc ; 
 the unfortunate Gazy-Ui-Deen was invi- 
 ted to fall by treachery. His food was poi- 
 ioned, and that, too, by the hands of one 
 who mould rather have flretched them 
 forth to have effected a reconciliation, 
 than have blackened them by the murder 
 of a perfon fo nearly allied to her : this 
 was the execrable mother of the more 
 execrable Salabit-Jung. 
 
 Salabit-Jung, however, did not accom- 
 plish, by this infamous tranfaclion, his me- 
 ditated purpofe. The Emperor of Dehli 
 appointed a fucceflbr to the deceafed,a man 
 in whom were blended all thofe mining- 
 qualities which foretold that he would be 
 a confpicuous character in the Eait. This 
 was Schi-Abiddin-Cawn, fon of Gazy-Ul- 
 Deen-Cavvn ; and afterwards diftinguifhed 
 by the fame title. 
 
 Schi-
 
 ANALYSIS OT INDIA. 91 
 
 Schi-Abiddin had, however, as yet too 
 much bufinefs on his hands at Dehli to 
 think of puniming his uncle. The de- 
 pofing of Ahmed-Shaw, and railing of 
 Allum-Geer to the throne of the world, 
 Were points that required his utmofr. at- 
 tention ; nor were they to be accomplim- 
 ed without much difficulty and exertion. 
 
 Monfieur BufTy, no fooner rid of one 
 invafion, than threatened in this manner, 
 though at a diftance, with another, and 
 expofed in the Soubahdar's court to all 
 the machinations of an unprincipled fet 
 of courtiers, foon faw the neceffity of ob- 
 taining in referve fome certain refource, 
 for the payment of the troops the French 
 might bring into the field, mould hoftili- 
 ties be commenced between the Soubah- 
 dar and his nephew. He accordingly ap- 
 plied to the Soubahdar for a grant of the 
 five Northern Circars, which we have al- 
 ready mentioned. 
 
 The
 
 9* ANAL Y SI 3 OF INDIA, 
 
 The alarm occafioned by this applica- 
 tion, among the fardars and omrahs, was 
 fuch as Bully had reafon to expect. In- 
 trigue and cabal were fet on foot againft 
 him, but luckily with no effect. The 
 Soubahdar granted his requeft, and there- 
 by invefted in the French company the 
 fovereignty of thofe countries. 
 
 Thus did the French, by the abilities 
 of this officer, acquire a valuable extent 
 of dominion in the North, for the mere 
 promife of an inconfiderable military af- 
 fiftance ; and in the South, the govern- 
 ment of the Carnatic, with a trifling de- 
 duction of a fixth part of the revenues, 
 through the intrigues of the Marquis Du- 
 pleix. Unfortunately, however, for that 
 nation, thele acquifitions had been be- 
 ftowed upon them by ufurpers ; not one 
 legal grant appearing from the court of 
 Dehli to authenticate the gifts. 
 
 In
 
 ANALYSIS OF iNblA. 9$ 
 
 In tracing the progrefs of the French 
 and Englifh with their allies on the coaft 
 of Coromandel, we have aimed at per- 
 fpicuity. A general view of the political 
 tranfadtions of each nation was all we con* 
 ceived neceffary. More minute accounts 
 are to be met with in the hiflories of that 
 aera. We mall, therefore, draw this our 
 prefent fubject to a conclufion with merely 
 fubjoining, that the French and their party- 
 were ultimately worfted and driven from 
 the Carnatic ; that Pondicherry was de* 
 ftroyed, and Vellore, defended by Moor- 
 tiz-Ally-Cawn, taken after a vigorous re- 
 finance ; that the grants of the Northern 
 Circars to France were annulled by the 
 court of Dehli, and that the perpetual {o* 
 vereignty of them was vetted in the Eng- 
 lim in 1765, when the Emperor likewife 
 inverted Mahomed-Ally-Cawn with the 
 Soubahdary of the Carnatic, independent 
 of the Decan. Previous to which, how- 
 4 ever,
 
 94- ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 ever, the crowns of England and France, 
 in the definitive treaty of Paris 1763, had 
 acknowledged Mahomet-Ally-Cawn to be 
 the lawful Nabob of the Carnatic, and 
 Salabit-Jung to be the lawful Soubahdar 
 of the Decan *. 
 
 From the year 1765, therefore, until 
 the commencement of the prefent war, 
 the Englifh and the French continued in 
 a ftate of pacification in the Eail. France 
 had no longer a chartered company for 
 conducting its Indian commerce. The 
 
 * Ths power and confequence of the Decan re- 
 ceived a fevere check during the Nizamut of Salabit- 
 Jung. The Mahrattahs then wrefted from it, inde- 
 oendent of Jaghires to the amount of fixty lacks of 
 rupees per annum, feveral places in the Soubahs of 
 Bidar and Bijahpoor ; together with the important 
 fortrefTes of Bijahpoor, Afeer and Dowlatabad. The 
 fort of Ahmednuggar alfo fell into their hands. Nay, 
 fo greatly was it reduced, that the Bhow, who com- 
 manded on the part of the Mahrattahs, formed the 
 defign of expelling the Mahommedans entirely from 
 Hindoflan, and was very near accomplifhing his pur- 
 pofe. 
 
 I trade
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 9 
 
 trade was open, and government poflef- 
 fed the miferable remains of the French 
 greatnefs in Hindoflan. The Englifh., 
 on the contrary, continued increafing in 
 wealth and in profperity. The ball of 
 fortune was at their feet, and they failed 
 not to avail themfelves of the advantages 
 of their lituation. Trouble and uneali- 
 nefs, indeed, fometimes found their way 
 amongft them ; but to their own impru- 
 dence they muft attribute their misfor- 
 tunes, efpecially on the coafl of Cora* 
 mandel, where, by a flrange perverfion 
 of politics, they fome years ago deemed it 
 expedient to proceed againfr. Hyder-Ally- 
 Cawn ; a war planned and conducted with 
 indifcretion, and which concluded in the 
 difgrace of the Englim name *. 
 
 -'In the general review, which will be 
 given in the fequel, of the political cou- 
 
 * This alludes to the war of 1767. The calami- 
 tous one of 1780 is mentioned in another place. 
 
 nections
 
 $6 Analysis of india. 
 
 flections of the Englifh Eaft-India Com- 
 pany, the powers on the coaft of Coro- 
 mandel will necefTarily take a confpicu- 
 ous lead* For the prefent, therefore, we 
 mall turn our enquiries to the ample pof- 
 feflions which the Englifh have acquired 
 in the provinces of Bengal, Bahar and 
 Orixa. 
 
 To begin with an account of their firfl 
 eflablifhment in thofe parts, and to fol- 
 low them in the progrefs of their com- 
 mercial undertakings, would be much 
 more curious than in ft motive. Suffice it, 
 that, encouraged by the princes of the 
 country, they carried on a valuable traf- 
 fic with Bengal until the year 1757, 
 when, by fome mifconduct on their fide, 
 they drew upon their {lender colony the 
 arms of the Nabob Serajah-Ul-Dowlah ; 
 a prince powerful and tyrannic, and one 
 whofe vengeance they feverely felt. 
 
 Driven
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. -57 
 
 Driven from their factory at Calcutta, 
 they fome time continued in a moft de- 
 plorable Situation. The fiends of rapine 
 and destruction were let loofe upon their 
 defencelefs heads. The lives of many 
 were deftroyed, and the effects of others 
 were plundered without mercy. 
 
 Roufed at the diftrefs of their fifter co- 
 lony, and powerfully affifted by the Na- 
 bob of the Carnatic, who from change 
 of fortune again began to breathe, the 
 presidency of Madras fent a reinforcement 
 to their aid. Admiral Watfon, who at 
 this time commanded a fleet in the In- 
 dian feas, and who with Colonel Clive 
 had juft crufhed the power of Angria on 
 the Malabar coait, appeared to their re- 
 lief. The conquefts which thefe officers 
 had to make were eafy, when compara- 
 tively confidered with thoSe they had fo 
 lately concluded. Calcutta Surrendered on 
 their appearing before it ; and Chander- 
 nagore, the French fettlement on the op- 
 H pofite
 
 98 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 pofite banks of the Houghley, capitulated 
 after a warm bombardment from the 
 fleet. 
 
 The Englifh thus re-eftablifhed in Ben- 
 gal, a treaty of peace and alliance was 
 concluded with Serajah-Ul-Dowlah. Trea- 
 ties, however, had nearly been ineffectual. 
 Serajah-Ui-Dowlah flill fmarted from the 
 difgrace his arms had met with ; and 
 certain intelligence confirmed the general 
 fufpicion of his having formed the defign 
 of extirpating them by treachery. This 
 occafioned frefh hoftilities ; and the exi- 
 gency of affairs pointing out the neceffity 
 of fome grand exertion, it was fhortly re- 
 folved to depofe Serajah-Ul-Dowlah, and 
 to place upon the Mumud of thole pro- 
 vinces Meer-Jaffier-Ally-Cawn. 
 
 A negotiation was accordingly begun, 
 and a treaty entered into, by which Meer- 
 Jaffier agreed, when the revolution mould 
 be accomplifhed, to pay into the India 
 Company's t re afury one million two hun- 
 dred
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 99 
 
 dred thoufand pounds ; to the European 
 fufterers fix hundred thoufand pounds ; 
 the fame fum to the navy and army ; 
 about two hundred and fifty thoufand 
 pounds to the natives of the country ; 
 and an hundred thoufand pounds to the 
 Armenians. 
 
 Every thing being agreed upon, Colo- 
 nel Clive marched with his little army 
 and attacked the Nabob, whofe forces he 
 entirely defeated. Serajah-Ul-Dowlah was 
 himfelf taken prifoner, and his death fol- 
 lowed foon after. The battle of PlafTey 
 happened on the 23d of June, 1757 ; and 
 on the 30th of June, Colonel Clive feated 
 Jaffier-Ally-Cawn on the Mufnud, which 
 he enjoyed until the year 1 760, when he 
 was depofed in favour of his fon-in-law, 
 Covfim-Ally-Cawn. 
 
 The caufes affigned by the aiders of 
 
 this fecond revolution were, amongft 
 
 others, thefe : that Meer-Jaffier was of a 
 
 H 2 temper
 
 ioo ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 temper extremely tyrannical and avari- 
 cious, at the fame time that he was of an 
 indolent turn, and furrounded by flaves 
 and flatterers who were hoftile to the Eng- 
 lifh ; that he attributed the ill fuccefs of 
 his affairs to imaginary plots and contri- 
 vances againft him, and faciificed lives 
 without mercy to the excefs of his jealou- 
 fy ; that the frequent executions, perpe- 
 trated without the leafl reafon, made him 
 the dread and deteftation of all good men ; 
 that he became a prey to his fervants, 
 who, knowing fuch a government could 
 not ftand long, fought only to make 
 themfelves rich by oppreffing his fubjecls; 
 and laftly, that the unufual fcarcity and 
 dearnefs of proviiions in the capital of the 
 Nabob's country, and in all the provinces, 
 was occafioned by the heavy and exorbi- 
 tant taxes laid upon them : all which con- 
 fiderations called aloud for an immediate 
 change of fyftem. 
 
 However this may be, Coffim-Ally be- 
 gan his reign by increafmg the number 
 
 2 Of
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. ior 
 
 of his troops, and difciplining them in 
 the European manner ; and efteeming his 
 capital Moorfhedabaud, the fcene of his 
 predeceflbr's fall, too near the Englifh fet- 
 tlements, he removed his court to Rajah- 
 Mahal, that the place of his refidence 
 might be farther from the reach of a peo- 
 ple, who, in the event, might find as ma- 
 ny pretences for depofing him, as they 
 had done for violating their former trea- 
 ties with his father-in-law. 
 
 All Coffim's meafures mewed his de- 
 fire to eftablifh himfelf on a foundation 
 lefs precarious than the friendfhip of the 
 Englifh. And, left the Englifh mould 
 grow jealous of his increafing power, and 
 endeavour to reduce his authority, by fub- 
 jecTing the Soubahfhip to its primitive 
 dependency on the Mogul, and thereby 
 oblige him to pay into the royal treafury 
 the revenues of the provinces, he fet 
 every engine at work to inftil into the 
 king's mind a diftrufl and apprehenfion of 
 them. 
 
 H 3 This,
 
 X02 ANALYSIS OF INDIA/ 
 
 This, though effected for the moment, 
 was not long undifcovered, and incenfed 
 the Mogul fo much againft him, that he 
 voluntarily made an offer to the Company 
 of the Dewannee of thofe countries. Be- 
 fidfis which, he promifed to confirm them 
 in the porYeflion of the lands of Burdvvan, 
 Midnapore and Chittagong, which they 
 then held, provided they would a/fift him 
 in re-afcending his throne, and in reco- 
 vering fuch of his territories as were in 
 the hands of his rebellious fubjecls. Shu- 
 jah-Ul-Dowlah, the Nabob of Owd and 
 Vizier of the empire, offered the affiftance 
 of his forces to accomplish the reftoration 
 of his fovereign. 
 
 Negotiations of this tendency foon 
 awakened the jealoufy of Coifim-Ally- 
 Cawn. From his firft acceflion he had 
 induflrioudy, though furely not without 
 reafon, involved ail his officers in con- 
 tends with the Engliih, and laboured to 
 make his own enmity the common caufe 
 of his fubjects. The breach was there- 
 fore
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 105 
 
 fore too wide to admit of lenient ap- 
 plications : all poffibility of an accommo- 
 dation was at an end ; and th# inhuman 
 murder of Mr. Amyatt, the gentlemen of 
 his family, and his attendants, though 
 returning under the faith of a paflport to 
 Calcutta, gave the firft fignal of hoftili- 
 ties. 
 
 War was accordingly declared againff. 
 Coflim-Ally, and a proclamation iffued 
 for the reftoration of Meer-Jaffier-AUy- 
 Cawn to the Soubahdary. 
 
 Nothing extraordinary occurred in the 
 tranfactions of this war. Coffim-Ally 
 was driven from his dominions ; but not 
 till he had taken Patna, and maffacred 
 in cold blood the whole of the Englifh 
 garrifon, amounting to one hundred and 
 fifty, Mr. Fullarton excepted. Meer- 
 Jaffier-Ally-Cawn was once more feated 
 c:i the Mufnud. Thefe events happened 
 in the beginning of the year 1763. 
 
 H 4 The
 
 :o4 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 The Mogul was at this time with 
 Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, unto whom an agent 
 was fent by the Englim, foliciting an al- 
 liance, and* xequi ring his affiftance againft 
 the perfon and adherents of Coffim, whom 
 they threatened with deftruction. 
 
 Contrary to expectation, a reverfe of 
 fyftem, with refpecl: to European politics, 
 had already taken place in the court of 
 Owd. The king and Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, 
 on farther confideration, had reioived not 
 to acquiefce in the views of the Englim ; 
 but ftedfaftly and refolutely to fupport the 
 fallen fortunes of Coiiim-Ally ; and to 
 reftore him, if poffible, to the government 
 of Bengal. 
 
 In confequence of this, hoftilities fpee- 
 dily commenced between the Englim, the 
 Mogul, and Shujah-Ul-Dowlah ; nor was 
 it until Shujah-Ul-Dowlah was totally 
 difcomfited at the battle of Buxar, in 
 October 1764, that overtures of peace 
 
 were
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 105 
 
 were fent by him to the Englifh govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Previous to which, however, the Mo- 
 gul, who had been nothing better than a 
 ftate-prifoner in Shujah-Ul-Dowlah's camp, 
 had written to Colonel Munro, the com- 
 mander of the Englifh forces, requeuing 
 that he might be taken under his pro- 
 tection ; and, in return, promifing him a 
 grant of the country of Shujah-Ul-Dow- 
 lah, or any other compenfation he might 
 demand on the part of the Eafl-India 
 Company. 
 
 Nor did he flop here ; for having found 
 an opportunity to efcape from the camp 
 of Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, he prefented him- 
 felf before the Englifh General, and was 
 in confequence taken under the pro- 
 tection of his flag. At the fame time 
 friendly overtures from Shujah-Ul-Dow- 
 lah were rejected, bccaufe he would 
 not deliver up either Coffim-Ally, or the 
 barbarous Sumro, who had perpetrated the 
 
 maffacre
 
 106 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 mafiacre at Patna ; the war was confe- 
 quently rekindled, and with vigour and 
 animofi ty on both fides. 
 
 Worn out with age and infirmity, 
 Meer-Jaffier-Ally-Cawn departed this life 
 at Moorfhedabaud the 1 4th of January 
 1765; and, in the February following 
 was fucceeded in the Mufnud by his fon 
 Nudjim-Ul-Dowlah. 
 
 Lord Clive, in the beginning of this 
 year, having again affumed the reins of 
 government in Bengal, the Council in- 
 verted him, conjointly with General Car- 
 nac, with power to conclude a treaty of 
 pacification and alliance with the Mogul 
 and Shujah-Ul-Dowlah. A folemn and 
 definitive treaty was accordingly ratified 
 with each of thofe princes. 
 
 Shujah-Ul-Dowlah bound himfelf for 
 
 payment of fifty lacks of rupees to the 
 
 Company, as an indemnification for the 
 
 expences of the war. Coilim-Ally and 
 
 4 his
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 107 
 
 his retainers having fled into the Rohilla 
 country, any ftipulations with refpect to 
 them were unneceffary. 
 
 The Mogul granted to the Company 
 the Dewannee of Bengal, Bahar, and 
 Orixa ; and an inftrument was executed, 
 in the name of the young Nabob Nudjim- 
 Ul-Dowlah, for a yearly tribute of twenty- 
 fix lacks of rupees, to be paid into the 
 royal treafury, for the Soubahlhip of 
 Bengal. 
 
 The Company likewife, at the defire 
 of the Nabob, became his guarantees : 
 and farther agreed, or rather impofed the 
 condition, to pay into his treafury an an- 
 nual fum towards the expences of his 
 houfehold ; provided he interfered not in 
 the collection of the revenues of the pro- 
 vinces. 
 
 By the treaty entered into with Nud- 
 jim-Ul-Dowlah, which we have juft men- 
 tioned, and which, upon an impartial 
 
 review,
 
 io8 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 review, bears very evident marks of com- 
 pulfion and rertraint, that young prince 
 diverted himfelf of almort every autho- 
 rity. He thereby agreed to rely upon 
 the Company's forces, and to maintain 
 no troops of his own, but fuch as mould 
 be immediately neceflary for the dignity of 
 his perfon, and for the ordinary Sibbendy *; 
 and even ftipulated that thofe mould not 
 be under his own direction, but that they 
 mould be commanded by a perfon fixed 
 with him by the advice of the Governor 
 and Council of Calcutta, in the ftation of 
 Naib-Soubahdar, who mould have the im- 
 mediate and abfolute management of his 
 affairs : and farther, he inverted the Com- 
 pany with an unlimited power of appoint- 
 ing and difplacing all fuch officers of his 
 government as they mould think proper. 
 
 Thus have we, in the briefert manner, 
 touched upon the occurrences of Bengal. 
 
 * Troops employed in the collections. 
 
 Shujah-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 109 
 
 Shujah-Ul-Dowlah was reftored to his 
 dominions ; the Mogul was eftablifhed in 
 the kingdom of Corah, with part of the 
 province of Allahabad, and an annual fet- 
 tlement of twenty-fix lacks of rupees from 
 the province of Bengal, provided he redded 
 with, and under the protection of, the 
 Englifh : and Nudjim-Ul-Dowlah, de- 
 pendent on the adminiftration of the Eng- 
 lifh, and giving up the management of 
 his own country to the Company for a 
 flipulated fum of fomething more than 
 fifty-three lacks of rupees per annum, 
 was nominally the Soubahdar of Bengal. 
 By which arrangement, independent of 
 the fifty lacks of rupees from Shujah-Ul- 
 Dowlah, the reverfion of Lord Clive's 
 Jaghire, and the ceffion of the five North- 
 ern Circars on the coaft of Coromandel, 
 the Company came into the pofTeffion of 
 a nett annual revenue of one hundred and 
 twenty-two lacks of rupees, or one million 
 fix hundred and fifty thou land nine hun- 
 dred pounds flerling. 
 
 BOOK
 
 tio ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 t A D we continued our narrative in 
 any particular order of time, we mould 
 have related the tranfactions of the Eng- 
 lifh nation on the coaft of Malabar, pre- 
 vious to our having entered on thofe 
 of Orixa or Bengal ; \ but as the one 
 country was barren of Vvents in com- 
 parifon with the other, and as the 
 territorial acquisitions of the Company, 
 both on the Coromandel coaft and in 
 Bengal, were great national objects, and 
 were obtained in perpetuity at the fame 
 time ; we conceived it more conformable 
 to our original plan to give them the 
 front ground, and to blend the accounts 
 together. 
 
 Malabar, as it is now generally deno- 
 minated, extends from Cape Comorin to 
 
 the river Indus, and in that vaft tract 
 contains an infinite number of different 
 
 governments. The commerce which in- 
 vited
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. in 
 
 vited Venice from her canals, and Am- 
 fterdam from her marines, had rendered 
 Goa the center of the riches of India, and 
 one of the molt celebrated marts in the 
 world. It is now reduced to a mere ruin, 
 though defended by a body of troops, 
 which are a very confiderable expence to 
 the Portuguefe government. 
 
 Bombay is a fmall ifland, which having 
 been given as part of the dower .of the 
 Infanta of Portugal, married to Charles 
 the Second of England, was by that prince 
 ceded to the India Company. It was at 
 firfl: conlidered in no other light than that 
 of an excellent harbour, which, in time 
 of peace, might ferve as a place of refrefh- 
 ment for the merchantmen frequenting the 
 Malabar coaft ; and, in time of war, as a 
 winter flation for the fquadrons which go- 
 vernment might fend to India. This was 
 considered as a very valuable advantage in 
 leas where there are fo few good Bays, 
 and where, in fhort, the Englifh have no 
 other. The fettlement has fince been ren- 
 dered
 
 ii2 ANALYSIS OF INDIA- 
 
 dered much more ufeful. The Company 
 have made it the mart of all their trade 
 with Malabar, Surat, and the Perfian and 
 Arabian gulphs. 
 
 Salfette is another ifland feparated from 
 Bombay by a narrow channel, forda- 
 ble at low water, and was taken by the 
 Mahrattahs from the Portuguefe. This 
 ifland is remarkably fertile. It is about 
 twenty-fix miles long, and nine broad. 
 The Mahrattahs, matters of it for a con- 
 fiderable time, kept the Englifh fettle- 
 ment at Bombay in continual apprehen- 
 lion ; not from any dread of the power 
 of their arms, but from that of a ftill 
 more formidable enemy, want. Barren 
 in itfelf, Bombay could not fupply its nu- 
 merous inhabitants with provifions in any 
 degree adequate to its confumption. Sal- 
 fette was, therefore, its chief refource. 
 From that ifland they derived the greatefl: 
 part of their food, and in cafes of exigency 
 were to depend on it for fupport. 
 
 If
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 113 
 
 Had not the attention of the Compa- 
 ny been diverted by the great fcenes in 
 which they were engaged on the coafr. of 
 Coromandel and in Bengal, it is natural 
 to believe, that this ifland would not have 
 remained fo long unmolefted in the hands 
 of the Mahrattahs. Late meafures, how- 
 ever, have effectually fecured it to the 
 Englim. The acquisition is certainly a 
 valuable one ; and care will no doubt be 
 taken, that it be not wrefled from them 
 in future. 
 
 About a century ago, a private Mah- 
 rattah, of the name of Angria, by dis- 
 tinction called Conajie Angria, having, 
 from the influence of good fortune, raifed 
 himfelf to an high degree of diftinction 
 during the wars of the Mahrattah ftate 
 with the Mogul admin id: ration of Su- 
 rat, and having been in confequence in- 
 verted with the government of Severn- 
 droog, there affumed to himfelf a com- 
 mand, which, fpu rning at the fetters of 
 authority, boldly exalted him to a fitua- 
 I tion
 
 U4 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 tion that awakened the jealoufy and 
 apprehenfion of all the maritime powers 
 of the Eaft. At nrft, his depredations 
 were confined to the little veflels that 
 coafted along the mores of Malabar ; but 
 fuccefs attending him in all his enter- 
 prizes, and the number of his feamen in- 
 creafing as the fame of his prowefs fpread 
 .abroad, he quickly found himfelf enabled 
 to extend the objects of his ambition. By 
 degrees he acquired a considerable domi- 
 nion ; infomuch, that the Mahrattahs con- 
 ceived it advifeable, not only to bury in 
 oblivion th membrance of his tranfgref- 
 fions, but even to conciliate his friendship 
 by a peace, which, under the claufe of 
 an annual tribute, they concluded with 
 him at his capital of Geriah. The com- 
 merce of India was by this means clog- 
 ged with infuperable difficulties. The 
 Englifh and Dutch, in particular, fuf- 
 fered confiderbly in their trade. Com- 
 mercial mips of a refpectable force, be- 
 -.longing to either nation, fell into his 
 
 hands.
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA 4 * xx$ 
 
 hands. The convoys themfelves were 
 often beat ofi% and fometimes even taken. 
 
 The continual lofles which piracies of 
 this nature occasioned to the Europeans 
 who had fettlements in the Eaft, at length 
 determined the Englifh, in concert with 
 the Portuguefe, to attack the principal 
 relort of the followers of Angria ; this 
 was in 1722. The expedition, however, 
 proved abortive. Nor did another, which 
 was undertaken by the Dutch in 1724, 
 although the force confifted of {even (hips 
 of war and two bomb-ketches, in any 
 manner anfwer the expectations that were 
 formed from it. 
 
 At length the Mahrattahs, on failure 
 of the Stipulated tribute, leagued them- 
 felves with the Englifh prefidency of 
 Bombay. The efforts of thefe powers 
 were in the end victorious. Geriah, 
 with all the territory and harbours of 
 the ufurper, fell into the hands of the 
 confederates in 1756 ; and a power was 
 I 2 thereby
 
 1x6 ANALYSIS OF INDIA; 
 
 thereby cru(hed, which, for a number of 
 years, had been the dread and fcourge of 
 the Weftern coafts of the Peninfula of 
 India. 
 
 Surat, which we have already men- 
 tioned, was a coniiderable time the only 
 feaport on that fide of Hindoftan, for the 
 exportation of the manufactures of the Mo- 
 gul empire, and for the importation of ma- 
 ny necefTary articles. It had alfo been the 
 place whence zealots, on a pilgrimage to 
 Mecca, embarked for the purpofes of vifit- 
 ing the tomb of their holy prophet. Equal- 
 ly anxious for the protection of the trade 
 of his dominions, and for the fecurity of 
 thofe devout Muflulmen who were bent 
 on the completion of their vows, the 
 Mogul appointed an admiral at Surat, 
 whole influence was extenfive, and whofe 
 allowances were conliderable. The fala- 
 ry, however, not being punctually paid, 
 the admiral, Siddee Muflbot, ieized upon 
 the caftle, and, from that fortrefs, laid 
 the city under contribution. 
 
 The
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. tij 
 
 The Mahrattahs, who had long been 
 accuftomed to receive one fourth part of 
 the revenues, on condition that they mould 
 not moleft the inland trade, faw the, con- 
 fulion which this occasioned, with all 
 the exultation of unprincipled rapacity. 
 They flattered themfelves that the dif- 
 trefles either of the admiral or the inha- 
 bitants would caH for their protection, 
 and that the plunder of the place would 
 confequently be their reward. They, 
 therefore, wifhed for nothing more than 
 to gain admiffion within the ramparts, 
 which had been fettled as their barrier. 
 The traders, however, well acquainted 
 with the treachery of the Mahrattahs, and 
 trembling for their property, called in the 
 Englifh in 1759, and aided them in the 
 reduction of the citadel. The Mogul 
 afterwards confirmed the Englifh in the 
 poffeffion of it, together with the exercile 
 of the office of admiral of the empire. 
 This revolution reftored tranquillity to 
 Surat ; and Bombay, which was the caufe 
 I 3 of
 
 tig ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 of it, acquired an addition of wealth, in- 
 fluence, and power. 
 
 Having, in the courfe of our narrative, 
 been necefTarily obliged to mention the 
 Mahrattahs, a nation whofe military ope- 
 rations have had a mo{l extenfive influence 
 through the whole empire of Hindoftan, 
 and whofe power even at this day is de- 
 precated by the moil formidable poten- 
 tates of the Eaft, we mall beg our readers* 
 patience for a moment, while we collecl: 
 together fuch accounts as may be deemed 
 authentic, touching the government and 
 hiftory of fo considerable a people. 
 
 BOOK
 
 ANALYSIS O'.F INDIA. 
 
 119 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 OlNCE the commencement of the pre- 
 fent century, two powerful and noted na* 
 tions have arifen out of the ruins of the 
 Mogul empire, and in oppoiite quarters 
 of Hindoftan ; the Mahrattahs and Seiks. 
 The former we fhall now bring under re- 
 view. They preceded the Seiks in point 
 of time ; and they are fuperior to them 
 in extent of dominion, in military force, 
 and in political importance. The Mah- 
 rattahs were originally Rathoas, a branch 
 of the Rajahputes. The word is fupj- 
 pofed to be derived from their manner of 
 fighting, and their predatory incurfions ; 
 Mahr lignifying attack, and hattah, re- 
 treat. The Mahrattahs are alfo called 
 Burgies. Neither appellation, however, 
 is pleafmg to them. They look upon 
 both as contemptuous, and prefer the ge- 
 neral term Dekani, (or Southern.) 
 
 : I 4 Rajah-
 
 iso ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Rajah or Rana-Bheem, fovereign of 
 Oodipoor, was founder of the Dynafty 
 of Mahrattah Rajahs. He was of the 
 nobleft and moft ancient family of Hin- 
 doo princes. He left two fons, Ram- 
 Singh, who fucceeded him ; and Bagh- 
 Sing, who panted for dominion, and faw 
 it eafy of acquifition in the diftracled em- 
 pire of the Moguls. Bagh-Sing, with the 
 approbation of his brother, quitting Oodi- 
 poor, arrived with a considerable train of 
 followers in the Decan, a country at that 
 time divided into various principalities, 
 and there engaged himfelf in the fervice 
 of Rajah Ali-Mohur. In this Rajah's 
 employ, however, he continued no lon- 
 ger than till he had planned his future 
 progrefs. He then, having acquired 
 the title of Bhonfillah*, quitted it, and 
 fettled with his adherents in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Poonah. He had two ions, 
 Maloojee and Bumbojee, who were both 
 
 * This compound fignifies, a fpear in the breaft of 
 an enemy, and is meant to denote the prowefs of thofe 
 who bear the name, 
 
 renowned
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. i*t 
 
 renowned for gallantry and intrepidity of 
 fpirit. 
 
 The important fortrefs of Dowlatabad 
 was about this period commanded by a 
 Hindoo of great confideration, called Ja- 
 doorae. This chief hearing of the fame 
 of the brothers, and wifhing to avail him- 
 felf of their abilities, invited them to his 
 fervice. , They agreed to his proportions, 
 and were diftinguifhed and favoured by 
 him, till too far prefuming on their fuc- 
 cefs, he found himfelf con ftrai tied to dif- 
 mifs them from their refpective offices. 
 They then returned towards home, but, 
 on their arrival, found their father dead. 
 This opened their views to more impor- 
 tant objects. Their father had died opu- 
 lent. He had likewife left a little armv, 
 which was daily gathering Itrength. 
 
 Maloojee and Eumbojee, now at the 
 head of the Oodipoor Rajahputes, entered 
 into aflbcation with a celebrated freebooter 
 of Phultunger, named Nimalgur, who 
 
 had
 
 122 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 had the command of a few fquadrons of 
 good horfe. They alfo engaged with a 
 rich merchant of Chumar-Rondh, called 
 Shafoota-Naig, who coming heartily into 
 their views, agreed to be their treafurer. 
 Maloojee was the firit. who took the held. 
 With a compact body of three thoufand 
 horfe, he entered the pafs of Nimadit- 
 Hawri, and marching along the banks of 
 the river Godawuri, arrived in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Dowlatabad. From this 
 place he wrote to Nizam-Shaw, one of 
 the fovereigns of the Decan ; and in 
 the moff. infolent manner threatened to 
 pollute the mofqnes of the Decan with 
 the blood of hogs, unlefs certain demands 
 were immediately complied with. This 
 menace, or more probably the apprehen- 
 sions of Nizam-Shaw, worked as favour- 
 ably as he could have wihhed. Nizam- 
 Shaw received and loaded him with kind- 
 nefs. He even acquiefced in a defire 
 which this adventurer exprcfled of mar- 
 rying his fon Shahjee to the daughter 
 of Jadoorae. The nuptials were folem-p 
 
 nized
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 12 $ 
 
 nizetl by Nizam-Shaw's exprefs command, 
 and Maloojee was permitted to eftabliih 
 himfelf in Dowlatabad, in which place 
 his coadjutors alfo took up their abode; 
 Ouja-Gobind being appointed their peim- 
 wa, or prime minifter. This is the or-U 
 gin of an office, which we (hall prefently 
 find to be of very high importance. 
 
 Maloojee and Eumbojee, great in repu- 
 tation, and formidable in power, died both 
 in an advanced age at Dowlatabad. Shah- 
 jee fucceeded them, having a ion, whom 
 he named Sumbha-jee, born of his mar- 
 riage with the daughter of Jadoorae. 
 Shahjee preferved the fame degree of efti- 
 mation at the court of Nizam-Shaw, 
 which his father and uncle had poflefied. 
 He even received the appointment of go- 
 verning minifter from the Queen Regent 
 of Nizam-Shaw, that monarch being alio 
 dead. But the jcaloufy of old Jadoorae 
 took fire at this exaltation of his fbn-in- 
 law. He grieved at finding himfelf pre- 
 cluded from a flation, to which, not only 
 
 ex-
 
 k* 4 ANALYSIS OF INDIA 
 
 experience but length of fer vices gave him 
 a preferable claim to. Nor did he content 
 himfelf with repining. He fecretly un- 
 dermined the influence and authority of 
 Shahjee. He even procured an army un- 
 der Meer-Jumlah, Shaw-Jehan's general, 
 to be fent againfr. him. 
 
 This implacability of Jedoorae plunged 
 Shahjee in difficulties. He was unable to 
 encounter the Emperor's general in the 
 field ; nor had he refources fufficient to 
 call in the aid of foreign mercenaries. 
 Thus ftraightened, he (hut himfelf up in 
 the fort of Mahvoli : here he was be- 
 fieged by Meer-Jumlah. The fhafts of 
 ill fortune were now, he conceived, in- 
 evitably levelled again ft him : but happi- 
 ly a negociation, which he privately car- 
 ried on with the governor of Bijahpoor*, 
 proved propitious to his caufe. The go- 
 vernor allured him of the warmeft at- 
 tachment to his interefls ; he conjured 
 
 * Bijabpoor, erroneoufly called Viziapourc. 
 
 him
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 125 
 
 him to rely upon his word, and to con* 
 fide himfelf and family to his charge. 
 
 Shahjee embraced the friendly offer. 
 He abandoned Mahvoli in the night, 
 and effected his efcape, though not with- 
 out infinite difficulty, to Bijahpoor. His 
 wife, however, big with child, fell into 
 her father's hands, and was by him fent 
 to the fortrefs of Seonburri. Here me 
 was delivered of a boy*, whom me 
 named after the divinity of the place, 
 Shavajee, or Savajee. The Prince of Bi- 
 jahpoor, Sultan Secundar-Shaw, received 
 the unfortunate Shajee with tendernefs 
 and refpect. He took him into his clofeft. 
 confidence, and very fhortly afterwacds 
 conferred upon him in Jaghire the Car- 
 natic. 
 
 Meer-Jumlah was now remanded to 
 Delhi. Jadoorae of courfe found it ex- 
 
 * 1549 of the Hindoo year, anfwering to the year 
 ofChrift 1628. 
 
 pedient
 
 Ii6 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 pedient to feek a diftant afylum. The 
 Queen Regent and the family of Nizam- 
 Shaw, who, in confequence of the afcen- 
 dency of this party, had heen confined to 
 Mahvoli, were now reconducted to Dow- 
 latabad : but Mecr-Jumlah again appear- 
 ing in the Decan, hoftilities commenced 
 afrefh. The iffue was favourable to the 
 Queen Regent. The Imperial general 
 was defeated. Previous to this, however, 
 an accommodation of difficulties had ta- 
 ken place between Jadoorae and the Queen 
 Regent. Shahjee being in the Carnatic, 
 was no longer an object either of jealoufy 
 or fear. 
 
 The kingdoms Bijahpoor and Dowlata- 
 bad, never cordial in amity, were now, 
 from a trivial caufe, to experience the ca- 
 lamities of war. Their armies took the 
 field. The forces of Dowlatabad were 
 confiderable : thofe of Bijahpoor more 
 powerful ; the latter being joined by 
 Shahjee and his Rajahputes, and the 
 well-difciplined troops of the Carnatic. 
 4 . Merar-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 127 
 
 Merar-Jugdeo, minifter of the Sultan 
 of Bijahpoor, and Shahjee, marching to 
 the Wefhvard, encamped at Poonah. 
 Here they began hoftilities. Poonah fell, 
 and was razed to the ground. The coun- 
 try next fubmitted to the conquerors. In 
 a word, the whole dominion of Dowia- 
 tabad, in that quarter of the Decan, fell 
 into the hands of the generals of Bijah- 
 poor. Shahjee's reputation and influence 
 coniequently increafed. The Sultan con- 
 ferred upon him in Jaghire, in addition 
 to the Carnatic, the provinces bounded 
 on the one fide by Poonah and Cokun, 
 and on the other by Wae, Surwae, Soopi, 
 Undaipoor, and Jadgeer. The governors 
 placed over them by Shahjee, were Dada- 
 jei, and Sidi Hullah, an Ethiopian. 
 
 Dadajei, in whom implicit confidence 
 was placed, was now entrufted with the 
 care of Shavajee and his mother ; while 
 Shahjee himfelf penetrated into the terri- 
 tories of the Polygars of Gungeer. Here 
 uncommon fuccefs attended him. But he 
 
 loft
 
 xaS ANALYSIS QF INDIA 
 
 loft his fon, Sumbhajee, who was killed 
 in attacking a petty fortrefs. His return 
 was marked by marrying another woman, 
 named Tookabae, of the tribe of Moah- 
 teh, by whom he had a fon, called Ika- 
 jei : and by his repudiating the daughter 
 of Jadoorae, and abandoning the interefts 
 of her ion Shavajee. 
 
 Shavajee now began to manifefr. a riling 
 genius. All his ftudies and exercifes 
 were purfued with eagernefs. He mewed 
 an impatience of control ; but, withal, 
 a liberality of fpirit. Shahjee was inward- 
 ly grieved at this fuperiority over his fa- 
 vourite Ikajei, whofe parts were feeble, and 
 whofe difpofition was but negatively good. 
 He, however, endeavoured to out-balance 
 the natural and acquired advantages of the 
 one, by the dazzling trappings of confe- 
 quence in the other. He accordingly 
 appointed Ikajei to the command of the 
 province of Chundawur, which he had 
 recently conquered in the Carnatic from a 
 Polygar called Ragho ; and over it, and a 
 
 refpectable
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 129 
 
 refpectable army, gave him unbounded 
 authority. 
 
 Dadajei, with whom Shavajei refided, 
 was at this time in poffeilion of a well- 
 earned reputation. His fervices to Shah- 
 jei, in the government of Poonah, had 
 been eminent. To him alone it was ow- 
 ing, that Aurungzebe had exhibited any 
 iymptoms of amity and forbearance. But 
 Shavajei's turbulent and ambitious fpirit 
 was the fource of continual difquietude to 
 him. He ftrove by every effort to keep 
 him within the bounds of moderation, but 
 all to no effect. Shavajei was irreclaimable. 
 He buril: all reftraint, and alTumed the do- 
 minion of himfelf. 
 
 Dadajei finking under the weight of 
 years, and dreading the iiTue of this if rug- 
 gle for independency in Shavajei, gave up 
 all farther relifh for life, and taking poi- 
 fon, put an end to his anxieties and his 
 cxiflence together. 
 
 K Shavajei
 
 t 3 o ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Shavajei no longer under the ap- 
 prehension of control, and Simulated by 
 ambition and opportunity, feized the 
 reins of government on Dadajei's death. 
 In the full confidence of power, he 
 formed an adminiftration. To Siam 
 Raje he confided the feals of the Peifh- 
 waee. Ragho Bulalutri he nominated 
 his fecretary ; and to Raghonat Balal 
 he entrufled the control and pay- 
 ment of his forces. His age at this 
 time was barely feventeen. A caft-off 
 likewife and an alien from his father. 
 But thefe were no impediments : they 
 were rather fpurs to the daring propen- 
 fities of his mind. The vigorous ardour 
 of youth, tempered indeed by an uncom- 
 mon (hare of penetration and fagacity, led 
 him to decifion and promptitude in his 
 anions ; whilft the injuries he felt at his 
 father's unjuit predilection for Ikajei, his 
 Youngeft born, fatisiied him of the recti- 
 tude of a conduct, which had nothing 
 for its object but the recovery of his 
 
 right. 
 
 Shahjei,
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 131 
 
 Shahjei, whofe refidence was in the Car- 
 natic, hearing of the ufurpation of his fbn, 
 was, contrary to expectation, fatisfied with 
 it. He publicly exonerated him from all 
 cenfure : and as a teftimony of his entire 
 approbation, inverted him with the go- 
 vernment of Poonah and its dependencies. 
 In this fituation of affairs, Anrungzebe 
 applied to Shavajei, as a dependent of the 
 empire for his portion of the pecuniary 
 aid and military affiftance. But his man- 
 dates were derided, and his meffengers 
 infulted. The application, however, was 
 ufcful to the afpiring Mahrattah. It gave 
 him the idea of an afleflment on all the 
 countries within the reach of his power. 
 He accordingly took the field, and made 
 a general levy of a fourth part of the re* 
 venues of each diitrict, and this arbitrary 
 contribution he denominated Chout *. 
 
 With 
 
 * This, was the origin of the Chout, which hath 
 
 fince been levied, at one time or other, from every 
 
 country and potentate of Hindoftan : the Moguls not 
 
 excepted. Nay, to fo very high a pitch of confequenca 
 
 K 2 did
 
 132 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 With troops, with treafure, and with 
 an eager thirft of dominion, Shavajei was 
 not long in extending his conquefts. He 
 marched into the fertile province of 
 Cokun, and prefently fubdning it, ap- 
 pointed Raghonat Balal its governor. He 
 next turned his fteps northward, and 
 thence fweeping round to the South, he 
 fb alarmed the fovereigns of the Decan, 
 that the Sultan of Bidjahpoor (with the 
 full acquiefcence of Shahjei, who reprobated 
 this conduct of his fon) fent a confiderable 
 army to oppofe his progrefs, under the 
 command of Abdoolat Cawn. 
 
 Shavajei who was averfe to contention 
 with fo formidable an opponent, agreed to 
 a conference with the Bidjahpoor general. 
 They met at an appointed fpot, within 
 the fight of both armies. But Abdoolat 
 
 did the Mahrattahs exalt themfelves, that Bahadur 
 Shaw carried into execution what a former emperor 
 had planned, the allowing the Mahrattahs nine rupees 
 out of every hundred, of the general revenues of the 
 empire. This tribute he denominated Surdaifmooky. 
 
 Cawn
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 133 
 
 Cawn was lefs generous than Shavajei : 
 he bafely attempted to affaffinate the Mah- 
 rattah, while fpiritedly vindicating his 
 actions, with refpecl: to the court of Bid- 
 japoor. The refult was, that Abdoolat 
 Cawn was inflantly cut down by Sha- 
 vajei's own hand *. The Bidjahpoor camp 
 was attacked with a refolution rendered 
 invincible by animoiity and revenge. Sha- 
 vajei was victorious, and remained mafler 
 of the field. The fon of Abdoolat Cawn, 
 however, aflembling an army afrefh, at- 
 tacked Shavajei while lying before Put^ 
 tali. But here the fuperior fortune of 
 the Mahrattah again manifefled itfelf. 
 The Bidjahpourans met with a thorough 
 defeat. 
 
 * This is the fact, and not as is related in a late work 
 ftyled Hiftorical Fragments of the Mogul Empire s 
 where the author, from misinformation, has been led 
 to fay, that " Sevaji feduced the commander Abdul to 
 " a conference, and {tabbed him." Treachery wast 
 aimed at, but never intended by Sevaji. He wasmeant 
 the facrifice. 
 
 K 3 Aiming-
 
 T34 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Aurungzebe, the reigning emperor of 
 Hindoftan, whofe ambition was as bound- 
 lefs as that of Shavajei, fmarting at the 
 infults fhewn by the latter to his Vackeels ; 
 and moreover refolving to crufh effectually 
 the rifing greatnefs of the Mahrattahs, or- 
 dered the Imperial army, under Shaiftah 
 Cawn, to Poonah. Shavajei, undifmayed 
 at the threatened vengeance of the Mogul, 
 boldly met his General in the field. A 
 bloody battle enfued. But victory, as 
 ufual, appeared for the Mahrattahs. Shaif- 
 tah Cawn was defeated, and forced to 
 return to Dehli, 
 
 Defenfive meafures were no longer 
 neceflary. Shavajei bending his way to 
 Surat, attacked, carried, and plundered 
 that Imperial city in 1664. He next 
 engaged the Imperialifts under Mohkim, 
 a commander of great reputation ; and 
 having routed them with (laughter, flew 
 their general in the purfuit. He then 
 returned to Poonah, and there giving 
 himfelf up to devotion, lavifhed digni- 
 ties
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 135 
 
 ties and rewards on the order of the Brah- 
 mins. But Aurungzebe was (till deter- 
 mined in his purpofe. He marched an 
 army from Dehli, under the celebrated 
 leaders Dilleir Cawn and Jufwint Rae. 
 They reached Poorundur, which, after an 
 obftinate defence, was obliged to capitulate. 
 They next moved towards Poonah. Here 
 Jikewife they were fuccefsful. In a word 
 the ftandards of the Royal Houfe of 1 1 ~ 
 mnur, {beaming with their and* 1 * re * 
 fplendency, again enfured vicVy where- 
 ever they were difplayed. Sh* va j e i mrim k 
 from the ftorm that v<* thus hurled 
 againft him; and fub^itting himfelf to 
 Dilleir Cawn, repaid together with his 
 fon, to the Imperil Court at Dehli. 
 
 Aurungzebe received the humbled Mah- 
 rattah with an afte&ed, but infplent mode- 
 ration. He exprefled regret at the punifli- 
 ment he had been compelled to inflict ; 
 but he difregarded the application of Sha- 
 vajei, when hefolicited for the little iflands 
 of Hundry and Kunary, at that time go- 
 K 4 verned
 
 i 3 6 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 verned, on the part of Nizam Shaw, by 
 the Siddees Sundrur and Yacoote. This 
 impolitic feverity doubly difgufted the Mah- 
 rattah. He felt the higheft indignation 
 at the refufal ; nor could he forbear ma- 
 nifesting it, even to the emperor himfelf. 
 He meditated revenge. Nor was he tardy 
 in carrying it into execution : for making 
 Jlis efcape, he mortly found himfelf at the 
 head of a formidable army, which, at- 
 tached 10 his perfon and his interefts, en- 
 abled him, with afroniihing rapidity, to 
 reconquer the countries which had fub- 
 mitted to Dillier Cawn. 
 
 He now refolved to erect a fovereign- 
 ty over the Mahrattahs, and to render 
 that fovereignty permanent in his own 
 family. He accordingly, with all the 
 ufual and effential formalities of Hindoftan, 
 in the year 1674, caufed himfelf to be 
 enthroned at Royhindgen, which from that 
 day hath been denominated Rajagur ; and 
 with all the abfolute authority of Ra- 
 jah, affumed that title. Here commences 
 z the
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 137 
 
 the aera of the Dynafty of the Mahrattah 
 Rajahs. 
 
 But Shavajei was frill menaced from 
 Dehli. Befides which, his foil Sambhajei 
 was rebellioufly aiming at independency. 
 To avert thefe evils, he took every pof- 
 fible precaution. But the wounded pride 
 of Aurungzebe was not to be foothed into 
 pacific meafures. He poured an irrefifri- 
 ble force into the territories of Poonah, 
 and once more compelled Shavajei to fub- 
 mit. Peace continued between three and 
 four years. But the luft of dominion in 
 Shavajei was not to be restrained. Re- 
 pofieffing himfelf, therefore, of all the 
 places wrefted from him by the Impe- 
 rialists, he in the vindictive fpirit of re- 
 taliation, a fecond time viiited and facked 
 the city of Surat. 
 
 Shahjei, the father of Shavajei, was {till 
 alive ; but being treacheroufly circum- 
 vented, was feized and delivered over to the 
 reigning prince of Bijahpoor, his implaca- 
 ble enemy. The cruel fate decreed the 
 
 old
 
 *3* ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 old man, was that of being buried alive. 
 Shavajei heard of it. He immediately-put 
 his army in motion, and with a celerity 
 almoft incredible, haftened towards the 
 Carnatic. The news of his approach ter- 
 rified the enemies of his father. The in- 
 human fentence was deferred. Shahjei 
 found means to efcape. But the wrath of 
 the fon was not to be appeafed. Fire and 
 fword fpread defolation through the domi- 
 nions of Bijahpoor. The aged Shahjei at 
 laft interceded ; and his injuries were for- 
 given, though reluctantly, by Shavajei. 
 
 About this time Shavajei had another 
 fon born to him, whom he named Rajah 
 Ram. Shahjei, whofe affections had been 
 fomewhat eftranged from Shavajei, felt, 
 at this laft inftance of filial tendernefs and 
 attachment, a full return of his former 
 tendernefs. Accident had a long while 
 prevented them from feeing each other. 
 An interview was eagerly deli red by both. 
 They accordingly met, and continued to- 
 gether during feveral weeks at Poonah. 
 
 Hifto-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 139 
 
 Hiftorians dwell on this fcene with pe- 
 culiar fatisfa&ion. The aged warrior 
 is reprefented claiping his exalted child, 
 whofe glory was in full bloffom, in 
 his enfeebled arms ; while tears of grati- 
 tude intermixed with thofe of filial refpect 
 and veneration, fell from the gallant affer- 
 tor of Hindoo independency. The hoary 
 chief beheld in his fon the founder of a 
 race of kings. The fon faw in his father 
 the origin of the greatnefs of the Mahrattah 
 name. But it was the laft time they were 
 to meet. A fall from his horfe, as he 
 was hunting, put an end to the exiitence 
 of Shahjei. 
 
 Shavajei was now without competitor. 
 His army was the moft formidable in 
 Hindoftan, and his treafury full. To 
 extend his dominion was therefore his firft 
 object. Purfoojei, his coufin, he appointed 
 his Sena or General, and then marching 
 towards Bijahpoor, quickly reduced that 
 kingdom to a tributary province. He 
 next entered Berar, plundered Karinja, and 
 4 levied
 
 140 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 levied the Chout. Thence moving, he 
 took and plundered Bifhenpoor ; and be- 
 ing unfuccefsful in a negociation with the 
 Siddees, for the iflands of Hundry and 
 Kunary, he vigor oufly attacked the Sid- 
 dee Yoiif Khan, and laid fiege to Raje- 
 poor, which furrendered after an obftinate 
 refinance. 
 
 In this brilliant career, Shavajei felt 
 
 humbled at the inglorious conduct of 
 
 his brother Ikajei, who, fo far from 
 
 treading in the fteps of ambition, was 
 
 indolently diflipating his time in the 
 
 lap of luxury and voluptuoufnefs. Nor 
 
 could all his remonil ranees or threats 
 
 roufe him to activity. He even tried 
 
 harfher meafures, and difpofleffed him for 
 
 a time of his country. But all would 
 
 not avail. Ikajei's frame of mind was 
 
 not to be altered. He returned him his 
 
 country, therefore, and never after gave 
 
 him farther moleftation *. 
 
 Sha- 
 
 Ikajei left three fons, the two elder of whom died 
 without iflue. The defcendants of the younger, 
 
 whofe
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. I4 jt 
 
 Shavajei, like the generality of Hin- 
 doos, was fuperftitious. It is even faid, 
 that from his childifh days he was uncom- 
 monly and unaffectedly religious. How- 
 ever this may have been, he was now pro- 
 fuie to the Bramins. His favours and 
 attention to them were unbounded. Their 
 influence even at this day in the empire- 
 of the Mahrattahs, may be attributed to 
 his generality. But they repaid him (and 
 nothing can more pointedly fhew the ex- 
 cefs of Braminical pretentions) with in- 
 gratitude. They refufed, though he 
 earneftly folicited the indulgence, to admit 
 him of their order. 
 
 But Shavajei's Sun was now in its de- 
 cline. His arms gave way on a frefh in- 
 vafion from the quarter of Dehli. Run- 
 mat Cawn, the Imperial general, gained 
 over him a compleat and a decifive viclory. 
 
 whofe name was Joockajei, are fiill of confideration 
 in the Mahrattah empire, though unconnected with 
 the ruling government. 
 
 But
 
 i 4 2 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 But domeftic misfortunes bore harder on 
 his quiet. He might recover from the 
 blow which had been given him by the 
 Moguls ; but the diflentions of his fa- 
 mily threatened a termination in blood. 
 The prognofKc was fatally fulfilled, him- 
 felf falling the firfr. vi&im. His fecond 
 wife, the mother of Rajah Ram, had him 
 taken off by poifon, in order that the 
 dominion of the Mahrattahs might de- 
 volve on her own child, in preference to 
 Sumbhajei ; who, agreeably to primoge- 
 niture, and to the intentions of his father, 
 was to be nominated by will to fucceffion 
 in the Rajahfhip. 
 
 Thus fell Shavajei, the celebrated foun- 
 der of the Dynafty of Mahrattah Rajahs, 
 who firft fhook the liability of the throne 
 of the Moguls in the reign of Aurung- 
 zebe, and who pointed the way to thofe 
 immenfe acquititions, which the Mahrat- 
 tahs very fhortly afterwards made in every 
 corner of the Peninfula, and in the remo- 
 teft parts of Hindoftan. 
 
 Rajah
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. I43 
 
 Rajah Ram, favoured by a cabal in the 
 ft ate, afcended the Mufnud of his father. 
 But he did not retain it long. Sumbha- 
 jei's influence and pretentions prevailed, 
 after an ineffectual ftruggle on the part of 
 his brother. Rajah Ram was imprifoned, 
 and all his adherents difperfed. Sumbha- 
 jei reigned but for a few years. He was 
 treacheroufly betrayed into the hands of 
 Aurungzebe, who, with a cruelty that 
 itamped his character, cowardly and exul- 
 tingly put him to an ignominious death. 
 The government devolved on his fon Sa- 
 hoojei. Sahoojei, or, as he hath been 
 erroneoufly called by Europeans, the Sa- 
 hou Rajah, afcended the throne in 1689, 
 and died without iflfoe, when the crown in 
 confequence fell to Ram Rajah, the eldefl 
 fon of Rajah Ram, that prince being alfb 
 deceafed. Ram Rajah ruled over the Mah- 
 rattahs till December 1777, when he 
 likewife died ; and fince that period, there 
 has been no fovereign of that formidable 
 people. 
 
 We
 
 i 4 4 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 We are now arrived at the period in which 
 the Mahrattah hiftory becomes peculiarly 
 worthy of the attention of Europeans. 
 Their conquefts, their ftruggles with the 
 power of the Moguls, and their almoft 
 general ufurpation of the Decan and the 
 Carnatic, have already been (lightly touched 
 upon. Thefe were, however, in a great 
 meafure unconnected with the interests of 
 Europeans. The fcene hath fince been 
 changed. Much hath latterly happened 
 to open the eyes of mankind, to an obfer- 
 vance of a body, which, fimple as it was 
 in its origin, was adequate to almoft uni- 
 verfal conquefl in the Eaft; but which, 
 by fubfequent complication, fell into un- 
 wieldinefs and imbecility. The head 
 lopped from the irate, left the ambition 
 of individuals free fcope for territorial ac- 
 quifitions. The fyftem no longer retained 
 a confiftency of meafures. It became a 
 disjointed mafs of interefts and dependen- 
 cies. 
 
 When
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. I4 { 
 
 When Ram Rajah came to the throne 
 of the Mahrattahs in 1740, two minifters 
 of extenfive abilities, held the adminiftra- 
 tion of affairs. Bajirow as Peifliwa of 
 the empire ; and Ragojei as Buxy. Thefe 
 two men, daring and ambitious, and un- 
 checked by principle, refolved to take ad- 
 Vantage of the incapacity of Ram Rajah. 
 That unhappy Prince, therefore, had 
 fcarcely afcended the throne, as the undif- 
 puted fucceffor of Sahoojei, when they 
 boldly and openly ufurped the whole au- 
 thority of his government. Bajirow ftized 
 the wefterii provinces of the empire, and 
 made Poonah his capital. Ragojei retain- 
 ed the eaftern, and fixed his refidence 
 at Naugpoor. They confined the Rajah 
 to his palace and gardens at Satarrah, 
 where he was never feen on bufinefs ; nor 
 vifited even on any other occafion, but by 
 thofe immediately of his houfehold. The 
 jagheers hereditarily held by the Rajahs 
 of Satarrah, they flill continued to him ; 
 befides which, he was penfioned with a 
 revenue of one lack of rupees per month 
 L fo*
 
 j 4 6 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 for his ordinary expences, and a guard of 
 two thoufand horfe for the protection of 
 his perfon. But beyond this, every thing 
 was denied him. Once a year, it is true, 
 he was permitted to mew himfelf in and 
 about Satarrah. He then was, as it were, 
 worshipped. The ufurpers of his govern- 
 ment, together with the great officers of 
 flate, all acknowledged him as their pa- 
 ramount lord : but, the cruel pageantry at 
 an end, this wretched fovereign of a day 
 was again immured within the walls of 
 his palace ; and there was detained, un- 
 til the returning feafon brought about 
 a frefh and a heart-rending mockery of 
 freedom. Yet frill his name and iignet 
 were ufed in the adminiftration of affairs. 
 Even the Khelat, or honourary drefs of 
 office, was made to come from him on 
 every appointment of importance. 
 
 The form of government eftablifhed by 
 
 thefe afpiring chieftains was nearly fimilar. 
 
 Bajirow, however, retained the title of 
 
 Peifhwa, which anfwers to that of Vizier 
 
 i in
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 147 
 
 in Mahommedan ftates, that office vefting 
 in him the whole executive administration 
 of affairs. The office of Dewan he con- 
 ferred upon his relation, Sadafhee, com- 
 monly called the Bhow. The other pofts 
 of confequence, fuch as the Purnaveefe, 
 who has the charge and collection of the 
 public revenues, and the Buckfhi Seena 
 Saheb, who has the charge and payment 
 of the army, he like wife beftowed upon 
 men of high rank and abilities. His in- 
 tent was, that thefe trufts mould be revo- 
 cable at pleafure. But as he was careful 
 that the Peifhwafhip mould continue here- 
 ditary in his family, they alfo took pre- 
 cautions that their offices mould devolve 
 in fucceffion to their defcendants. 
 
 Whatever might be the appellations, 
 and however unwarrantably afiumed by 
 Bajirow, whether that of Peifhwa, or Pun- 
 dit Purdhaun, it is incontrovertible that 
 his power was fupreme. Time, indeed, 
 faw it leffen confiderably. The other 
 chiefs then began to feel their flrength, and 
 Li to
 
 148 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 to rife in their pretentions. They ac- 
 knowledged themfelves to hold their lands 
 by feudatory tenure from the Rajah or the 
 Peifhwa ; but at the fame time aflumed the 
 privilege of exercifing fovereign jurifdiclion 
 in their feveral diftricts. They even in- 
 fifted upon a participation in the domeftic 
 regulations of the ftate. Being connected 
 with foreign affairs, they took the protec- 
 tion or fuperintendance of thofe of the 
 different Princes of Hindoftan into their 
 own hands. One, for inffance, attended 
 to the tranfactions and the interefts of 
 Dehli, and the more northern parts of the 
 empire ; another to thofe of the Carnatic ; 
 a third to thofe of Myfore ; and a fourth 
 to thofe of the Decan. 
 
 But the Peifhwa was frill the head and 
 the ruling principle of this vaft confede- 
 racy. A circumftantial detail of all the 
 conquefts, and all the depredations pre- 
 viouily committed by the Mahrattahs, 
 would fwell this little fketch beyond the 
 limits which we rauft neceflarily prefcribe 
 
 to
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 149 
 
 to our enquiries. Let it fuffice to fay, 
 that although they had penetrated as far 
 as Dehli in the year of the Higeira 1 131, 
 or of Chrlft 1718, they did not move 
 with a declared intent of invading Hin- 
 doftan, and the other dominions of the 
 Mogul, until 1147, when Baji row march' 
 ed directly for the capital of the empire. 
 He reached Dehli in 1148, firft having 
 compelled the Mogul to confer upon him 
 the powerful and extenfive Soubahfhip of 
 Malva, which he left in fucceffion to his 
 children. The year of the Higeira 1 1 73, 
 or 1759, they again were feen in Hin~ 
 doftan, under Raghonaut-Row and other 
 leaders, having been invited to the aflif- 
 tance of a revolted governor of Lahore. 
 Nor was all the force which could be 
 brought againft. them, though aided by 
 Achmed Shaw and his fierce Abdalis, fuf- 
 ficient to divert them from their purpofe. 
 They reinftated Adinah Beig in his go* 
 vernment of Lahore ; and itipulating with 
 him for the annual fum of feventy-five 
 lacks of rupees, {rationed a considerable 
 L 3 army
 
 j$0 ANALYSIS OF INDIA.' 
 
 army in the very heart of the empire, 
 under Joonkoo. 
 
 This Mahrattah fwayed with abfolute 
 authority. The government of Lahore 
 mortly becoming vacant at the death of 
 Adinah Beig, he appointed a Mahrattah, 
 named Saba, to rule over it. Saba pufhed 
 his conquefts to the banks of the river At- 
 tack. The Mahommedans became alarmed 
 at this growing power of the Mahrattahs. 
 The Hindoo Rajahs alfo felt the gal- 
 ling and heavy yoke of their oppreffion. 
 The only remaining refource was in the 
 powerful fovereign of the Abdalis, Ach- 
 med Shaw. Achmed Shaw was accor- 
 dingly applied to : who entering Hin- 
 doftan , for the (ixth time, drove the Mah- 
 rattahs before him. 
 
 A negociation was at this period on foot 
 between the Mahrattah, Duttajei-Scindia, 
 who derived his authority immediately 
 from Poonah, and Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, the 
 Soubahdar of Owd. But the approach of 
 
 the
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 151 
 
 the Abdalis fuddenly broke it off. The 
 Mahrattahs now prepared themfelves for 
 a conteft, which was decidedly to fix 
 their fate in Hindoftan. They haftily 
 aflembled; and under the command of 
 Duttajei-Scindia and Joonkoo, march- 
 ed to meet the Shaw. Their army 
 was computed at more than eighty thou- 
 fand horfe. Achmed-Shaw prepared like- 
 wife on his part. The Mahommedans 
 and Hindoos had joined him. Thefe re- 
 inforcements gave him a fuperiority of 
 numbers. He accordingly paffed into 
 the Unterbaid (the Doab, or country 
 between the Ganges and the Jumna*, 
 and towards the clofe of the year 1759, 
 came to an action with the Mahrat- 
 tahs, which was molt bloody and defi- 
 nitive. The Mahrattahs were routed. 
 Duttajei-Scindia, with feveral other chiefs 
 of diftintion, were {lain. Joonkoo, with 
 the remains of his army fled, and was 
 purfued : nor could he afterwards rally, 
 although Hoolkar, who was then in the 
 
 * Thefe rivers take their rife in the Cummaoon Hills. 
 L 4 neigh-
 
 jj* ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 neighbourhood of Jypoor or Jynuggar, 
 marched with a confiderable force to his 
 relief. Hoolkar even fell into a fnare 
 he was furprifed at Secundra, and with 
 difficulty made his efcape with only three 
 followers. 
 
 Sadamee, or the Bhow, was at this 
 time in the Decan. He no fooner heard 
 of Duttajei's death, and the misfortune 
 which had befallen Hoolkar, than he 
 moved with a formidable and well-ap- 
 pointed army, furnifhed with a train of 
 European artillery, to revenge this dis- 
 grace of the Mahrattah arms. At Muthra 
 he was joined by the celebrated Ghazy- 
 Ul-Deen-Cawn, and by Soorudge-Mull, 
 the chief of the Jates. But when he 
 reached the Jumna, he found that river 
 impafTable from the rains. He altered his 
 purpofe, therefore, and inftead of endea- 
 vouring to bring the Abdali to action, at 
 once bent his courfe towards Dehli, which 
 city he entered without much oppofition. 
 
 The
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 153 
 
 The citadel furrendered to him a few days 
 after. 
 
 The conduct of the Bhow was cruel 
 and rapacious. He inflicted the fevereft 
 punifhments, and plundered even from 
 the fepulchres of the dead. About the 
 middle of the year 1760, the rains having 
 iubfided, he marched from Dehli, having 
 raifed Mirza-Jewan-Bukht (Shah-Aulum's 
 elded fon) to the throne, and appointed 
 $hujah-Ul-Dowlah, though abfent, his 
 yizier. From Dehli he proceeded to 
 Koonjpoorah, which fell into his hands. 
 He afterwards advanced towards Sirhind. 
 But Achmed Shaw, enraged at his having 
 put the garrifon of Koonjpoorah to the 
 fword, followed him with aftoniiTiing ra- 
 pidity, and came up with him at Panniput. 
 Here the Bhow entrenched himfelf. But a 
 large reinforcement of which he was in ex- 
 pectation being cut off, and his army daily 
 decreaiing from the want of provifions, he 
 refolved, with the unanimous concurrence 
 of his officers, to try his fortune in the 
 
 field.
 
 154 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 field. The Mahrattahs accordingly ad- 
 vanced from their lines. The Mahome- 
 dans and their allies alfo moved. The 
 action commenced : Carnage and deftruc- 
 tion fpread on every fide. The ifTue, 
 as is more particularly detailed hereafter, 
 was favourable to Achmed Shaw. The 
 Bhovv was compleatly defeated. Full 
 fifty thoufand horfe fell into the victor's 
 hands, a prodigious treafure, and fome 
 thoufands of elephants and camels. Two 
 and twenty thoufand Mahrattahs are even 
 recorded to have been diftributed in bon- 
 dage on this unfortunate day. 
 
 Of all the chiefs who furvived this 
 fatal blow (which firft gave a mock 
 to the very foundation of the Mah rat- 
 tan power) Hoolkar was the principal ; 
 he effected his efcape but with the 
 utmoft difficulty. The confternation 
 it occafioned at Poonah was dreadful : 
 Scarce a family of confederation but 
 mourned the lofs of fome dear connection. 
 
 Bajirow,
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 155 
 
 Bajirow, the Peifhwa, was now dead. 
 Nor was his fon and fucceffor Balajei long 
 to bemoan the late difgrace. He funk un- 
 der the weight of it, and was fucceeded by 
 his fecond fon Mhadarow, the eldefr. being 
 {lain in the battle. The defendants of 
 Bajirow, the firft fovereign Peifhwa, if we 
 may be allowed the exprcffion, of Poonah, 
 were in the following order : Balajei, or 
 Balajeirow, and Raghonaut-Row his fons. 
 Balajei had Bifwafs-Row, killed at Pan- 
 niput, Mhadarow and Narrain-Row. Nar- 
 rain-Row, of all thefe three, alone left 
 iffue. His widow was delivered of a 
 boy, the prefent Peifhwa Mahaderow, in 
 I 774- 
 
 Thus much at prefent of the weftern, 
 or Poonah empire of the Mahrattahs. 
 We now for a moment will look at the 
 eaftern branch, and its connections. Ra- 
 gojei, denominated Bhonfalah, a Rajahpute 
 and a defcendant of the Oodipou fovereigns, 
 from whom Shavajee, the anceftor of the 
 Mahrattah Rajahs, derived his origin, we 
 
 have
 
 156 ANALYSIS OP I^DIA. 
 
 have feen ufurp at the fame time with Baji- 
 row, this part of his matter's dominions : but 
 the ambition of Ragojei was confined. He 
 contented himfelf with the fovereignty of 
 Berar and its dependencies *. He left four 
 fons, Janojee, Sabajee, Mhoodajee, and Bum- 
 bajee. Janojee fucceeded his father : but, 
 dying without children, left his three 
 brothers in pofTeffion of his country, in 
 the Summer of 1772, having previoufly 
 adopted Seway Ragojei, fon to Mhoodajei, 
 for his fucceflbr, a youth about twelve 
 years of age. The guardianfhip of this 
 boy occafioned a competition among the 
 brothers, which was at firft decided by 
 arms, in favour of Sabajee. But it ulti- 
 mately fell into the hands of Mhoodajei 
 who in a pitched battle defeated the army 
 of Sabajei, that chief having fallen in the 
 action. Mhoodajei {till continues, and 
 
 * And a general combination of interefts with the 
 Soubahdar of the Decan : excepting when the Peifliwa 
 contended with him, and then he remained neuter. 
 
 iS
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 15? 
 
 is acknowledged, fovereign of Berar. 
 His revenues are coniiderable. Berar and 
 Cuttack alone are eftimated at one hundred 
 and eight lacks of rupees annually. The 
 former eighty four : the latter twenty 
 four. Belides which, Mhoodajei Bhon- 
 falah, as has been already mentioned, 
 is indifputably heir to the Rajahfhip of 
 Poonah. A dignity, indeed, it is proba- 
 ble he will never defire ; the minifterial 
 party of Poonah being too firmly rooted, 
 to be fhaken in its ufurpation. Moreover 
 his independency (as he urged when encou- 
 raged by the Englifh a few years ago) be- 
 ing infinitely better eftablifhed as the ruler 
 of Berar, than it would be as the Rajah 
 of Satarrah. 
 
 Exclufive of thefe families, which firft 
 led the way to the participation of the 
 Mahrattah dominions, there are others of 
 powerful confideration. The principal of 
 which are Tookajei-Holkar, and Mha- 
 dajei-Scindia. Thefe chiefs, betides other 
 territories of vafl extent, {breading from 
 
 Can-
 
 158 ANALYSIS OF INDIA 
 
 Candaim and Guzurat, to the banks of 
 the Jumna, divide the whole of the rich 
 province of Malva between them. Too- 
 kajei Hoolkar refides at Endore. Mha- 
 dajei-Scindia at Ugien. Each can bring 
 into the field an army of , fifty thoufand 
 horfe. The year 1772 faw them mani- 
 feft their ftrength : they then, in conjunc- 
 tion with Byfajei, marched to Dehli, and 
 compelled the Mogul to grant them fun- 
 nuds for the provinces of Korah and Alla- 
 habad. That they did not take pofleflion 
 of them, was owing to an alarm of the 
 Englifh being on their way to reinforce 
 Shujah-Ul-Dowlah and the Rohillas. 
 
 We now return to the adminiftration 
 of Poonah, with whofe tranfactions Euro- 
 pean politics have lately been deeply en- 
 gaged. The Mahrattah government we 
 have already mentioned to have been an 
 abfolute monarchy, until the death of 
 Sahoojei, the immediate predeceitor of Ram 
 Rajah ; and we have alfo remarked it to 
 
 have
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 159 
 
 have been vigorous and profperous in all 
 its branches. It then fpread into various 
 and unconnected channels ; and was evi- 
 dently enfeebled by its difunion. Bajirow, 
 who firfr. ufurped the fovereignty, and 
 annexed it to the Peifhwafhip left two 
 fons, Balajei-Row and Raghonaut-Row, 
 or Ragobah. The former, on the death 
 of his father, came to the government 
 of Poonah, as Peifhwa. The latter had 
 the command of a province on the fron- 
 tiers of Bengal. Balajei-Row' s reign 
 was fhort and pacific. On the death of 
 Balajei-Row, Madahrow, his fon, then 
 eighteen years of age, laid claim to the 
 government, and infifled on holding in 
 his own hands the reins of adminiftration. 
 But in this he was oppofed by Raghonaut- 
 Row, who leaving the province imme- 
 diately on the news of his brother's death, 
 demanded the regency, as the natural guar- 
 dian of his nephew. The adherents of 
 Madahrow, and the friends of his fa- 
 ther, however, flood by the young Peifh- 
 wa ; and being firm in his fupport, Rag- 
 
 honaut-
 
 160 ANALYSIS OF I N t> I A- 
 
 lionaut-Row was at length obliged to fly 
 from Poonah. 
 
 Inftead of return jng to his own com-^ 
 mand, Raghonaut-Row repaired to the 
 Soubahdar of the Decan, whom he, by 
 promifes of a remiilion of chout, gained 
 over to his interefts, and was thereby 
 enabled to take the field with a power- 
 ful army againft. his nephew. The two 
 armies foon met, and a battle enfued, in 
 which Raghonaut-Row had the advantage. 
 Overtures of peace were in confequence 
 made to, and accepted by him. He was 
 recalled to Poonah, and inverted with the 
 entire government of the kingdom in the 
 name of his nephew. 
 
 A fyftem of this nature could not 
 lafl long ; jealoufies and apprehenfions 
 were the conftant attendants on both 
 parties ; infomuch, that Raghonaut-Row 
 attempted his efcape once more from 
 Poonah, but was prevented by the 
 timely notice which Madahrow received 
 
 of
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. tfci 
 
 of his intentions. Raghonaut Row was 
 then thrown into prifon, where he re- 
 mained for many years. 
 
 After a tranquil reign, and a profpecT: 
 of much happinefs to his people, Madah- 
 Row departed this life on the 1 7th of 
 November 1772. Before he expired, 
 however, he releafed his uncle ; and call- 
 ing both him and a younger brother of 
 his own, whom he meant to be his fuc- 
 ceflbr, before him, he conjured them to 
 be affectionate and kind to each other 3 
 and in order that the charge, with which 
 he meant to inveft Raghonaut-Row, (that 
 of guardian to the young Narrain-Row,) 
 mould be as, folemn as poffible ; " Re- 
 " ceive," faid he, placing the hand of 
 Narrain-Row in that of his uncle, " re- 
 " ceive under your protection this youth, 
 " who never injured you. You have no 
 " fon ; he is your neareil relation ; and, 
 " therefore, muft fucceed to you, if am- 
 *' bition mould induce you to wreit the 
 " government from him. Do you wifli 
 M " for
 
 i6z ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 " for power r There can be no occafion 
 
 " to depofe him, for he will regulate his 
 
 " conduct by your advice. If wealth be 
 
 " your object, his treafury will be open 
 
 " at your command." 
 
 Narrain-Row, in confequence of his 
 brother's nomination, and of his own 
 right, fucceeded Madah-Row as Peifhwa, 
 and gave the management of affairs to his 
 uncle. 
 
 Matters were in this fituation, when 
 Raghonaut-Row, either prompted by am- 
 bition, or perhaps the more admiffible 
 plea, according to Eaflern politics, of felt- 
 prefervation, determined on the death of 
 his nephew. He accordingly entrufted 
 his defign to two Soubahdars or captains, 
 men on whom he could depend, and who 
 engaged to perpetrate the horrid deed. 
 
 In Afiatic countries there never is a 
 dearth ofaffaffins; Princes can as eaiily 
 be furnimed with the hand to execute, as 
 
 with
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. ^3 
 
 with the inftrument to hurl the deftruc- 
 tiorw The time fet apart for this tragic 
 fcene was the afternoon, when the un- 
 fortunate Narrain reclined himfelf to 
 reft. 
 
 At that hour, lulled in fecurity and 
 repole, the unhappy youth was furprifed. 
 He fled to his uncle, whom he fupplicated 
 in the moll: pathetic manner to fave his 
 life ; told him to take his kingdom, and 
 even to imprifon him loaded with irons, 
 but to have pity on his youth, to fave him 
 from deftruction, to fave him from the 
 hands of the mifcreants who furrounded 
 him. Raghonaut-Row for a moment re- 
 relented, and pleaded for him, but in vain. 
 The wretches, who were actuated by re- 
 venge, as well as by defire of gain, an- 
 fwered haughtily, #c When we drew our 
 " fwords, we threw away the fcabbards. 
 " If he lives, we perifh ;" and then mill- 
 ing on their vic~lim, who clung round his 
 uncle's neck in all the agony of terror 
 and defpair, (tabbed him to the heart, and 
 M 2 left
 
 i64 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 left him breathlefs at his feet. One cir- 
 cumftance, however, is undoubted, and 
 therefore mould not be omitted ; that 
 Raghonaut-Row, in endeavouring to fave 
 his nephew, received fome defperate wounds 
 himfelf ; and this he advances as a ftrong 
 proof of his innocence in the affair. 
 
 Before it was publicly known that Nar- 
 rain-Row was killed, Raghonaut-Row's 
 party had got under arms, and he himfelf 
 endeavoured, by lavifhing confiderable 
 fums among the people, to ftifle their in- 
 dignation. Narrain's friends were there- 
 fore unable to appear, efpecially as they 
 found themfelves without a leader of fuf- 
 ficient confequence to give dignity to their 
 caufe. It is probable alfo, that Ragho- 
 naut-Row, in fome degree, owed his fecu- 
 rity to that indifference with which the 
 fubjects of Eaftern dates admit of revolu- 
 tions of this nature. 
 
 When every thing appeared tolerably 
 tranquil at home, Raghonaut-Row, ac- 
 % cording
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 165 
 
 cording to the ufual cuftom of the Mah- 
 rattahs, took the field, leaving an adopted 
 fon in the government of Poonah. And 
 here it is to be obferved, that this adopted 
 fon has always been confidered as the in- 
 ftigator of the murder of Narrain-Row ; 
 for it was on his producing a letter (after- 
 wards proved to be forged) containing 
 dangerous fentiments with reipect ro Rag- 
 honaut-Rovv, that the Regent firfl deter- 
 mined to have his nephew aflaffinated. 
 
 The pretence made ufe of by Ragho- 
 naut-Row for railing an army, was to 
 attack the Soubahdar of the Decan, with 
 whom he had recently quarrelled ; but 
 in reality he found it neceflary to have a 
 body of troops in the field to oppofe Go- 
 pin cabah, the mother of Narrain-Row, 
 who had many adherents in the country, 
 and who was preparing to revenge the 
 murder of her fon. Befides which, lie 
 had reafon to apprehend, that an alliance 
 was meditated between that Princefs and 
 M 3 Janajei-
 
 166 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Janajei-Bhonfalah of Berar, and Nizam- 
 Ally-Cawn, the Soubahdar of the Decaa. 
 
 The widow of Balajei-Row had left 
 Poonah, when her eldefl fon, with whom 
 fhe had fome difagreement, fucceeded to 
 his father, and retired to Benares, the 
 Mecca of the Gentoos, where it was ima- 
 gined me had determined to end her days. 
 The death of her favourite fon, however, 
 roufed her from her retirement, and (he 
 now armed to revenge his fall. 
 
 Raghonaut-Row, after marching to- 
 wards Hydrabad, the ufual refidence of 
 the Soubahdar of the Decan, and having 
 a few fkirmifhes with that prince, con- 
 cluded a peace with him upon eafy terms 
 to both. He then marched towards the 
 Seera province, from thence fent an envoy 
 to Hyder- Ally-Caw n, and alfo wrote to 
 the Nabob of the Carnatic in hoftile terms. 
 Very foon after he had concluded the 
 treaty of friendship with the Soubahdar 
 of the Decan, he was informed that the 
 
 widow
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 167 
 
 widow of Narrain-Row was with child : 
 true or falfe, he found it was the intention 
 of his enemies to raife up a rival againft 
 him, fupported by hereditary claim. 
 
 Before he received anfwers from either 
 the Nabob of the Carnatic or Hyder-Ally- 
 Cavvn, news was alfo brought him that 
 his adopted fon had abandoned Poonah, 
 and that a very formidable alliance had 
 taken place between Gopincabah, Seway- 
 Ragojei, the fucceflbr of Janojei, and the 
 Soubahdar of the Decan. This intelli- 
 gence haftened his march towards Poonah. 
 He had not proceeded, however, farther 
 than the river Beama, when he found his 
 enemies encamped with an army of twenty 
 thoufand fighting men. An engagement 
 was now unavoidable : each army diiputed 
 the field with obftinacy, but the allies 
 were in the end victorious. Raghonaut- 
 Row thus difcomfited, and deferted by all 
 his followers, fled to the northward. 
 After undergoing great fatigue, and efcap- 
 ing a variety of dangers, he took fhelter 
 M 4 in
 
 168 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 in the country of Mulhar-Ras-Scindia, a 
 confiderable Mahrattah chief (and prede- 
 ceflbr of Madhajei Scindia, fo well known 
 to the Engliiri) where he remained for 
 fome time. The battle we have jufl 
 mentioned was fought about the 5th of 
 April 1774; and on the 10th of the fame 
 month the new-born fon of Narrain-Row's 
 widow was publicly declared his father's 
 fucceffor at Poonah. 
 
 The Englifh Prefidency of Bombay took 
 part with Raghonaut-Row, in confequence 
 of his foli citations, and entered into an al- 
 liance with him. The ceffions he made 
 to the Company by that treaty were in- 
 difputably great, and in fuch light were 
 they {etn by the Directors in England ; 
 who declared their entire approbation un- 
 der every circumftance of what had been 
 done refpecting Raghonaut-Row, and di- 
 rected their governments of Madras and 
 Bengal to co-operate, if neceffary, in 
 maintaining what had been ceded to 
 them. 
 
 But
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 169 
 
 But the Government-general of Bengal, 
 viewing matters through a different me- 
 dium, had, previous to the receipt of 
 thefe orders, totally difapproved of the 
 treaty concluded with Raghonaut-Row, 
 and ordered it to be cancelled ; and had 
 even fent Colonel Upton to Poonah, who 
 in the end concluded a frefh one with 
 the oppofite party. 
 
 The Englifh forces were in confequence 
 recalled ; and Raghonaut-Row, deferted 
 by all, and particularly by the Englifh, 
 with whom he had folemn engagements, 
 was under the neceffity of claiming their 
 protection of his perfon at Surat. 
 
 One of the articles of the treaty con- 
 cluded by Colonel Upton particularly fpe- 
 cified the allowance that the Poonah ad- 
 miniftration mould make to Raghonaut- 
 Row, provided he would quietly take up 
 his refidence in a place allotted him in 
 their country, nor ever leave it without 
 their exprefs permifiion. This he would 
 
 not
 
 i;o ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 not hearken to, but rather chofe to trud: 
 himfelf to the protection of thofe who, 
 agreeably to the laws and good faith of 
 nations, were actually bound to aflift him 
 to. the utmofr. of their power; vainly 
 flattering himfelf (as the inglorious con- 
 duct of the presidency of Bombay after- 
 wards glaringly manifefled) that fome 
 unforefeen event might, one day or other, 
 enable him to cope with his adverfaries, 
 and to afiert his right, in an effectual 
 manner, to the government of Poonah. 
 
 The government of Poonah now ex- 
 hibited a new, and an unufual afpecl:. 
 On the death of Sahoojei, the full admi- 
 nistration of it, in its executive branches, 
 fell into the hands of the Peifhwa. The 
 fovereign became a cypher. The minif- 
 ter was the efficient ruler. But on the 
 death of Madah-Row, the abfolute au- 
 thority of the Peifhwa began to decline ; 
 and on the murder of Narrain-Row,-' it 
 may be faid to have been nearly annihi- 
 lated. 
 
 From
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 171 
 
 From the Peifhwa, the fupreme power 
 now defcended to the Dewan of the 
 Peilhwa, the under-minifter of the em- 
 pire. Nor was he permitttd to enjoy it 
 alone. He was forced to a participation 
 of it with the Purnaveefe, who, in reality, 
 a fhort time afterwards, compelled him to 
 relinquifh the whole. The Purnaveefe, 
 or fecretary of ftate, Nana-Balajee-Pundit, 
 was not fo thoroughly benefited by this 
 alteration of fyftem as he at firfl had 
 reafon to expect. His colleagues in of- 
 fice infifted on fharing the fovereign au- 
 thority. Nor did the diflemination flop 
 here ; the powerful Jagheerdars, following 
 the example of their fuperior, and be- 
 lieving the minority of the Peilhwa to be 
 tantamount to his non-exiftence, arrogated 
 to themfelves an independency not infe- 
 rior to the Purnaveefe. Thus the Purna- 
 veefe, though the appar entregent of the 
 ftate, was in reality no more than the 
 occafional principal of a many-headed 
 monfter. 
 
 An
 
 172 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 An empire at once fo indiftindfc and tu- 
 multuous, afforded the moll favourable op- 
 portunities to Raghonaut-Row for his re- 
 eftablifhment. He was accordingly fa- 
 voured (in oppofition to the junto who 
 drove him from Poonah) by Sookeram- 
 Baboo, the Dewan, and Mooraba-Pundit, 
 the nephew and fuppofed fucceflbr of the 
 Purnaveefe, befides Futty-Sing, Guicwar 
 of Guzarat, all of them powerful, and 
 abounding in refources : but unfortunate- 
 ly for him, their union proceeded more 
 from an apprehenfion that the Purnaveefe 
 aimed at iovereignty, than any predilec- 
 tion for his defperate fortunes. 
 
 The Prefidency of Bombay, however, 
 allured by the aflurances of fo formidable 
 a faction, wildly endeavoured by two at- 
 tempts to reftore him ; but they failed. 
 In the Lift, when the fatal enterprife 
 againft Poonah, in 1778, brought difgrace 
 on the Englifh arms, he found himfelf 
 obliged to furrender, and that, he fays, 
 to enfure the fafety of the Bombay troops, 
 
 " We
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 173 
 
 " Wc were embarked together," fays he, 
 
 *' and our vefTel was finking. As it was 
 
 " on my account, therefore, that the 
 
 " Englifh had expofed themfelves to dan- 
 
 " ger, it was but juft that my utmoft 
 
 " endeavours mould be ufed for -their 
 
 " prefervation." 
 
 Raghonaut-Row furrended himfelf to 
 Mhadajee-Scindia and Tookajee-Holkar. 
 Being a brahmin, his life was fpared, the 
 blood of that order being facred ; he yet, 
 however, was counfelled to beware of 
 treachery. The banks of the river Ner- 
 buddah were pointed out to him as the 
 fpot where he was to be facrihced. He 
 was commanded to Malwa. He in con- 
 fequence fet out, guarded by a ftrong and 
 chofen body of troops, and encamped, 
 without manifefting any alarm, on the 
 mores of the Nerbudda. Tookajee-Hol- 
 kar's people forded the river iirit ; Ragho- 
 naut-Row's were to follow, and rMhada- 
 jee-Scindia's were to bring up the rear : 
 but he now feized his opportunity, and 
 
 attacked
 
 74 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 attacker! the party of Scindia. The lat- 
 ter, unfufpecYing and unprepared, were ea- 
 fily routed. Raghoiiaut-Row effected his 
 dcape, and arrived at Poonah about the 
 middle of June 1779. 
 
 Since that period the Englifh and the 
 Mahrattahs have had various and vigorous 
 ftruggles : but thefe being amply detailed 
 in the accounts of the Mahrattah war, we 
 fhall conclude this review with fimply re- 
 marking, that a definitive peace, through 
 the mediation of Mhadajee- Scindia, has 
 been concluded between the Englifh and 
 the Mahrattahs, and that a provifion ha* 
 been itipulated for Raghonaut-Row of 
 three lacks of rupees per annum, which 
 it is yet uncertain whether or not he will 
 agree to receive. 
 
 Superior even to the power of which 
 we have jufr. been treating was that of the 
 Moguls for many ages. A ftructure of 
 fiich infinite magnitude, however, re- 
 quired a government of vigour. The or- 
 2 dinances
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 175 
 
 dinances of the empire were manifold ; 
 but in general they were feebly enforced : 
 whilft the court of Dehli, from whence 
 all laws and regulations mould have been 
 difpenfed, appeared to the world a fcene 
 of the mod unbounded corruption and li- 
 centioufnefs. Agitated by intrigue, and 
 drenched in the blood of its own {ove- 
 reigns and Omrahs ; accuftomed to revo- 
 lutions as fudden as unparallelled, and en- 
 couraged by the weaknefs of the adminis- 
 tration, the diftant officers of the empire 
 foon began to make off their allegiance. 
 At firft they ventured to withhold the re- 
 venues of the provinces under their com- 
 mand ; but by thefe means becoming pof- 
 fefl'ed of the ability, as well as of the dif- 
 pofition to puriue thofe plans which a 
 fortunate concurrence of circumftances 
 rendered eafy of adoption, an almoft ge- 
 neral independency took place.* 
 
 The 
 
 * Th empire began to decline during the reign of 
 Aurungzehe, whofe fuccefslefs efforts againft the 
 Mahrattahs laid the foundation of that ruin, which 
 
 the
 
 176 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 The authority of the Emperor was {till, 
 it is true, acknowledged in the provinces ; 
 but then it was an acknowledgement of 
 iuch thorough infignificancy, that not a 
 fingle requiiition was granted, nor even an 
 order obeyed. He was prayed for in the 
 mofques, at the time that he was oppofed 
 with vigour in the field ; and his name 
 and titles were {truck upon the coins, 
 that, confYitutionally his, were never meant 
 to be tranfmitted to his treafury. 
 
 In {hort, the power of the Moguls had 
 totally dwindled away. The Soubahdars 
 were the flrft who eftablilhed themfelves 
 in independency ; nor were their power- 
 ful deputies, the Nabobs, backward in 
 following their example. The empire 
 being rent, admitted of the abufe ; and 
 the contagion having once got abroad, 
 fpread with an unremitting ardour through- 
 out all Hindoitan. 
 
 the diftra&ions following his death, and the weaknefc 
 of Mahommed-Shaw, confirmed. 
 
 A num-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. ift 
 
 A number of governments, thus formed 
 on the ruins of a mighty empire, war and 
 deftru&ion, the ufual concomitants of re- 
 bellion, foon fprang up among them. 
 Each finding himfelf increafing in power, 
 aimed at an acquifition of more than he 
 originally wrefted from his fovereign % 
 whilfl new adventurers, in the hope of 
 benefiting, daily obtruded themfelves amid 
 the contentions of a lawlefs fet of ufur- 
 pers. 
 
 The Moguls, thus ftripped of their do- 
 minions, foon experienced the diftrefles 
 infeparable from fallen authority. Ne- 
 ceffity even compelled them to a compro* 
 mife with their rebellious fubjects, many 
 of whom obtained a Sanction for the mea- 
 sures they had purfued, and a confirma- 
 tion of the authority they had ufurped. 
 
 In the preceding pages a few inflances 
 have been given of the flill-acknowledged 
 prerogative of the crown of Dehli to no- 
 minate to all vacant governments, and 
 
 N that
 
 i; ANALYSIS 0\F INDIA. 
 
 that too at a time when the royal autho- 
 rity was known in general but by name* 
 Such were the appointments of Nizam- 
 Ul-Mule, Gazee-Deen-Cawn and Schi- 
 Abiddeen^Cawn, to the Soubahdary of 
 the Decan ; Anawer-Odean-Cawn and 
 Ma.homet-Ally-Cawn, to the Nabobfhip 
 of Areot, and the Soubahdary of the Car- 
 natic ; and the Englifh, to the govern* 
 rnent of the Northern Cirears and the 
 Dewannee of Bengal. 
 
 So long, therefore, as the Englifh fhall 
 look upon their territorial acquifitions as 
 unalienable by any future Mogul, fo long 
 mud: they look upon the dominions of the 
 feveral independent Soubahdars to be, in 
 like manner, unalienable from them. 
 The tenure by which they hold their pof- 
 fefiions is in every refpect the fame ; ' and, 
 therefore, the power that can affect the 
 one, can indifputably affect the other. 
 
 The pernicious confequences that might 
 
 attend a reftoration of the Mogul power 
 
 a to
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA, 179 
 
 to its former plenitude, are fo extremely 
 obvious, that they need not be infilled on. 
 At the fame time it mould not be forgot- 
 ten, that that power was the original 
 fource of the Englifh profperity in the 
 EafL 
 
 By a treaty, which we have formerly 
 mentioned, it was flipulated, that the 
 Mogul mould receive, from the provinces 
 of Bengal, an annual revenue of twenty- 
 fix lacks of rupees. The payment of this 
 hath, however, been flopped, on account 
 of his having fhaken off his dependence on 
 the Englifh ; and on his having eftablifh- 
 ed himfelf, contrary to ftipulation, under 
 the protection of the Mahrattahs at Dehli. 
 This happened in March 1 7 7 1 , and in 
 February 1772, the payment of the 
 tribute ceafed : whether juitly or other- 
 wife, it is not our bulinefs to determine. 
 His fituation, however, is truly deplorable. 
 Even the little that was left to him, has 
 within thefe few years pafTed either into 
 the poilefiion of the Seiks, or of Nudjif- 
 , N 2 Cawn
 
 180 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Cawn and his fuccefibrs. Wretchednefe 
 and poverty is the lot of the lineal defen- 
 dant of the Imperial Houfe of Timur. 
 
 Of all the powerful vaflals of the crown 
 of Dehli, Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, Soubahdar 
 of Owd, was one of the molt confiderable. 
 His country bordering upon the EngliuS 
 territories in Bengal, rendered him formi- 
 dable to that nation when in arms to op- 
 pofe them ^ whilft his friendship, on the 
 contrary, ferved to eftablifli him as a bar- 
 rier againft the more northern powers of 
 Hindoftan. On this account the Company 
 looked upon their alliance with Shujah- 
 Ul-Dowlah as a moft fortunate event; nor 
 did their fervants at Calcutta fail to im- 
 prove the connection to the utmoft of their 
 ability. 
 
 Shujah-Ul-Dowlah's family in Hindoo- 
 tan was founded by Mirza-NafTeer, a 
 native of Khoraflan, who coming from 
 Perfia by fea, fettled himfelf at Patna, in 
 the province of Bahar. He left two fons, 
 
 who-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 181 
 
 'who rofe to eminence at the court of the 
 -emperor Furrokhfere. In the reign of 
 Mahommed-Shah, Saadut-Cawn the elder 
 was dignified with the title of Boorhln- 
 Ul-Mulck, and with it received the Sou- 
 bahihip of Owd. His younger brother 
 died, and left a fon. 
 
 Boorhan-Ul-Mulck fending to Paifha- 
 war for a fifter's fon, beftowed on him 
 his daughter in marriage, and obtained 
 for him the title of Sufdur-Jung, toge- 
 ther with the important office of Mafter 
 General of the Ordnance, Sufdur-Jung, 
 was afterwards appointed Vizier by Ah- 
 med-Shah ; and a fon of this marriage, 
 Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, was created Mafter 
 General in his room. He likewife had 
 the province of Allahabad conferred on 
 him, in addition to the dominions of Owd, 
 which now devolved to him by the death 
 ofBoorhan-Ul-Mulck*. 
 
 The revenues of Owd were Formerly calculated at 
 three crores of rupees and a half, or three millions five 
 hundred thoufand pounds fterling. They are at this 
 day a crore at leaft ihort of that fum. 
 
 N 3 From
 
 i$2- ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 From Sufdur-Jung (of whom more will 
 prefently occur) the Soubahfhip of Owd 
 defcended to Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, at that 
 time about twenty years of age. Ideas of 
 independency had now gone abroad. The 
 Abdalis, the Mahrattahs, and the Seiks, 
 had made fuccefsful incurfions into Hin- 
 doftan. The government of the emperor 
 Mahommed-Shah was deplorably weak. 
 Omrahs in every quarter were feen to erect 
 the ftandard of rebellion with impunity. 
 In a word, the vaft empire of the Moguls 
 was daily fplitting into diitinct and un- 
 connected principalities : and Shujah-Ul- 
 Dowlah was not the lad: to take advantage 
 of the times. 
 
 Jewan-Bukht, a mere youth, and fon 
 to the prefent emperor Shah-Aulum, was 
 at this period raifed to the throne by the 
 Abdalis, who took and plundered Dehli, 
 and placed under the guardianfhip of cer- 
 tain noble Patans. This meafure highly 
 difpleafed Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, and irrita- 
 ted
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA* 183 
 
 tod the Mahrattahs. They therefore re-^ 
 folved on the depofition of the fon, and oa 
 the elevation of the father, the lawful 
 heir to the crown : and the opportunity 
 was propitious, the Abdalis having reti- 
 red to their own country. They dis- 
 agreed, however, on the preparatory mea- 
 sures effential to the project, and it was 
 dropped, 
 
 
 A competition now took place between 
 Nudjif-Cawn (a nobleman, whofe grand- 
 father had been Suddur-Ul-Suddure, or 
 High Priefl f Perfia, in the reign of 
 Shah-Abbas the Great) and Shujah-Ul- 
 D.owlah. They were nearly allied by 
 intermarriages. Nudjif-Cawn had quitted 
 Perfia, on the invitation of Shujah's fa- 
 ther, Sufdur-Jung. He was accufed by 
 Shujah-Ul-Dowlah with having treache- 
 rouflyaffifted Mahomed-Couly-Cawn in his 
 ufurpation of the province of Allahabad., 
 of which he was governor. He was 
 threatened alfo with afTaf filiation, fimilar 
 to that of Mahomed- Ally-Cawn, who had 
 . ., , N 4 recently
 
 J84 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 recently fubmitted, but whofe reward had 
 been death. 
 
 Nudjif-Cawn fled from Shujah-Ul- 
 Dowlah's dominions, and took ihelter 
 with Coffim-Ally-Cawn, in Bengal. He 
 remained with Comm-Ally, until that 
 wretched man was driven from his country. 
 He then took refuge with the Rajah of 
 Bundilcund. Previous to this, Shah-Au- 
 Jum had affumed the title, though he could 
 not be faid to have afcended the throne 
 of his anceftors : and Shujah-Ul-Dowlah 
 had been appointed his Vizier. 
 
 After the battle of Buxar, and the ar- 
 rangement with the Mogul, which we 
 have already mentioned, Shujah-Ul-Dow- 
 lah (who was no longer poflefled of coun- 
 try) determined, with the affiftance of the 
 Mahrattahs, on one more vigorous effort 
 againft the EngliuS, and their new ally 
 the emperor, who was put in poffeffion of 
 Allahabad. But he failed : and with the 
 mortification of knowing that Nudjif- 
 Cawn
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 18$ 
 
 Cawn co-operated with the Engiifh on the, 
 part of the Mogul. 
 
 Shujah, however, was (hortly reinftated 
 by the Engiifh in Owd. Allahabad and 
 Corah were indeed difmembered from his 
 dominions. The King keeping the for- 
 mer, and conferring the Soubahdary of 
 the latter on Nudjif-Cawn. He con- 
 tinued in Owd until the unfortunate 
 Shah-Aulum, in 1770, trufted himfelf to 
 the Mahrattahs, and proceeded with them 
 to Dehli ; where inftead of protection and 
 affiftance, and inftead of being feated, as 
 they had promifed him, on a throne, 
 which, as a fugitive, he had hitherto been 
 precluded from, he experienced every fpe- 
 cies of infult and deceit. 
 
 The fack of Dehli by the Mahrattahs, 
 and their marching directly towards his 
 territories, induced Shujah-Ul-Dowlah to 
 folicit the aid of an Engiifh brigade. 
 The appearance of thefe troops dilperfed 
 fhe Mahrattahs : they retired ; firil having 
 
 releafed
 
 
 i$6 ANALYSIS OF INDIA, 
 
 releafed Nudjif-Cawn, whom the King had 
 been obliged to abandon through neceffity, 
 and whom they had brought with them 
 from Dehli. A reconciliation was now 
 brought about between Shujah-Ul-Dowlah 
 and Nudjif-Cawn ; and the former ap- 
 pointed the latter his reprefentative as 
 Vizier. From this period thefe Princes 
 continued in amity. They aided each 
 other in their views of independency. 
 Nudjif-Cawn in the end acquired, befides 
 the abfolute management of the emperor's 
 revenue and authority, an extent of domi- 
 nion, yielding nearly three crores of rupees 
 annually *. Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, after in- 
 vading the Rohilla dominions, and annex-t 
 ing them, with the afliftance of the Eng- 
 lifh, to his own, died in the prime of life 
 at Fyzabad. 
 
 Aufuph-Ul-Dowlah, the fon and fuc- 
 ceffor of Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, in this im- 
 portant government of Owd, is by no 
 
 * Three millions fterling.. 
 i - * means
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 187 
 
 means equal in ability to his father. He 
 is indolent and unambitious : but he is 
 ungeneroufly treated ; more eafily (hackled 
 than his father, the fetters which have 
 been forged for him by the Englim, are 
 heavy and galling. He is reduced to 
 a cypher in his dominions : even the fha- 
 dow of authority is not left him. What 
 cruelty to one, who had been before fo 
 thoroughly circumfcribed, that nothing 
 could be apprehended from him ! The 
 treatment both of this man and Mahom- 
 med-Ally-Cawn, are inflances of fuch un- 
 juft and impolitic tyranny, that the example 
 may poffibly have a fatal influence on the 
 minds of the other powers of India. The 
 number of Europeans is inconfiderable in 
 the Eaft. The natives are daily acquir- 
 ing confidence ; and begin generally to be 
 jfenfible, that the want of difcipline alone 
 hath hitherto rendered them inferior as 
 foldiers. Let the Englim beware how 
 they aroufe that fpirit of hatred and ani- 
 mofity, which in generating combinations, 
 may eventually draw down deftruction on 
 
 their
 
 i88 ANALYSIS OF INDIA- 
 
 their heads. They have lately had caule 
 for alarm. The die feemed thrown, and 
 an impoverimed exigence, or annihilation, 
 was evidently on the cart:. 
 
 The Soubahdary of Owd, if left to 
 flourifti (with a few retraining checks) 
 under the management of its own Na- 
 bobs, would ferve as a formidable barrier 
 againfl any attempts which might be 
 made by the northern powers of Hindof- 
 tan. The provinces of Bengal ftand in 
 need of fuch a fafeguard : moreover, it 
 would exempt the Englilh (by having 
 troops ftationary in Owd) from what at 
 prefent they cannot very well afford, the 
 enormous expence of diftanj: military ope- 
 rations. 
 
 BOOK
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. i8q 
 
 B O O K VI. 
 
 IN the countries lying between Lahore 
 and Khoraffan feveral independent tribes of 
 Tartars have eftablifhed themfelves, and 
 all under the general denomination of 
 Oughans, or AfTghans. The moil: re- 
 fpectable among them, called Tureen- 
 Oudal, or Abdal, was, between fixty and 
 feventy years ago, ruled by a chief named 
 Achmed-Cawn. The Perlian ufurper, 
 Nadir-Shah, on his return from Hindof- 
 tan, ftripped this chief of his territories, 
 and compelled him to ferve in the Perlian 
 armies as an inferior Sardar. On the 
 murder of Nadir-Shah, Achmed-Cawn 
 made his efcape ; and reaching his own 
 country, once more aflumed the reins of 
 government. During his exile, Achmed- 
 Cawn had acquired a competent degree of 
 knowledge in the art of war ; he had flu- 
 died, likewife, the principles of govern- 
 ment
 
 190 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 ment adopted by Nadir- Shah : thefe he 
 
 refolved to introduce among the Tureen- 
 
 Abdals. The confequence was, he daily 
 
 grew into Strength and consideration ; and 
 
 at laft, overpowering all the neighbouring 
 
 tribes, erected an abfolute ibvereignty, and 
 
 aflumed the title of king. 
 
 * 
 
 The governments of Perfia and Hin- 
 doftan were at this time in the utmoft 
 di (traction. Achmed-Cawn knew it, and 
 feizing the favourable moments, (the uni- 
 verfal propensity of the eafr.) he wrefted 
 from the former all the dominion extend- 
 ing to the city of Herat (the Aria of the 
 ancients) together with Herat itfelf : and 
 from the latter, the four large provinces 
 of Candahar, Cabul, PeiTiore and Cafh- 
 mire. He likewife conquered on the fide 
 of Tartary, as far as the country of Bal- 
 lakh. This fuccefs emboldened him to 
 undertake greater matters. In the perfon 
 of Mahommcd-Shah, the Emperor of 
 Dehli, he faw the letting glory of the 
 houfe of Timur. Thirty years had this 
 
 monarch
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. Kjrc 
 
 monarch reigned, and every year had been 
 marked by the defalcation of fome portion 
 of the empire ; moreover, he now was 
 linking to the grave, and his Omrahs 
 were ftrugglibg for the power of nomina- 
 ting a fuccefl'or. Achmed-Cawn, daring 
 and ambitious, determined on profiting 
 from this defperate fituation of affairs. He 
 quickly aflcmbled an army, and unexpect- 
 edly rufhing upon Lahore, reduced that 
 province to obedience. He then turned 
 towards Dehli ; but here his good fortune 
 failed him. In the diflricl: of Sirhind, he 
 was met by the Imperial army, led by the 
 Vizier Kummur-Ul-Deen-Cawn, but of- 
 tenfibly commanded by the heir apparent 
 of the empire, Achmed-Shah, which gave, 
 him battle. The a&ion was bloody and 
 obflinate. The Imperialifts at length got 
 the day, and forced him to a precipitate 
 retreat. His difcomfiture, however, did 
 not difmay him : he Hill refted in the 
 conviction that the conquefl of Hindoftan 
 was feafibie. ?. ' 
 
 Mahom-
 
 i 9 2 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Mahommed-Shah lived not to hear of 
 the fuccefs of his fon. He died in the 
 year 1747. The parties in competition 
 for the right of Achmed-Shah, who fuc- 
 ceeded him, were the Tartars, who had 
 been headed by the Vizier Kummer-Ul- 
 Deen, who was himfelf a Tartar ; and 
 the Perfians, who in rank and condition 
 were nothing inferior to the Tartars. Un- 
 fortunately, the Vizier had fallen in the 
 battle of Sirhind. This threw a prepon- 
 derating weight into the fcale of the Per- 
 fians. But that which effectually confoli- 
 dated their power, and rendered them ir- 
 refiftible, was the exaltation of the Per- 
 fian Sufdur-Jung, father of Shujah-Ul- 
 Dowlah, to the Vizierfhip. This appa- 
 rently threatened the final deftru&ion of 
 the Tartar influence ; but the Omrahs of 
 this nation were ftill formidable. 
 
 Ghazee-Ul-Deen-Cawn, the grandfon 
 of the late Vizier, a youth of fuperiour 
 abilities and intrepidity of fpirit, now 
 took the lead in the Tartar deliberations* 
 
 Their
 
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 193 
 
 Their refolutions became defperate. At 
 length open conteft fucceeded to private 
 intrigue, and the ftreets of Dehli were 
 feen to run with the choiceft blood of the 
 empire. In this horrible confuiion, when 
 internal diforder had effectually banifhed 
 all loyal and patriotic co-operations for 
 general defence, Achmed-Cawn again 
 ftarted from his capital of HurTaa-Abdal, 
 and penetrated without oppofition almoft 
 to the gates of Dehli. The rapidity of 
 his march aftonifhed the minifters of the 
 Mogul : but their attention was engaged 
 by more important concerns ; their caufe 
 perceptibly loft ground ; and a decirive 
 action, at laft brought about by the ad- 
 drefs of Ghazee-Ul-Deen-Cawn, finally 
 overthrew it. Sufder-Jung and the Per- 
 sians were worfted. Sufder-Jung fled to 
 his foubadary of Owd, where he fhortly 
 afterwards died. 
 
 The Emperor was depofed, and his fbn 
 
 placed in his room, on the throne of the 
 
 Moguls. Previous to this, however, a 
 
 O letter
 
 i 9 4 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 letter had been written by Achmed-Cawn 
 to Ghazee-Ul-Deen-Cawn, proffering him 
 the affiftance of his troops againft the Per- 
 nans. Ghazee-Ul-Deen-Cawn allowed 
 himfelf to be deceived. The offer was 
 accepted, and Achmet-Cawn, continuing 
 his route without moleftation, was under 
 the feal of friendship admitted into Dehli. 
 This fatal miftake brought on univerfal 
 calamity. Achmed-Cawn, unmindful of 
 his word, and regardlefs of good faith, 
 mercilefsly facked and plundered the city ; 
 ftripped the imperial treafury of all its 
 money and jewels ; dishonoured the facred 
 apartments of the Haram, and carried off 
 two of the princefTes of the race of Ti- 
 mur, one of whom he efpoufed himfelf, 
 and the other he married to his eldeft 
 fon. 
 
 With this great acquilition Achmed- 
 Cawn returned to Herat : but he flill 
 continued reftlefs. In two other vilits to 
 Hindoftan he again fpread fire and defla- 
 tion through that unhappy country. He 
 
 died
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 19S 
 
 died about twenty years ago, leaving a 
 very compact and flourifhing, though ex- 
 tensive dominion to his eldeft fon, Timur- 
 Shaw, who now reigns over it. The father 
 and fon have both been known to Euro- 
 peans by the common defignations of their 
 tribes, Abdali and Dourani. 
 
 The government of the AfFghans under 
 Timur-Shaw is perfectly foedal. The 
 country is divided into diftriclis, which 
 are feverally ruled by a difHncl: chief, ab- 
 folute in authority, and independent of 
 the lord paramount Timur-Shaw, except- 
 ing fome cafes, in which, by certain te- 
 nures, military aids are eftablifhed. The 
 revenues of Timur are confiderable. He 
 never reduces his army to lefs than thirty 
 thoufand, and then he is careful always 
 to have them either of Perfian or Tartar 
 birth. Befides this flanding force, all 
 compofed of cavalry, and which he cloaths 
 and pays regularly, he can, whenever he 
 refolves on any foreign expedition, call 
 upon his chiefs for their affiflance ; and 
 O 2 fuch
 
 196 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 fuch afliitance, it is averred, amounts to 
 upwards of two hundred thoufand men. 
 Every man provides his own horfe and 
 arms. The country is populous, the cli- 
 mate good, and the natives remarkably 
 hardy and robuft. 
 
 Notwithftanding the formidable power 
 and great refources of Timur-Shaw, mat- 
 ters have been kept tolerably quiet in that 
 quarter of the Eaft fince the time of his 
 acceffion to the throne, and that from the 
 intervention of various caufes. His fitua- 
 tion with refpedt to Perfia (from whofe 
 dominion his father difmembered Herat, 
 and which for fome years flourifhed under 
 the aclive administration of Curreen- 
 Cawn) and the alarming growth of the 
 *Seiks, are probably the greateft weight 
 with him. 
 
 The alarm has, however, more than 
 once been fpread, that Timur-Shaw had 
 advanced to the banks of the river Attock, 
 with a view of penetrating into Hindof- 
 
 tan ;
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. I9 y 
 
 taa ; nor has the report been always 
 without foundation. He has indifputably 
 meditated it at different times, and on 
 the plaufible grounds of fecuring to the 
 wretched defcendant of Tamerlane (to 
 whofe family, as we have already feen, 
 he is allied by marriage) more refpecl: 
 and fupport from his afpiring Omrahs, or 
 at once to re-eftablifh him in the full 
 pofTefTion of all his rightful authority. 
 Thefe have been the reafons publicly af- 
 figned. But however well inclined Ti- 
 mur-Shaw may have been to have em- 
 barked in fuch an enterprize, his own cir- 
 cumftances fince the death of his father 
 have been too unfavourable to admit of 
 it. Till very lately he has had much to 
 flruggle with : chieftains in alarming di- 
 vifions amongft themfelves; a considerable 
 part of his fubjects difaffe&ed, and a bro- 
 ther in open rebellion. 
 
 Thus fituated, it is evident that Timur 
 
 could not either with prudence or with 
 
 fafety have ventured on an undertaking, 
 
 O 3 the
 
 i 9 8 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 the iffue of which would have been at 
 heft but problematical : moreover, he was 
 certain of a determined oppofition from 
 the Seiks of Punjaub and Lahore, through 
 whofe dominions he was neceflarily to 
 pafs ; an oppofition which his father, as 
 he well knew, though potTefl'cd of more 
 power than himfelf, had with difficulty 
 furmounted, nay, to which he was, in 
 more than one inftance, obliged to give 
 way. 
 
 But though neither the means nor the 
 political fituation of affairs have hitherto 
 been favourable to Timur-Shaw, it yet 
 cannot be denied, but that an invafion of 
 Hindoftan is at this period more practica- 
 ble with him than it has been at any one 
 time fince his acceffion to the govern- 
 ment. The internal diforders of his own 
 kingdom have entirely fubfided. His 
 ambitious brother, Secundar-Shavv, has 
 become a vagrant fugitive, and the faction 
 which fupport?d him has been annihi- 
 lated. The change in the affairs of Dehli, 
 
 occa-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 199 
 
 occafioned by the death of Nudjif-Cawn, 
 the captain-general of the Mogul armies, 
 and the aflaffination of his kinfman and 
 fucceflbr, Mahommed-Shuffei-Beig, have 
 alfo been particularly favourable to foreign 
 interpolation : befides which, fuch divifions 
 have crept in among the Seiks, as muft 
 greatly facilitate a progrefs through their 
 territories. In a word, the fon of Ab- 
 dali, mould he ever engage in fuch an 
 enterprize, may acquire an influence in 
 the political fcale of Hindoftan, which it 
 might at this day be deemed fomewhat 
 viiionary to fuggefL 
 
 Hindoftan was vilited {even different 
 times by the Dourani-Achmed-Shaw. 
 Firft, with Nadir-Shaw, in the year of 
 Chrifr. 1737 ; fecond, in 1746, when he 
 took Lahore, and facked Sirhind ; third, 
 in 1749, when he fettled, in imitation of 
 Nadir- Shaw, certain tributes to be paid 
 him by the Mogul government for the 
 provinces of Guzurat, Sealkoat, Aurun- 
 gabad and Purfuroar ; fourth, in the year 
 O 4 175 1 *
 
 ioo ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 1 75 1, when he defeated the Imperial ge- 
 neral, and afterwards' appointed him his 
 deputy in Lahore ; fifth, in i 75 6, when, 
 in revenge for the expulfion of his gover- 
 nor of Lahore, he entered and plundered 
 Dehli, and advanced to the eaftward even 
 as far as Agra ; fixth, in 1759, when his 
 fon, Timur-Shaw, oppofed the Seiks, Mali- 
 rattahs, and Adinah-Beig-Cawn, a revolted 
 governor of Lahore, and when he himfelf 
 the year afterwards gained the decifive 
 victory of Panniput ; feventh, in 1761, 
 when the Seiks, who by this time had 
 grown into fome flrength, taking advan- 
 tage of his abfence, had attacked and kil- 
 led his Viceroy in Lahore, and had pof- 
 fefled themfelves of that city and its de- 
 pendencies, which they erected into a fo- 
 vereignty, but which he afterwards difpof- 
 fefled them of. 
 
 We have mentioned the Seiks. They 
 are a powerful and an extraordinary peo- 
 ple : until very lately, however, they 
 have been quite unknown to the Euro- 
 peans ;
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 201 
 
 peans : the caufe of this mall be explain- 
 ed hereafter. The Seiks were originally 
 of the tribe of Hindoos, called Jates. 
 They are now compofed of all cafts. They 
 admit profelytes from all religions ; and 
 even allow them to retain a belief of their 
 former perfuafions, and to perform their 
 feveral rites, provided they comply with 
 the external duties of a Seik, which are 
 but few and iimple. They never, it is 
 triie, heartily adopt a Muffulman. A dif- 
 ciple of the Koran, though in every re- 
 fpect a Seik, they diftinguifli by the name 
 of Nemazi-Singh, which denotes him to 
 be a renegade Mahommedan. 
 
 The Seiks have a cuftom peculiar to 
 themfelves, and diffimilar to the principles 
 and practice of every other people of the 
 Eaft. They fuffer the hair to grow on 
 every part of the body without cutting or 
 (having* Towards the clofe of Aurung- 
 zebe's reign, they were obliged, indeed, 
 in order to conceal themfelves from perfe* 
 cution, to cut off their hair. Their foun- 
 der,
 
 202 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 der, as a diftinguihYmg mark, eftablifhed 
 this cuftom. The Seiks have a high no- 
 tion of the equality of mankind. 1 hey 
 carry this fo far, that the lowed ami 
 them pay no fort of refpect to the hi] c-fh 
 They never rife to falute each of: 
 bend the head. They believe in a God, 
 but have an implicit faith in their high 
 prieft, or Gooiu. In the infancy of their 
 fociety, they were celebrated, and are flill 
 faid to be remarkable for benevolence and 
 attention to travellers and ftranffers. A 
 
 o 
 
 ftranger and a relation they confider as one 
 and the fame. 
 
 Being compofed of all feels, though 
 their origin was in fanaticifm, they can- 
 not with propriety be faid to have any 
 particular characteriflic. Their manners 
 are plain and fimple : moderate in their 
 living and drefs, and honed: in their deal- 
 ings. Their cities and principal towns 
 abound with Mahommedan artificers and 
 tradefmen, who are moil: liberally encou- 
 raged. They countenance and protect all 
 
 foreign
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 20* 
 
 foreign merchants. The ryots and far- 
 mers are affefled with moderation : not a 
 moiety fo much as they are hy Europeans, 
 Mohammedans and Hindoos. Their go- 
 vernment is mod lenient. Even many 
 Aftghan families have hereditary eftates in 
 their dominions, which they allow them 
 quietly to poflefs. Their wars have, how- 
 ever, it muft be confeffed, fhewn them in 
 a different point of view. They have 
 plundered, oppreffed, and been guilty of 
 every enormity. 
 
 The Seiks firft began to eftablifh them- 
 felves in the provinces of Punjaub, Moul- 
 tan, Lahore, and the countries adjacent 
 to Lahore, in the reign of Shaw-Jehan. 
 Their numbers at that period were very 
 inconfiderable. About the year of the 
 Higeira 1123, or of Chrift 1713, they 
 firft made a hoftile appearance under their 
 leader Nanick-Shaw, in Punjaub. They 
 defeated the Phoujdar of Sirhind ; but were 
 afterwards repulfed by the Mogul, and 
 driven from that province. The firft 
 
 chief
 
 x>4 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 chief of the family of Nanick-Shaw was 
 called Nanick, or Gooru, which in the 
 Seik language iignines Divine Pfefence. 
 He was born in the 88oth year of the 
 Higeira, in the reign of Sultan Bhaloul, 
 of the tribe of Loudy. The government 
 continued in fiicceflion to his descendants 
 till the time of Allum-Gheer, when the 
 reigning Gooru, Gobind-Sing, accompa- 
 nying that monarch on his march to the 
 Decan, died. It then became extinct ; 
 nor has any fingle perfon held it fince. 
 
 Aurungzebe, whofe cruelty was equal 
 to his difiimulation and hypocrify, per- 
 fecuted the Seiks. Feigning to be alarm- 
 ed, he let loofe the zealous and enthu- 
 iiaftic minifters of his vengeance agaiuft 
 them. They fill in all parts. Their 
 Gooru was treacheroufly circumvented, 
 taken and hanged. No end appeared to 
 their fufferings. They at laft refolved on 
 the meafure of cutting off their hair, and 
 of that way concealing themfelves till the 
 moment mould arrive for retaliation and 
 
 revenge.
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 20- 
 
 revenge. Bahadur-Shaw trod in the fteps 
 of his father. He murdered the Seiks 
 wherever they were to be found. Nor 
 could he prevail upon them to abjure 
 their principles, and profefs Mohamme- 
 danifm, though that alternative was offered 
 to them. Magnanimity and fortitude 
 grew, as intolerance increafed. Perfecuted 
 and fcattered though they were, they all 
 had an attraction to one common center ; 
 and to that center they were certain to 
 return when a cefiation of difficulties 
 ihould take place. 
 
 At length being freed from the Mo- 
 hammedan yoke, the Seiks affembled 
 from their lurking places, and formed 
 themfelves into a new community. They 
 adopted no regular lyftem of government. 
 The richer fort affumed the title of Ra- 
 jah, and annexed to it a full and fovereign 
 authority, independent of each other. The 
 next in consideration called themfelves 
 Sardars, and eftablifhed an equal (hare of 
 independency, both of each other and of 
 
 the
 
 206 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 the Rajahs. They formed a foederal af- 
 fociation, not a commonwealth, as it hath 
 been erroneoufly denominated. They 
 erected, as it were, diiHnct principalities ; 
 to act together in concert, only when a 
 common enterprize mould be in queftion. 
 Their leaders were then to affemble in 
 congrefs, on a perfect equality, and each 
 to rear his ftandard in the general caufe. 
 
 From fmall beginnings, like the Mah- 
 rattahs, the Seiks have rifen to fuch an 
 alarming degree of confequence, that they 
 now poffefs an extent of dominion, com- 
 puted at eight hundred miles in length, 
 and four hundred miles in breadth ; its 
 capital Lahore. Their general army, en- 
 tirely compofed of cavalry, is fuppofed to 
 exceed an hundred thoufand fighting men, 
 armed with fwords, pikes, bows and ar- 
 rows. An inftance of their power may 
 be gathered from the ftrength of one of 
 their Rajahs, Cheefla-Sing, who can bring 
 into the field a body of thirty thoufand of 
 his own immediate adherents. 
 
 4 As
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 207 
 
 As the Mahrattahs fall (and that they 
 are on the wane feems to be indifputable) 
 the Seiks muff rife. With a horfe and ac- 
 coutrements every adventurer may find an 
 afylum with the Seiks. They have no 
 prejudices or diflikes. Their body, like 
 a vaft ocean, receiving fupplies from every 
 poffible direction, muft rapidly fwell and 
 encroach on every thing that is near it. 
 
 The influence and almofr, irrefiftible 
 force of the Seiks have for fome years pad 
 alarmed the powers of Hindoftan. Ach- 
 med-Cawn, indeed, the father of Timur- 
 Shaw, on his return from the laft in- 
 vafion of Dehli, took from the Seiks their 
 capital of Lahore : but they afterwards 
 retook it, and in a pitched battle, with 
 him totally routed his army, which Was 
 compofed of upwards of an hundred thou- 
 fand Mongul Tartars, Kalmucks and Per- 
 fians ; neither could he in two feveral at- 
 tempts which he afterwards made, wipe 
 away the difgrace. The river Attock 
 they rendered impaflable; Timur-Shaw 
 
 has
 
 3o8 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 has likewife met with the fame bad for- 
 tune, and that even more frequently than 
 his father. 
 
 It is not, therefore, rifquing too much 
 to fay, that the Seiks are a power which 
 fhould be carefully watched by the Eng- 
 lifh. They certainly are of great confe- 
 quence in the political fcale of India. 
 Large bodies of them annually quit 
 their homes, and advance to the frontiers 
 of the Owd dominions ; befides others, 
 who, though not exclusively of the com- 
 munity, are yet in every refpeet Seiks, 
 Gujput-Singh, Ummar-Singh, and the 
 chiefs who poffefs the diftricts of Kur- 
 naul, ThannaifTer, Puttialah, &c. are of 
 this number. They are abfolutely Seiks, 
 although they have little intercourfe with 
 the more diflant leaders of Punjaub and 
 Lahore. 
 
 Thefe chiefs originally belonged to one 
 or other of the inferior tribes of Hindoos ; 
 but having erected their Zemindaries into 
 
 inde-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 20 j 
 
 independencies, they found it politically 
 convenient to adopt the manners, and af- 
 fume the name of their northern neigh- 
 bours : but neither the character nor the 
 power of the latter mould be eftimated 
 from the figure or appearance of the chiefs 
 who refide in the neighbourhood of Pan- 
 niput and LeharinpoOr. For though their 
 ftrength has of late been fufficient to fur- 
 nifh confiderable employment to Nudjif- 
 Cawn and his fucceflbrs ; to lay Zabtah- 
 Cawn, whofe country is fituated between 
 the Ganges and the Jumna, under heavy 
 contributions, and to moleil: even the fu- 
 burbs of Dehli ; yet they are neither to 
 be compared with the genuine Seiks for 
 political importance, nor regarded on ac- 
 count of their inftitutions, in the fame im- 
 portant view. 
 
 They claim an attention^ however^ be- 
 caufe they have frequently committed ra- 
 vages in different parts of the territories 
 of our ally of Owd, the Vizier Aufuph- 
 Ul-Dowlah, and excited claims among 
 P the
 
 2io ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 the Zemindars on the north-weft borders, 
 which have considerably affected his reve- 
 nues. Two years are not elapfed, fince 
 they laid the city of Anoapihir (which 
 is fituated on the weftern banks of the 
 Ganges) under contribution. They have 
 even made many predatory incuriions into 
 the Upper Rohilcund, in defiance of de- 
 tachments from the Englifli military fta- 
 tions in Owd, and that of Darnagur in 
 Rohilcund itfelf. In a word, the Seiks 
 and their relatives, have every appearance 
 of being one day or other a very formi- 
 dable power in Hindoftan. 
 
 We now come to the Rohillas, whofe 
 power, though considerably on the decline, 
 is by no means annihilated, and may pofli- 
 blv be revived under a future leader, who 
 fhall be more active and enterprifing, than 
 either of the reigning chiefs of that tribe. 
 A general fketch of their hiftory, there- 
 fore, cannot, we hope, be unacceptable to 
 the reader ; efpecially, as at one period 
 they bore no unimportant part in the af- 
 fairs
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. ait 
 
 fairs of Hindoftan. It will likewife dif- 
 fufe a light over the tranfactions of other 
 ftates, hereafter to be confidered. 
 
 The Rohillas are originally from a pro- 
 vince of ArTghaniftan, called Roh. In 
 the reign of the emperor Humaioon, a 
 certain adventurer, of the AfFghan tribe, 
 grew into great confideration at the court 
 of Dehli. Humaioon conferred honours 
 and riches on him with a moil lavifh 
 hand. He elected him his chief favou- 
 rite ; and almoft divided with him the 
 vaft. authority of the Houfe of Timur. 
 The confequence was, that the fubject 
 became too powerful for the fovereign. 
 Gratitude funk as ambition opened in fe- 
 ductive profpecl. The refult was open 
 rebellion. Shere Shah (for fuch was his 
 name) marched againft. his matter and be- 
 nefactor ; gave him battle at Lucknow, 
 defeated and expelled him from Hin- 
 doftan. He did not, however, enjoy his 
 victory long. He died at Dehli, and 
 1 P 2 Humaioon
 
 212 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Humaioon returning, reafcended the throne 
 of his anceftors. 
 
 Allured by the fuccefs of Shere Shah, 
 a large body of the tribe of AfFghans or 
 Patans (who are at prefent a branch of 
 Mohammedans) iflued about this time 
 from the northern mountains, and fixed 
 their refidence in Berelli, Moradabad, Sum- 
 bul, Budaow, and the parts adjacent, 
 known by the general name of Kuttaihr. 
 Of this body was Daood-Cawn, of the 
 tribe of Rohillas, who is generally con- 
 fidered as the founder of the government, 
 known under that name in Hindoftan. 
 
 This man, eminently ponefled of that 
 bravery, and fpirit of enterprife, which 
 marked the national character of an AfF- 
 ghan, foon raifed himfelf to confequence. 
 The numbers who followed ,nis flandard 
 enabled him to pufh his conquefts farther 
 than any of thofe adventurers who preceded 
 him. His arms were every where victo- 
 rious. He aimed at a great extent of 
 
 dominion,
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. . 213 
 
 dominion, and probably would have ac- 
 quired it, had he not been treacheroufly 
 put to death by the Rajah of Cumaoon *, 
 who became jealous of his increafing in- 
 fluence. Daood - Cawn left two fons, 
 Mohammed-Cawn, and Ali-Mohammed- 
 Cawn : the latter, indeed an adopted one, 
 Ali being the fon of an Hindoo Zemin- 
 dar, whom Daood had fubjugated -f-. The 
 adherents of Daood attached themfelves to 
 the interefts of Ali- Mohammed. 
 
 Ali-Mohammed educated with care, and 
 naturally poffefling thofe captivating qua- 
 lifications in a military character, intrepi- 
 dity, munificence, and candour, fpeedily 
 eftablifhed the authority to which he had 
 
 * Cumaoon is the name of a mountainous diftridl:, 
 bordering the north-eaft part of Kutaihr. The Rajah 
 of Cumaoon was heretofore a Prince of high eftima- 
 tion. The Ganges and the Jumna are fuppofed, by 
 eaftern geographers, to take their rife in his domi- 
 nions. 
 
 f Colonel Dowe erroneoufly calls Ali-Mohammed 
 a foldier of fortune, and traces him to the mountains 
 of Cabuliftan. 
 
 P 3 been
 
 214 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 been called. The foundation laid by 
 Daood, for a general fupremacy, was fo- 
 lid. Ali had nothing but the fuper- 
 ftructure to rear, and that he accomplished. 
 The leaders of Kutaihr fubmitted tp his 
 fway. 
 
 The Mogul empire being at this time 
 in great diffraction, and party feuds raging 
 at Dehli, Ali-Mohammed refolved upon a 
 decided interference between the Vizier 
 and his opponent Omrahs. But a fubjec~l 
 more worthy of his genius prefented itfelf. 
 The emperor was involved in difficulties, 
 from a formidable party of Sirjeds, who 
 were rebellioufly in arms. He applied to 
 Ali-Mohammed : Ali immediately took 
 the field, and joining the Imperial troops, 
 unexpectedly fell upon the Sirjeds. The 
 contefr. was bloody, but Ali acquired the 
 day, having {lain the leader of the infurgents 
 with his own hands. He then repaired 
 to Dehli, and together with a considerable 
 extent of country, had the dignities of 
 
 Nabob
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA, 215 
 
 Nabob and Omrah conferred on him by 
 the Mogul. 
 
 Ali-Mohammed now fixed his refidence 
 at the city of Owlah. But envy at the 
 royal favours thus juftly heaped on him, 
 called forth powerful enemies ; among 
 the reft, the Rajah Hurranund, governor 
 of Moradabad. This Rajah, under fome 
 frivolous pretext, collected an army, and 
 proceeded againft him. Ali ftrove to de- 
 precate his wrath. No intreaties, no fub- 
 mimons could foften the implacable Hin- 
 doo. He rejected Ali's propolitions with 
 indignation and fcorn. Ali, driven to 
 extremity, was compelled to fight. He 
 haflily aflembled his troops, gave the Ra- 
 jah battle, and totally difcomfited him. 
 
 Enraged at the defeat of the governor 
 of Moradabad, the Vizier, who had fe- 
 cretly fpurred him on to hoftilities againft 
 Ali, loft no time in drawing together a 
 considerable army, which placing under 
 the command of his fon, he ordered to pro- 
 P 4 ceed
 
 
 x 16 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 ceed moil vigoroufly again ft the Affghans, 
 Ali-Mohammed potted himfelf at Darana- 
 gur. There the Imperialifts found him. 
 Averfe from fo ferious and unprofitable a 
 contefr, Ali-Mohammed, with a promp- 
 titude and a brilliancy of character pecu- 
 liar to himfelf, refolved at once upon a 
 meafure, which he hoped would prevent 
 the unneceflary effufion of blood. He 
 ventured with a fmall guard to prefent 
 himfelf before the Vizier's fon, and boldly 
 to aflert his innocence. The plan had its 
 defired erTecl:. Meir-Munoo, the Imperial 
 general, ftruck with admiration at the 
 conduct of Ali-Mohammed, received him 
 with courtefy and kindnefs. Pie entered 
 into terms vyith him ; and even as a rati- 
 fication of perfonal friendmip, agreed upon 
 a marriage between his younger brother 
 and the daughter of Ali. Both armies 
 then drew off; that of the Mogul marched 
 to Dehii ; that of Ali-Mohammed to his 
 capital of Owlah. 
 
 Aii,
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 217 
 
 Ali, by his alliance with the Vizier, 
 apprehending no farther difturbance from 
 the machinations of the court, and having 
 a fteady body of troops, took the refolu- 
 tion of puniming the Rajah of Cumaoon, 
 for the murder of his father Daood. To 
 Cum&oon he accordingly marched, and 
 there moft amply revenged the wrongs of 
 his benefactor. The Rajah fubmitted 
 himfelf to the invader, and even agreed to 
 govern his own hereditary dominion as 
 his Foujdar or deputy. He even acqui- 
 efced in the mortifying condition of fur- 
 rendering the mofl beautiful and valuable 
 diftricls of Cumaoon, to the adherents 
 and followers of the Patau. 
 
 Ali-Mohammed had not been long re- 
 turned to Owlah, when he received intel- 
 ligence of a difturbance between the new 
 fettlers in Cumaoon, and certain of the 
 houfehold of Sufder-Jung, who were on 
 their way to Dehli ; and whofe lord was 
 then in the higheft influence and credit 
 with the emperor. He heard likewife of 
 
 the
 
 2 i8 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 the vengeance denounced againfr, him by 
 the Perfian : and here commences the 
 quarrel between the Rohillas and the Na- 
 bobs of Owd. 
 
 Sufder-Jung, Irritated by the indigni- 
 ties offered to his people, complained to 
 the emperor of the infult, and demanded 
 the exemplary punifhment of Ali-Moham- 
 med. The Vizier, or acting minifter, 
 expreffed himfelf anxious to fee him grati- 
 fied with ample fatisfacYion : but he fe- 
 cretly efpoufed the caufe of Ali-Moham- 
 med. Sufder-Jung, however, aflembled 
 a confiderable army, and proceeded to- 
 wards Owlah. The Rajahputes, Jates, and 
 Bundaillais (m.,re of whom in the fequel) 
 joined him on the march ; as did the Sou- 
 balular of Furrokhabad, and divers power- 
 ful chiefs. Even the emperor accompa- 
 nied him in the expedition. 
 
 The Rohilla, deferted by all, except- 
 ing his Affghans, who were determined 
 to fupport him, or perifh in his defence, 
 4 {hut
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 219 
 
 (hut himfelf up in the fort of Bunghur, 
 which is iituated between Owlah and Bu- 
 daoon. Here he was inverted by Sufder- 
 Jung, and reduced to the lafl extremities : 
 but the Vizier was refolved he mould not 
 fall. He folicited his pardon from the 
 emperor. The emperor in veneration of 
 the high character and abilities of Ali, 
 granted it. The liege was then raifed, in 
 oppofition to Sufder-Jung, who implored 
 the extirpation of the whole race ; and the 
 Imperial forces (under the exprefs flipula- 
 tion of Ali-Mohammed's fubmitting him- 
 felf unconditionally to the royal authority) 
 were remanded to their refpeclive ftations. 
 Ali-Mohammed was carried prifoner to 
 Dehli. 
 
 The government of Budaoon and Ow- 
 lah, though now wrefted from Ali-Mo- 
 hammed, was flill, through the Vizier's 
 means, continued in the Afrghans. Suf- 
 der-Jung, inwardly diffatisried at this pre- 
 dilection, was yet forced to appear chear- 
 fully acquiefcent. Neither was it con- 
 venient
 
 220 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 venient for him to murmur, although his 
 folicitation, that the priforier mould be 
 confided to his charge, was treated with 
 inattention. In this ftate of affairs, the 
 court of Dehli received fecret information, 
 that the Rohillas were about to rife. Or- 
 ders were ifltied, that they mould, on no 
 consideration, be allowed to crofs the 
 Jumna or Ganges. But it was too late. 
 Five thoufand of the mofb determined, in 
 different difguifes, had collected them- 
 felves, and unexpectedly falling upon the 
 guards of Ali- Mohammed, at Chaur- 
 Naugh, where he was confined, effected 
 his releafe, after a captivity of two 
 
 vears. 
 j 
 
 The enlargement of Ali-Mohammed 
 again roufed the rage and inveterate ma- 
 lice of Sufder-Jung. He counfelled his 
 fovereign to grant them neither counte- 
 nance nor mercy : but the Vizier frill 
 kept the line of moderation. He recom- 
 mended the preferable and lefs fanguinary 
 meafure, of removing them to a more dif- 
 i tant
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 221 
 
 tant quarter of the Mogul dominions. 
 The emperor liftened to the Vizier. Sir- 
 hind was fixed on as their place of refi- 
 dence, and Ali-Mohammed (the Vizier 
 becoming fecurity for his future good be- 
 haviour) was appointed their governor. 
 
 At this time Ali-Mohammed had fix 
 fons, Abdoolah-Cawn, Fyzoolah-Cawn *, 
 Sadoula-Cawn, Mohammed -Yar-Cawn, 
 Alleyar-Cawn, and Murtuza-Cawn. The 
 two eldefl he left as hoflages with the 
 Vizier. 
 
 In his government of Sirhind, Ali- 
 Mohammed gave much fatisfaction : but 
 the tranquillity of Sirhind, and of all 
 Hindoftan, was at once interrupted by 
 the invafion of the Dourani Achmed- 
 Shaw, who was already advanced as far as 
 Lahore. The Shahzaddah, with a nume- 
 rous army, immediately took the field to 
 
 * Fyzoolah Cawn, the prefent Rohilla chief of Ram- 
 poor, with whom Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, under the gua- 
 rantee of the Englifh, concluded the treaty of Loll r 
 Dong in the year 1774. 
 
 oppofe
 
 222 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 oppoie him. The Vizier ferved under the 
 Shahzaddah, as fecond in command. 
 
 The opportunity was now propitious 
 to Ali-Mohammed. He feized it with 
 eagernefs ; and with a celerity and priva- 
 cy almoft incredible ; flying, as it were, 
 to regain his former capital of Owlah, 
 he crofled the Jumna and the Ganges ; 
 polieffed himfelf of all the territory eaft- 
 ward of thofe rivers, from Duranagur 
 to Shahjahanpour, including Moradabad, 
 Sumbul, Ouroal and Berelli, which places 
 were held in jaghire by the Vizier, Suf- 
 der-Jung, by Feroz-Jung, Zolfkar, and 
 others the mod considerable officers of the 
 empire ; and without any ferious refinance 
 at laft arrived at Owlah. 
 
 The Emperor, plunged in difficulties 
 of an alarming nature by the Dourani, 
 was reduced to the neceffity of remaining 
 quiet under this indignity. The Doura- 
 ni, it is true, had been defeated by the 
 Shahzaddah at Sirhind : but the victory 
 
 had
 
 ; * 
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 223 
 
 had been dear to the empire ; the Vizier 
 was killed, and the Mogul troops fb 
 greatly reduced, that Achmed-Shaw had 
 been enabled to plunder the city of Sir- 
 hind, (whence he took the eldeft fbn's of 
 Ali-Mohammed) and to retreat at leifure 
 to Herat. 
 
 Ali was now in poffeffion of Morada- 
 bad, the jaghire of the late Vizier ; of 
 Berelli, that of Nizam-Ul-Mulc ; and of 
 Dhampoor, Sheerkoat, Nudeenah, and 
 other places, the property of Sufder-Jung. 
 His conduct on thefe acquifitions was fuch 
 as might be expected. He turned out the 
 governors and magiitrates, and obliged 
 them (though at the fame time confer- 
 ring upon them confiderable prefents) to 
 crofs the Ganges. He then appointed 
 others in their room, and eftablimed a 
 fyftem of government both prudent and 
 politic. He next proceeded to the fubju- 
 gation of the refractory Zemindars of 
 Kuttaihr, and thole on the fkirts of the 
 hills, who were chiefly Rajahputes ; and 
 
 having
 
 TX 
 
 XiSr ANALYSIS OF INDIA, 
 
 having annexed their territories likewife 
 to thofe he had already acquired, he drove 
 the unfortunate chiefs to the northward 
 of the Ganges ; he treated their fubje&s, 
 however, with lenity and indulgence. 
 
 Sufder-Jung and the Omrahs already 
 mentioned, were under the political necef- 
 iity of bearing patiently the lofs of their 
 reipecYive jaghires. They even found it 
 expedient to affect an entire fatisfaction at 
 the proceedings of the Rohilla, and fe- 
 verally to aflure him of their friendihip. 
 But the period of Ali-Mohammed's ca- 
 reer was now drawing to a clofe. In the 
 height of this confequence and confidera- 
 tion, he was fuddenly feized with a difeafe, 
 which put an end to his glory and exif- 
 tence in the third year of the reign of 
 Achmed-Shaw. 
 
 Ali- Mohammed, who to his laft mo- 
 ment poffefled liberality and magnificence 
 of fpirit, refolved not to quit the world 
 with lefs eclat than he had uaiverfally ac- 
 quired
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 22; 
 
 quired in his progrefs through life. Ac- 
 cordingly, affembling his troops, he had 
 himfelf borne in a litter before them, and 
 then taking an affectionate leave, directed 
 the full payment of their arrears. He 
 next ordered a largefs of five and twenty 
 lacks of rupees to the immediate adherents 
 of his family ; and finally concluded the 
 melancholy fcene, by imploring the con- 
 tinuance of their attachment to his chil- 
 dren, and by fettling the government for 
 the time being (as his two eldeftfons were 
 then in captivity) in the third, the young 
 Sadoulah-Cawn, but under the guidance of 
 a regency, at the head of which he placed 
 Hafiz-Rhamet *. 
 
 On the death of Ali-Mohammed, the 
 court of Dehli conceived that all farther 
 efforts to efrablifh independence would ceale 
 on the part of the Rohillas, and they in con- 
 fequence appointed a fucceflbr to him in the 
 
 * Hafiz-Rhamet, the principal chief of the Rohillas, 
 when Rohilcund was invaded and fubdued by the Eng- 
 lish and Shujah-Ul-Dowlah in 1774. 
 
 Q^ govern-
 
 TT 
 
 226 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 government of Moradabad : but they were 
 wrong in the conclufion ; the Rohillas 
 adhered pertinacioufly to the family of 
 Ali - Mohammed. They attacked the 
 new-appointed governor, on his attempt- 
 ing to poflefs himfelf of the Foujdary 
 by force, and flew him and the fol- 
 lowers to a man. They defeated, like- 
 wife, in a pitched and defperate engage- 
 ment, a more formidable body of Patans, 
 led on by Kaiem-Jung-Bungufh, the Pa- 
 tan chief of Furrokhabad, and killed him, 
 together with at leaft a moiety of his 
 troops, and almoft the whole of his prin- 
 cipal Sardars. 
 
 Their fpoil in this action was confider- 
 able. The horfes and elephants of the 
 enemy, with all the military cherts, fell 
 into their hands. Nor was the adminif- 
 tration of Delhi difpleafed at their iuccefs ; 
 and though Sufder-Jung, the Vizier, de- 
 tefted the Rohillas, he was ftili more 
 exafpe rated againft Kaiem-Jung-Bungufh 
 and his Patans : {o much fo, indeed, that 
 
 he
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 227 
 
 he loft not a moment in repairing to Fur- 
 rokhabad, where he plundered in the Em- 
 peror's name with a hand of mercilefs 
 avidity, and even dragged away to con- 
 finement the mother and brothers, except- 
 ing one who efcaped, of Kaiem-Jung ; 
 imprifoning the former at Allahabad, and 
 the latter in his capital of Owd. 
 
 But the Rohillas were not to continue 
 in this fyftem of politics. The depref- 
 fion of the foes of Sufder-Jung conduced 
 too much to the elevation of that ambi- 
 tious Omrah, who feemed foaring to a 
 dangerous pitch of authority. They were 
 aware of the hatred he bore them. Their 
 extirpation was, they were certain, his 
 moil: favourite objecl. They accordingly 
 liftened to proportions from the Patans. 
 Achmed-Cawn-Bunguhh, the brother of 
 Kaiem-Jung, was joined by their forces. 
 They proceeded immediately to Furrokha- 
 bad, and rcpolicffcd themielves of that pro- 
 vince and city. They then rufhed towards 
 Owd and Allahabad. Thefe places fubmit- 
 Q^2 ted
 
 2^8 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 ted to their arms. They afterwards fought 
 the general of Sufder-Jung, and defeated 
 him. In a word, (o rapid and alarming 
 was their progrtfs, that Sufdcr-Jung ob- 
 tained the Emperor's permiiiion to attack 
 them with the forces of the empire, and 
 to engage even a body of Mahrattahs and 
 Jates to his afliftance. 
 
 The Rohillas and Patans, informed of 
 the Imperial preparations, refolved to meet 
 the Vizier boldly in the field. They came 
 up with him in the Upper Rohilcund. 
 The fight began, and was obftinately 
 maintained ; but the day was ultimately 
 in favour of the Rohillas. The Mah- 
 rattahs, bought off by fecret emiflaries 
 during the heat of the action, withdrew 
 from the Vizier. The Rohillas then 
 pufhed on with redoubled vigour. The 
 Vizier gave way. Diffraction feized on 
 the Emperor's troops. They fled. The 
 Imperial ftandards fell into the hands of 
 the Rohillas, who purfued their fugitive 
 enemy almofl to the gates of Dehli. 
 
 The
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 229 
 
 The Rohillas and Patans after this de- 
 er : five viclory feparated and repaired to their 
 refpective countries. Not fo, Sufder- 
 Jung. Shortly after his difgraceful return 
 to Dehli he was degraded from the Viza- 
 rut : hut he was ftill powerful ; info- 
 much, that he rebellioufly took up arms 
 a gain ft his Sovereign. In this new fcene 
 of affairs, the Rohilla chiefs faw that they 
 again were to act a confpicuous part. The 
 Mogul wrote to them, demanding their 
 affiftance. Sufder-Jung alfo folicited and 
 proffered them his alliance. Their fitua- 
 tion was flattering, but critical. They 
 were eagerly courted for fupport by the 
 mofl considerable powers of Hindoitan : 
 but neutrality was the wifefr. line ; and 
 that, though they marched towards Dehli, 
 they were determined to purfue. 
 
 This, indeed, can only be faid of the 
 major part of the Rohillas. One body of 
 them went over to the Emperor under 
 Nudjub-Ul-Dowlah*, of whom it is ne- 
 
 * Nubjub-UI-Dowlah, father of the prefent Zab- 
 tha-Cawn, the Rohilla chief of Seharinpoor. 
 
 Q^3 ceffary
 
 230 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 ceffary in this place to be fomewhat par- 
 ticular. Nudjub-Ul-Dowlah joining the 
 Imperial ftandard with his Rohillas, and 
 very ftrongly riveting himfelf in the good 
 opinion of his mafter, was fhortly held up 
 as a counterpoife to the overgrown influ- 
 ence of Ghazy-Ul-Deen-Cawn, the ne- 
 phew of Sufder-Jung, predeceflbr in the 
 Vizarut, and the grandfon of Nizam-Ul- 
 Mulck, of the Decan. He even had the 
 addrefs to get himfelf appointed Buckfhee, 
 or treafurer of the empire. This iudden 
 exakation drew upon Nujub-Ul-Dowlah 
 th<" jealoufy of Ghazy-Ul-Deeu-Cawn, the 
 Ummen-Ul-Umrah. Both parties took up 
 ; arms. Thefe differences, however, were 
 for the time fortunately accommodated. 
 The Rohilla chief found himfelf unequal 
 to the contefr, therefore prudently refign- 
 ed, ^nd retirea to his capital of Nujuba- 
 bad ; but he meditated revenge. Nor 
 was Ghazy-Ul-Deen-Cawn more pacifical- 
 ly inclined. 
 
 This pent-up animofity worked with 
 rnifchievous and bloody rage. Ghazy-Ul 
 
 Deen-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 231 
 
 Deen-Cawn, on his part, gave fecret in- 
 ftrucYion for the aflaffination of the Empe- 
 ror Allum-Gier, whom he knew to be 
 favourable to his rival, and then took 
 the field at the head of that fame Empe- 
 ror's army. And Nudjub-Ul-Dowlah, 
 not to be behindhand with him, called in 
 the affiftance of the Dourani, Achmed- 
 Shaw ; roufed his confederate Rohillas ; 
 and even prevailed on Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, 
 who had now fucceeded his father Sufder- 
 Jung in the Soubadary of Ovvd, and who 
 was the hereditary enemy of Ghazy-Ul- 
 Deen-Cawn, to join in the alliance. Nor 
 were the Imperial Party, whom Ghazy-Ul- 
 Deen affected to lead, without allies ; they 
 had Jates, Rajahputes, and a large body 
 of mercenary Mahrattahs to affift them. 
 A battle enfued. Ghazy-Ul- Deen-Cawn 
 was defeated. He again rifqued an en- 
 gagement ; ( Shnjah-Ul-Dowlah having 
 fled to the Rohillas) but in this he 
 was totally difcomfited. The combined 
 forces of the Rohillas and Dourani 
 gained a decided victory. The flight 
 0^4 of
 
 *3* ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 of the Imperialifts was general. The 
 allies purfued, and reaching Dehli, facked 
 that devoted city for twenty- one days. 
 Numbers were flain on both fides : but the 
 {laughter among the Mahrattahs was the 
 moft confiderable *. 
 
 The Dourani, Achmed-Shaw, who com- 
 manded as general, highly diftinguifhed 
 the Rohillas, Hafiz Rhamet and Doonda- 
 
 * There is fome little variation in the accounts of 
 this famous battle of Panniput. It is faid, that the 
 Mahrattahs having joined Ghazy-Ul-Deen-Cawn, who 
 had deprived the Emperor Achmet-Shaw of his fight, 
 depofed him, murdered his prime minifter, and afTaf- 
 finated the unhappy Allum-Gier, marched from Dehli, 
 and were met on the plains of Panniput by the Dou- 
 rani, Rohillas, Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, and other confede- 
 rate powers. That a dreadful Carnage attended the 
 victory gained by the Dourani ; and, as is mentioned 
 in the text, particularly amongft the Mahrattah chiefs, 
 nmong whom were numbered the Bhow, Bifwap Rah- 
 Ragah, and Junkoo. And that the Dourani then re- 
 turned to Dehli, and depofing Shaw-Jehan, the prince 
 raifed to the throne by the Bhow, had placed the 
 crown on the head of Jewan-Bukht, in the ab fence of 
 his father, Ali-Goher, (the prefent Emperor, Shaw- 
 Aulum) to whom he had unfuccefsfully proffered the 
 reins of government. 
 
 Cawn,
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 233 
 
 Cawn, for their gallantry and good con- 
 dud:. On the firft he beftowed Etawa, 
 though then the jaghire and government 
 of the Mogul's fecond fon, Baber. And 
 on the latter the jaghire of Shekoabad : 
 diftricts, indeed, that they were afterwards 
 deprived of by the Mahrattahs, with whom 
 they were never able to form an alliance. 
 But the Dourani could not prevail on 
 them to admit of the preteniions of the 
 two elder fons of Ali-Mohammed, whom 
 he had brought with him from Herat, and 
 who, on being releafed from captivity, 
 demanded the furrendry of the rights be- 
 queathed to them by their father. Sa- 
 doolah-Cawn, their younger brother and 
 reigning Prince, Hafiz-Rhamet, and the 
 other chiefs, had tatted too much of the 
 fweets of independency ; they felt their 
 ftrength, and, therefore, obliged the eldefl 
 of Ali's fons to content himfelf with the 
 jaghire of Oojhani : and the ftcond, Fy- 
 zoolah-Cawn, with the Pergunnahs of 
 Rampore and Shawabad. 
 
 The
 
 334 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 The battle of Panniput, which is marked 
 with peculiar celebrity by the Rohilla his- 
 torians, eftablifhed a permanent and in- 
 veterate antipathy between the Mahrattahs 
 and Rohiilas. The former receiving, in 
 the number of chiefs (lain, that crufh which 
 has (ince, by engendering internal frrif 
 and conteft, brought their confequence to 
 a very evident declenfion. This, however, 
 in its proper place. The Dourani having 
 firfr. driven Ghazy-Ul-Deen-Cawn out of 
 JHindoftan, marched to Dehli with the Ro- 
 hiilas, raifed Jewan-Bukht to the throne 
 of the Moguls, and appointed Shujah- 
 Ul-Dowlah, of Owd, to be his Vizier. 
 This meafure was of confequence to the 
 Rohiilas : it teemed to promife them every 
 poffible protection : nor was it long before 
 they had occafion to appeal to it. The 
 Mahrattahs returned to revenge their lofs. 
 At firft the Rohiilas relied on their own 
 refources ; but their adverfaries were too 
 numerous and formidable. They then 
 folicited affiflance from Shujah-Ul-Dowlah. 
 The Vizier granted it. He even prevail- 
 ed
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 23$ 
 
 cd on the Englifh to march a brigade to 
 their fupport. And here commences the 
 epocha of the ruin of the Rohillas. 
 
 No fooner had the Mahrattahs retired, 
 but Shujah-Ul-Dowlah demanded of the 
 Rohillas a confiderable fum of money, for 
 the feafonable relief he had afforded them. 
 He even, it is alledged, declared that he 
 had bought off the Mahrattahs with the 
 fum of forty lacks of rupees. True or 
 falfe, the demand he made on the Rohillas 
 was, as we have faid, confiderable. Un- 
 fortunately for this people, they refufed 
 compliance with it. They even afierted, 
 that the claim was without foundation. 
 
 Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, who, confidering the 
 rooted diflike of his father, Sufder-Jung, to 
 the Rohillas, could never be fuppoled cor* 
 dially their friend, took fire at this indig- 
 nity and ingratitude. He threatened ex^ 
 emplary revenge. Nor was it long before 
 he carried his vengeance into execution. 
 He again applied to his allies the Englifh 
 
 for
 
 236 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 for afliftance. The Englim granted it. 
 Rohilcund was invaded; and Hariz-Rha- 
 met, the Rohilla general, being killed 
 in the only action which happened, the 
 whole country was quickly fubdued. Fy- 
 zoolah-Cawn, and the other remaining 
 chiefs, fled, with their followers, to Loll- 
 Dong. Shujah-Ul-Dowlah and the Englifh 
 purfued. The iflue was, Fyzoolah-Cawn, 
 the furviving fori in authority of Ali- 
 Mohammed, the founder of the Ro- 
 hilla ftate, was forced to fubmit, and to 
 content himfelf under the tenure of de- 
 pendency on the Vizier, with a jaghire of 
 fifteen lacks of rupees per annum ; a fum 
 which would have been wrefled from him 
 long fince (though no perfon's conduct 
 can be lefs intriguing or obnoxious) had 
 he not been guaranteed in the pofleifion of 
 it by the Englim. 
 
 We have now drawn the hiftory of the 
 Rohillas to a conciuiion. Fyzoolah-Cawn 
 is a good farmer, holds in jaghire a con- 
 fiderable diftrict of country, and reiides at 
 Rhampoor, which is fituated nearly in the 
 I heart
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 237 
 
 heart of Kuttaihr. Zabtha-Cawn, the fori 
 of Nudjub-Ul-Dowlah, who was mafter of 
 Nujubabad, Patter-Guhr, Daranagur, and 
 other northern parts, (and who, though 
 treacherous to his countrymen, being with 
 Shujah-Ul-Dowlah on the day of action, 
 when H afiz-Rhamet was killed, and who 
 was afterwards fhipped of his pofTeffions by 
 the Vizier) is alfo poflHLVd of a province, 
 under the dominion of the fucceflors of the 
 late Ummen-Ul-Umrah, Nudjif-Cawn. 
 Thefe are, however, only the remains of 
 Rohilla great nefs ; Fyzoolah - Cawn in 
 particular, is thoroughly unimportant; 
 Zabtha-Cawn may, indeed, prove other- 
 wife. He has often threatened to enter 
 the Upper Rohilcund, and re-eftablim 
 himfelf in the government of Nudjubabad, 
 and the reft of his patrimonial inheritance. 
 Hence the neceffity of watching his mo- 
 tions, and the propriety of the Englifh in 
 coniidering him as a chief, with whom 
 they are politically concerned. 
 
 Having nearly finiihed our account of 
 the leading nations and Princes of Hin- 
 
 doflan,
 
 333 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 doftan, we will take a flight review of the 
 principal of thofe inferior powers, on the 
 eafrern tide of the Peninfula, whether tri- 
 butary or independent, who, in refpect to 
 the former, hold an intermediate rank on 
 the political fcale ; and who, though they 
 may not poffefs any very great influ- 
 ence or confequence, are yet iurficiently 
 important to merit, in fome degree, the 
 attention of the reader. 
 
 The chief of thefe is Purtaub Singh 
 Sewai. He may be faid to be at the head 
 of the Rajahpute tribes, who are at this 
 day divided into fo many petty principali- 
 ties, that it would be ufelefs to enumerate 
 them. His capital is Jypoor, or Jynug- 
 gur, which is fituated about fixty cofs to 
 the S. W. of Agra. Some years fince 
 the power and authority of this little king- 
 dom were very coniiderable under Madho- 
 Singh, who was the founder of it : but 
 the ambition of Nudjif-Cawn (whofe name 
 has already occurred) was fatal to this 
 family. The predeceflbr of the prefent 
 4 Rajah
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 239 
 
 Rajah was conft rained to fubmit to the 
 fuperior force of the Imperial general: 
 and Purtaub Singh fucceeded to his pater- 
 nal dominions only as a tributary. In 
 which condition, however, he has not 
 remained without vigorous, though in- 
 effectual, attempts to make off the yoke. 
 But the death of Nudjif-Cawn, and the 
 diffractions which have followed that 
 event, may lead to his emancipation, and 
 to the re-eflablimment of the Jypoor 
 branch of Rajahputes. He has of late, in- 
 deed, been engaged in a quarrel, not at all 
 calculated to facilitate the attainment of 
 this object, having laft year commenced 
 hostilities againft another Rajahpute Prince 
 (named alfo Purtaub Singh) who rules 
 over Machurra. This Rajah, who was 
 likewife reduced to the ftate of a tributary 
 by Nudjif-Cawn, pofTeffes a fmall district, 
 fituated between Jynaggur and the prefent 
 fouthern boundaries of Agra. United, 
 thefe Princes would be more than a match 
 for the fuccevlbr of Nudjif-Cawn. But, 
 fo long as they enfeeble themfelves by 
 
 divifion,
 
 a 4 o ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 diviflon, it will be no difficult talk to con- 
 firm them both in fubjecYion. 
 
 Next to the Rajah of Jynaggur, may 
 be ranked Runjeet-Singh, the descendant 
 of Soorudge-Mull, who firft. eftablifhed 
 the authority of the Jates in the Imperial 
 city of Agra, and its neighbourhood. 
 This Prince, whofe name has already 
 been mentioned, poffefled great weight in 
 his time. He loft his life in a battle with 
 Nudjub-Ul-Dowlah, in the vicinity of 
 Deig. After his death, the power of his 
 family began rapidly to decline. In the 
 year 1774, Nudjif-Cawn drove Runjeet- 
 Singh out of Agra ; and in the year 1776 
 difpoflefTed him of Deig, and of the great- 
 eft part of the territories, which Soorudge- 
 Mull had creeled into a principality. At 
 the death of Nudjif-Cawn, Runjeet-Singh 
 poffeffed neither dominion nor confequence ; 
 but fince that event, he feems to have made 
 tome efforts for the recovery of both. 
 
 But
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 341 
 
 Befides Runjeet Singh, there are other 
 inconfiderable Rajahs of the Jate tribe. 
 But the only one who can at prefent claim 
 our notice is Chutteer-Singh, the Ranah 
 of Gohud. The country of this Prince 
 lies between the Jumna and the pafs of 
 Narwar. He firft grew into confequence 
 by his connection with the Englifh, who 
 extended his dominions, and put him in 
 pofleflion of the important fortrefs of Gua- 
 liar. His ingratitude to his benefactors, 
 however, having been followed by the lofs 
 of almoll: all the advantages he had ob- 
 tained through their means, it is probable 
 that he will foon return to his original in- 
 fignificance. And yet Mhadajee Scindia, 
 who, at the clofe of the year 1783, was 
 carrying on the moft vigorous and fuccefs- 
 ful hoftilities againft him, mould not be 
 allowed totally to fubdue him. He con- 
 stitutes a part of that barrier to the domi- 
 nions of the Vizier (the ally of the Eng- 
 liih) which mould always be kept firm 
 asrainft. the Mahrattahs : a barrier which 
 can only permanently exift, while thofa 
 R Rajahs,
 
 242 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Rajahs, who occupy the countries lying 
 between the Jumna and the province of 
 Malva, are icreened and protected from 
 thcie Man rattans. 
 
 The power of the Princes of Bundail- 
 cund was formerly confiderable. Since 
 i J J J j when Hindoput died, it has de- 
 crealed. This country was formerly di- 
 vided into two districts, which were re^i 
 fpectively governed by the Rajahs Nuttey- 
 Singh and Suttur-Jeet. Hindoput was 
 clefcended from a Dewan of one of thofe 
 chieftains, and poflefled the richefl part 
 of Bundailcund, which enabled him to 
 maintain a {landing force of thirty thou- 
 fand horfe and foot. At his deceafe he 
 left three fons. The minifters, for their 
 own aggrandifement, fecured the fucceflion 
 to the fecond, who was a minor, in pre- 
 judice to the elder, who was arrived at 
 man's eflate. They permitted him, how- 
 ever, to retain pofTeffion of a jaghire of 
 about nine lacks of rupees. The excluded 
 Prince, from fome accident or other had
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 243 
 
 it in his power to be ferviceable to Colo- 
 nel Leflie, when that officer marched 
 with an Englifh army through Bundail- 
 cund, on his way a crofs the Peninfula of 
 India. Colonel Leflie interefted himfelf in 
 his behalf, and obtained for him from the 
 ufurping Minifters an increafe of revenue. 
 But this advantage has not proved perma- 
 nent. He now refides at Uktowah, which 
 is about nine cofs from Chatterpoor. He 
 is in pofleffion of no place of ftrength. 
 His military force does not exceed four 
 thoufand men, and moft of thefe are in- 
 fantry. The income of his brother again 
 is eftimated at twenty-fix lacks of rupees.. 
 He refides at Parnah or Punnah, which is 
 a fortrefs of great ftrength. He maintains 
 about two thoufand horfe, and ten thou- 
 fand foot, but can raife upon an emergency 
 a formidable army. 
 
 Independent of the Princes of the Houfe 
 
 of Hindoput, there are two other Rajahs 
 
 of Bundailcund, who pride themfelves in 
 
 their defcent from Chatter-Sawl, who 
 
 5. 2 founded
 
 *44 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 founded Punnah and Chatterpoor, about 
 one hundred and forty yean ago, and who 
 \ ;, firft Rajah of his family. The 
 
 one reiides at Jaitpoor ; his revenue is 
 about fourteen lacks of rupees ; and he is 
 fupported in his policflions by the Mali- 
 rattah Generals, who govern Calpee (on 
 the Jumnaj Jahufi, and other diftridts, 
 lying between that river and Bundailcund 
 on one fide, a id the Province of Malva 
 on the other. Churkarie is the place of 
 refidence of the other. His revenue is 
 eftimated at thirteen lacks of rupees. He 
 maintains about fix thoufand foot, and 
 fifteen hundred horfe. Farther on the 
 Rajahpute iubject would be unneceffary. 
 
 Before we clofe, however, our account 
 of thefe minor powers, it will be proper 
 to add a few words refpecting the Patans 
 of Furrokhabad. Mohammed -Cawn, of 
 the AfFghan tribe of Bungufh, was the 
 firft who erected the ftandard of indepen- 
 dency in that city. Under this chief, the 
 Patans of Mow (a town near Furrokha- 
 bad,
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 245 
 
 bad, from which they received a defigna- 
 tion) cut a confiderable figure. When 
 Cairn- Jung was at their head, they were 
 lb formidable, as to threaten the annihila- 
 tion of the Rohilla ftate, founded by Ali- 
 Mohammed-Cawn, as has been related in 
 our account of the latter. Achmed- 
 Cawn, the father of the prefent Nabob 
 of Furrokhabad (Muzuffer-Jung) raifed 
 the reputation of his houfe to fo high a 
 pitch, that, while he was courted by the 
 Rohillas, and refpected by the court of 
 Dehli, he was dreaded by Sufder-Jung, 
 the Soubahdar of Owd. The defcendants 
 of Sufder-Jung, however, have in the 
 end amply revenged the indignities he fuf- 
 fered, through the luperior genius and 
 fortune of Achmed-Cawn. The late 
 Vizier, Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, taking advan- 
 tage of the imbecility of Muzuffer-Jung, 
 impofed a yoke upon him, under fpecious 
 pretences, which he was never able to 
 fhake off. The prefent Vizier, his fon, 
 Aufuph-Ul-Dowlah, riveted thofe chains, 
 and at length totally deprived him of his 
 R 3 couu-
 
 a 4 6 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 country. He can be looked upon, there- 
 fore, only as the reduced and miferable 
 reprefentative of an illuftrious family, 
 which, not long fince, held a diftinguiihed 
 rank among the powers of Hindoftan. 
 
 From thefe more northern nations and 
 kingdoms, proceeding towards the fouth- 
 ern extremity of the Peninfula of India, 
 we come to the extenfive territories of the 
 Soubahdar of the Decan. The weight 
 which the predeceflbrs of Nizam- Ally- 
 Caw T n, the prefent Soubahdar, poffeffed 
 in all the tranfactions of Hindoftan, hath 
 already been the fubject of our inquiry. 
 The glory of the Nizamut, however, fet 
 with its brighteft luminary Nizam-Ul- 
 Mulc. Since that period, it has been 
 gradually declining in its confequence ; 
 nor does it at this day poffefs any material 
 influence, farther than the limits of its 
 own domain. 
 
 The definitive treaty of Paris confirm- 
 ing Salabit-Jung in the Soubahdary of the 
 
 Decan,
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 247 
 
 Decan, Nizam - Ally - Cawn became, ill 
 courfe, his acknowledged fucceflbr, both 
 by the Englifh and the French *. How- 
 far a clofer connection with the Soubahdar 
 might be conformable to the interefts of 
 the Englifh nation, is a matter that merits 
 their cooled: and moil: deliberate confidera- 
 tion. There is not a doubt of his land- 
 ing in need of their affiftance ; nor is 
 there the lead reafon to fuppofe, that many 
 effential advantages might not be derived 
 from a grant of it, were it afforded him 
 under precife and flipulated conditions. 
 
 Situated at a great diftance from the 
 feveral prefidencies of the Englifh, the 
 government of this prince is known but 
 by report. His conftant flruggles at 
 
 * Nizam-Ally-Cawn depofed his brother, Salabit- 
 Jung, and kept him in confinement a ccnfiderable 
 while before his death. Succefs, as is always the cafe, 
 drew upon him favours from Dehli. Shah-Aulum 
 conferred upon him the viceroyalty of the Decan, and 
 fent him phirmaunds for that purpofe, although his 
 brother was ftill living. 
 
 R 4 home
 
 *4 8 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 home have hitherto kept him in employ- 
 ment. The time may arrive when he 
 may turn his arms another way. 
 
 The treaty concluded with him in 
 Auguft 1768, provides, that on proper 
 requifition, and on condition that it con- 
 veniently can be fpared, the Englifh (hall 
 fupply him with a certain force to amft 
 him in his own country. This claufe, 
 has been evaded. Nizam-Ally-Cawn did 
 apply for the ftiputated affiftance in 1775, 
 and at a time when it conveniently could 
 have been fpared, and yet it was denied 
 him ; although, in return, he made an 
 offer to the Englifh of the Cuttack coun- 
 try *, which joins their Northern Circars 
 
 * The Cuttack province, however Nizam-Ally- 
 Cawn may claim a right to it, is in the pofitive pofTef- 
 fion of the Rajah of Berar, Mhoodajee Bhonfalah. 
 That it is not impoflible to obtain it, and that it would 
 be a great acquiiition, cannot be denied. But the 
 acl, it is fuppofed, muft be the Mahrattahs. Query, 
 would not the repofferTing him of that part of his do- 
 minions, refractorily held by his difafFecled Zemindar, 
 Nizam Shaw, be a ready means of accomplishing this 
 point ? 
 
 on
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 349 
 
 on the coafl of CoromandVl to the Bengal 
 provinces; and would, it is probable, have 
 eafily been induced to relinquifh the an- 
 nual tribute, which is paid to him by the 
 Company, of five lacks of rupees; and, 
 what would have been of equal impor- 
 tance, perhaps, prevailed on his brother, 
 Bazalet-Jung, Nabob of Adoni, to have 
 immediately made over to the Company 
 the Guntoor Circar; a country which is 
 theirs by phirmaund, but in his pofleffion 
 by agreement ; and only reverts to them 
 at his death, or on his infringement of a 
 certain article of the treaty above men- 
 tioned *. 
 
 Prefent advantages even out of the 
 queftion, an eye to future fafety mould 
 ever actuate the Englifh in their political 
 traniactions ; and the neceffity of fuch 
 precaution will be too evident, mould the 
 Soubahdar of the Decan, at any future pe- 
 riod, think proper to infill: either upon a 
 
 * Bazalet-Jung is fince de.;d. 
 
 com-
 
 2> ANALYSIS O * INDIA. 
 
 compliance with the treaty of 1768, or, 
 an cafe of a fecond refufal, deem it of 
 utility to his impoverished trealury, to 
 punim them for a breach of an agreement 
 folemnly ratified in the name of the Eng- 
 lish nation *. 
 
 An idea of this nature is not built upon 
 fpeculative apprehenfion ; on the contrary, 
 it hath its foundation in the univerfal 
 principle of things. The national faith 
 was pledged in confequence of fome con- 
 fiderable conceffions from the Soubahdar ; 
 that faith, therefore, being broken, and 
 
 * The Soubahdar of the Decan, on thefe very 
 grounds, as he has publicly acknowledged to the Eng- 
 lish governments in India, fet on foot that formidable 
 combination in 1780, which, by including Hyder- 
 AHy-Cawn and the Mahrattahs, threatened the very 
 exigence of Britim. influence and rule in Hindoftan. 
 The happy refult of able negotiations, on the part of 
 the Government General of Bengal, alone warded off 
 the blow. Had not Mhoodajee Bhonfalah, and Nizam- 
 Ally-Cawn, been drawn from the confederacy, in- 
 evitable deftruclion mull haveenfued. Hyder and the 
 Mahrattahs perlonr.cd their parts ; and in what man- 
 ner^ is too well known, The others remained neuter. 
 
 the
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 251 
 
 the Northern Circars being open to an in- 
 vaiion, a fudden devaluation might fpread 
 itfelf through thofe provinces before even 
 a foldier could be pofted to withftand its 
 progrefs. A moment's reflection, how- 
 ever, on the paft tranfactions of the Decan, 
 will fet this matter in a clearer point of 
 view. 
 
 When Colonel Caillaud took pofieiTion 
 of the Northern Circars in 1766, in con- 
 fequence of the phirmaund granted the 
 year preceding by the Mogul, thejeaioufy 
 and refentment of Nizam-Ally-Cawn were 
 railed to the utmoft pitch of extravagance. 
 Other concurrent and powerful caufes, 
 however, led him to a conduct, which, at 
 fi rft, threatened only the Circars. 
 
 The political enmity, which had fub- 
 fifled between Salabit-Jung and the Nabob 
 Mohammed- Ally-Cawn itill exifred be- 
 the two Durbars ; and this was farther 
 increafed by the Nabob's fuppoied :ego- 
 ciations and endeavours to depofe Nizam- 
 
 Ally-
 
 2$2 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Ally-Cawn, and acquire for himfelf the 
 government of the Decan. 
 
 It was this jealoufy and refentment of 
 the Soubahdar againfr. the Company for 
 taking pofleffion of the Circars, and 
 againfl: the Nabob for endeavouring to 
 diveft him of his government, and to feat 
 himfelf on the mufnud, which iuggefted 
 to Hyder-Ally-Cawn the idea of an union 
 with the Soubahdar for a double attack on 
 the Circars in the North, and on the 
 Trichinopoly country in the South *. 
 
 A treaty was accordingly fct on foot, 
 and negociated between the Soubahdar and 
 Hyder-Ally, by the Nabob's own brother, 
 Mauphuz-Cawn, who, in difguft, had fled 
 from his brother's to the Soubahdar's 
 court. An often live alliance was foon 
 after concluded between the contracting 
 parties againfl the Engiifh and the Carna- 
 tic ; and, to retaliate the fuppofed injury 
 
 * This was in 1767. 
 
 offered
 
 ANALYSIS OP INDIA. 253 
 
 offered to the Soubahdar by the Nabob, a 
 funnud was granted by the Soubahdar to 
 Hyder-Ally for the government of the 
 Carnatic Payen Ghaut. 
 
 In confequence of this alliance, the 
 Soubahdar prepared for action ; and Hyder- 
 Ally aflembling his forces at Coimbatoor, 
 threatened the Trichinopoly country ; 
 when an army of Mahrattahs entering the 
 Seera province, obliged him, for that time, 
 to abandon the enterprife, in order to op- 
 pofe them. Affairs were in this fituation, 
 when it was thought advifeable to enter 
 into a negociation with the Soubahdar, 
 which ended in the above-mentioned treaty 
 of Auguft 1768. 
 
 What may be expected, therefore, in 
 future, from a power fo formidable, in 
 fome refpects, as Nizam-AUy-Cawn, it 
 is not difficult to conjecture. If not a 
 fecret enemy, he is certainly a precarious 
 friend to the Englifh ; nor is there more 
 
 than,
 
 554 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 than one way of binding him fteadily to 
 them, and that is by fulfilling the agree- 
 ments they have entered into with him, 
 and thereby keeping a body of Europeans 
 in the Decan, in the manner practifed by 
 the French during the governments of his 
 immediate predccevTors *. 
 
 * An attempt was made on the part of the Govern- 
 ment General ot Bengal, to carry a plan of this nature 
 into execution in 1782. That they did not fucceed, was 
 owing to a fpirit of difcontent which appeared among 
 their troops, who refufed to march out of their own 
 provinces of Bengal ; (o tired were they of foreign fer- 
 vice, arifing chiefly from the apprehenfions they enter- 
 tained on the fcore of their families ; to prevent which, 
 wetruft we fhall he pardoned, in fuppofing no effectual 
 meafures had been timelv taken. Indeed the conduct 
 of the corps firil detached under Colonels Leflie and 
 Goddard, itrongly demon fixates that the fubfequent 
 repugnance of the troops to foreign fervice, could arife 
 only from the confideration we have fuggefted. For 
 did they either decline the expedition, or defert it ? 
 No ; they were then ignorant of the grievous confe- 
 quences which were to refult in their abience to their 
 unprotected families. But the Sepoys who remained 
 at home being confiant eye-witnefTes of them, reafon- 
 ably concluded, when called upon themfelves to go 
 abroad, that in the event of their compliance, their 
 own wives and children would be involved in the fame 
 4 diflrefs.
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 255 
 
 diilrefs. This natural averfion to foreign or diftant 
 fervice, was alfo confiderably heightened by the reports 
 of deferters from the troops employed in the Carnatic, 
 who reprefented, with exaggeration, the hardfhips ex- 
 perienced in that fcene of adlion. 
 
 ROOK
 
 256 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 Contiguous to the Decan lies 
 
 the Soubahdary of the Carnatic Payen 
 Ghaut. The Governors of this domain, 
 during the profperity of the Mogul em- 
 pire, were nominated by the Soubahdars 
 of the Decan ; nor was it until the year 
 1765, that in the perfon of the prelent 
 Nabob Mohammed- Ally- Cawn, it was 
 declared, by royal phirmaund, indepen- 
 dent of the Decan, but dependent upon 
 the empire. 
 
 The contentions which took place, re- 
 lative to the dominion of this rich terri- 
 tory, have, in the former part of this 
 work, been treated of at full length. It 
 will be fufficient, therefore, in this place, 
 juft to ltate, that by the death of Chunda- 
 Saheb, and the extinction of the Freiich 
 
 power,
 
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 257 
 
 power, in the reduction of Pondicherry, 
 in 1 76 1 , the Nabob, Mohammed - Ally, 
 found himfelf quietly feated on the muf- 
 nud of the Carnatic ; and that confequently 
 he, and his allies the Englifh, had nothing 
 to divert their attention from the much- 
 wanted domeftic regulation of their affairs, 
 faving fome troubles excited by a rebel in 
 the province of Madura, called Ufoph- 
 Cawn, and by the refraclorinefs of fome 
 of the feudatories of the Carnatic, who, 
 in the end, were all reduced to a proper 
 fenfe of obedience. 
 
 The gratitude of the Nabob, Moham- 
 med-Ally-Cawn, for the effential fervices 
 thus rendered to him by the Englifh, 
 knew no bounds. He conferred on them 
 innumerable favours, and founded forth 
 their kindnefs to the different powers of 
 Hindoftan. He defrayed mofl of the ex- 
 pences of the national wars that were car- 
 ried on with France, as if he had been the 
 principal in every quarrel. Hi* treafures 
 went for the fiege of Pondicherry, and for 
 
 S the
 
 2 j8 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 the defence of Madras. Nor was this all : 
 he voluntarily engaged himfelf to main- 
 tain, at his own expence, a confiderable 
 number of Sepoy troops, officered and dis- 
 ciplined by the Englim ; and ultimately 
 conferred on them a jaghire round their 
 fettlement of Madras, which he annually 
 rented for a confiderable fum of money. 
 
 Mutual obligations of this nature fpee- 
 dily cemented a connection of neceffity 
 into one of friendfhip and affection. The 
 Nabob has ever acknowledged himfelf in- 
 debted to the Englifh for the unmolefted 
 government of his country ; and they as 
 readily have acknowledged the great bene- 
 fits which they have derived from him. 
 From their firft alliance, their interefts 
 have been infeparable : hand in hand, they 
 ftemmed the torrent of adverfity, and, in 
 like manner, became victorious over their 
 refpedtive enemies. 
 
 When this is known, therefore, and 
 when the Company's records for the fpace 
 
 of
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 359 
 
 f upwards of thirty years can mew, that 
 the Directors, though differing in political 
 principles themfelves, have uniformly 
 thanked him for his invariable attachment 
 to their interefts ; when this, I fay, is 
 known, how flxange will it appear to the 
 unprejudiced part of the world, that the 
 agents of the Company in the Eaft Indies 
 mould, in regular fucceflion, have deemed 
 it of importance to their affairs to load this 
 favourite ally of their matters, nay, even 
 of their fovereign, with what mull: be, 
 termed, however reluctantly, opprefijori 
 and difgrace I 
 
 In judging of the friendfhip with which 
 the Crown of England and the Company 
 have regarded the Nabob, two unerring 
 guides appear to have invariably actuated 
 him towards them : the firft, a warm re- 
 membrance of the interefr, which they 
 had taken, from the beginning, in his 
 profperity and happinefs : the fecond, the 
 approbation of his own heart, which al- 
 ways empowered him to* declare, that in 
 S 2 no
 
 z Co ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 no one inftance, from the day of their 
 beginning the journey of friendfhip toge- 
 ther, had he ever once deviated from the 
 patli of fteady attachment to their interefts, 
 and of warm afFec~lion to the whole Eng- 
 liih nation. As a man, moved by his 
 own, and by the paflions of others, he 
 certainly mud have been wounded by the 
 cruel treatment of the Company's repre- 
 fentatives ; but, as a prince, placing his 
 dependence upon their faith, and the fe- 
 cu.rity of the Engliih alliance, he never 
 for a moment feems to have allowed him- 
 felf to harbour the fmalleft degree of dif- 
 truft, or to fwerve even in idea from the 
 reiblution he early adopted of riling or 
 falling with their power in Hindoflan. 
 " After the long feries of mixed fortune 
 " which we had undergone" together," fays 
 he, in a letter to a great perfonage, " a 
 " profpecl opened to me at length that 
 " filled my foul with the gladnefs of hope, 
 " and which of itfelf was fufficient to bind 
 " my attachment unalterably, and for ever, 
 " to the Engliih. I faw not only my 
 
 " fons
 
 A NA L Y S I S OF INDIA. 261 
 
 " fons arrive at maturity, but even their 
 " children promiling farther hopes. When 
 " you underftand, therefore, the regulation 
 " of my country, and of my religion, you 
 " will feel, in your generous bofom, the 
 " injustice with which I have been treated 
 " by fome of the fervants of the Com- 
 " pany. 
 
 In entering thus difFufively into the 
 character and connection of the Nabob 
 Mohammed-Ally-Cawn with the Englifh 
 nation, it is hoped that we fhall appear as 
 unbiafled in our judgement, as the nature 
 of the circumftances we fhall treat of will 
 admit. We mull: confefs, indeed, that 
 the mihd is often led to inveftigate occur- 
 r jnces with fome degree of prejudice, when 
 an object held to be deferving is fcen to 
 labour under a load of unmerited oppref- 
 fion ; and in no one inftance could an 
 influence of that nature more powerfully 
 operate, than in that which is now the 
 fubject: of our coniideration ; yet it is our 
 hope, as it is our defign, to. avoid every 
 S 3 kind
 
 262 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 kind of partiality. Candour will require 
 of us a ftric~t adherence to truth ; and 
 from her path we ha\e no defire to deviate. 
 
 The uniform tenour of a long life, in 
 order to eftablifh a conviction of his inva- 
 riable attachment to the Englifh nation ; 
 the expenditure of the treafures left him 
 by his father, of his own ample revenues, 
 and of all that he hath been able to bor- 
 row in his dominions, mould, at leafr, 
 have been fufficient to prove the fincerity 
 of his intentions ; but the infatiable crav- 
 ings of rapacity are never to be fatisfied ; 
 caufes have regularly been found to difturb 
 him in the few years repofe that his natu- 
 ral enemies have left him ; and thefe, we 
 are forry to believe, on grounds no better 
 founded than the certainty, that, rather 
 than ipin out a whole exiftence of anxiety, 
 or run the rifque of mifreprefentation to 
 the nation of England, he would purchafe 
 a compromife on any conditions which 
 his oppreflbrs might deem it convenient 
 to prefcribe. 
 
 The
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 263 
 
 The operation of effects of this nature, 
 confined not merely to himfelf, but fpread- 
 ing throughout his dominions, has been 
 the means of leflening his influence and 
 authority, and effectually of putting it 
 out of his power to be that friend to the 
 Englifh which he other wife would be, 
 mould any unforefeen event make the re- 
 fources of the Carnatic immediately necef- 
 fary *, 
 
 The peace of the Carnatic, and the 
 union of all its parts under one head, are 
 unquestionably objects of the greater!: im- 
 portance; and, therefore, the more flou- 
 rifhing the Nabob's finances, and the 
 greater the force he can command, the 
 
 * How fully this prediction has been verified, has 
 been unhappily too evident, in the laft invafion of the 
 Carnatic by Hyder-Ally-Cawn ; and in the footing 
 acquired at one time by the French at Cuddalore. Had 
 it not been for the great and almofr incredible exertions 
 of the Government General of Bengal, Mohammed- 
 Ally and the Englifh, mufl have been driven from the 
 Carnatic. Madras mull have fallen. 
 
 S 4 more
 
 a64 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 more certain mufl be the advantages of his 
 allies. When the Englifh Company efta- 
 blifhed themfelves in Afia, it was by 
 friendfhip and by favour. It is but of 
 late years that the Imperial phirmaunds, 
 and funnuds of the Soubahdars, have given 
 a fanction to their conquefts, and eftablifh- 
 ed legal rights to countries taken from 
 others by the fword. Formerly their 
 dependence was on the Prince of the 
 country ; they courted his friendfhip, 
 honoured his perfon, and refpected his 
 power. How changed and altered are 
 they now ! Yet, however powerful, the 
 moll: effectual means of fecuring a lafting 
 and permanent intereft in India, are gen- 
 tlenefs and lenitv to the natives ; an en- 
 deavour to gain their hearts by affability, 
 and cement their favour by moderation ; 
 to fhew the ftricteft regard to juftice in all 
 their dealings ; to make all ranks of men, 
 under their refpecYive governments, feel 
 the happy influence of the Britiih confli- 
 tution ; to fhew the greatefr. fidelity in all 
 their treaties with the Princes of the coun- 
 try ; to gain their confidence by attention 
 
 to
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 265 
 
 to their irterefts; and to make their par- 
 tiality and friend (hip to thofe who have 
 been faithful allies to the Company and to 
 the nation, (o marked and evident, that 
 they mail not only feel the happy influ- 
 ence themfelves, but that all the Princes 
 of Hindoftan mall be witnefl'es of lb admi- 
 rable a conduct. How far thefe principles 
 have operated with the Company and their 
 agents will appear more plainly in the 
 fequel. 
 
 We mull: however confefs, that the 
 Prefidency of Madras hath often found it- 
 felf involved in almofr. inextricable difficul- 
 ties ; difficulties arifing not from mifcon- 
 duct in the members of its adminiftration, 
 but from circumftances coeval with the 
 Englifh connection with the Nabob of the 
 Carnatic. 
 
 The tract of country which this nation 
 hath agreed to defend for the Nabob in 
 the Carnatic, extends upwards of one thou- 
 fand miles from North to South; nor nave 
 
 they
 
 66 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 they any means of fupporting the troops 
 which are neceflary for its defence, but 
 thofe very revenues, which would fail the 
 moment an enemy entered the Payen- 
 Ghaut. 
 
 But that which is ftill of a greater de- 
 gree of importance, is, the Company's 
 having heretofore depended entirely on 
 the Nabob's amicable difpofition towards 
 them ; never deeming it of confequence to 
 negociate a treaty with him, or to draw a 
 precife line relative to the conduct of their 
 fervants, as it might be connected with 
 the Government of the Carnatic. From 
 which evils, the Government of Madras 
 have always been at the mercy of the Na- 
 bob ; and have been reduced, when their 
 refources failed, to one of thefe two alter- 
 natives, either the making of peace on 
 any terms they could procure, for want 
 of means to carry on the wax (as was the 
 cafe in the war with Hyder-Ally-Cawn *) 
 
 * The war of 1767, 
 
 or
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 267 
 
 or of purfuing whatever meafures the Na- 
 bob might deem it neceffary to dictate, 
 Thefe are imperfections in a political fyf- 
 tem that mould be remedied ; the mode 
 is eafy, and fhall be pointed out here- 
 after. 
 
 Freed from all the difturbers of his 
 domeftic quiet on the fall of Madura, and 
 the death of Ufoph-Cawn, the Nabob of 
 the Carnatic fat ferioufly to work on the 
 great bufinefs of reformation in his domi- 
 nions. The ravages of war had nearly 
 extinguished every fpark of induftry in 
 his fubjects. The villages, that in former 
 days were crouded with inhabitants, were 
 now almofl: depopulated ; the lands lay 
 wafte, and all was hurrying to deitrudtion. 
 Time alone, however, could operate with 
 effect on calamities fo rooted ; that which 
 was in the power of a munificent Prince, 
 was quickly applied to the difeafes of the 
 ftate. Humanity prompted him to relieve 
 the diftrefles of his people ; nor was he 
 fparing of the utmoft encouragement to 
 1 thofe
 
 2 68 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 thofe miferable fugitives to return, who, 
 to avoid deft ruction, bad fled from the 
 places of their nativity to lefs hoftile 
 countries. Exertions of this nature never 
 fail of meeting with fuccefs. Crowds of 
 his Subjects daily flocked to their deferred 
 homes ; induftry once more began to raife 
 her head in his dominions, and agriculture 
 to flourifh ; but the refpite from war was 
 to be of fhort duration. 
 
 In fearching into the caufes of the 
 many revolutions which have happened 
 on the coaft. of Coromandel, but more es- 
 pecially in the Carnatic, a perfon, unac- 
 quainted with the authentic hiilory of 
 thofe parts, would naturally conclude, 
 that the Nabob, i\lohammed-Ally-Cawn, 
 from his firft acceffion to the muinud, 
 had uniformly been actuated by a Spirit 
 of reftlefs ambition and enterprize ; that 
 he alone had teen the Spring of action in 
 all political contefta, and that to him 
 a'oie was to be attributed all the diftur- 
 bances that for a feries of years unhappily 
 4 v lit ted
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 269 
 
 vilited thofe countries : nor is it poflible 
 for a candid mind to form a different con- 
 clufiou, while truth lies buried under a 
 heap of mi freprefen ration : be it our pre- 
 fent talk to clear it from the falfehood 
 with which it is encumbered. 
 
 The Prefidency of Madras, from whom 
 all knowledge of the tranfaclions of that 
 fide of India hath been derived, have hi- 
 therto poiiefled not only the deliberative, 
 but alio the executive power both of the 
 Nabob's government and of their own. 
 In matters of moment, every thing hath 
 either originated with them, or hath been 
 executed with their concurrence. The. 
 Nabob never afYumed an independency, or 
 a feparation of interefb ; his arms and 
 treafure were employed as they deemed 
 moil advantageous to the common caufe. 
 In the reprefentation of political events, 
 therefore, the .Prefidency of Madras have 
 always kept the channel open to them- 
 felves. Where merit was to be acquired, 
 they availed themlelvcs of the advantage, 
 
 and
 
 i-jo ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 and afcribed it to their own adminiftra- 
 tion ; where puni foment was to be dread- 
 ed, they fhifted the blame, and fixed the 
 opprobrium on the Nabob. 
 
 For upwards of thirty years did this 
 Prince refrain from writing directly to 
 the King, or to the Company. His let- 
 ters were conftantly tranfmitted through 
 the Prefidency of Madras, and went open 
 for their perufal. When this, therefore, 
 is known, and that the governors them- 
 felves in general dictated thofe letters ; 
 when it comes to be confidered, that for 
 the fatisfaction of the immediate power on 
 the fpot, and for the fecurity of his own 
 peace of mind, as well as from an unac- 
 quaintance that there exifled a fuperior 
 authority in England to that of the Com- 
 pany or their delegates ; we fay, when 
 thefe things come to be confidered, the 
 odium, which has unmeritedly been call: 
 upon the Nabob, will revert upon the 
 heads of thofe who, to fcreen themfelves, 
 
 have
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 271 
 
 have injurioufly attempted to reprobate 
 the character of another. 
 
 One poftulate here, it may not be un- 
 neceflary to lay down ; which is, that the 
 entanglements of Indian politics are great, 
 becaufe in general they are temporary, and 
 rarely have a permanent object in view ; 
 but then they are natural, becaufe they 
 are dictated by the prefent neceflity of 
 thole who govern, and are, perhaps, more 
 obvious on that account than the politics 
 of Europe, where the fecret interefts of 
 individuals, and the influence of party, 
 have often a very large fhare in the trans- 
 actions of the ftate. 
 
 r 
 
 The feudal fyftem, which exifted in its 
 full vigour during the profperity of the 
 Mogul empire, dill prevails in the diffe- 
 rent governments of Hindoftan. The 
 Soubahdars, whatever inattention they may 
 pay to it, ftill acknowledge themfelves the 
 vaffals of the crown ; the Nabobs promifc 
 obedience to the Soubahdars ; and the Ra- 
 jahs
 
 ty 2 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 jahs and Zemindars, who are the Hindoo 
 orders of chieftains, are bound to the ful- 
 fillance of every obligation, as feudato- 
 ries to the Mohammedan Princes, in their 
 feveral provinces. 
 
 Of this latter clafs is the Rajah, im- 
 properly filled the King of Tanjore : his 
 country is the largeft and mofl valuable 
 of any poflefled by the Zemindars in the 
 Carnatic dominions ; being bounded by the 
 fea, and bordering upon the French and 
 Dutch territories, is fo fituated as to be of 
 infinite importance to that country. 
 
 The unprecedented and unjuftifiable con- 
 duct of the Englifh Company towards the 
 Nabob, with refpecl: to this diftricl:, has 
 been ampiv fet forth in a variety of tracts. 
 Suffice it here, that the Nabob Moham- 
 med- A Uy-Cawn, after punifhing the late 
 Zemindar, Pretaub-Sing, for contumacy, 
 and other more ferious offences, entered 
 into an agreement with him in 1762, 
 which agreement was guaranteed to both 
 
 parties
 
 analysis 6f i no i a; ijj 
 
 parties by the Englifh ; that this agree- 
 ment was, in almofr, every article, daringly 
 and infultingly infringed by his fon and 
 fucceflbr Tuljajie ; infomuch, that the 
 Presidency of Madras, at the repeated foli- 
 citations of Sir John Lindfay, the King 
 of Great Britain's Plenipotentiary to the 
 powers of India, and in juftice to the 
 Nabob's rights, which they were, called 
 upon to defend, fent an army againft. him$_ 
 under the command of General Smith, in 
 1 7 7 1 ; when, in consideration of his fub* 
 miffions, the Nabob once more Wok him 
 into favour, and forgave him : that reite- 
 rated provocation, non-performance of 
 engagements, and actual combination with 
 the enemies of the Carnatic, at length 
 compelled the Nabob to deprive him of a 
 country which he fo unworthily pofferTed ; 
 a deprivation effected with the concurrence 
 of Admiral Sir Robert Harland, his Ma- 
 jetty's Commander in Chief and Plenipo- 
 tentiary in India, and of the Company's 
 reprefentatives at Madras : that the Com- 
 pany, in defiance of every principle of the 
 T law
 
 i;4 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 law of nations, or even of common juflice, 
 ordered peremptorily the rcfloration of the 
 Rajah ; and that the Nabob, as the true 
 friend of the Englifh nation, allowed them 
 to take poffeflion of the country (flill re- 
 ferving his claim of right to it) without 
 the fmallefl oppofition whatfoever; con- 
 fiding in the faith and honour of the 
 people and gevernment of England to re- 
 verie a deciiion, which every impartial 
 man cannot but look upon as unjuflifiable 
 and injurious *. 
 
 In the idea, that it would be better to 
 fmifh this object, in the briefeft manner 
 
 * It is ardently to be wiftied, that the manifold 
 grievances of this much-injured old Prince were feri- 
 oufly inquired into. His fufferings, and the example 
 they exhibit of Englifh gratitude and faith, are fhock- 
 ing even to the enemies of the Camatic. Not a Dur- 
 bar, but looks with horror at the treatment he has 
 met with. Hyder-Ally-Cawn could even inform the 
 Englifh General, then in the field againft him, that 
 peace with the Englifh was indifferent to him, their 
 conduct to Mohammed-Ally being too glaring a proof, 
 that they were not to be confided in, 
 
 pof-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 273 
 
 poffible, we have avoided touching upon 
 fome other tranfacYions, which, in due 
 order of time, mould have appeared be- 
 fore the bufinefs of Tanjore was brought 
 before the reader. , To return, therefore, to 
 the more extenfive operations of the Eng- 
 lish and of the Nabob. 
 
 In recounting the acquifitions of the 
 Englifh in 1765, by royal phirmaund 
 from the Mogul, we have noticed the five 
 Northern Circars on the coafr, of Coro- 
 mandel ; a territory that had for fome 
 time become an object of their attention, 
 and for the rent of which they had nego- 
 ciated unfuccefsfully with the foubahdar 
 of the Decan. 
 
 Previous, however, to their getting 
 pofleffion of the Circars, overtures of great 
 moment had been made by fome of the 
 moil powerful chiefs of the Decan to Mo~ 
 hammed-Ally-Cawn, which had nothing 
 lefs in view than the placing him on the 
 mufnud of that dominion in the room of 
 T z Nizam-
 
 t-jt ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Nizam- AUy-Cawn, whofe oppreflive and 
 tyrannical government they feemed deter- 
 mined to (hake off *, 
 
 A propofal of this nature, and coming 
 from an authority efficient to its execution, 
 aroufed the ambition of the Nabob. The 
 fubjedts of an extenfive kingdom, bordering 
 upon his own, voluntarily inviting him to 
 be their fovereign, was a matter not un- 
 worthy of confideration ; nor was there 
 apparently any weighty objection to an 
 acquiefcence, 
 
 In forming a judgement of the general 
 occurrences of human affairs, the furefl, 
 and, indeed, the only, rational mode of 
 trial, is by a comparative review of cir- 
 cumftances fimilar as poffible. Upon this 
 principle, therefore, to judge of the Na- 
 
 * The father of Mohammed-AIi-Cawn had, pre- 
 vious to his acceffion to the mufnud of the Carnatic, 
 ruled over a principal part of the Decan. He was 
 Nabob of Hydrabad during the foubahfliip of Nizam- 
 Ul-Muick. 
 
 bob,
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 577 
 
 bob, will only be to render him that juf- 
 tice which he defer ves. No Prince, 
 however fituated in his government, but 
 pofTefles, in fome degree, the principles 
 of ambition. Even in limited monarchies 
 fovereigns are ever grafping at an exten- 
 iion of their authority ; in abfblute ones, 
 the annals of mankind are too full of the 
 extravagance of their career. 
 
 Appointed to dominion, and accounta- 
 ble to no authority whatever, excepting 
 that of the Mogul, for the conduct he 
 might purfue, the Nabob yet hefitated on 
 the part it was moll: advifeable for him to 
 take. A long and bloody war had defo- 
 lated his country, and anticipated his re- 
 venues. A load of heavy debts was daily 
 accumulating on his head ; and the mere 
 poffeffion of the almoft-depopulated Car- 
 natic was all that he had left to extricate 
 him from his difficulties. 
 
 Under circumftances like thefe, and 
 
 when he at the fame time faw his friends 
 
 T 3 the
 
 278 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 the Englifh, with little fcruple, attempt- 
 ing every thing for their own advantage ; 
 filling their treafury with the riches of 
 Bengal, and difmcmbering a part of the 
 territory of the Decan ; we fay, when the 
 Nabob faw this, it was no mighty fh'ide 
 of ambition to liflen to a propofal that 
 was voluntarily made him by a powerful 
 people. To mew, however, that his views 
 were infeparably connected with the in- 
 terefts of the Englifh, he immediately 
 made known to them the offers he had 
 received, and confulted with them on the 
 meafures he fhould adopt. 
 
 Exhaufted by continual exertions in 
 the field, and at length wifely determined 
 to confine themfelves to the improvement 
 of the territories they had already acquired, 
 the Company had pofitively commanded 
 their fervants to refrain from all difiant 
 operations. The limits of their own do- 
 main, as well as that of the Nabob, they 
 deemed fufficient. India was in peace, 
 and they wi fried to keep it fo. 
 
 i By
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 379 
 
 By orders fuch as thefe, the Prefidency 
 of Madras was necefTarily compelled to 
 diffuade the Nabob from an acceptance of 
 the offer. The object, indeed, was tempt- 
 ing, but the friendfhip of the Englifh was 
 ftill dearer to him. He, therefore, cheer- 
 fully complied with the counfel, and mofl 
 unambitioufly declined the propofals of the 
 Decan. 
 
 When circumflances like thefe are can- 
 didly and impartially related, how differ- 
 ently do they flrike us from thofe which 
 are exaggeratedly held forth by defigning 
 men, for the accomplishment of their own 
 immediate purpofes. Throughout the 
 whole of this tranfacYion, the Nabob has 
 been declared to have been actuated by the 
 mofl unjufl and daring ambition. In 
 chaftifing his tributary of Tanjore, he has 
 met with the like reproach ; and in the 
 wars with Hyder-Ally-Cawn, the whole 
 demerits (as if the ruin was not fufficient) 
 have been laid on him. 
 
 T4 Wc
 
 aPo ANALYSIS OF INDIA: 
 
 Wc have already fhewn the confequen- 
 ces which attended this propofal from the 
 Pecan, and the Company's acquifition of 
 the Northern Circars. Both caufes ope- 
 rated powerfully with Nizam- Ally-Cawn, 
 and drove him to the alliance which he 
 afterwards formed with Hyder * Ally- 
 Cawn : the effects of this alliance have 
 been elfewhere mentioned ; the Carnatic 
 was invaded, and Hyder, victorious, dic- 
 tated a peace at the gates of Madras in 
 1769. 
 
 Having thus, in a general manner, gone 
 through a narrative of the rife and progrefs 
 of the Englifh connection with the Nabob 
 Mohammed- Ally-Cawn, we fhall next 
 proceed to offer our opinion of what is ftill 
 wanting to complete the advantages of fo 
 important an alliance. 
 
 In the firft place, a treaty of perpetual 
 friendship and alliance mould be concluded 
 with the Nabob Mohammed- Ally-Cawn, 
 by His Majefty, the Company, or the 
 
 Govern-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA- *8* 
 
 Government General of Bengal, in the 
 name of the Englifh nation ; the ground- 
 work of which might be as follows : 
 
 " That agreeably to the definitive treaty 
 <c of Paris of 1763, and of the Imperial 
 " phirmaund of 1765, the Nabob Mo- 
 " hammed-Ally-Cawn, and his fuccef- 
 *' fors for ever, mould be guaranteed in 
 f the independent pofleffion of the Sou- 
 *' bahdary of the Carnatic Payen-Ghaut. 
 
 " That the Englifli mould not directly 
 '* nor indirectly interfere with the Nabob 
 " Mohammed- Ally-Cawn in the govern- 
 " ment, or in the internal management, 
 f * of his country. 
 
 u That the forces of the Englifh, in 
 " confequenoe of the alliance, orTenfive 
 and defeniive, of the contracting parties, 
 mould march on proper requifition to 
 any part of the Nabob's dominions, for 
 the purpofes of aflifting him, either in 
 the collection of his revenues, or in the 
 
 " reducing
 
 2%z ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 46 reducing of any of his difafTefted tribu- 
 " taries. 
 
 " That neither of the contracting par- 
 " ties fhould commit any. aft of hoftility 
 ** whatever againft any of the neighbour- 
 " ing powers, but with the exprefs con- 
 li currence of the other. 
 
 " That no treaties mould be concluded, 
 *? or negociations be carried on, by either 
 *' of the contracting parties, without an 
 " immediate communication thereof to 
 " the other party ; fo that all their mea- 
 *' fures might be contlufted with unani- 
 ** mity, and one common intereft in- 
 " variably appear the remit of all their 
 '* actions. 
 
 " That in confequence of this agree- 
 " ment, and of his invariable attachment 
 " to the Englim nation, the Nabob Mo- 
 " hammed- Ally-Cawn mould continue 
 " to defray the expences of the Sepoy 
 " battalions in the Company's fervice, 
 
 " which
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 283 
 
 " which are at prefent * carried to his 
 " account; that they fhould be continued 
 " under the orders of the Englifh govern- 
 " ment ; and that all contingent charges 
 " fhould be defrayed by him when they 
 " fhould be employed from their jrefpec- 
 " tive garrifons on his fervice. 
 
 " That, as a refource in time of need, 
 " the Nabob Mohammed - Ally - Cawn 
 ** mould engage conftantly to keep, in 
 " his treafury of Madras, the fum of ten 
 " lacks of pagodas; which fum, before 
 " hoftilities fhould commence, fhould be 
 " paid into the Englifh treafury, for the 
 46 purpofe of defraying the expences of 
 ** the war, and be by them regularly ac 
 " counted for to his highnefs. 
 
 " That the Englifh fhould engage not 
 " to give fhelter or protection to any fub- 
 " jecls or fervants of the Nabob Moham- 
 " med-Ally-Cawn ; and, vice verfa, that 
 " he fhould engage to deliver up, upon 
 
 " requi-
 
 384 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 " requifition, any fubject of Great Britain 
 " who might take refuge in the Carnatic. 
 
 <c That no officer, commanding in 
 cc field or garrifon, or any fubjecl: what- 
 " ever of Great Britain, mould be allowed 
 " to lend money to any of the fubjecls of 
 " the Carnatic, at more than the legal 
 " intereir, of twelve per cent. 
 
 " That no garrifon of Englifh forces 
 ' mould be removed, or any part of 
 6 them be detached, in the Carnatic, 
 ' without timely notice being flrft given 
 ' to the Nabob ; in order that provifions 
 ' and neceflaries mould be prepared for 
 ' them on their march, and extortion and 
 6 complaint be confequently avoided. 
 
 " That the Nabob Mohammed- Ally- 
 " Cawn mould confirm to the Engliirt 
 <c nation for ever the grant of the jaghire 
 16 round Madras, on condition that it 
 <c never ihould be alienated by the Eng-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. i; 
 
 lim to any other power, or rented to 
 " any other perfon than the Nabob him- 
 " felf, he paying the full eftimated value 
 " thereof. 
 
 And laftly, " That the Nabob Mo- 
 1 hammed-Ally-Cawn, his family and 
 i fervants, refident at Madras, mould 
 ' not be deemed amenable to the Englifh 
 ' laws, but be fubjecl: to the eftablimed 
 
 * ordinances of the Carnatic ; but, in 
 1 order that fraud and chicanery mould 
 
 * be prevented, that - the Nabob mould 
 ' engage to lee immediate and impar- 
 ' tial juftice rendered to every fubjecl: 
 ' of Great Britain, who mould have 
 ' trnfa&ions with the people of the 
 ' Circars." 
 
 In the above fketch of a treaty, we 
 have endeavoured to point out all fuch 
 matters as appear to us of confequence fuf- 
 ficient to be included in an amicable agree- 
 ment between two parties, fo infeparably 
 connected as the Engllfh and the Nabob 
 
 Moham-
 
 2 86 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Mohammed- Ally -Cawn. Some of the 
 articles, we are aware, are of that com- 
 plecYion, that objections may be ftarted 
 againft them by either party. They are 
 not, however, the lefs eligible on that 
 account ; regulations are meant to provide, 
 againft the poffibility of evil. The Na- 
 bob, it is true, as well as thofe who will 
 probably be his immediate fucceffors in 
 the government, are fuch as the Englifh 
 can depend upon. A future age may pro- 
 duce a different race of men * 
 
 * A treaty was concluded in April 1781, between 
 the Nabob Mohammed-Ally-Cawn, and the Govern- 
 ment General of Bengal ; but the terms of it were 
 difapproved by the Eait-India Company. The reafons 
 for fuch difapproval are known only to themfelves. 
 
 BOOK
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 587 
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
 BORDERING upon the Carnatic Pa- 
 yen-Ghaut, is the Carnatic Balla-Ghaut, 
 or what is in general known by the name 
 of the Myfore country. This territory, 
 richer than the Payen-Ghaut,, was for 
 many ages under the government of Ra- 
 jahs of the Gentoo religion. Hyder- 
 Ally-Cawn, however, a foldier of fortune, 
 having depofed and murdered his fove- 
 reign, rendered himfelf abfolute mailer of 
 it not many years ago. 
 
 Hyder-Ally-Cawn was the fon of a 
 freedman of the King of Myfore, whofe 
 name was Futtah-Naigue. His mother 
 was of a good family. He was born at 
 Colar. By the time he came of age, he 
 found himfelf in no very elevated fitua- 
 tion, though his father had been highly 
 favoured by his mafter : he therefore en- 
 lifted
 
 cSS ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 lifted in the fervice of one of the two 
 Kings of My fore, who then reigned ; it 
 tx'ing the cuftom of that country for two 
 fovereigns to fit on the throne together, 
 one as the prince of ftate, the other as 
 the executive magistrate of the kingdom. 
 Hyder at this time headed four or five hun- 
 dred mercenaries. 
 
 In 1758 he firft brought himfelf into 
 notice in an action with the Mahrattahs. 
 He rapidly followed up his good fortune : 
 and what with intrigue, machination, and 
 a perfovering depravity, which recoiled at 
 nothing, however atrocious, he quickly 
 acquired a celebrity of name, that at once 
 gratified his ambition, and opened him a 
 way to empire. 
 
 To vagrant Europeans, whom he took 
 into his pay, it is faid, he was firft in- 
 debted for his fuccefles. The dilcipline 
 they introduced rendered the troops he 
 commanded, and who daily increafed, 
 formidable and confident. They learned 
 
 to
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 289 
 
 to depend on each other, and to fight 
 with one fpring of animation. He now 
 changed his name from plain Hyder- 
 Naigue to that of Hyder-Ally-rCawn. 
 
 The double government of Myfore 
 prefented him with a tempting opportu- 
 nity of raifing himfelf to eminence. He 
 accordingly fet to work. The feeds of 
 difcord were ealily fown. He irritated 
 the Kings againft each other. War was 
 the refult. He now affifted one, and then 
 the other. At length he feized upon Ban- 
 galore ; and pretending to be eutrufted 
 with the feals of the fecond King of My- 
 fore, ruled over that part of the empire, 
 while the nrft King continued to reign at 
 his capital of Seringapatam. 
 
 In Bangalore, Hyder was unfuccefs- 
 fully befieged by the Mahrattahs, and the 
 nrft or great King of Myfore. He re- 
 venged the attempt ; and in a vigorous 
 anault carried Seringapatam by ftorm. 
 He now was in poffeffion of both fo ve- 
 il reigns,
 
 29 ANALYSIS- OF INDIA. 
 
 reigns, and of a powerful and dangerous 
 enemy, a Bramin, called Cundarow, who 
 had ftirred up the Mahrattahsagainft him, 
 and who he in retaliation confined in a 
 cage. 
 
 From this time he governed Myfore 
 with abfolute authority ; ftyling himfelf 
 the Regent, and ufing no other fignet, or 
 flamp upon the coinage than that of his 
 unfortunate fovereigns, who fhortly after 
 fell the victims of his jealoufy and ambi- 
 tion. 
 
 It is not to be forgotten here, that du- 
 ring this rebellious fubjugation of the an- 
 cient government of Myfore, Hyder was 
 afTifted by a Romifh bifhop. A dig- 
 nitary of the church of Chrifl was feen 
 to fight under the banners of an ufurper, 
 a regicide, and a Mohammedan ! 
 
 His authority fixed in Myfore, Hyder 
 next turned his thoughts to Bidanore. He 
 took advantage of the minority of the law- 
 ful
 
 ANA LYSIS O F ' I N D I A* 091 
 
 fui prince of that valuable country ; and 
 vnder the mafk of fupporting him againft 
 a cabal which forcibly retained the admini- 
 ftration of affairs, he gained pofTemon of the 
 capital, and then mattering the country, 
 annexed it to his other dominions anno 
 
 *7 6 3- 
 
 Nor did he flop here. He conquered 
 the Na'i'rs, and all the petty Rajahs and 
 chiefs on the Malabar fide of India. He 
 wrefted countries, likewife, from the Sou- 
 bahdar of the Decan ; and betides Canoul 
 and Cudapah, he drew afterwards under his 
 government various other conliderable dis- 
 tricts belonging to the Mahrattahs : fo 
 that in a very fhort fpace of time he was 
 the defpotic ruler of an empire, yielding 
 upwards of four crores of rupees annually *. 
 
 Hyder-Ally-Cawn was a character of 
 an extraordinary mould. He was grofsly 
 illiterate, not knowing even the alphabet ; 
 
 * Four millions fterling. 
 
 U 2 and
 
 tqz ANALYSTS OP INDIA. 
 
 and yet by dictation he was his own fe- 
 cretary. He never employed minifters. 
 He was duan, treafurer, and all the mot- 
 ley compounds of an Afiatic adminiftra- 
 tion himfelf. In the early part of his 
 days he was brave and courageous. In 
 every ftage of his life he was an able gene- 
 ral. He was not naturally inhuman. When 
 he was cruel, he faw, or thought he faw, 
 a political neceffity which demanded it. 
 Liberal to his friends, but oppreflive to 
 his enemies. He was the encourager of 
 all ufeful projects amongft his fubjects. 
 He treated them with kindnefs, but he ri- 
 gidly exacted their obedience. Such were 
 the ftriking features of the portrait of Hy- 
 der-Ally-Cawn. 
 
 In the courfe of our narrative we have 
 neceflarily been obliged to take notice of 
 the orTenfive league that was concluded 
 between Hyder and Nizam-Ally-Cawn 
 againft the Englifh and the Carnatic, and 
 of the reafuns which induced Hyder-Ally 
 to pitch upon fo critical a juncture. The 
 4 year
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 293 
 
 year 1767 began with hostilities on both 
 fides. This war, fo difgraceful to the 
 Englifh nation in its conclufion, was 
 planned and conducted, as we have alrea- 
 dy remarked, with an infatuated degree of 
 indifcretion. The Englifh general was- 
 counteracted in all his fchcmes by the pre- 
 fence of two field deputies, who were in 
 every refpecl: unacquainted with the prin- 
 ciples of military fervice : the fupplies to 
 the army were irregular and fcanty. Hy- 
 der found means to furprife them in their 
 camp, to carry off their provifions and 
 baggage, to feize upon their befl pofts, by 
 procuring the moft exacl: intelligence, and 
 in reality to difhearten, in a great degree, 
 a body of men who had hitherto been un- 
 acquainted with fear. The whole of the 
 year 1767 was fpent in this manner ; 
 1768 faw the Englifh at one time more 
 fuccefsful. 
 
 Hyder, worfted in feveral engagements, 
 
 was ftill, however, formidable, and kept 
 
 up a menacing countenance : terms of ac- 
 
 U 3 coramodation
 
 5 9 4 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 commodation were propofed to him ; he 
 liftened to them with indifference ; nor 
 was it without much negociation, that he 
 was prevailed upon to conclude a peace, 
 after having carried on the war for two 
 years. This peace was concluded at St. 
 Thomas's Mount in 1769, as we have 
 already related. 
 
 Hyder-Aliy ftill continues to he confi- 
 dered, by feveral of the Englifh, rather as 
 an enemy againft whom it is neceffary 
 they mould be conftantly on their guard, 
 than as an ally on whom they might de- 
 pend. Some are even of opinion, that 
 unlefs the Englifh, by fome means or other, 
 get rid of a neighbour too ambitious and 
 too acYive for their repofe, they cannot 
 with fecurity rely on that power, which 
 a fortunate combination of circumftances 
 hath given them on the coaft of Coro- 
 mandel. We, however, confefs ourfelves 
 to be of a contrary opinion. It is true, 
 that Hyder, previous to the taking up 
 arms 'againft him by the Engliih and the 
 
 Nabob
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. i$$ 
 
 Nabob Mohammed- Ally-Cawn, threatened* 
 an invafion of the Carnatic from Coim-* 
 battoor in 1767; and obtained from Ni- 
 zam-Ally-Cawn a funnud, verting in him- 
 felf the government of the Nabob's do- 
 minions : but, on the other hand, it is 
 equally true, that the Englifh and the 
 Nabob agreed, that if their arms mould 
 prove fuccefsful againfl: him, the Compa- 
 ny mould ftand in the character of De- 
 wan of his (the Myfore) country ; that 
 the family of the Myfore Rajahs mould 
 be reftored to the nominal fuperiority ; 
 but that the Nabob mould have the ac- 
 tual power of the government. Could it 
 be ambition, therefore, which alone ac- 
 tuated Hyder in the vigorous meafures he 
 afterwards purfued ? or was it a neceflary 
 attention to his own prefervation ? For 
 a length of time Hyder had reafon to ap- 
 prehend a ftorm from the Carnatic : the 
 intrigues of the Englim and of the Nabob 
 Mohammed- Ally-Cawn, for fome years in 
 the Decan, he had not been unacquainted 
 U 4 with;
 
 396 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 with ; neither had he been ignorant of 
 their tranfa&ions in Bengal. 
 
 Caufes fo powerful combining againft, 
 and threatening his future tranquillity, 
 and the Nabob's profefled enmity to him 
 being publicly known, it was not unna- 
 tural in him, neither can it be deemed 
 politically unjuft, that he fhould endea- 
 vour to divert the danger from his own 
 head, and fix it, if poffible, upon thofe 
 whom he knew to be his enemies. 
 
 It has been affirmed, that the French 
 are the undoubted friends of Hyder ; that 
 he preferves an inviolable attachment to 
 their interefts, and that he will throw 
 himfelf into the arms of France the very 
 fir ft opportunity. This we believe to be 
 literally true : but would he not be fenfe- 
 lefs were he to act otherwife, when he 
 finds, not only that he cannot obtain af- 
 fiftance from England, but that the Na- 
 bob of the Carnatic is his declared enemy ? 
 that he wifhes at all rifques to fubdue 
 
 him ;
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. *tf 
 
 him ; that the Mahrattahs are in the fame 
 temper of mind ; and that conftant en- 
 deavours are ufed to make the Englifh 
 his enemies alib ? Hyder we know to be 
 connected with the French (whofe power, 
 indeed, at the prefent, in that quarter of 
 the globe, is fo effectually annihilated, 
 that nothing but a miracle can reflore it ;) 
 but at the fame time we are convinced, 
 that he would gladly unite with any 
 power on earth that could lend the leaft 
 affifr.ance to fave him from deftruction : 
 and can he be blamed ? or can an atten- 
 tion to his own intereft be imputed to 
 him as a crime ? 
 
 An analogy of circumftances will fet 
 this matter in a clearer point of view. 
 When the Englifh in Bengal had totally 
 fubjugated Shujah-Ul-Dowlah, a plan was 
 determined on for depriving that prince of 
 his dominions : Lord Clive, however, 
 foon difcovered that the King, unto whom 
 they were to have been given, was una- 
 ble to maintain them, and that it would 
 
 have
 
 298 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 have broken down one of his ftrongefl: 
 barriers againft the Mahrattahs and the 
 
 CD 
 
 northern powers ; he therefore wifely re- 
 stored Shujah-Ul-Dowlah to his domi- 
 nions. Such, in our opinion, mould be 
 the conduit of the Englim with refpect 
 to Hyder-Ally-Cawn and the Soubahdar 
 of the Decan, neither of whom mould be 
 totally reduced. 
 
 The treaties which fubfift between the 
 Englim and thefe princes mould likewiie 
 be confidered in an investigation of this 
 nature. In all of them mutual defence is 
 included ; but in no one instance hath 
 that article been carried into execution. 
 Tbe affording of Hyder aid, we will al- 
 low, would be productive of many dan- 
 gerous confequences ; and therefore the 
 political neceffity that could warrant it 
 muft be urgent indeed : but again, on the 
 other hand, the feeking his extirpation, 
 while under an obligation to defend him, 
 and while the Englim know that on his 
 ruin the already overgrown power of the 
 
 Mahrattahs
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 299 
 
 Mahrattahs would be exalted to fb dange- 
 rous a height, as to threaten defr.ruct.ion 
 to the Carnatic, would be to trample up- 
 on an agreement which it is their real ad- 
 vantage to preferve inviolable. Hyder 
 mould be upheld in his dominions ; his 
 gratitude might then be poflibly de- 
 pended on ; and the barrier he would 
 form againfr, the Mahrattahs, with whom 
 he is ever at war, would render him in 
 the end one of the mod: ufeful and pro- 
 fitable allies that the Englifh or the Car- 
 natic poflibly could have*. 
 
 Having 
 
 * On grounds fimilar to thefe, Hyder propofed an 
 alliance with the Englifh through the Prefidency of 
 Madras in 1779. His overtures were not treated with 
 the attention he conceived they merited. The confe- 
 quence was, he immediately and openly prepared for 
 war; and in the beginning of 1780, entered and laid 
 defolate the Carnatic. How far his fon, Tippo Saheb, 
 may wifh to perfevere in his fteps, it is at this moment 
 impoflible to fay. The fon, though not fo good a 
 ilatefman, is yet a better foldier than the father. War is 
 not the intereft of the Englifh. They mould fedulouily 
 feek for peace ; and it may be as prudent, perhaps, to 
 preferve it with Tippoo Saheb, as with any power in 
 I India.
 
 3 oo ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Having thus arrived at the end of our 
 hiftorical Analyfis, we mall next proceed 
 to throw together fome reflections which 
 neceflarily grow out of the fubjects we 
 have been treating. The Portuguefe and 
 French, the immediate predeceflbrs of the 
 Englifh in the regions of Hindoftan, not 
 fatisfied with the wealth and power which 
 they voluntarily received from the indo- 
 lent inhabitants, madly endeavoured to 
 extend their acquisitions by perfidy and 
 the fword. This they in feveral inftances 
 accomplished ;. but their fuccefs, in the 
 end, was inadequate to their expectations. 
 Large tracts of country, without the 
 means of regular defence, are the fureft 
 attractions to an Afiatic enemy. Accus- 
 tomed to predatory excurfions, the very 
 idea of deliberate action is exploded from 
 their fyftem ; fuddenly they rufh upon 
 
 India. The reader will be pleafed to obferve, that the 
 reai'on of keeping Hyder's name in the body of this 
 little tradt, although he died in 1782, is (imply becaufe 
 it is better known in Europe than that of his fon and 
 fucceflbr Tippoo Saheb. 
 
 a coun-
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 301 
 
 a country with fire and defolation, and 
 with an equal precipitancy, fwcep all that 
 they do not deftroy before theru. 
 
 On this account, all the territorial po- 
 feffions of Europeans in the Eafr. Indies 
 fhould be compact, connected, and fo 
 equally well defended, that an enemy 
 fhould have no advantage in attacking one 
 place in preference to another. But that 
 which is of ftill greater importance to- 
 wards their permanent fecurity, is the 
 good faith with which they fhould con- 
 duct themfelves in all their tranfactions 
 with the country governments. Though 
 prone to chicanery and duplicity them- 
 felves, the people of India are yet admi- 
 rers of the contrary character in others. 
 The Englifh they have ever fuppofed the 
 moil: honourable of all Europeans ; and, 
 on that account, the Englifh influence 
 hath extended farther than did that of the 
 French or Portuguefe, even in the days of 
 their greatest proiperity. 
 
 The
 
 $02 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 The immutability of Englim truth, 
 however, hath for fome years pair, been a 
 matter of doubt in many parts of Hin- 
 doftan ; articles of agreement have been 
 evaded, treaties have been broken, hofti- 
 lities have been commenced unjuftly, and 
 even the members of one Presidency have 
 been {een to aftiil: the enemies of another. 
 To remedy a defect, fo glaring, and one 
 which fo loudly called for redrefs, the 
 Legiflature of England thought proper to 
 conftitute a Government General, with 
 fuperintending and controlling powers over 
 the other Preiidencies, fo far as fhould 
 relate to their declaring war or negociating 
 peace, excepting in cafes of imminent ne- 
 cefTity. But this is a power of ideal con- 
 iideration, more than of real efficiency ; 
 fince imminent neceflity can always be 
 alledged. 
 
 No commiffion mould be granted, with 
 an imaginary or a circumfcribed authority, 
 to a Board of Supremacy ; it fhould have 
 
 an
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 30$ 
 
 an unlimited command, or none *. To 
 fay, that the Governor General and Coun- 
 cil can punifh any of the members of the 
 inferior adminiftrations, for not adhering 
 to the fpirit of the acl of Parliament, is to 
 let down for a certainty that which we are 
 convinced it would be difficult to execute. 
 An inftance of this is now before ns. 
 
 The Government of Bombav, in the 
 year 1776, efpoufed the caufe of Ragho- 
 naut-Row t? and entered into an alliance 
 
 * It has been in agitation, it is faid, to give the Go- 
 vernor General a paramount authority. The meafure 
 would be a wile one. Whoever he may be, he lhould, 
 tinder the heavieft penalties, have an uncontrollable 
 power. At prefent India is moil diftractedly gover- 
 ned. The native Princes know not in which Engliih 
 adminiflration to confide. They behold an univerfal 
 counteraction. This fhould be attended to, or it may 
 be too late to remedy the defect. Mr. Pitt's Bill had 
 not been brought into Parliament when the above was 
 written. 
 
 f By the laft advices from India, intelligence has 
 been received of the death of Raghonaut-Row. Of 
 this circumftance we were not apprifed, until it was 
 too late to infert it in the body of this treatife. 
 
 with
 
 go* ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 with him. The Governor General and 
 Council of Bengal deemed it expedient to 
 annul the terms of that alliance, to order 
 the Britiih forces to be withdrawn from 
 the affiftance of that chief, and to enter 
 into engagements with the oppofite party. 
 Still, however, the Government of Bom- 
 bay continued their protection, though not 
 their military affiftance, to Raghonaut- 
 Row. The Company in England, not 
 knowing the meafures that were purfued 
 by the Governor General and Council, 
 approved of the Bombay alliance ; and 
 this emboldened that Prefidency to perfe- 
 vere in the refolution which it had at flril 
 adopted*. 
 
 How fuch a contrariety of action can 
 be of benefit to the general fyftem, is a 
 point that we mall leave to the deciiion of 
 
 * A more ferious refractorinefs hath fince fhewn 
 itfelf in the Prefidency of Fort St. George. But, as 
 this fubjecl is now under difcufiion, an expofition of 
 it would jofnbly be confidered as precipitate and 
 unfair. 
 
 others.
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 305 
 
 others. The fupremacy of the Govern- 
 ment General is certainly thereby rendered 
 unavailing. The powers of India are 
 witneffes of what muft appear to them an 
 arYumed authority. Difcord takes place, 
 and the want of unanimity is felt even 
 more than it was before. 
 
 One good, however, refults from the 
 appointment ; and that is, the peace and 
 tranquillity which it has in general dif- 
 fuied throughout the provinces of Hin- 
 doftan : nor is that the only benefit that 
 may be expected from it ; the right of 
 negociation, and of forming alliances, be- 
 ing veiled in the Governor General and 
 Council alone, a lyftem may be thereby 
 eftablifhed for fixing, on a lafting founda- 
 tion, the balance of power in India. 
 
 From what has been faid of the Princes 
 of Hindoftan, their fituation and different 
 connections, it muft evidently appear, that 
 nothing could tend fo much to the general 
 tranquillity, or to the fafety of the Eng- 
 X lifli
 
 3 o6 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 lifh in particular, as an alliance eftablifhed 
 between that nation, the Nabob of the 
 Carnatic, the Nabob of Owd, the Soubah- 
 dar of the Decan, Hyder-Ally-Cawn., and 
 the Mahrattahs. 
 
 By a convention of this nature, the 
 peace of India would be effectually fecured. 
 The other nations would tremble at a 
 power fo formidable ; and the Englifh, 
 in the event, would reap the raoft folid 
 and permanent advantages *. 
 
 At the fame time, however, that an 
 alliance with Mohammed - Ally- Cawn, 
 Aufuph-Ul Dowlah, Hyder-Ally-Cawn, 
 the Mahrattahs, and Nizam- Ally-Cawn 
 would be highly beneficial to the common 
 caufe, we are far from being of opinion 
 
 ** Vifionary as this combination was fuppofed, an 
 alliance has now taken place between the very powers 
 here mentioned. The Government General of Ben- 
 gal, and Mhadajee Scindia concluded it in 1781, 
 and it was ratified at Poonah, the Mahrattah capital, 
 in 1783. 
 
 that
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 307 
 
 that the Englifh fhould be in the leaft 
 ir&ttentive to the terms of thofe treaties 
 which they have already concluded with 
 the other powers of Hindoftan. On the 
 contrary, it mould be their aim to culti- 
 vate an univerfal amity ; in fhort, to ap- 
 pear what they undoubtedly may be, if at 
 any time they are fo inclined, the arbiters 
 of the Eaft. 
 
 One regulation, however, is effentially 
 neceffary towards effecting this falutary 
 purpofe ; and that is, the eftablifhment of 
 refidents at the feveral principal courts of 
 Hindoftan. At prefent all intelligence is 
 communicated by fpies, a fpecies of infor- 
 mation that is little to be depended on. 
 Englifh refidents, on the contrary, would 
 be more tenacioufly watchful, not only 
 of all public actions, but of all private 
 machinations. The expence would be 
 but trifling ; and the certain indication it 
 would convey of the Englifh friendship, 
 would be productive of the beflr confe- 
 quences. This I am convinced is a matter 
 X 2 of
 
 30& ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 of infinitely greater moment than it may 
 at firft feem to be. A local knowledge 
 of the movements of the refpective govern- 
 ments hath long been wanting. The 
 Englifh have hitherto deliberated in the 
 dark ; no information being to be depended 
 on ; all has been left to chance and the 
 effect of accidental communication * 
 
 But this meafure mould not be partially 
 adopted, fince one of its principal advan- 
 tages would refult from a comparifon of 
 the information furnifhed by the feveral 
 agents, whofe feparate and unconcerted 
 communications and reflections would be 
 frequently found to explain and illuftrate 
 each other. 
 
 Political wifdom ftrongly inculcates 
 the neceflity there is that thofe who arc 
 
 * Since the publication of this tract, ministers have 
 been fent to the Courts of Nizam-Ally-Cawn, Mha- 
 dajei-Bhoonfellab, and others. One even was intended 
 for the Durbar of Hyder-Ally-Cawn, when the war 
 broke out with that Prince, in 1780. 
 
 intruded
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 309 
 
 intruded with the administration of go- 
 vernment, mould make it one of the firft 
 objects of their care, to acquire an accurate 
 knowledge of the fecret difpofitions and 
 deiigns of any Prince or people with 
 whom they conclude a peace, or contract 
 an alliance. The inconveniencies arifing 
 from a difregard of this policy may be 
 inftanced in a recent cafe of the Ranah of 
 Gohud. 
 
 The Government General of Bengal 
 juftly conceiving this chieftain to be ca- 
 pable, from his local (ituation, of contri- 
 buting to the execution of the plan which 
 they had formed for conducting the war 
 againfr, the Mahrattahs, entered into an 
 ofFeniive and defenfive treaty of friendfhip 
 with him : but not fufficiently acquainted 
 with his real interefls, his real views, or 
 real Strength, they unwarily made him 
 conceffions, to which he was on no ac- 
 count entitled, and which drew upon 
 them, in the end, very confiderable dif- 
 ficulties. Had there been an agent at the 
 X 3 Durbar
 
 3 io ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Durbar of this Rajah, prior to the period 
 referred to, thofe difficulties would have 
 been avoided, and, inftead of them, eflen- 
 tial advantages would have been derived 
 from the connection. But the political 
 fyftem of the Company had been either 
 too narrow in its operations, or too oeco- 
 nomical in its fpirit, to fupply the infor-' 
 mation requifite on this occafion, and 
 which information could only have been 
 derived from the fource we have already 
 mentioned. It followed, therefore, that 
 the Council General were neceffitated to 
 regulate their conduct in this important 
 affair, by fuch imperfect lights as a hafty 
 and unfatisfactory refearch could afford. 
 The hTue was by no means furprifing. It 
 was difcovered that the views and interefts 
 of theRanah were very different from what 
 they had imagined. It was found that 
 he had, in the beginning, concealed his 
 real views : and it was experienced, either 
 that they had been miftaken in his cha- 
 racter and difpofition, or that an erroneous 
 
 eltimate
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 3 u 
 
 eftimate had been made of his power and 
 
 refources. 
 
 On duly confidering this fact, the ne- 
 ceflity of circumfpection in forming either 
 temporary or lafting alliances with any of 
 the native powers of India, muft be abun- 
 dantly apparent. The utility of collect- 
 ing every poffible information respecting 
 the difpofition, genius, talents, character, 
 connections, views, intereits, revenues, 
 military ftrength, and even domeftic hif- 
 tory of thofe Princes or people, with 
 whofe affairs our own happen to be inter- 
 woven or related, either immediately or 
 remotely, mult be alfo equally clear. And 
 finally, the perfons deputed for this pur- 
 pofe, if chofen with care, would, by 
 tranfmitting exact and well-digefted in- 
 formation to the Government General on 
 the various points jufl particularifed, en- 
 able it to decide on foreign affairs with a 
 preciuon and promptitude, to which, la- 
 bouring wider the difadvantage we have 
 X 4 ftated,
 
 3 i2 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 flated, it is impoffible it mould have al- 
 ways been equal. 
 
 It may be permitted here to obferve, 
 that as it is the univerfal practice both of 
 European and Afiatic powers to employ 
 fuch agents, no good reafon can be offered 
 why the fame policy mould not be adopted 
 by the Eaft-India Company, which, per- 
 haps, has more numerous, as well as more 
 diftant connections, (we talk not here of 
 pofitive, but political connections), than 
 any one ftate in Europe. 
 
 The avowed and oftenfible objects of 
 fuch minifters or agents, mould be the 
 promoting of harmony and a good under- 
 standing between the Princes, at whofe 
 courts they mould refide, and the Govern- 
 ment General of India ; and their endea- 
 vours to accompliih fo defuable an end 
 fhould be fincere and unwearied. They 
 might alfo be inftructed to deliberate in 
 conjuclion with thefe chiefs, or their con- 
 fidential fervants, on the mofl effectual 
 
 means
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 313 
 
 means of increafing the mutual confidence 
 of their principals, fo as to lead to the 
 eftablifhment of a firm and durable friend- 
 mi p between them. Their progrefs, how- 
 ever, to this point, ought to be flow, to 
 the end that they may have time for ob- 
 taining every proper and neceflary infor- 
 mation before any overtures, for a clofer 
 connection be either offered or received. 
 
 Befides directing their attention and in- 
 quiries to the general objects that have 
 been already enumerated, there are fome 
 particular ones, which would properly fall 
 within their province, and with which the 
 controlling Government in India, mould 
 be equally converfant. Thefe principally 
 refer to the perfonal or domeftic circum- 
 ftances of the Princes at whofe courts 
 they mould refide. It is not fufficient 
 that the Government General are acquaint- 
 ed with the real interefts of the feveral 
 {lates around them : nor mould they be 
 fatisfied with inferring the probability of 
 any particular delign or meaiure from its 
 
 con-
 
 3 i4 ANALYSIS OF INDIJ 
 
 confonance or agreement with thefe iu~ 
 terefls. Such deductions will, doubtldsly, 
 often be juft, but they will alfo be fre- 
 quently fallacious : Princes not uncom- 
 monly are governed by favourites and 
 minifters : and it fometimes happens that 
 the views of inch counfellors are directly 
 repugnant to the interefts of their matters. 
 Hence a knowledge of the characters and 
 fecret intentions of this defcription of men 
 would occasionally be effential to the pru- 
 dent adminiilration of affairs : and hence 
 the attainment of this knowledge would 
 properly form one of the moif material 
 purluits of refidents at the feveral Durbars 
 of India. 
 
 We could expatiate much more largely 
 on the falutary tendency of the mealure 
 we have adviild, but this may fuffice to 
 demonflrate its utility. Before we difmifs 
 the fuhjedt, however, we will add, that 
 cxclufive of the political benefits which 
 would be yielded by the regulation in 
 question, it would be productive of many 
 
 capital
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 315 
 
 capital advantages in a literary view. 
 Europeans are by no means perfectly ac- 
 quainted with the hiftory or manners, the 
 character or genius, the religions or phi- 
 lofophical tenets, the literature or lan- 
 guages of the inhabitants of Hindoftan. 
 Contiderable improvements and difcoveries 
 remain to be made in each of thefe in- 
 terefting points ; nor need it be infifted 
 on, becaufe it is abundantly obvious, that 
 our agents, at the different courts of India, 
 might, by the facility with which they 
 would obtain accefs to various materials 
 and documents hitherto unexplored, con- 
 tribute, in an eminent degree, to the 
 advancement of this branch of ufeful and 
 curious knowledge. In this light alone, 
 therefore, the appointment of a relident 
 at the court of the Lama of Thibet, 
 may be regarded as a meafure of public 
 utility. In all events, the advantages of 
 a general regulation, like to that in con- 
 templation, could not fail to compenfate for 
 the expence which it would create, though 
 
 that
 
 3*6 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 that expence fhould be even more confide- 
 rable than it need be. 
 
 But to the whole it may pofiibly be 
 objected, that the jealoufv and diftruft 
 which this meafure would probably excite 
 in the powers of Hindoftan, if it did not 
 prevent its execution, would, at leaft, ren- 
 der Englifh agents fo fufpected, that their 
 iituation would be exceeding difagreeable, 
 and their conftraint fuch as to make them 
 incapable of communicating either ufeful 
 or curious information. 
 
 To this it may be replied, that ambaf- 
 iadors and relldents, at all courts, are con- 
 fidered in the double capacity of negocia- 
 tors and flate fpies ; yet this perfuafion 
 no where prevents their reception, or fub- 
 jects them to particular conftraint. If 
 the receiving of luch minifters be attended 
 with inconveniencies, it is, in return, pro- 
 ductive of advantages ; for the practice 
 being universal, thefe advantages and dis- 
 advantages may be fa id to be reciprocal ; 
 
 and,
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 317 
 
 and, perhaps, no courts are lefs myfrerious 
 or fecret than thofe of India. There are, 
 it is true, many arts pradtifed in them 
 calculated to deceive ; but thefe will rare- 
 ly fiicceed with one who is acquainted with 
 the genius of the people. Eaftern Dur- 
 bars, indeed, are fo little prone to jealouiy 
 or fufpicion, of the nature here alluded to, 
 that avowed, fpies and intelligencers are 
 tolerated at every one of them ; nor are 
 they prevented from communicating fuch 
 information as they may collect to their 
 employers, except when an open rupture 
 has broke out between the parties, in 
 which event, they are either difmifled or 
 recalled. Hence it is plain, that a refident 
 conducting himfelf at any Indian court 
 with ordinary decency and prudence, is 
 very unlikely to become an object of jea- 
 loufy or diftruft ; and even if he mould 
 be confidered in fuch a light on his mil: 
 arrival, it would require very little addrefs 
 to remove the impreffion. 
 
 If
 
 3 iS ANALYSIS OF TNDIA. 
 
 If public minifters, indeed, will openly 
 intrigue at foreign courts, or if they will 
 leek information in an indifcreet manner, 
 and by improper means, it is natural that 
 they mould become obnoxious. So long, 
 however, as they conduct themfelves with 
 prudence, and avoid betraying a prying 
 and eager curiofity, it may fafely be af- 
 firmed, that neither their actions will be 
 fufpected, nor their lituation rendered un- 
 eafy. 
 
 Eflential, however, as regulations of 
 this nature may be in the extenfive ma- 
 nagement of the political fyftem of the 
 Englifh government in the Eafr. Indies, 
 an attention to the lefs complicated regu- 
 lation of their domeftic concerns may not 
 be lefs necei^ary or ufeful. 
 
 Of all the innovations which have been 
 made by the Legiflature in the manage- 
 ment of the Company's affiurs, not one 
 hath been fo loudly exclaimed againfr. as 
 the introduction of the Englifh laws into 
 
 the
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 319 
 
 the Bengal provinces. This, however, 
 we are lorry to believe, hath proceeded 
 more from a difappointment of interefted 
 views, than from a conviction of any per- 
 nicious confequences that they are likely 
 to produce. No man of reafbn, pofleffing 
 a perlonal knowledge of the manners and 
 cuitoms of Hindoftan, can honeltly de- 
 clare, he believes the Englifh laws impro- 
 per to be introduced into that country. 
 Prejudice, indeed, may operate powerfully 
 on fome who have been educated in all 
 the principles of Afiatic defpotiim, who 
 have ruled over provinces with an arbi- 
 trary fvvay, and whofe words have been 
 law ; but a difpaffionate enquirer, who 
 judges with moderation, and who fees the 
 neceffity of coercion in a country where 
 common juftice hath been trampled under 
 foot, not only by fome of the Englifh 
 themfelves, but univerfally by their fer- 
 vants and dependents, will unhefitatingly 
 confefs, that the rod of legal authority 
 cannot but be ferviceable in withholding 
 the hand of oppreffion, and enfuringjto 
 4 the
 
 3 29 ANALYSIS OF INDIA, 
 
 the honeft labourer the fcanty reward of 
 his induftry and trouble. This, it is faid, 
 has never been denied him. But what is 
 more liable to mifreprefentation than an 
 unfettled ftate, where all dominion, after 
 the confufion of fucceffive revolutions, is 
 transferred to a few ftrangers, and where 
 the conquerors, living under their own 
 laws of freedom, amidft a nation of help- 
 lefs and unprotected beings, exhibit a fitua- 
 tion almoft without parallel in hiftory ? 
 
 At the time when the power of the 
 Engliih nation gave effect to the ufurpa- 
 tions of the private trader, who decided 
 his own claims, oppreffing the natives, 
 and threatening the officers of government 
 if they prefumed to interfere, the neceffity 
 was foon perceived of confining the free 
 merchants to the refpective prelidencies. 
 But this did not eradicate the evil, the 
 fame practices were continued by the fer- 
 vants of the Company. 
 
 When
 
 ANALYSIS OJ INDIA. 321 
 
 When the rapacity, therefore, of all 
 who affumed the name of Englifh, or of 
 Englim agents, was let loofe upon a harm- 
 lefs and inoffenfive race of men, what in- 
 citement could there be to the manufacturer 
 and labourer ? To reclaim men from dif- 
 fipation, to check impatient hopes, where 
 youths afpire to the abfolute government 
 of countries at an age fcarcely adequate to 
 the management of private affairs, to re- 
 vive a general fpirit of induftry, to lead 
 the minds of all from infatuating illufions 
 of fudden-acquired wealth to a patient ex- 
 pectation of growing fortunes, is no lefs 
 difficult in execution, than neceffary to the 
 exigence of good government. Thefe are 
 positions that, I believe, will be admitted 
 by every candid and difcerning mind ; they 
 are conformable to the decrees of unerring 
 juftice* 
 
 To fay that the inhabitants of the ceded 
 
 provinces of India have been regulated by 
 
 their own laws, is to advance an aflertion 
 
 which daily experience proves to be un- 
 
 Y true,
 
 3 22 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 true. The Indians have never been fhel- 
 tered by their own laws. Their laws have 
 been derided by their conquerors ; nor could 
 any decifions whatever have effect, when 
 oppofed to the mercilefs hand of rapine and 
 oppreffion. In fhort, whatever may be 
 advanced to the contrary, the introduction 
 of the Englifti laws, we are firmly con- 
 vinced, will be attended with the bell: of 
 confequences. Scarcely any crime is pu- 
 nilhable by the Englim code, that is not 
 equally fo by the Hindoo and Mohamme- 
 dan inftitutions : right and wrong, virtue 
 and vice, are the fame with them as with 
 other nations. Licentioufnefs, in the 
 midft of anarchy and confufion, may have 
 tolerated there, as in other places, the per- 
 petration of crimes. A fixed government, 
 however, would foon convince them of the 
 advantages arifing from an adherence to 
 what is equitable and jufl: *. 
 
 Admk- 
 
 * Ufurpation grounded on an undefined authority, was 
 never fuppofed when this Analyfis was firfl publifhed. 
 The punilhment of enormities was all that the author 
 
 had
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 3*3 
 
 Admitting, in this manner, that the in- 
 troduction of the Englifli laws into Ben- 
 gal will, in the end, be advantageous to 
 the natives, by retraining the oppreffion 
 of the Englifh and their agents, we mall, 
 for the very fame reafons, advance it as 
 our opinion, that the fame laws mould be 
 eftablifhed in the other dominions that are 
 fubjected to the authority of the Com- 
 pany. 
 
 The gentle influence of thefe happy 
 ordinances difFuiing itfelf from one extre- 
 mity to the other of the Englifli territorial 
 pofleffions in the Eaft Indies, would foon 
 change the face of mifery, which the in- 
 habitants at prefent wear, to that of chear- 
 fulnefs and content. 
 
 had in view : he is ftill, therefore, of opinion, that 
 Courts of Law are expedient in India. To circum- 
 fcribe them in the influence and pretenfions they have 
 afTumed, is a meafure, no doubt, effential. That, how- 
 ever, mull be left to the wifdom of the L?giflature. 
 
 Y 2 Is
 
 324 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 Is an improvement in the circumftances 
 of the lower rank of people to be regarded 
 as an advantage, or as an incpnvenience 
 to the community ? The anfwer is at 
 firft fight abundantly plain. Servants, 
 labourers, and workmen of different kinds, 
 m^ke up the far greater part of every po- 
 litical fociety. What, therefore, improves 
 the circumftances of the greater part, can 
 never be regarded as an inconveniency to 
 the whole. No fociety can furely be 
 fburifhing and happy, of which the far 
 greater part of the members are poor and 
 miferable. It is but equity befides, that 
 they who feed, cloath, and lodge the whole 
 body pf the people, mould have fuch a 
 fhare of the produce of their own labour, 
 as to be themfelves tolerably well fed, 
 c loathed, and lodged. 
 
 It were, indeed, to be wimed, that, in 
 addition to what we have jufr. been fay- 
 ing, the Englifh would difrribute the 
 lands they have acquired among the na- 
 tive families, and make thofe lands their 
 
 own
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 315 
 
 own property, under certain terms and 
 conditions. Plenty of good land, and 
 liberty to manage their affairs their own 
 way, feem to be the two great points 
 necefTary to the profperity of new colonies. 
 Uncultivated land, however, mould not 
 be engroffed. Every proprietor mould be 
 obliged to improve and cultivate, within 
 a limited time, a certain proportion of his 
 lands ; in cafe of failure, thofe lands mould 
 be alienable to any other perfon. By 
 this means, the Indians would attach 
 themfelves to a nation that confulted their 
 happinefs, would, in time, become induf- 
 trious, and, beiides difcharging with regu- 
 larity their feveral payments, would occa- 
 fion iuch a confumption of the articles of 
 luxury and refinement, that a gentle excife 
 might be generally affeffed for the extra- 
 ordinary ufes of the government. 
 
 That the eftates acquired in any country 
 Should contribute to the expences of go- 
 vernment, is a principle that has never 
 been denied by any nation whatever. The 
 
 reafon
 
 326 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 reafbn of this grand maxim is evident. 
 Private fortunes are fo effentially connected 
 with the profperity of the public, that 
 when that is injured, the other mud fuffer 
 of courfe. Thus when the fubje&s of a*" 
 date ferve it with their fortunes or their 
 perfons, they do nothing but defend their 
 own private intereft. The profperity of 
 the country is the profperity of the ci- 
 tizen. 
 
 The prefent mode of letting the lands 
 in India is attended with many inconve- 
 niencies, independent of the difadvantages 
 which refult from their unequal diftribu- 
 tion. Some Zemindars, unwilling to re- 
 linquish their habitations, are often induced 
 to exceed the real value of farms, if their 
 leafe is but for a fhort term of years ; and 
 many, who have nothing to lofe, advance 
 yet farther, wifhing, in all events, to 
 obtain pofieffion. Thus men are let loofe 
 to plunder. 
 
 The
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 327 
 
 The Zemindar cannot, with fafety to 
 his own interefts, even though pofiefTed 
 of the ability, encourage the inferior far- 
 mers by advancing them money ; and 
 without this advance, the lands cannot 
 receive that cultivation, which, with a 
 longer leafe, or the abfolute povTeffion, it 
 would be for their own advantage to give 
 them. 
 
 Farmers renting a portion of land for 
 a fliort time, with the power, neceffarily 
 inverted in them, of obliging the ryots or 
 hufbandmen to difcharge their different 
 rents, will, no doubt, in general, endea- 
 vour to make good whatever demands the 
 {tare may have upon them ; and, for that 
 purpofe, mould the feafons have been bad, 
 will opprefs the poor labourers, and there- 
 by reduce them to the loweft. extremity 
 of penury and diftrefs. Whereas the let- 
 ting the farms upon a long leafe, or which 
 would, perhaps, be preferable in perpe- 
 tuity, under certain ftipulations, having 
 the grand inducement to farmers annexed 
 1 to
 
 328 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 
 
 to it, namely, that of lafting advantage, 
 would occafion an attention to the farther 
 cultivation of the already-arable lands, to 
 the amendment of the tanks, refervoirs, 
 and canals, and to the rendering of grounds* 
 (barren merely from neglect) by a proper 
 culture, not only profitable to the land- 
 holder, but alfo in a due proportion to the 
 original proprietor. At firft, indeed, it is 
 probable thefe lands would not let for 
 more than hath been received from them 
 in preceding years. This, however, 
 would be the cafe but for an inconfiderable 
 length of time ; the firft or fecond year 
 would afford a fmall addition in the rent ; 
 the third fomething more confiderable ; and 
 fo on in a regular progredion, until the expi- 
 ration of the fifth or feventh year, when a 
 permanent fettlement might be made, 
 either for a limited number of years, or 
 for ever *, 
 
 * But this experiment might (and therefore I do 
 not infift on it) be, perhaps, both ufelefs and dange- 
 rous : dangerous, becaufe every alteration in the quan- 
 tity of the tax, efpecially art increafe, muft operate to 
 
 the
 
 ANALYSIS OF INDIA. 329 
 
 the creating of diftruft in the landholder, who will not 
 eafily be brought to believe, under fuch circumltances, 
 that a permanent and invariable rent is intended to be 
 fixed ; and till he be thoroughly perfuaded of this, nei- 
 ther his confidence nor his exertions will be fuch as 
 are ftated in the text. Ufelefs, perhaps, becaufe in 
 the event of that profperity and opulence, which only 
 can refult from fuch a permanency of fyftem, the 
 occafional neceflities of the government might be re- 
 lieved, as well by a general and gentle excife on the 
 articles of confumption, (which would not be felt in 
 the fituation we have fuppofed) as by an increafe of 
 the land tax. The fubjeiSt, however, is worthy of 
 confederation. 
 
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 Roman Claffics ; with Remarks. By Edward Harwood, 
 D. D. New Edition, corrected and enlarge , v. uh an 
 Index. Price 4s. bound. 
 
 33. A Supplement to the Mifcellanies of Thomas 
 Chatterton : Confiding of Poems, which the Public may 
 be allured are unqueflionably Originals, the greater Part 
 of them having been immediately transcribed from his 
 own Manulcript, and never before publifhed. 2s,
 
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