m COTTON IS KING: CULTURE OF COTTON, AND ITS RELATION TO ^giitutow, Panufectuws min Commtra; Tb tin ftw Cobred People of the United Stateg, and to these who hold that ^ Slavery is in itself sinful BY DAVID CHRISTY. SECOND EDITION, EEVISED AND ENLAEGED. l^EW YORK: DERBY & JACKSON". CINCINNATI H. W. DERBY & CO. 1S56. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856, by DAVID CHRISTY, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of Ohio. E PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION, ** Cotton is King" has been received, gener- ally, with much favor by the public. The Author's name having been withheld, the book was left to stand or fall upon its own merits. The first edition has been sold without any special effort on the part of the publishers. As they did not risk the cost of stereotyping, the work has been left open for revision and enlargement. No change in the matter of the first edition has been made, except a few verbal alterations and the addition of some qualifying phrases. Two short paragraphs only have been omitted, so as to leave the public documents and Abolitionists, only, to testify as to the moral con- dition of the free colored people. The matter added to the present volume equals nearly one-fourth of the work. It relates mainly to two points: First, The condition of the free colored people; Second, The economical and political relations of slavery. The iii IV PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. facts given, it is believed, will completely fortify all the positions of the Author, on these questions, so far as his views have been assailed. The field of investioation embraced in the book o is a broad one, and the sources of information from which its facts are derived are accessible to but few. It is not surprising, then, that strangers to these facts, on first seeing them arranged in their philo- sophical relations and logical connection, should be startled at their import, and misconceive the object and motives of the Author. For example: One reviewer, in noticing the first edition, asserts that the writer "endeavors to prove that slavery is a great blessing in its relations to agriculture, manufactures and commerce." The candid reader will be unable to find anything, in the pages of the work, to justify such an assertion. The author has proved that the products of slave labor are in such universal demand, through the channels named by the reviewer, that it is impracti- cable, in the existing condition of the world, to over- throw the system. But in no instance is this state of things called a ** blessing.'* Why, then, should such a charge be made? Does the man who demon- strates that epidemics are the basis of the prosperity PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDmON. V of the medical profession, necessarily hold that epi- demics are great blessings? Another charges, that the whole work is based on a fallacy, and that all its arguments, therefore, are unsound. The fallacy of the book, it is explained, consists in making cotton and slavery indivisible, and teaching that cotton can not be cultivated except by slave labor; whereas, in the opinion of the objector, that staple can be grown by free labor. Here, again, the Author is misunderstood. He only teaches what is true beyond all question: not that free labor is incapable of producing cotton, but that it does not produce it so as to affect the interests of slave labor; and that the American Planter, therefore, still finds himself in the possession of the monopoly of the market for cotton, and unable to meet the demand made upon him for that staple, except by a vast enlargement of its cultivation, requiring the employ- ment of an increased amount of labor in its pro- duction. Another says: " The real object of the work is an apology for American slavery. Professing to repudiate extremes, the Author pleads the necessity for the present continuance of slavery, founded on economical, political, and moral considerations.** VI PKEFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. The dullest reader cau not fail to perceive that the work contains not one word of apology for the Insti- tution of Slavery, nor the slightest wish for its con- tinuance. In writing the book, the Author had in view far other objects than these. It is shown that King Cotton sits entrenched in a position impreg- nable to all the forces marshaled against him; and that he not only successfully resists the assaults of his enemies, but makes them contributors to the support of his throne. But the volume nowhere contains a single expression of approbation of this condition of things, or a desire that it should be continued. It only shows that, as things now are, we can not shake off the incubus if we would. Were some one to prove that the attacks upon King- Alcohol, by our legislatures, have not lessened the consumption of whisky, and charge the Temperance men with a want of wisdom and foresio^ht in framincr their laws, would that make him an apologist for Intemperance, or indicate that he was desirous of continuing the sale of intoxicating drinks? Or were he to declare that quack physicians have not sufficient skill to arrest the cholera, would that justify the charge that he was favorable to its extension? PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. Vll Another charges the Author with ignorance of the recent progress making in the culture of cotton, by free labor, in India and Algeria; and congratu- lates his readers that, **on our side of the ocean, the prospects of free soil and free labor, and of free cotton as one of the products of free soil and free labor, were never so fair as now." This is a pretty- fair example of one's ** whistling to keep his courage up," while passing, in the dark, through woods where he thinks ghosts are lurking on either side. Algeria has done nothing, yet, to encourage the hope that American slavery will be lessened in value by the cultivation of cotton in Africa. The British custom house reports, as late as September, 1855, instead of showing any increase of imports of cotton from India, it will be seen, exhibit a great falling off in its supplies; and, in the opinion of the best authorities, extinguishes the hope of arresting the progress of American slavery by any efforts made to render Asiatic free labor more effective. As to the prospects on this side of the ocean, a glance at the map will show, that the chances of growing cotton in Kansas are just as good, and only as good, as in Illinois and Missouri, from whence not a pound is ever exported. Texas was careful to appropriate Vlll PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDiriON. nearly all the cotton lands acquired from Mexico, which lie on the eastern side of the Rocky Mount- ains; and, by that act, all such lands, mainly, hare been secured to slavery. Where, then, is free labor to operate, even were it ready for the task? Another alleges that the book is *'a weak effort to slander the people of color.'' This is a charge that could have come only from a careless reader. The whole testimony, embraced in the first edition, nearly, as to the economical failure of West India Emancipation, and the moral degradation of the free colored people, generally, is quoted from Abolition authorities, as is expressly stated; not to slander the people of color, but to show them what the world is to think of them, on the testimony of their particular friends and self-constituted guardians. Another objects to what is said of those who hold the opinion that slavery is malum in se, and who yet continue to purchase and use its products. On this point it is only necessary to say, that the logic of the book has not been affected by the sophistry employed against it; and that if those who hold the per se doctrine, and continue to use slave labor products, dislike the charge of being participes criminis with robbers, they must classify slavery in PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. IX some other mode than that in which they have placed it in their creeds. For, if they are not par- takers with thieves, then slavery is not a system of robbery; but if slavery be a system of robbery, as they maintain, then, on their own principles, they are as much partakers with thieves as any others who deal in stolen property. The severest criticism on the book, however, comes from one who charges the Author with a "disposition to mislead, or an ignorance which is inexcusable," in the use of the statistics of crime, having reference to the free colored people, from 1820 to 1827. The object of the Author, in using the statistics referred to, was only to show the reasons why the scheme of Colonization was then accepted, by the American public, as a means of relief to the colored population, and not to drag out these sorrowful facts to the disparagement of those now living. But the reviewer, suspicious of every one who does not adopt his Abolition notions, sus- pects the Author of improper motives, and asks: *'Why go so far back, if our Author wished to treat the subject fairly?" Well, the statistics on this dismal topic have been brought up to the latest date practicable, and the Author now leaves it to X PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. the colored people themselves to say, whether they have gained anything by the reviewer's zeal in their behalf. He will learn one lesson at least, we hope, from the result: that a writer can use his pen with greater safety to his reputation, when he knows something about the subject he discusses. But this reviewer, warming in his zeal, under- takes to philosophise, and says, that the evils existing among the free colored people, will be found in exact proportion to th€f slowness of emancipation; and complains that New Jersey was taken as the standard, in this respect, instead of Massachusetts, where, he asserts, "all the negroes in the Common- wealth, were, by the new Constitution, liberated in a day, and none of the ill consequences objected followed, either to the Commonwealth or to individ- uals." The reviewer is referred to the facts, in the present edition, where he will find, that the amount of crime, at the date to which he refers, was six times greater among the colored people of Massachu- setts, in proportion to their numbers, than among those of New Jersey. The next time he undertakes to review King Cotton, it will be best for him not to rely upon his imagination, but to look at the facts. He should be able at least, when quoting a PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. XI writer, to discriminate between evils resulting from insurrections, and evils growing out of common immoralities. Experience has taught, that it is unsafe, when calculating the results of the means of elevation employed, to reason from a civilized to a half civilized race of men. The last point that needs attention, is the charge that the Author is a slaveholder, and governed by mercenary motives. To break the force of any such objection to the work, and relieve it from prejudices thus created, the veil is lifted, and the Author's name is placed upon the title page. The facts and statistics used in the first edition, were brought down to the close of 1854, mainly, and the arguments founded upon the then existing state of things. The year 1853 was taken as best indicating the relations of our Planters and Farmers to the manufactures and commerce of the country and the world ; because the exports and imports of that year were nearer an average of the commercial operations of the country than the extraordinary year which followed ; and because the Author had nearly finished his labors before the results of 1854 had been ascertained. In preparing the second edition for the press, many additional facts, of a Xll PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. more recent date, have been introduced : all of which tend to prove the general accuracy of the Author's conclusions, as expressed in the first edition. Tables IV and V, added to the present edition, embrace some very curious and instructive statistics, in relation to the increase and decrease of the free colored people, in certain sections, and the influence they appear to exert on public sentiment. PREFACE TO THE FIEST EDITION. In the preparation of the following pages, the Author has aimed at clearness of statement, rather than elegance of diction. He sets up no claim to literary distinction; and even if he did, every man of classical taste knows, that a work, aboundingf in facts and statistics, affords little opportunity for any display of literary ability. The greatest care has been taken, by the Author, to secure perfect accuracy in the statistical informa- tion supplied, and in all the facts stated. The authorities consulted are Brande's Diction- ary of Science, Literature and Art; Porter's Prog- ress of the British Nation; McCullough's Commer- cial Dictionary; Encyclopoedia Americana; London Economist; De Bow's Review; Patent OflBce Reports; Congressional Reports on Commerce and Navigation; Abstract of the Census Reports, 1850; and Com- pendium of the Census Reports. The extracts from xiii XIV PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. the Debates in Congress, on the Tariff Question, are copied from the National Intelligencer. The tabular statements appended, bring together the principal facts, belonging to the questions ex- amined, in such a manner that their relations to each other can be seen at a glance. The first of these Tables, shows the date of the origin of Cotton Manufactories in England, and the amount of Cotton annually consumed, down to 1853; the origin and amount of the exports of Cotton from the United States to Europe; the sources of Eng- land's supplies of Cotton, from countries other than the United States; the dates of the discoveries which have promoted the production and manufacture of Cotton; the commencement of the movements made to meliorate the condition of the African race; and the occurrence of events that have increased the value of slavery, and led to its extension. The second and third of the Tables, relate to the exports and imports of the United States; and illustrate the relations sustained by slavery, to the other industrial interests and the commerce of the country. CONTENTS CHAPTER I. Introduction — Character of the Slavery controversy in the United States — In Great Britain — Its influence in modi- fying the policy of Anti-Slavery men in America — Course of the Churches — Political parties — Result, Cotton is King — Necessity of reviewing the policy in relation to the African race — Topics embraced in the discussion, - - Page 25 CHAPTER II. Emancipation in the United States begun — First Abolition Society organized — Progress of Emancipation — First Cotton mill — Exclusion of Slavery from IS". W. Temtory — Elements of Slavery expansion — Cotton Gin invented — Suppression of the Slave Trade — Cotton Manufactures commenced in Bos- ton — Franklin's Appeal — Condition of the Free Colored People — Boston Prison-Discipline Society — Darkening Pros- pects of the Colored People — Southern view of Emancipa- tion — Dismal condition of Africa, - - - - 30 CHAPTER III. Organization of the American Colonization Society — Its necessity, objects, and policy — Public sentiment in its favor — Opposition developes itself — Wm. Loyd Garrison, XV XVI CONTENTS. James G. Birney, Gerritt Smith— Effects of opposition — Stimulants to Slavery — Exports of Cotton — England sus- taining American Slavery — Failure of the Niger Expe- dition — Strength of Slaveiy — Political action — Its failure — Its fruits, 48 CHAPTER lY. Present condition of Slavery — Not an isolated system — Its relations to other industrial interests — To manufactures, commerce, trade, human comfort — Its benevolent aspect — The reverse picture — England's attempted monopoly of Manufactures — Her dependence on American Planters — Cot- ton Planters attempt to monopolize Cotton markets — Fusion of these parties — Free Trade essential to their success — Influ- ence on agriculture, mechanics — Exports of Cotton, Tobacco, etc. — Increased production of Provisions — Their extent — > New markets needed, -_.--. 62 CHAPTER Y. Foresight of Great Britain — Hon. George Thompson's predictions — Their failure — England's dependence on Slave labor — Blackwood's Magazine — London Economist — McCul- lough — Her exports of cotton goods — Neglect to improve the proper moment for Emancipation — Admission of Gerritt Smith — Cotton, its exports, its value, extent of crop, and cost of our Cotton fabrics — Provisions, their value, their export, their consumption — Groceries, source of their supplies, cost of amount consumed — Our total indebtedness to Slave labor — ^How far Free labor sustains Slave labor, - - 71 CHAPTER YI. Economical relations of Slavery further considered — Sys- tem unprofitable in grain growing, but profitable in culture CONTENTS. XVll of Cotton — Antagonism of Farmer and Planter — " Protec- tion" and " Free Trade " controversy — Congressional Debates on the subject — Mr. Clay — Position of the South — * ' Free Trade," considered indispensable to its prosperity, - 82 CHAPTER VII. Tariff controversy continued — Mr. Hayne — Mr. Carter — Mr. Govan — Mr. Martindale — Mr. Buchanan — Sugar Planters invoked to aid Free Trade — The "West also invoked — Its pecuniary embarrassments for want of markets — Henry Baldwin — Remarks on the views of the parties — State of the world — Dread of the Protective policy by the Planters — Their schemes to avert its consequences, and promote Free Trade, 96 CHAPTER Yin. Character of the Tariff controversy — Pecuniary condition of the people — Efforts to enlist the West in the interest of the South— Mr. McDuffie— Mr. Hamilton— Mr. Rankin— Mr. Gar- nett — Mr. Cuthbert — The West still shut out from market — Mr. Wickliffe— Mr. Benton— Tariff of 1828 obnoxious to the South — Georgia Resolutious — Mr. Hamilton — Argument to Sugar Planters, Ill CHAPTER IX. Tariff controversy continued — Tariff of 1832 — The cri- sis — Secession threatened — Compromise finally adopted — De- bates — Mr. Hayne — Mr. McDuffie — Mr. Clay — Adjustment of the subject, .-.-^... 125 CHAPTER X. Results of the contest on Protection and Free Trade — More or less favorable to all — Increased consumption of 2 XVlll CONTENTS. Cotton at home — Capital invested in Cotton and Woollen factories — Markets thus afforded to the Fai-mer — South suc- cessful in securing the monopoly of the Cotton markets — Failure of Cotton cultivation in other countries — Diminished prices destroyed Household Manufacturing — Increasing de- mand for Cotton — Strange Providences — First efforts to extend Slavery — Indian lands acquired — l^o danger of over-produc- tion — Abolition movements served to unite the South — Anex- ation of temtory thought essential to its security — Increase of Provisions necessary to its success — Temperance cause favorable to this result — The West ready to supply the Planters — ^It is greatly stimulated to effort by Southern markets — Tripartite Alliance of Western Farmers, Southeni Planters, and English Manufacturers — The East compet- ing — The West has a choice of markets — Slavery extension necessary to Western progress — Increased price of Pro- visions — More grain growing needed — ]S'ebraska and Kansas needed to raise food — The Planters stimulated by increasing demand for Cotton — Aspect of the Provision question — Cali- fornia gold changed the expected results of legislation — Reciprocity Treaty favorable to Planters — Extended cultiva- tion of Provisions in the Far West essential to Planters — Present aspect of the Cotton question favorable to Planters — London Economist's statistics and remarks — Our Planters must extend the culture of Cotton to prevent its increased growth elsewhere, 136 CHAPTER XI. Rationale of the Kansas-I^ebraska movement — Western agriculturists merely feeders of Slaves — Diy goods and gro- ceries nearly all of Slave labor origin — ^Value of Imports — How paid for — Planters pay for more than three-fourths — Slavery intermediate between Commerce and Agriculture — Slavery not self-sustaining — Supplies from the North essential CONTENTS. XIX to its success — Proximate exteut of these supplies — Slavery the central power of all the industrial interests depending on Manufactures and Commerce — Abolitionists contributing to this result — Protection prostrate — Free Trade dominant — The South triumpliant — Country ambitious of ten-itorial aggrandisement — The world's peace disturbed — our policy- needs modifying to meet contingencies — Defeat of Mr. Clay — War with Mexico — Results unfavorable to renewal of Pro- tective policy — Dominant political party at the ;N"orth gives its adhesion to Free Trade — Leading Abolition paper does the same — Ditches on the wrong side of breastworks — ^In- consistency — Free Trade the main element in extending Slavery — Abolition United States Senators' voting with the South — Xorth thus shorn of its power — Home Market sup- plied by Slavery — People acquiesce — Despotism and Free- dom — Pi-eseiwation of the Union paramount — Colored people must wait a little — Slavery triumphant — People at large powerless — Necessity of severing the Slavery question from politics — Colonization the only hope — Abolitionism pros- trate — Admissions on this point, by Parker, Sumner, Camp- bell — Other dangers to be averted — Election of Speaker Banks a Free Trade triumph — Xeutrality necessary — Liberia the colored man's hope, ------ 156 CHAPTER XII. Effects of opposition to Colonization on Liberia — ^Its effects on free colored people — Their social and moral condi- tion — Abolition testimony on the subject — American Mis- sionary Association — Its failure in Canada — Degradation of West India free colored people — American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society — Its testimony on the dismal conditiou of West India free negroes — London Times on same sub- ject — ^Mr. Bigelow on same subject — Effect of results in XX CONTENTS. West Indies on Emancipation — Opinion of Southern Plant- ers — Economical failure of West India Emancipation — Ruin- ous to British Commerce — Similar results in Hayti — Extent of diminution of exports from West Indies resulting from Emancipation — Results favorable to American Planter — Moral condition of Hayti — Necessity of education to render freedom of value — Franklin's opinion confirmed — Coloniza- tion essential to promote Emancipation, - - - 176 CHAPTER XIII. Moral condition of the free colored people in United States — What have they gained by refusing to accept Colo- nization? — Abolition testimony on the subject — Gerritt Smith — New York Tribune — Their moral condition as indi- cated by proportions in Penitentiaries — Census Reports — Native -wliites, foreign born, and free colored, in Peniten- tiaries — But little improvement in Massachusetts in seventy years — Contrasts of Ohio with New England — Antagonism of Abolitionism to free negroes, 200 CHAPTER Xiy. Disappointment of English and American Abolitionists — Their failure attributed to the inherent evils of Slaveiy — Their want of discrimination — The difi^erences in the sys- tem in the British Colonies and in the United States — Free colored people of United States vastly in advance of all oihere — Democratic Review on African civilization — Vexa- tion of Abolitionists at their failure — Their apology not to be accepted — Liberia attests its falsity — The barrier to the colored man's elevation removable only by Colonization — Colored men begin to see it — Chambers, of Edinburgh — His CONTENTS. XXI testimony on the crushing effects of Xew England's treat- ment of colored people — Charges Abolitionists with insin- cerity — Approves Colonization, 210 CHAPTER XV. Failure of free colored people in attaining an equality with the whites — Their failure also in checking Slavery — Have they not aided in its extension? Yes — Facts in proof of this view — Abolitionists bad philosophers — Colored men tired of their policy — Jfo field for their elevation but Li- beria — ^Its means of education and moral improvement, 227 CHAPTER XYI. Moral relations of Slavery — Relations of the consumer of Slave labor products to the system — Grand error of all Anti- Slaveiy effort — Law oi pariiceps criminis — Daniel O'Counell — Malum in se doctrine — Inconsistency of those who hold it — English Emancipationists — Their commercial argument — Differences between the position of Great Britain and the United States — Preaching versus practice by Abolitionists — Cause of tlieir want of influence over the Slaveholder — N'e- cessity of examining the question — Each man to be judged by his own standard — Classification of opinions in the United States, in regard to the morality of Slaveiy — Three views — A case in illustration — Apology of per se men for using Slave grown products insufficient — Law relating to " con- fusion of goods " — Per se men particeps criminis with Slave- holders — Taking Slave grown products under protest ab- S'.rd — "World's Christian Evangelical Alliance — Amount of Slave labor Cotton in England at that moment — Pharisaical conduct — The Scotchman taking his wife under protest — Anecdote — American Cotton more acceptable to Englishmen than Republican principles — Secret of England's policy XXll CONTENTS. toward American Slavery — The case of robbery again cited, and the English Satirized— A Contrast — Causes of the want of moral power of Abolitionists — Slaveholders no cause to cringe — Other results — Effect of the adoption of the per se doctrine by ecclesiastical bodies — Slaves thus left in all their moral destitution — Inconsistency of per se men denouncing others — "What the Bible says of similar conduct, - - 235 CHAPTER XVII. Conclusion — Causes checking Emancipation, and pro- moting Slavery — Remedies left to be devised by others — Monopoly of Cotton markets renders Slaveiy impregnable — Ko change practicable until free blacks equal whites in entei-prise — King Cotton compelled to sustain his throne by Slavery — Efforts of Great Britain to break allegiance to him fruitless — Her free negroes not reliable — Those of the United States equally unproductive — King Cotton a profound states- man — -Able to rule all classes into his service — Quadruple Alliance between Agriculturists, Planters, Manufacturers, Abolitionists — Dubious position of Free Trade Abolition politicians — They are the true " doughfaces " — Slavery sole reliance of King Cotton — His policy is to keep Free Trade politicians in office — Kansas and N"ebraska important as Provision grounds — Political ascendency necessaiy to the South, to prevent interference with its system — Slaveiy dominant, and can only be removed with assent of Slave- holders — Statesmen of broad views needed — Abolitionists at large deceived by political strategy — Sincerity of early Anti- Slavery men — Repugance of the doctrine of Didne right of Slavery and of Kings — Per se doctrine on Slavery plausible, but impracticable — Slavery a great, civil and social evil the more populai- and practical doctrine — l!^ecessity of civil government — Despotism the necessaiy consequence of igno- rance — Free governments from necessity must acknowledge CONTENTS. XXlll despotic ones — Elevated examples — The banishment of igno- rance necessary to the overthrow of despotism — Slavery and Despotism identical in principle — The fate of the one in- volved in that of the other — Moral elevation must precede civil privileges — Education should precede enfranchisement — The Bible — True American feeling — The work begun — The Bible among the Slaves — Measures essential to the redemption of the African race, - - 261 APPENDIX. Statistics. — Tahle I. Cotton, its influence on Commerce, Manufactures, Slaveiy, Emancipation, etc., from its earliest use in England to present date — Sources of its supplies — Dates of inventions increasing its use — Dates of movements designed to favor the blacks — Dates of occurrences antago- nistic to their hopes. Tahle II. Tabular statement of Agri- cultural products and products of Animals exported — Total value of products of Animals and Agriculture raised in the United States — ^\^alue of amount left for consumption and use — ^^^alue of Cotton exported, of total crop, and of amount left for consumption — Do. of Tobacco, and its products. Table III. Total impoi'ts of more important Groceries for 1853 — Re-exports of do. — Proportion from Slave labor coun- tries. Table IV. Free colored and Slave population of United States — Diminution of free colored population in "New Eng- land — Rapid increase in Ohio, etc. Table V. Influence of colored population on public sentiment in Ohio — Vote for and against Abolition candidate for Governor, by coun- ties. 281 NOTE. The author labored under great embarrassment, often, in his researches, in relation to the relative extent of the production, export, and consumption of Cotton, in the several countries of Christendom. The statistics were attainable only through a great variety of channels, not readily accessible. To the reader desirous of verifying the accuracy of the statistics in this work, the task is now rendered easy, by the recent action of Congress. In compliance with a resolution of the House, the Secretary of State has furnished a Report which embraces all the facts neces- sary to a clear comprehension of the whole question. The dominant position held by the Cotton Planters of the United States, in relation to the Manufactures and Commerce of the world, is clearly seen from this Report. It was published in the National Intelligencer, June 11,1856, and will doubtless be issued in pamphlet form. It is a very valuable document, to those desirous of studying the econamical relations of American Slavery to the other Industrial Interests of the world. The stereotyping of this work was completed before the appearance of the Report of the Secretary. COTTOJ( IS KING. CHAPTEK I. INTRODUCTION. The controversy on Slavery, in the United States, has been one of an exciting and com- plicated character. The power to emancipate existing, in fact, in the States separately and not in the General Government, the efforts to abolish it, by appeals to public opinion, have been fruitless except when confined to single States. In Great Britain the question was simple. The power to abolish slavery in her West Indian colonies was vested in Parliament. To agitate the people of England, and call out a fall expression of sentiment, was to control Parliament and secure its abolition. The suc- 3 25 26 COTTON IS KING. cess of the English Abolitionists, in the employ- ment of moral force, had a powerful influence in modifying the policy of American Anti- Slavery men. Failing to discern the difference in the condition of the two countries, they attempted to create a public sentiment through- out the United States adverse to slavery, in the confident expectation of speedily over- throwing the institution. The issue taken, that slavery is malum in se — a sin in itself— was prosecuted with all the zeal and eloquence they could command. Churches adopting the per se docti-ine, inquired of their converts, not whether they supported slavery by the use of its products, but whether they believed the institution itself sinfal. Could public senti- ment be brought to assume the proper ground ; could the slaveholder be convinced that the world denounced him as equally criminal with the robber and murderer ; then, it was believed, he would abandon the system. Political par- ties, subsequently organized, taught, that to vote for a slaveholder, or a pro-slavery man, was sinful, and could not be done without COTTON IS KING. 27 violence to conscience; while, at the same time, they made no scruples of using the products of slave labor — the exhorbitant de- mand for which was the great bulwark of the institution. This was a radical error. It laid all who adopted it open to the charge of prac- tical inconsistency, and left them without any moral power over the consciences of others. As long as all used their products, so long the slaveholders found the jper se doctrine working them no harm ; as long as no provision was made for supplying the demand for tropical products by fi'ee labor, so long there was no risk in extending the field of operations. Thus, the very things necessary to the over- throw of American slavery, were left undone, while those essential to its prosperity, were continued in the most active operation ; so that, now, after nearly a thirty years' war, we may say, emphatically, Cotton is King, and his enemies are vanquished. Under these circumstances, it is due to the age — to the friends of humanity — ^to the cause of liberty — to the safety of the Union — that we 28 COTTON IS KING. should review the movements made in behalf of the African race, in our country; so that errors of principle may be abandoned ; mis- takes in policy corrected ; incompetent leaders discharged ; the free colored people induced to change their relations to the industrial inter- ests of the world ; the rights of the slave, as well as the master secured ; and the principles of our Constitution established and revered. We propose, therefore, to examine this subject, as it stands connected with the history of our country ; and especially to afford some light to the free colored man, on the true relations ho sustains to African slavery, and to the redemp- tion of his race. The facts and arguments we propose to offer, will be embraced under the following heads : 1. The circumstances under which the Amer- ican Colonization Society took its rise; the relations it sustained to slavery and to the schemes projected for its abolition; the origin of the elements which have given to American slavery its commercial value and consequent powers of expansion ; and the futility of the COTTON IS KING. 29 means used to prevent the extension of the institution. 2. The present relations of American slavery to the Industrial interests of our own country ; to the demands of Commerce ; and to the present Political crisis. 3. The industrial, social, and moral condi- tion of the free colored people in the British Colonies and in the United States ; and the new field opening in Liberia for the display of their powers. 4. The moral relations of persons holding the per se doctrine, on the subject of slavery, to the purchase and consumption of slave labor products. CHAPTER II. Topic I.— The circumstances under which the Colonization Society took its rise; The relations it sustained to Slavery, and to the schemes projected for its abolition ; The origin of the elements which have given to American Slavery its commercial value and consequent power of expansion; and the futility of the means used to prevent the extension of the Institution. Four years after the Declaration of Ameri- can Independence, Pennsylvania and Massa- chusetts had emancipated their slaves; and, eight years thereafter, Connecticut and Rhode Island followed their example. Three years after the last named event, an Abolition Society was organized by the citi- zens of the State of [N'ew York, with John Jay at its head. Two years subsequently, the Pennsylvanians did the same thing, electing Benjamin Feanbxin to the presidency of their association. The same year, too, slavery was forever excluded, by act of Congi-ess, from the Northwest Tenitory. This year is also mem- orable as having witnessed the erection of the 30 COTTON IS KING. 31 first Cotton Mill in the United States, at Bev- erley, Massachusetts. During the year that the J^ew York Aboli- tion Society was formed. Watts, of England, had so far perfected the steam engine as to use it in propelling machinery for spinning cotton ; and the year the Pennsylvania Society was organized witnessed the invention of the Power Loom. The Carding MacJiine and the Spin- ning Jenny having been invented twenty years before, the Power Loom completed the machinery necessary to the indefinite extension of the manufacture of cotton. The work of emancipation, begun by the four States named, continued to progress, so that in seventeen years fi-om the adoption of the Constitution, ]^ew Hampshire, Vermont, Kew York, and Xew Jersey, had also enacted laws to fi'ee themselves from the burden of slavery. As the work of manumission proceeded, the elements of slavery expansion were mul- tiplied. "WTien the four States first named liberated their .4aves, no regular exports of 32 COTTON IS KING. cotton to Europe had yet commenced ; and the year New Hampshire set hers free, only 138,328 lbs. of that article were shipped from the country. Simultaneously with the action of Vermont, in the year following, the Cotton Gin was invented, and an unparalleled im- pulse given to the cultivation of cotton. At the same time, Louisiana, with her immense tenitory, was added to the Union, and room for the extension of slavery vastly increased. ISTew York lagged behind Vermont for six years, before taking her first step to free her slaves, when she found the exports of cotton to England had reached 9,500,000 lbs.; and Xew Jersey, still more tardy, fell five years behind New York ; at which time the exports of that staple — so rapidly had its cultivation pro- gressed — were augmented to 38,900,000 lbs. Four years after the emancipations by States had ceased, the slave trade was prohibited; but, as if each movement for freedom must have its counter-movement to stimulate slavery, that same year the manufacture of cotton goods was commenced in Boston. Two years after COTTON IS KING. 33 that event, the exports of cotton amounted to 93,900,000 lbs. War with Great Britain, soon afterward, checked both our exports and her manufacture of the article ; but the year 1817, memorable in this connection, from its being the date of the organization of the Coloniza- tion Society, found our exports augmented to 95,660,000 lbs., and her consumption enlarged to 126,240,000 lbs. Carding and spinning machinery had now reached a good degree of perfection, and the power loom was brought into general use in England, and was also in- troduced into the United States. Steamboats, too, were coming into use, in both countries; and great activity prevailed in commerce, manufactm-es, and the cultivation of cotton. But how fared it with the free colored people during all this time ? To obtain a true answer to this question we must revert to the days of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society. "With freedom to the slave, came anxieties amons: the whites as to the results, l^ine years after Pennsylvania and Massachusetts 34 COTTONISKING. had taken the lead in the trial of emancipa- tion, Franklin issued an Appeal for aid to enable his Society to form a plan for the pro- motion of industry, intelligence, and morality among the free blacks ; and he zealously urged the measure, on public attention, as essential to their well-being, and indispensable to the safety of society. He expressed his belief, that such is the debasing influence of slavery on human nature, that its very extirpation, if not performed with care, may sometimes open a source of serious evils ; and that so far as emancipation should be promoted by the So- ciety, it was a duty incumbent on its members to insti'uct, to advise, to quality those restored to freedom, for the exercise and enjoyment of civil liberty. How far Franklin's influence failed to pro- mote the humane object he had in view, may be inferred fr'om the fact, that forty-seven years after Pennsylvania passed her Act of Emanci- pation, and thirty-eight after he issued his Appeal, one-third of the convicts in her peni- tentiary were colored men; though the pre- COTTON IS KING. ^ ceding census showed that her slave population had almost wholly disappeared — there being but two Tiundred and eleven of them remain- ing, while her free colored people had in- creased in number to more than thirty thou- sand. Few of the other free States were more fortunate, and some of them were even in a worse condition — one-half of the convicts in the penitentiary of Kew Jersey being colored men. But this is not the whole of the sad tale that must be recorded. Gloomy as was the picture of crime among the colored people of New Jersey, that of Massachusetts was vastly worse. For though the number of her colored convicts, as compared with the whites, was as one to six^ yet the proportion of her colored population in the penitentiary was one out of one hundred and forty ^ while the proportion in N'ew Jersey was but one out of eight hun- dred and thirty-three. Thus, in Massachu- setts, where emancipation had, in 1780, been immediate and unconditional, there was, in 1826, among her colored people, about six 36 COTTON IS KING. times as much crime as existed among those of New Jersey, where gradual emancipation had not been provided for until 1804. The moral condition of the colored people in the free States, generally, at the period we are considering, maybe understood more clearly from the opinions expressed, at the time, by the Boston Prison Discipline Society, This be- nevolent Association included among its mem- bers. Rev. Fkancis Wayland, Eev. Justin Edwards, Rev. Leonard "Woods, Rev. Wil- liam Jenks, Rev. B. B. Wisner, Rev. Edward Beecher, Lewis Tappan, Esq., John Tappan, Esq., Hon. George Bliss, and Hon. Samuel M. Hopkins. Li the First Annual Report of the Society, dated June 2, 1826, they enter into an investi- gation "of the progress of crime, with the causes of it," from which we make the follow- ing extracts: " Degraded character of the colored "population. — The first cause, existing in " society, of the frequency and increase of " crime is the degraded character of the COTTON IS KING. W " colored population. The facts, which are " gathered from the Penitentiaries, to show " how great a proportion of the convicts are " colored, even in those States where the " colored population is small, show, most " strikingly, the connection between ignorance " and vice." The Report proceeds to sustain its asser- tions by statistics, which prove, that, in Massa- chusetts, where the free colored people consti- tuted one seventy-fourth part of the population, they supplied one-sixth part of the convicts in her Penitentiary ; that in Kew York, where the free colored people constituted one thirty-Jifth part of the population, they supplied more than one-fourth part of the convicts ; that, in Con- necticut and Pennsylvania, where the colored people constituted one thirty-fourth part of the population, they supplied more than one-third part of the convicts ; and that, in N^ew J ersey, where the colored people constituted one-thir- teenth part of the population, they supplied more than one-third part of the convicts. 38 COTTON IS KING. " It is not iiecessarj," continues the Report, " to pursue these illustrations. It is sufficiently " apparent, that one great cause of the fre- " quency and increase of crime, is neglecting to " raise the character of the colored population. " We derive an argument in favor of edu- " cation from these facts. It appears from the " above statement, that about one-fourth part " of all the expense incun-ed by the States " above mentioned, for the support of their " criminal institutions, is for the colored con- " victs. * * Could these States have antici- " pated these surprising results, and appropri- " ated the money to raise the character of the " colored population, how much better would " have been their prospects, and how much " less the expense of the States through " which they are dispersed, for the support of " their colored convicts ! * * If , however, " their character can not be raised, where they " are, a powerftil argument may be derived " from these facts, in favor of colonization, and " civilized States ought surely to be as willing COTTON IS KING. 39 " to expend money on any given part of its " population, to prevent crime, as to punish it. " We can not but indulge the hope that the " facts disclosed above, if they do not lead to " an effort to raise the character of the colored " population, will strengthen the hands and " encourage the hearts of all the friends of " colonizing the free people of color in the " United States." The Second Annual Eeport of the Society, dated June 1, 1827, gives the results of its con- tinued investigations into the condition of the free colored people, in the following language and figures: " Chakacter of the colored population. " In the last Eeport, this subject was exhibited " at considerable length. From a deep con- " viction of its importance, and an earnest " desire to keep it ever before the public mind, " till the remedy is applied, we present the " following table, showing, in regard to several " States, the whole population, the colored " population, the whole number of convicts, " the number of colored convicts, proportion of 40 COTTON IS KING. " convicts to the whole population, proportion " of colored convicts: •S"" Sftn «l ll II II li Mass., 523,000 7,000 314 50 1 to 74 1 to 6 Conn., 275,000 8,000 117 39 1 to 34 1 to 3 N. York, 1,372,000 39,000 637 154 1 to 35 1 to 4 N.Jersey,.... 277,000 20,000 74 24 1 to 13 1 to 3 Penn., 1 ,049,000 30,000 474 1 65 1 to 34 1 to 3 "Or, FropoHion of Proportion of tJie the Population Colored Popr-lat'n sent to P}-ison. sent to Prison. In Massachusetts, 1 out of 1665 1 out of 140 In Connecticut, 1 out of 2350 1 out of 205 In New York, 1 out of 2153 1 out of 253 In New Jersey, 1 out of 3743 1 out of 833 In Pennsylvania, 1 out of 2191 1 out of 161 EXPEXSE FOR THE SuPPORT OF COLORED CoNVlCTS. In Massachusetts, in 10 years, $17,734 In Connecticut in 15 years, 37,166 In New York, in 27 years, 109,166 Total, $164 066 " Such is the abstract of the information " presented last year, concerning the degraded COTTOXISKING. 41 " character of the colored population. The " returns from several prisons show, that the " white convicts are remaining nearly the " same, or are diminishing, while the colored " convicts are increasing. At the same time, " the white population is increasing, in the " Northern States, much faster than the colored " population." Whole Ko. Colored of Convicts. Convicts. Proportion. In Massachusetts, 313 50 1 to 6^ In Xew York, 381 lOl 1 to 4 In Xew Jersey, 67 33 1 to 2 Such is the testimony of men of unimpeach- able veracity and undoubted philanthropy, as to the early results of emancipation in the United States. Had the freedmen, in the Xorthern States, improved their privileges; had they established a reputation for industry, integrity, and virtue, far other consequences would have followed their emancipation. Their advancement in moral character would have put to shame the advocate for the per- petuation of slavery. Indeed, there could have been no plausible argument found for its con- 4 42 COTTON IS KING. tinuance. JSTo regular exports of cotton, no cultivation of cane sugar, to give a profitable character to slave lavor, had anj existence when Jay and Feanklin commenced their labors, and when Congress took its first step for the suppression of the slave trade. Unfortunately, the free colored people per- severed in their evil habits. This not only served to fix their own social and political con- dition on the level of the slave, but it reacted with fearful efiect upon their brethren remain- ing in bondage. Their refusing to listen to the counsel of the philanthropists, who urged them to forsake their indolence and vice, and their frequent violations of the laws, more than all things else, put a check to the tendencies, in public sentiment, toward general emancipa- tion. The failure of Fkanklin to obtain the means of establishing institutions for the edu- cation of the blacks, confirmed the popular belief that such an undertaking was impracti- cable, and the whole African race, freedmen as well as slaves, were viewed as an intolera- ble burden, such as the imports of foreign COTTON IS KING. 4$ paupers are now considered. Thus the free colored people themselves, ruthlessly threw the car of emancipation j&,-om the track, and tore up the rails upon which, alone, it could move. The opinion that the African race would become a growing burden had its origin long before the Revolution, and led the colonists to oppose the introduction of slaves ; but failing in this, through the opposition of England, as soon as they threw off the foreign yoke many of the States at once crushed the system — among the first acts of sovereignty by Yir- ginia, being the prohibition of the slave ti-ade. In the determination to suppress this traffic all the States united — ^but in emancipation their policy differed. It was found easier^to manage the slaves than the free blacks — at least it was claimed to be so — and, for this reason, the Slave States, not long after the others had com- pleted their work of manumission, proceeded to enact laws prohibiting emancipations, ex- cept on condition that the persons liberated should be removed. The newly organized 44 COTTON IS KING. Free States, too, taking alarm at this, and dreading the inllux of the free colored people, adopted measures to prevent the ingress of this proscribed and helpless race. These movements, so distressing to the re- flecting colored man, be it remembered, were not the effect of the action of Colonizationists, but took place, mostly, long before the organi- zation of the American Colonization Society ; and, at its first annual meeting, the importance and humanit}^ of Colonization was strongly urged, on the very ground that the Slave States, as soon as they should find that the persons liberated could be sent to Afirica, would relax their laws against emancipation. The slow progress made by the great body of the free blacks in the Korth, or the absence, rather, of any evidences of improvement in industry, intelligence, and morality, gave rise to the notion, that before they could be elevated to an equality with the whites, slavery must be wholly abolished throughout the Union. The constant ingress of liberated slaves from the South, to commingle with the free colored COTTON IS KING. 45 people of the Xortli, tended to perpetuate the low moral standard originally existing among the blacks ; and universal emancipation was believed to be indispensable to the elevation of the race. Those who adopted this view, seem to have overlooked the fact, that the Africans, of savage origin, could not be ele- vated at once to an equality with the American people, by the mere force of legal enactments. More than this was needed, for their elevation, as all are now, reluctantly, compelled to ac- knowledge. Emancipation, unaccompanied by the means of intellectual and moral culture, is of but little value. The savage, liberated from bondage, is a savage still. The Slave States adopted opinions, as to the negro character, opposite to those of the Free States, and would not risk the experi- ment of emancipation. They said, if the Free States feel themselves bm*dened by the few Africans they have freed, and whom they find it impracticable to educate and elevate, how much o^reater would be the evil the Slave 46 COTTON IS KING. States must bring upon themselves by letting loose a population nearly twelve times as numerous. Such an act, they argued, would be suicidal — would crush out all progress in civilization ; or, in the effort to elevate the ne- gro with the white man, allowing him equal freedom of action, would make the more ener- getic Anglo-Saxon the slave of the indolent African. Such a task, onerous in the highest degree, they could not, and would not under- take; such an experiment, on their social system, they dared not hazard. Another question, "How shall the slave trade be suppressed?" began to be agitated near the close of the last centuiy. The moral desolation existing in Africa, was without a parallel among the nations of the earth. "When the last of our Northern States had freed its slaves, not a single Christian Church had been Buccessfrilly established in Africa, and the slave trade was still leo-alized to the citizens of every Christian nation. Even its subse- quent prohibition, by the United States and COTTON IS KING. 47 Euglaud, had no tendency to check the traffic, nor ameliorate the condition of the African. The other European powers, having now the monopoly of the trade, continued to prosecute it with a \dgor it never felt before. The insti- tution of slavery, while lessened in the United States, where it had not yet been made profita- ble, was rapidly acquiring an unprecedented enlargement in Cuba and Brazil, where its profitable character had been more fully re- alized. How shall the slave trade be anni- hilated, slavery extension prevented, and Africa receive a Christian civilization? were questions that agitated the bosom of many a philanthropist, long after Wilbeefokce had achieved his triumphs. CIIAPTEE III. At the period in the history of Africa, and of public sentiment on slavery, which we have been considering, the American Colonization Society was organized. It began its labors when the eye of the statesman, the philan- thropist, and the Christian, could discover no other plan of overcoming the moral desolation, the universal oppression of the colored race, than by restoring the most enlightened of their number to Afi-ica itself. Emancipation, by States, had been at an end for a dozen of years. The improvement of the free colored people, in the presence of the slave, was con- sidered impracticable. Slave labor had be- come so profitable, as to leave little ground to expect general emancipation, even though all other objections had been removed. The slave ti-ade had increased twenty-five per cent, during the preceding ten years. Slavery was rapidly extending itself in the tropics, and could not 48 COTTON IS KING. 49 be arrested but by the suppression of the slave trade. The foothold of the Christian mission- ary was yet so precarious in Africa, as to leave it doubtful whether he could sustain his position. The Colonization of the free colored people in Africa, under the teachings of the Christian men who were prepared to accompany them, it was believed, would as fully meet all the conditions of the race, as was possible in the then existing state of the world. It would separate those who should emigrate fi*om all further contact with slavery, and from its contaminating influences; it would relax the laws of the Slave States against emancipation, and lead to the more fr-equeut liberation of slaves ; it would stimulate and encourage the colored people remaining here, to engage in efforts for their own elevation ; it would estab- lish fr-ee republics along the coast of Afr-ica, and drive away the slave trader; it would prevent the extension of slavery, by means of the slave trade, in tropical America ; it would introduce civilization and Christianity among 50 COTTON IS KING. the people of Africa, and overturn their bar- barism and bloody superstitions ; and, if suc- cessful, it would react upon slavery at home, by pointing out to the States and General Government, a mode by which they might free themselves fi-om tlie whole African race. The Society had thus undertaken as great an amount of work as it could perform. The field was broad enough, truly, for an associa- __tion that hoped to obtain an income of but five to ten thousand dollars a year, and realized annually an average of only $3,276 during the first six years of its existence. It did not, therefore, include the destruction of American Slavery among the objects it labored to accom- plish. That subject had been ftdly discussed ; the ablest men in the nation had labored for its overthrow; more than half the original States of the Union had emancipated their slaves ; the advantages of freedom to the col- ored man had been tested ; the results had not been as favorable as anticipated; the public sentiment of the countiy was adverse to an increase of the free colored population ; the few COTTON IS KING. 61 of their number who had risen to respecta- bility and affluence, were too widely separated to act in concert in promoting measures for the general good ; and, until better results should follow the liberation of slaves, farther emanci- pations, by the States, were not to be expected. The Mends of the Colonization Society, there- fore, while affording every encouragement to emancipation by individuals, reftised to agitate the question of the general abolition of slaveiy. Nor did they thrust aside any other scheme of benevolence in behalf of the African race. Forty years had elapsed from the commence- ment of emancipation in the country, and thirty from the date of Franklin's Appeal, before the Society sent off its first emigrants. At that date, no extended plans were in ex- istence, promising relief to the free colored man. A period of lethargy, among the be- nevolent, had succeeded the State emancipa- tions, as a consequence of the indifference of the free colored people, as a class, to their degraded condition. The public sentiment of the country, therefore, was frilly prepared to 52 COTTONISKING. adopt Colonization as the best means, or, rather, as the only means for accomplishing anything for them or for the African race. In- deed, so general was the sentiment in favor of Colonization, somewhere beyond the limits of the United States, that those who disliked Africa, commenced a scheme of emigration to Hayti, and prosecuted it, until eight thousand free colored persons were removed to that island — a number nearly equaling the whole emigration to Liberia up to 1850. Hayti en emigration, however proved a most disastrous experiment. But the general acquiescence in the objects of the Colonization Society did not long con- tinue. The exports of cotton from the South were then rapidly on the increase. Slave labor had become profitable, and slaves, in the cotton-growing States, were no longer con- sidered a burden. Seven years after the first emigrants reached Liberia, the South exported 294,310,115 lbs. of cotton ; and, the year following, the total cotton crop reached COTTON IS KING. 53 325,000,000 lbs. But a great depression in prices had occurred,* and alarmed the plant- ers for their safety. They had decided against emancipation, and now to have their slaves rendered valueless, was an evil they were determined to avert. The Report of the Bos- ton Prison Discipline Society, which appeared at this moment, was well calculated, by the disclosures it made", to increase the alarm in the South, and to confirm slaveholders in their belief of the dangers of emancipation. At this juncture, a warfare against Coloni- zation was commenced at the South, and it was pronounced an Abolition scheme in disguise. In defending itself, the Society re-asserted its principles of neutrality in relation to slavery, and that it had only in view the colonization of the free colored people. In the heat of the contest, the South were reminded of their former sentiments in relation to the whole colored population, and that Colonization merely proposed removing one division of * See Table I, Appendix. 64 COTTON IS KING. a people they had pronounced a public bur- den.* The Emancipationists at the North had only lent their aid to Colonization in the hope that it would prove an able auxiliary to Abo- lition ; but when the Society declared its un- alterable purpose to adhere to its original posi- tion of neutrality, they withdrew their support, and commenced hostilities against it. "The * The sentiment of the Colonization Society, •was ex- pressed in the following resolution, embraced in its Annual Report of 1826: "Resolved, That the Society disclaims, in the most unqualified terms, the design attributed to it, of interfering, on the one hand, with the legal rights and obligations of slavery; and, on the other, of perpetuating its existence within the limits of the country." On another occasion Mr. Clay, on behalf of the Society, defined its position thus : "It protested, from the commencement, and throughout all its progress, and it now protests, that it entertains no purpose, on its own authority, or by its own means, to attempt emancipation, partial or general; that it knows the General Government has no constitu- tional power to achieve such an object; that it believes that the States, and the States only, which tolerate slavery, can accomplish the work of emancipation; and that it ought to be left to them exclusively, absolutely, and voluntarily, to decide the question."— Tenth .Annual Report, p. 14, 1828. COTTON IS KING. 65 Anti-Slavery Society," said a distinguished Abolitionist, "began with a declaration of war against the Colonization Society." * This feel- ing of hostility was greatly increased by the action of the Abolitionists of England. The doctrine of "Immediate, not Gradual Aboli- tion," was announced by them as their creed ; and the Anti-Slavery men of the United States adopted it as the basis of their action. Its suc- cess in the English Parliament, in procuring the passage of the Act for "West India Emanci- pation, in 1833, gave a great impulse to the Abolition cause in the United States. In 1832, William Lloyd Garrison declared hostilities against the Colonization Society; in 1834, James G. Birney followed his example; and, in 1836, GERRm Smith also abandoned the cause. The ]N^orth everywhere resounded with the cry of "Immediate Abolition;" and, in 1837, the Abolitionists numbered 1,015 so- cieties ; had seventy agents under commission, and an income, for the year, of 836,000. f The • Geeeitt Smith, 1835. f Lundy's Life. 56 COTTON IS KING. Colonization Society, on the other hand, was greatly embarrassed. Its income, in 1838, was reduced to 810,900; it was deeply in debt ; the parent Society did not send a single emigrant, that year, to Liberia; and its enemies pro- nounced it bankrupt and dead.* But did the Abolitionists succeed in forcing Emancipation upon the South, when they had thus rendered Colonization powerless? Did the fetters fall from the slave at their bidding ? Did fire from heaven descend, and consume the slaveholder at their invocation ? !N'o such thing ! They had not touched the true cause of the extension of slavery. They had not dis- covered the secret of its power ; and, therefore, its locks remained unshorn, its strength una- bated. The institution advanced as triumph- antly as if no opposition existed. The planters * On the floor of an Ecclesiastical Assembly, one minister pronounced Colonization a "dead horse;" while another claimed that his " old mai-e was giving freedom to more slaves, by trotting off with them to Canada, than the Colo- nization Society was sending of emigrants to Liberia." COTTON IS KING. 57 were progressing steadily, in securing to them- selves the monopoly of the cotton markets of Europe, and in extending the area of slavery at home. In the same year that Gekritt Smtth declared for Abolition, the title of the Indians to fifty-five millions of acres of land, in the Slave States, was extinguished, and the tribes removed. The year that Colonization was depressed to the lowest point, the exports of cotton, from the United States, amounted to 595,952,297 lbs., and the consumption of the article in England, to 477,206,108 lbs. When Mr. Birney seceded from Coloniza- tion, he encouraged his new allies with the hope, that West India fr*ee labor would render our slave labor less profitable, and emancipa- tion, as a consequence, be more easily efiected. How stood this matter six years afterward? This wiU be best understood by contrast. In 1800, the West Indies exported 17,000,000 lbs. of cotton, and the United States, 17,789,803 lbs. They were then about equally productive in that article. In 1840, the West India exports had dwindled down to 427,529 lbs., 68 COTTON IS KING. while those of the United States had increased to 743,941,061 lbs. And what was England doing all this while ? Having lost her supplies from the West Indies, she was quietly spinning away at Amer- ican slave labor cotton ; and to ease the public conscience of the kingdom, was loudly talking of a free labor supply of the commodity from the banks of the Niger ! But the expedition Tip that river failed, and 1845 found her manu- facturing 626,496,000 lbs. of cotton, mostly the product of American slaves ! The strength of American slavery at that moment may be in- ferred from the fact, that we exported that year 872,905,996 lbs. of cotton, and our production of cane sugar had reached over 200,000,000 lbs.; while, to make room for slavery ex- tension, we were buised in the annexation of Texas and in preparations for the consequent war with Mexico ! But Abolitionists themselves, some time before this, had, mostly, become convinced of the feeble character of their efforts against slavery, and allowed politicians to enlist them COTTON IS KING. 59 in a political crusade, as the last hope of ar- resting the progi-ess of the system. The cry of "Immediate Abolition" died away; reli- ance upon moral means was mainly abandoned ; and the limitation of the institution, geographi- cally, became the chief object of effort. The results of more than a dozen years of political action are before the pubKc, and what has it accomplished ! We are not now concerned in the inquiry of how far the strategy of politi- cians succeeded in making the votes of Aboli- tionists subservient to slavery extension. That they did so, in at least one prominent case, will never be denied by any candid man. All we intend to say, is, that the cotton planters, instead of being crippled in their operations, were able, in the year ending the last of June, 1853, to export 1,111,570,370 lbs. of cotton, beside supplying over 400,000,000 lbs. for home consumption; and that England, the year ending the last of January, 1853, consumed the unprecedented quantity of 817,998,048 lbs. of that staple. The year 1854, instead of finding slavery perishing 60 COTTON IS KING. nnder the blows it had received, has wit- nessed the destruction of all the old barriers to its extension, and beholds it expanded widely enough for the profitable employment of the slave population, with all its natural increase, for a hundred years to come ! ! ^ political action against slavery has been thus disastrously unfortunate, how is it with Anti- Slavery action^ at large, as to its efficiency at this moment ? On this point, hear the testi- mony of a correspondent of Frederick Doug- lass' Paper ^ January 26, 1855 : " How gloriously did the Anti-Slavery cause arise * * in 1833-4 ! And now what is it, in our agency ! * * What is it, through the errors or crimes of its advocates variously — ■ probably quite as much as through the brazen, gross, and licentious wickedness of its enemies. Alas ! what is it but a mutilated, feeble, dis- cordant, and half-expiring instrument, at which Satan and his children, legally and illegally, scofi*! Of it I despair." Such are the crowning results of both po- litical and Anti-Slavery action, for the over- COTTON IS KING. 01 throw of slavery ! Sucli are the demonstrations of their ntter impotency as a means of relief to the bond and fi'ee of the colored people ! Surely, then, it is time that some other measures should be devised, than those hith- erto adopted, for the melioration of the African race ! Surely, too, it is time for the American people to rebuke that class of politicians, Korth and South, whose only capital consists in keep- ing up a fruitless warfare upon the subject of slavery — nay! abundant in fruits to the poor colored man; but to him, "their vine is of the vine of Sodom, and of the fields of Gomorrah ; their grapes are grapes of gall, their clusters are bitter ; their wine is the poison of dragons, and the cruel venom of asps."* The application of this language, to the case under consideration, will be frilly justified when the facts, in the remaining pages of this work, are carefully studied. * Deuteronomy xxxii, 32, 33. CHAPTER lY. Topic 2. — The relations of American Slavery to the Industrial in- terests of our country; to the demands of Commerce; and to the present Political crisis. The institution of slavery, at this moment, gives indications of a vitality that was never anticipated by its friends or foes. Its enemies often supposed it about ready to expire, from the wounds they had inflicted, when in truth it had taken two steps in advance, while they had taken twice the number in an opposite direction. In each successive conflict, its as- sailants have been weakened, while its do- minion has been extended. This has arisen from causes too generally overlooked. Slavery is not an isolated system, but is so mingled with the business of the world, that it derives facilities from the most innocent transactions. Capital and labor, in Europe and America, are largely employed in the manufacture of cotton. These goods, to a 62 COTTON IS KING. 63 gi'eat extent, may be seen freighting every vessel, from Christian nations, that ti-averses the seas of the globe; and filling the ware- houses and shelves of the merchants over two- thirds of the world/ By the industry, skill, and enterprise employed in the manufacture of cotton, mankind are better clothed ; their com- fort better promoted; general industry more highly stimulated ; commerce more widely ex- tended ; and civilization more rapidly advanced than in any preceding age. To the superficial observer, all the agencies, based upon the sale and manufacture of cotton, seem to be legitimately engaged in promoting human happiness ; and he, doubtless, feels like invoking Heaven's choicest blessings upon them. When he sees the stockholders in the cotton corporations receiving their dividends, the operatives their wages, the merchants their profits, and civilized people everywhere clothed comfortably in cottons, he can not refi-ain fr-om exclaiming: "The lines have fallen unto them in pleasant places; yea, they have a goodly heritage !" 64 COTTON IS KING. But turn a moment to the soiu'ce whence the raw cotton, the basis of these operations, is obtained, and observe the aspect of things in that direction. When the statistics on the subject are examined, it appears that nearly all the cotton consumed in the Christian world is the product of the slave labor of the United States.* It is this monopoly that has given slavery its commercial value ; and, while this monopoly is retained, the institution will con- tinue to extend itself wherever it can find room to spread. He who looks for any other result, must expect that nations, which, for centuries, have waged war to extend their commerce, will now abandon that means of aggrandizement, and bankrupt themselves to force the abolition of American slavery ! This is not all. The economical value of slavery, as an agency for suppling the means of extending manufactm-es and commerce, has long been understood by statesmen. The dis- covery of the power of steam, and the inven- *See Appendix, Table I. COTTON IS KING. 65 tions in machinery, for preparing and manu- factui'ing cotton, revealed the important fact, that a single island, having the monopoly se- cm-ed to itself, conld supply the world with clothing. Great Britain attemjpted to gain this monoj^oly; and, to prevent other countries from rivaling her, she long prohibited all emi- gi-ation of sHllfiil mechanics from the kingdom, as well as all exports of machinery. As country after country was opened to her com- merce, the markets for her manufactures were extended, and the demand for the raw material increased. The benefits of this enlarged com- merce of the world, were not confined to a single nation, but mutually enjoyed by all. As each had products to sell, peculiar to itself, the advantages often gained by one were no deti'iment to the others. The principal articles demanded by this increasing commerce have been cofiee, sugar, and cotton, in the produc- tion of which slave labor has greatly pre- dominated. Since the enlargement of manu- factures, cotton has entered more extensively into commerce than cofiee and sugar, though 6 ^6 COTTON IS KING. the demand for all three has advanced with the greatest rapidity. England could only become a great commercial nation, through the agency of her manufactures. She was the best sup- plied, of all the nations, with the necessary capital, skill, labor, and fuel, to extend her commerce by this means. But, for the raw material, to supply her manufactories, she was dependent upon other countries. The planters of the United States wero- the most favorably situated for the cultivation of cotton; and, while Great Britain was aiming at monopo- lizing its manufacture, they attempted to mo- nopolize the marhets for that staple. This led to a fusion of interests between them and the British manufacturers ; and to the adoption of principles in political economy, which, if rendered effective, would promote the interests ,of this coalition. With the advantages pos- sessed by the English manufacturers, "Free Trade " would render all other nations subser- vient to their interests ; and, so far as their operations should be increased, just so far would the demand for American cotton be COTTON IS KING. 67 extended. The details of the success of the parties to this combination, and the opposition they have had to encounter, are left to be noticed more fully hereafter. To the cotton planters, the copartnership has been eminently advantageous. How far the other agricultural interests of the United States are promoted, by extending the cultivation of cotton, may be inferred from the Census returns of 1850, and the Congres- sional Reports on Commerce and l^avigation, for 1854:.* Cotton and tobacco, only, are largely exported. The production of sugar does not yet equal our consumption of the article, and we import, chiefly from slave labor countries, 445,445,680 lbs. to make up the deficiency.! But of cotton and tobacco, we export more than two-thirds of the amount produced ; while of other products of the ag- riculturists, less than the one forty-sixth part is exported. Foreign nations, generally, can grow their provisions, but can not grow their * See Appendix, Table II. t Table III. 68 COTTON IS KING. tobacco and cotton. Our surplus provisions, not exported, go to the villages, towns, and cities, to feed the mechanics, manufacturers, merchants, professional men, and others ; or to the cotton and sugar districts of the South, to feed the planters and their slaves. The in- crease of mechanics and manufactm'ers at the North, and the expansion of slavery at the South, therefore, augment the markets for provisions, and promote the prosperity of the farmer. As the mechanical population in- creases, the implements of industiy and ar- ticles of furniture are multiplied, so that both farmer and planter can be supplied with them on easier terms. As foreign nations open their markets to cotton fabrics, increased demands for the raw material are made. As new grazing and grain-growing States are devel- oped, and teem with their surplus productions, the mechanic is benefited, and the j)lanter, relieved from food-raising, can employ his slaves more extensively upon cotton. It is thus that our exports are increased; our foreign commerce advanced; the home mar- COTTON IS KING. 69 kets of the meclianic and farmer extended, and the wealth of the nation promoted. It is thus, also, that the— feee labor of i^e country finds / remunerating markets for its products^though / at ihe expense of serving as an efficient auxil- iary in the extension of slavery ! But more: So speedily are new grain- growing States springing up; so vast is the territory owned by the United States, ready for settlement ; and so enormous will soon be the amount of p]?4)duets demanding profitable mar- kets, that the national government has been seeking new outlets for them, upon oui- own continent, to which, alone, they can be advan- tageously ti'anspoi*ted. That such outlets, when our vast possessions Westward are brought under cultivation, will be an imperious neces- sity, is known to every Statesman. The farm- ers of these new States, after the example of those of the older sections of the country, will demand a market for their products. This can be furnished, only, by the extension of slavery ; by the acquisition of more ti'opical territory ; by opening the ports of Brazil, and other South 70 COTTON IS KING. American countries, to the admission of our provisions ; by their free importation into Eu- ropean countries ; or by a vast enlargement of domestic manufactures, to the exclusion of foreign goods from the country. Look at this question as it now stands, and then judge of what it must be twenty years hence. The class of products under consideration, in the whole country, in 1853, were valued at 81,551,176,490; of which there were exported to foreign countries, to the value of only 833,809,126.* The planter will not assent to any check upon the foreign imports of the country, for the benefit of the farmer. This demands the adoption of vigorous measures to secure a market for his j)roducts by some of the other modes stated. Hence, the orders of our Executive, in 1851, for the exploration of the valley of the Amazon ; the efibrts, in 1854, to obtain a treaty with Brazil, for the fi*ee navi- gation of that immense river ; the negotiations for a military foothold in St. Domingo; and *See Appendix, Table II. COTTON IS KING. 71 the determination to acquire Cuba. But we must not anticipate topics to be considered at a later period in our discussion. CHAPTER y Antecedent to all the movements noticed in the preceding chapter, Great Britain had fore- seen the coming increased demand for tropical products. Indeed, her "West Indian policy, of a few years previous, had hastened the crisis ; and, to repair her injuries, and meet the gen- eral outcry for cotton, she made the most vigorous efforts to promote its cultivation in her own ti'opical possessions. The motives prompting her to this policy, need not be re- ferred to here, as they will be noticed hereafter. The Hon. George Thompson, it wiU be re- membered, when urging the increase of cotton cultivation in the East Indies, declared that the scheme must succeed, and that, soon, all slave labor cotton would be repudiated by the 72 COTTON IS KING. British manufacturers. Mr. Garrison indorsed the measure, and expressed his belief that, with its success, the American slave system must inevitably perish from starvation! But England's efforts signally failed, and the golden apple, fully ripened, dropped into the lap of our cotton planters.* The year that heard Thompson's pompous predictions, f witnessed the consumption of but 445,744,000 lbs. of cotton, by England; while, fourteen years later, she used 817,998,048 lbs., nearly 700,000,000 lbs. of which were obtained from America ! That we have not overstated her de- pendence upon our slave labor for cotton is a fact of world-wide notoriety. Blackwood's Magazine, January, 1853, in referring to the cultivation of the article, by the United States, says: ♦Paganism has, long since, attained its maximum in Agricultural industry, and the introduction of Christian civilization, into India, can, alone, lead to an increase of its productions for export. f 1839. COTTON IS KING. =73 "With its increased growth has sprung up that mercantile navy, which now waves its stripes and stars over every sea, and that foreign influence, which has placed the internal peace — we may say the subsistence of millions in every manufacturing country in Europe — within the power of an oligarchy of planters." In reference to the same subject, the Lon- don Economist quotes as follows : "Let any great social or physical convul- sion visit the United States, and England would feel the shock from Land's End to John O'Groats. The lives of nearly two millions of our counti-ymen are dependent upon the cotton crops of America ; their destiny may be said, without any kind of hyperbole, to hang upon a thread. Should any dire calamity befall the land of cotton, a thousand of our merchant ships would rot idly in dock ; ten thousand mills must stop their busy looms ; two thou- sand thousand mouths would starve, for lack of food to feed them." A more definite statement of England's indebtedness to cotton, is given by McCul- 7 74 COTTON IS KING. lough; wlio shows that as far back as 1832, her exports of cotton fabrics were equal in value to about tioo-tJiirds of all the woven fabrics expoi*ted from the empire. The same state of things, nearly, existed in 1849, when the cotton fabrics exported, according to the London Economist^ were valued at about f 140,000,000, while all the other woven fab- rics exported did not quite reach to the value of ^68,000,000. On consulting the same au- thority, of still later dates, it appears, that the last four years has produced no material change in the relations which the different classes of British fabrics, exported, bear to each other. The present condition of the demand and supplies of cotton, throughout Europe, and the extent to which the increasing consump- tion of that staple must stimulate the Amer- ican planters to its increased production, will be noticed in the proper place. There was a time when American slave labor sustained no such relations to the manu- factures and commerce of the world as it now COTTON 18 KING. 75 SO firmly holds ; and when, by the adoption of proper measures, on the part of the free col- ored people and their friends, the emancipa- tion of the slaves, in all the States, might have been efiected. But that period has passed forever away, and causes, unforeseen, have come into operation, which are too powerful to be overcome by any agencies that have since been employed.* "What Divine Providence may have in store for the future, we know not ; but, at present, the institution of slavery is sus- tained by numberless pillars, too massive for human power and wisdom to overthrow. Take another view of this subject. To say nothing now of the tobacco, rice, and sugar, which are the products of our slave labor, we exported raw cotton to the value of 8109,456,404 in 1853. Its destination was, to Great Britain, * See the speech of Hox. Gerritt Smith, on the " Kansas- Nebraska Bill," in which he asserts, that the invention of the Cotton Gin fastened slavery upon the countiy; and that, but for its invention, slavery would long since hav^e dis- appeared. 76 COTTON IS KING. 768,596,498 lbs.; to the Continent of Europe, 335,271,434 lbs.; to countries on our own Con- tinent, 7,702,438 lbs.; making the total ex- ports, 1,111,570,370 lbs. The entire crop of that year being 1,600,000,000 lbs., gives, for home consumption, 488,429,630 lbs. Of this, there was manufactm-ed into cotton fabrics to the value of ^61,869,274 ;* of which there was retained, for home markets, to the value of ^53,100,290. Om* imports of cotton fabrics from Em-ope, in 1853, for consumption, amounted in value to $26,477,950: thus making our cottons, foreign and domestic, for that year, cost us $79,578,240. This, now, is what becomes of our cotton; this is the way in which it so largely consti- tutes the basis of commerce and trade ; and this is the nature of the relations existing between the slavery of the United States and the material interests of the world. * This estimate is probably too low, being taken from the census of 1850. The exports of cottons for 1850 were 14,734,424; and for 1853, $8,768,894 ; having nearly doubled in four years. COTTON IS KING. 77 But have the United States no other great leading interests, except those which are involved in the production of cotton? Cer- tainly, they have. Here is a great field for the growth of provisions. In ordinary years, exclusive of tobacco and cotton, our agricul- tural property, when added to the domestic animals and their products, amounts in value to 81,551,176,490. Of this, there is exported only to the value of 833,809,126 ; which leaves for home consumption and use, a remainder to the value of 81,517,367,364.* The portions of the property represented by this immense sum of money, which pass from the hands of the agriculturists, are distributed throughout the Union, for the support of the day laborers, sailors, mechanics, manufacturers, traders, mer- chants, professional men, planters, and the slave population. This is what becomes of our provisions. [ Besides this annual consumption of pro- visions, most of which is the product oi free * See Table II, Appendix. 78 COTTON IS KING. labm\ the people of the United States use a |vast amount of groceries^ which are mainly of slave labor origin. Boundless as is the influ- ence of cotton, in stimulating slavery extension, that of the cultivation of groceries falls but little short of it; the chief difference being, that they do not receive such an increased value under the hand of manufacturers. The cultivation of coffee, in Brazil, employs as great a number of slaves as that of cotton in the United States. But, to comprehend fiilly our indebtedness to slave labor for groceries, we must descend to particulars. Our imports of coffee, tobacco, sugar, and molasses, for 1853, amounted in value to $38,479,000; of which the hand of the slave, in Brazil and Cuba, mainly, supplied to the value of 834,451,000.* This shows the extent to which we are sustaining foreign slavery^ by the consumption of these four products. But this is not our whole indebted- ness to slavery for groceries. Of the domestic *See Table III, Appendix. COTTON IS KING. 79 grown tobacco, valued at ^19,975,000, of which we retain nearly one-half, the Slave States produce to the value of ^16,787,000 ; of do- mestic rice, the product of the South, we con- sume to the value of 87,092,000 ; of domestic slave grown sugar and molasses, we take, for home consumption, to the value of 83^,779,000 ; making our grocery account, with domestio slavery^ foot up to the sum of 850,4-19,000. Our whole indebtedness, then, to slavery, foreign and domestic, for these fom* commod- ities, after deducting two millions of re-ex- ports, amounts to 882,607,000. By adding the value of the foreign and domestic cotton fabrics, consumed annually in the United States, to the yearly cost of the groceries which the countiy uses, our total indebtedness, for articles of slave labor origin, wiU be found swelHng up to the enormous sum of 8162,185,24:0. We have now seen the channels through which our cotton passes off into the great sea of commerce, to furnish the world its clothing. 80 COTTON IS KING. We have seen the origin and value of our provisions^ and to whom they are sold. We have seen the sources whence om* groceries are derived, and the millions of money they cost. To ascertain how far these several interests are sustained by one another, will be to determine how far any one of them becomes an element of expansion to the others. To decide a ques- tion of this nature with precision is imprac- ticable. The statistics are not attainable. It may be illustrated, however, in various ways, so as to obtain a conclusion proximately accu- rate. Suppose, for example, that the supplies of food from the l^orth were cut off, the manu- factories left in their present condition, and the planters forced to raise their provisions and draught animals: in such circumstances, the export of cotton must cease, as the lands of these States could not be made to yield more than would subsist their own population, and supply the cotton demanded by the J^orthern States. Now, if this be true of the agricul- tural resources of the cotton States — and it is believed to be nearly the full extent of their COTTON IS KING. 81 capacity — then the surplus of cotton, to the value of more than a hundred millions of dol- lars, now annually sent abroad, stands as the representative of the yearly supplies which the cotton planters receive from the farmers north of the cotton line. This, therefore, as will afterward more fully appear, may be taken as the probable extent to which the supplies from the ]!Torth serve as an element of slavery ex- pansion, in the article of cotton alone. CHAPTER YI. Bdt the subject of the relations of American slavery to the economical interests of the world, demands a still closer scrutiny, in order that the causes of the failure of Abolitionism to arrest its progress, as well as the present rela- tions of the institution to the politics of the country, may fully appear. Slave labor has seldom been made profitable where it has been wholly employed in grazing and grain-growing; but it becomes remuner- ative in proportion as the planters can devote their attention to cotton, sugar, rice, or tobacco. To render Southern slavery profitable in the highest degree, therefore, the slaves must be employed upon some one of these articles, and be sustained by a supply of food and draught animals from Northern agriculturists; and, before the planter's supplies are complete, to these must be added cotton gins, implements COTTON IS KING. SS of husbandly, farnitiire, and tools, from N'orth- ern mechanics. This is a point of the utmost moment, and must be considered more at length. It has long been a vital question to the success of the slaveholder, to know how he could render the labor of his slaves the most profitable. The gi-ain-gr owing States had to emancipate their slaves, to rid themselves of a profitless system. The cotton-growing States, ever after the invention of the cotton gin, had found the production of that staple highly remunerative. The logical conclusion, from these different results, was, that the less pro- visions, and the more cotton grown by the planter, the greater would be his profits. This must be noted with special care. Markets for the surplus products of the farmer of the Xorth, were equally as important to him as the supply of Provisions was to the planter. But the planter, to be eminently successftil, must purchase his supplies, at the lowest j)os- sible prices; while the farmer, to secure his prosperity, must sell his products at the highest 84 COTTON IS KING. possible rates. Few, indeed, can be so ill informed, as not to know, that these two topics, for many years, were involved in the "Free Trade" and "Protective Tariff" doc- trines, and afforded the materiel of the political contests between the North and the South — • between free labor and slave labor. A very brief notice of the history of that conti'oversy, will demonstrate the ti'uth of this assertion. The attempt of the agricultural States, thirty years since, to establish the protective policy, and promote " Domestic Manufactures," was a struggle to create such a division of labor, as would afford a "Home Market" for their products, no longer in demand abroad. The first decisive action on the question, by Congress, was in 1824 ; when the distress in these States, and the measures proposed for their relief, by national legislation, were dis- cussed on the passage of the " Tariff Bill " of that year. The ablest men in the nation were engaged in the controversy. As Provisions are the most important item on the one hand, and Cotton on the other, we shaU use these COTTON IS KING. 8i two terms as the representatives of the two classes of products, belonging, respectively, to fi-ee labor and to slave labor. Mr. Clay, in the course of the debate, said : "What, again, I would ask, is the cause of the unhappy condition of oui' country, which I have faii'ly depicted? It is to be found in the fact that, during almost the whole existence of this government, we have shaped our in- dustiy, our navigation, and our commerce, in reference to an extraordinary war in Europe, and to foreign markets which no longer exist ; in the fact that we have depended too much on foreign som-ces of supply, and excited too little the native ; in the fact that, while we have cultivated, with assiduous care, our foreign re- sources, we have suffered those at home to wither, in a state of neglect and abandonment. The consequence of the termination of the war of Europe, has been the resumption of Eu- ropean commerce, European navigation, and the extension of European agricultm-e, in all its branches. Europe, therefore, has no longer occasion for anything like the same extent as 86 COTTON IS KING. that which she had during her wars, for Amer- ican commerce, American navigation, the produce of American industry. Europe in commotion, and convulsed throughout all her members, is to America no longer the same Em-ope as she is now, ti-anquil, and watching with the most vigilant attention, all her own peculiar interests, without regard to their operation on us. The effect of this altered state of Europe upon us, has been to circum- scribe the employment of our marine, and greatly to reduce the value of the produce of our ten-itorial labor. * * The greatest want of civilized society is a market for the sale and exchange of the surplus of the products of the labor of its members. This market may exist at home or abroad, or both, but it must exist somewhere, if society prospers ; and, wherever it does exist, it should be competent to the absorption of the entire surplus production. It is most desirable that there should be both a home and a foreign market. But with respect to their relative superiority, I can not entertain a doubt. The home market is first in order, COTTONISKING. Bt and paramount in importance. The object of the bill under consideration, is to create this home market, and to lay the foundations of a genuine American policy. It is opposed ; and it is incumbent on the partisans of the foreign policy (terms which I shall use without any invidious intent) to demonsti-ate that the for- eign market is an adequate vent for the surplus produce of our labor. But is it so? 1. For- eign nations can not, if they would, take our surplus produce. * * 2. K they could, they would not. * * We have seen, I think, the causes of the distress of the country. "We have seen that an exclusive dependence upon the foreign market must lead to a still severer distress, to impoverishment, to ruin. "We must, then, change somewhat our course. "We must give a new direction to some portion of our industry. "We must speedily adopt a genuine American policy. Still cherishing a foreign market, let us create also a home market, to give further scope to the consump- tion of the produce of American industry. Let us counteract the policy of foreigners, and 88 COTTON IS KING. withdraw the support which we now give to their industry, and stimulate that of our own country. * * The creation of a home mar- ket is not only necessary to procure for our agriculture a just reward of its labors, but it is indispensable to obtain a supply of our necessary wants. If we can not sell, we can not buy. That portion of our population (and we have seen that it is not less than four-fifths) which makes comparatively nothing that for- eigners will buy, has nothing to make pur- chases with from foreigners. It is in vain that we are told of the amount of om- exports, sup- plied by the planting interest. They may enable the planting interest to supply aU its wants; but they bring no ability to the in- terests not planting, unless, which can not be pretended, the planting interest was an adequate vent for the surplus produce of all the labor of all other interests. * * But this home market, highly desirable as it is, can only be created and cherished by the protec- tion of our own legislation against the inevi- table prosti'ation of our industry, which must COTTON IS KING. 89 ensue from the action of foreign policy and legislation. * * The sole object of the tariff is to tax the produce of foreign industry, with the view of promoting American in- dustiy. * * But it is said by the honora- ble gentleman from Yirginia, that the South, owing to the character of a certain portion of its population, can not engage in the business of manufacturing. * * The circumstances of its degradation unfits it for manufacturing arts. The well-being of the other, and the larger part of our population, requires the introduc- tion of those arts. "What is to be done in this conflict? The gentleman would have us abstain from adopt- ing a policy called for by the interests of the greater and freer part of the population. But is that reasonable? Can it be expected that the interests of the greater part should be made to bend to the condition of the servile part of our population? That, in effect, would be to make us the slaves of slaves. * * I am sure that the patriotism of the South may be ex- clusively relied upon to reject a policy which 8 90 COTTON IS KING. should be dictated by considerations altogether connected with that degraded class, to the pre- judice of the residue of our population. But does not a perseverance in the foreign policy, as it now exists, in fact, make all parts of the Union, not planting, tributary to the planting parts? What is the argument? It is, that we must continue freely to receive the produce of foreign industry, without regard to the protec- tion of American industry, that a market may be retained for the sale abroad of the produce of the planting portion of the country; and that, if we lessen the consumption, in all parts of America, those which are not planting, as well as the planting sections, of foreign manu- factures, we diminish to that extent the foreign market for the planting produce. The existing state of things, indeed, presents a sort of tacit compact between the cotton-grower and the British manufacturer, the stipulations of which are, on the part of the cotton-grower, that the whole of the United States, the other portions as well as the cotton-growing, shall remain opeil and unrestricted in the consumption of COTTON IS KING. 0t British manufactures ; and, on the part of the British manufacturer, that, in consideration thereof, he will continue to purchase the cotton of the South. Thus, then, we perceive that the proposed measure, instead of sacrificing the South to the other parts of the Union, seeks only to preserve them from being actually sacrificed under the operation of the tacit com- pact which I have described." The opposition to the Protective Tarifi", by the South, arose from two causes: the first openly avowed at the time, and the second clearly deducible fr-om the policy it pursued ; the one to secure the foreign market for its cotton, the other to obtain a bountiful supply of provisions at cheap rates. Cotton was ad- mitted free of duty into foreign counti-ies, and Southern Statesmen feared its exclusion, if our government increased the duties on foreign fabrics. The South exported about twice as much of that staple as was supplied to Europe by all other countries, and there were indica- tions favoring the desire it entertained of 92 COTTON IS KING. monopolizing the foreign markets. The West India planters could not import food, but at such high rates as to make it impracticable to grow cotton at prices low enough to suit the English manufacturer. To purchase cotton cheaply, was essential to the success of his scheme of monopolizing its manufacture, and supplying the world with clothing. The close proximity of the provision and cotton-growing districts in the United States, gave its planters advantages over all other portions of the world. But they could not monopolize the markets, un- less they could obtain a cheap supply of food and clothing for their negroes, and raise their cotton at such reduced prices as to undersell their rivals. A manufacturing population, with its mechanical coadjutors, in the midst of the pro- vision-gi'owers, on a scale such as the protective policy contemplated, it was conceived, would create a permanent market for their products, and enhance the price ; whereas, if this manu- facturing could be prevented, and a system of free trade adopted, the South would constitute the principal provision market of the country, COTTON IS KING. do and the fertile lands of the North supply the cheap food demanded for its slaves. As the tarifl" policy, in the outset, contemplated the encouragement of the production of iron, hemp, whisky, and the establishment of woollen man- ufactories, principally, the South found its in- terests but slightly identified with the system — the coarser qualities of cottons, only, being manufactured in the country, and, even these, on a diminished scale, as compared with the cotton crops of the South. Cotton, up to the date when this controversy had farely com- menced, had been worth, in the English mar- ket, an average price of from 29t^o to 48 o cents per lb.* But at this period, a wide- spread and ruinous depression, both in the culture and manufacture of the article, oc- curred — cotton, in 1826, having fallen, in England, as low as llj^o to 18, V cents per lb. The home market, then, was too inconsiderable to be of much importance, and there existed »This includes the period from 1806 to 1826, though the decline began a few years before the latter date. 94: COTTON IS KING. little hope of its enlargement to the extent demanded by its increasing cultivation. The planters, therefore, looked abroad to the exist- ing markets, rather than to wait for tardily creating one at home. For success in the foreign markets, they relied, mainly, upon preparing themselves to produce cotton at the reduced prices then prevailing in Europe. All agricultural products, except cotton, being ex- cluded from foreign markets, the planters found themselves almost the sole exporters of the country ; and it was to them a source of cha- grin, that the IsTorth did not, at once, co-operate with them in augmenting the commerce of the nation. At this point in the history of the contro- versy, politicians found it an easy matter to produce feelings of the deepest hostility be- tween the opposing parties. The planters were led to believe that the millions of revenue col- lected off the goods imported, was so much deducted from the value of the cotton that paid for them, either in the diminished price they received abroad, or in the increased price which COTTON IS KING. 95 the J paid for the imported articles. To enhance the duties, for the protection of our manufac- tui*es, they were persuaded, would be so much of an additional tax upon themselves, for the benefit of the Korth ; and, beside, to give the manufacturer such a monopoly of the home market for his fabrics, would enable him to charge purchasers an excess over the true value of his stufis, to the whole amount of the duty. By the protective policy, the planters expected to have the cost of both provisions and clothing increased, and their ability to monopolize the foreign markets diminished in a corresponding degi'ee. If they could establish free trade, it would insure the American market to foreign manufacturers ; secure the foreign markets for their leading staple; repress home manufac- tures ; force a larger number of the Northern men into agricultm^e; multiply the growth, and diminish the price of provisions ; feed and clothe their slaves at lower rates; produce their cotton for a third or fourth of former prices; rival all other countries in its culti- vation; monopolize the trade in the article 96 COTTON IS KING. throughout the whole of Europe ; and build up a commerce and a navy that would make ua the ruler of the seas. CHAPTER yil. To understand the sentiments of the South, on the Protective Policy, as expressed by its statesmen, we must again quote from the Con- gressional Debates of 1824 : Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, said: "But how, I would seriously ask, is it pos- sible for the home market to supply the place of the foreign market, for our cotton? We supply Great Britain with the raw material, out of which she furnishes the Continent of Europe, nay, the whole world, with cotton goods. Now, suppose our manufactories could make every yard of cloth we consume, that would furnish a home market for no more than 20,000,000 COTTON IS KING. 97 lbs. out of the 180,000,000 lbs. of cotton now shipped to Great Britain ; leaving on our hands 160,000,000lbs., equal to two-thirds of ourwhole produce. * * Considering this scheme of promoting certain employments, at the expense of others, as unequal, oppressive, and unjust — ■ viewing prohibition as the means^ and the destruction of all foreign commerce as the end of this policy — I take this occasion to declare, that we shall feel om-selves justified in em- bracing the very first opportunity of repealing all such laws as may be passed for the promo- tion of these objects." Mr. Cahter, of South Carolina, said: " Another danger to which the present measure would expose this country, and one in which the Southern States have a deep and vital interest, would be the risk we incm*, by this system of exclusion, of driving Great Britain to countervailing measures, and inducing all other countries, with whom the United States have any considerable trading connections, to resort to measm-es of retaliation. There are countries possessing vast capacities for the 9 98 COTTON IS KING. production of rice, of cotton, and of tobacco, to which England might resort to supply herself. She might apply herself to Brazil, Bengal, and Egypt, for her cotton; to South America, as well as to her colonies, for her tobacco ; and to China and Tm-key for her rice." Mr. Go VAN, of South Carolina, said; "The effect of this measure on the cotton, rice, and tobacco-growing States, will be pernicious in the extreme : — ^it will exclude them fi-om those markets where they depended almost entirely for a sale of those articles, and force Great Britain to encourage the cottons, (Brazil, Eio Janeiro, and Buenos Ap-es,) which, in a short time, can be brought in competition with us. Kothing but the consumption of British goods in this country, received in exchange, can sup- port a command of the cotton market to the Southern planter. It is one thing very certain, she will not come here with her gold and silver to trade with us. And should Great Britain, pursuing the principles of her recip- rocal duty act, of last June, lay three or four cents on our cotton, where would, I ask, be our COTTON IS KING. 99 surplus of cotton? It is well known that the United States can not manufacture one-fourth of the cotton that is in it ; and should we, by our imprudent legislative enactments, in pur- suing to such an extent this restrictive system, force Great Britain to shut her ports against u8, it will paralyze the whole trade of the Southern country. This export ti'ade, which composes five-sixths of the export ti-ade of the United States, will be swept entirely from the ocean, and leave but a melancholy wi-eck behind." It is necessary, also, to add a few additional exti-acts, from the speeches of Northern states- men, during this discussion. Mr. Martindale, of Kew York, said : " Does not the agriculture of the country languish, and the laborer stand stiU, because, beyond the supply of food for his own family, his produce perishes on his hands, or his fields lie waste and faUow; and this because his accustomed market is closed against him ? It does sir. * * A twenty years' war in Europe, which drew into its vortex all its various nations, made our merchants the carriers of a large 100 COTTON IS KING. portion of the world, and our farmers the feeders of immense belligerent armies. An unexampled activity and increase in our com- merce followed — our agriculture extended itself, grew and flourished. An unprecedented de- mand gave the farmer an exti-aordinary price for his produce. * * Imports kept pace with exports, and consumption with both. * * Peace came into Europe, and shut out our exports, and found us in war with England, which almost cut off our imports. * * Now we felt how coinfortable it was to have plenty of food, but no clothing. * * !N'ow we felt the imperfect organization of our sys- tem. Now we saw the imperfect distribution and classification of labor. * * Here is the explanation of our opposite views. It is em- ployment, after all, that we are all in search of. It is a market for our labor and our produce, which we all want, and aU contend for. ' Buy foreign goods, that we may import,' say the merchants : it wiU make a market for importa- tions, and find employment for our ships. Buy English manufactures, say the cotton COTTON IS KING. 101 planters; England will take onr cotton in exchange. Thus the merchant and the cotton planter fully appreciate the value of a market when they find their own encroached upon. The farmer and manufacturer claim to par- ticipate in the benefits of a market for their labor and produce ; and hence this protracted debate and struggle of contending interests. It is a contest for a market between the cotton- groxoer and the mercliant on the one side, and the farmer and the manufacturer on the other. That the manufacturer would fui-nish this market to the farmer, admits no doubt. The farmer should reciprocate the favor ; and government is now called upon to render this market accessible to foreign fabrics for the mutual benefit of both. * * This, then, is the remedy we propose, sir, for the evils which we sufier. Place the mechanic by the side of the farmer, that the manufacturer who makes our cloth, should make it from our farmers' wool, flax, hemp, etc., and be fed by om^ farmers' provisons. Draw forth our iron fi'om our own mountains, and we shall not drain 102 COTTON IS KING. our country in the purchase of the foreign. * * We propose, sir, to supply our own wants from our own resources, by the means which God and Natm'e have placed in our hands. * * But here is a question of sectional interest, which elicits unfriendly feelings and determined hostility to the bill. * * The cotton, rice, tobacco, and indigo-growers of the Southern States, claim to be deeply affected and injured by this system. * * Let us inquire if the Southern planter does not demand what, in fact, he denies to others. And now, what does he request? That the Korth and West should buy — what? Not their cotton, tobacco, etc., for that we do already, to the utmost of our ability to consume, or pay, or vend to others; and that is to an immense amount, greatly exceeding what they pm'chase of us. But they insist that we should buy Enghsh wool, wi'ought into cloth, that they may pay for it with their cotton; that we should buy Russia iron, that they may sell their cotton ; that we should buy Holland gin and linen, that they may sell their tobacco. In fine, that COTTON IS KING 103 we should not grow wool, and dig and smelt the iron of the country ; for, if we did, they could not sell their cotton." [On another occasion, he said:] "Gentlemen say they will oppose every part of the bill. They will, therefore, move to strike out every part of it. And, on every such motion, we shall hear repeated, as we have done already, the same objections: that it will ruin trade and commerce ; that it will destroy the revenue, and prostrate the navy; that it will enhance the prices of arti- cles of the first necessity, and thus be taxing the poor; and that it will destroy the cotton market, and stop the future growth of cotton. '^'^ Mk. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, said : " iS'o nation can be perfectly independent which de- pends upon foreign countries for its supply of iron. It is an article equally necessary in peace and in war. Without a plentiful supply of it, we can not provide for the common de- fense. Can we so soon have forgotton the lesson which experience taught us during the late war with Great Britain? Our foreign supply was then cut ofi", and we could not 104: COTTON IS KING. manufacture in sufficient quantities for the increased domestic demand. The price of the article became extravagant, and both the Gov- ernment and the agriculturist were compelled to pay double the sum for which they might have purchased it, had its manufacture, before that period, been encouraged by proper pro- tecting duties." Sugar cane, at that period, had become an article of culture in Louisiana, and efforts were made to persuade her planters into the adop- tion of the Free Trade system. It was m-ged that they could more effectually resist foreign competition, and extend their business, by a cheap supply of food, than by protective duties. But the Louisianians were too wise not to know, that though they would certainly obtain cheap provisions by the destruction of Northern man- ufactures, still, this would not enable them to compete with the cheaper labor supplied by the slave trade to the Cubans. The West, for many years, gave its undi- vided support to the manufacturing interests, thereby obtaining a heavy duty on hemp, wool, COTTON IS KING. 105 and foreign distilled spirits : thus securing en- couragement to its hemp and wool-growers, and the monopoly of the home market for its whisky. The distiller and the manufacturer, under this system, were equally ranked as public benefactors, as each increased the con- sumption of the surplus products of the farmer. The grain of the West could find no remunera- tive market, except as fed to domestic animals for droving East and South, or distilled into whisky which would bear transportation. Take a fact in proof of this assertion. Hon. Henry Baldwin, of Pittsburgh, at a public dinner given him by the friends of General Jackson, in Cincinnati, May, 1828, in referring to the want of markets, for the farmers of the West, said, " He was certain, the aggregate of their agricultural produce, finding a market in Eu- rope, would not pay for the pins and needles they imported." The markets in the Southwest, now so important, were then quite limited. As the protective system, coupled with the contem- plated internal improvements, if successfully 106 COTTON IS KING. accomplished, would inevitably tend to en- hance the price of agricultural products ; while the free trade and anti-internal improvement policy, would as certainly reduce their value ; the two systems were long considered so an- tagonistic, that the success of the one must sound the knell of the other. Indeed, so fully was Ohio impressed with the necessity of pro- moting manufactures, that all capital thus em- ployed, was for many years entirely exempt fr'om taxation. It was in vain that the friends of protection appealed to the fact, that the duties levied on foreign goods did not necessarily enhance their cost to the consumer; that the competition among home manufacturers, and between them and foreigners, had greatly reduced the price of nearly every article properly protected ; that foreign manufacturers always had, and alwaj^s would advance their prices according to om* dependence upon them ; that domestic compe- tition was the only safety the country had against foreign imposition ; that it was neces- sary we should become our own manufacturerg, COTTON IS KING. 107 in a fair degree, to render ourselves independ- ent of other nations in times of war, as well as to guard against the yascillations in foreign legislation ; that the South would be vastly the gainer by having the market for its products at its own doors, to avoid the cost of their transit across the Atlantic ; that, in the event of the repression or want of proper extension of our manufactures, by the adoj)tion of the fi-ee ti-ade system, the imports of foreign goods, to meet the public wants, would soon exceed the ability of the people to pay, and, inevitably, involve the countiy in bankruptcy. Southern politicians remained inflexible, and refused to accept any policy except free ti'ade, to the utter abandonment of the prin- ciple of protection. Whether they were jealous of the greater prosperity of the Xorth, and de- sirous to cripple its energies, or whether they were truly fearful of bankrupting the South, we shall not wait to inquire. Justice demands, however, that we should state that the South was suffering from the stagnation in the cot- ton trade existing throughout Europe. The 108 COTTON IS KING. planters had been unused to the low prices, for that staple, they were compelled to accept. They had no prospect of an adequate home market for many years to come, and there were indications that they might lose the one they abeady possessed. The West Indies was still slave territory, and attempting to recover its early position in the English market. This it had to do, or be forced into emancipation. The powerful Yiceroy of Egypt, Mehemet Ali, was endeavoring to compel his subjects to grow cotton on an enlarged scale. The newly organized South American republics were assuming an aspect of commercial conse- quence, and might commence its cultivation. The East Indies and Brazil were supplying to Great Britain from one-third to one-half of the cotton she was annually manufacturing. The other half, or two-thirds, she might obtain from other sources, and repudiate all traffic with our planters. Southern men, therefore, could not conceive of anything but ruin to them- selves, by any considerable advance in duties on foreign imports. They understood the pro- COTTON IS KING. 109 tective policy as contemplating the supply of om- country with home manufactured arti- cles to the exclusion of those of foreign coimtiies. This would confine the planters, in the sale of their cotton, to the American market mainly, and leave them in the power of moneyed corporations; which possessing the ability, might conti'ol the prices of their staple, to the irreparable injury of the South. "With slave labor they could not become manu- facturers, and must, therefore, remain at the mercy of the Korth, both as to food and clothing, unless the European markets should be retained. Out of this conviction grew the war upon Corporations; the hostility to the employment of foreign capital in developing the mineral, agricultural, and manufacturing resources of the country ; the efforts to destroy the banks and the credit system ; the attempts to reduce the currency to gold and silver ; the system of collecting the public revenues in coin; the withdrawal of the public moneys from all banks as a basis of paper circulation ; and the sleepless vigilance of the South in 110 COTTON IS KING. resisting all systems of internal improvements by the General Government. Its statesmen foresaw that a paper currency would keep up the price of Northern products one or two hundred per cent, above the specie standard ; that combinations of capitalists, whether en- gaged in manufacturing wool, cotton, or iron, would draw off labor from the cultivation of the soil, and cause large bodies of the producers to become consumers ; and that roads and canals, connecting the "West with the East, were effec- tual means of bringing the agricultural and manufacturing classes into closer proximity, to the serious limitation of the foreign commerce of the country, the checking of the growth of the navy, and the manifest injury of the planters. CHAPTER YIII. The PKOTECTm: Tariff and Free Trade controversy, at its origin, and during its prog- ress, was very different in its character from what many now imagine it to have been. People, on both sides, were oflen in great straits to know how to obtain a livelihood, much less to amass fortunes. The word ruin was no unmeaning phrase at that day. The news, now, that a bank has failed, carries with it, to the depositors and holders of its notes, no stronger feelings of consternation, than did the report of the. passage or repeal of tariff laws, then, affect the minds of the opposing parties. We have spoken of the peculiar condition of the South in this respect. In the West, for many years, the farmers often received no more than tvjenty-five cents ^ and rarely over forty cents ^ per pushel for their wheat, after conveying it, on horseback, or in wagons, not unfrequently, 111 112 COTTON IS KING. a distance of fifty miles, to find a market. Other products were proportionally low in price ; and such was the difficulty in obtaining money, that people could not pay their taxes but with the greatest sacrifices. So deeply were the people interested in these questions of national policy, that they became the basis of political action during several Presidential elections. This led to much vacillation in legislation on the subject, and gave alternately, to one and then to the other section of the Union, the benefits of its favorite policy. The vote of the West, during this struggle, was of the first importance, as it possessed the balance of power, and could turn the scale at will. It was not left without inducements to co-operate with the South, in its measures for extending slavery, that it might create a mar- ket among the planters for its products. This appears from the particular eflbrts made by the Southern members of Congress, during the debate of 1824, to win over the West to the doctrines of free trade. COTTON IS KING. 113 Mr. McDuFFiE, of South Carolina, said: " I admit that the "Western people are emhar- rassed^ but I deny that they are distressed^ in any other sense of the word. * * I am well assured that the permanent prosperity of the "West depends more upon the improvement of the means of ti-ansporting their produce to market, and of receiving the returns, than upon every other subject to which the legislation of this government can be directed. * * Gen- tlemen (from the West) are aware that a very profitable trade is carried on by their constituents with the Southern country, in live stock of all descriptions, which they drive over the mountains and sell for cash. This extensive ti-ade, which, fi-om its pecuhar character, more easily overcomes the difficul- ties of transportation than any that can be sub- stituted in its place, is about to be put in jeop- ardy for the conjectural benefits of this measure. "When I say this trade is about to be put in jeop- ardy, I do not speak unadvisedly. I am per- fectly convinced that, if this bill passes, it will have the effect of inducing the people of the 10 114: COTTON IS KING. South, partly from the feeling and partly from the necessity growing out of it, to raise within themselves, the live stock which they now pm-chase fi-om the West. * * If we cease to take the manufactures of Great Britain, she will assuredly cease to take our cotton to the same extent. It is a settled principle of her policy — a principle not only wise, but essential to her existence — to purchase from those nations that receive her manufactures, in preference to those who do not. We have, heretofore, been her best customers, and, therefore, it has been her policy to purchase our cotton to the frill extent of our demand for her manufactures. But, say gentlemen, Great Britain does not purchase your cotton fi-om affection, but from interest. I grant it, sir ; and that is the very reason of my decided hostility to a system which wiU make it her interest to purchase from other countries in preference to our own. It ie her interest to purchase cotton, even at a higher price, from those countries which receive her manufactm-es in exchange. It is better for her to give a little more for cotton, than to COTTON IS KING. 115 obtain nothing for her manufactures. It will be remarked that the situation of Great Britain is, in this respect, widely diflferent from that of the United States. The powers of her soil have been already pushed very nearly to the maximum of their productiveness. The pro- ductiveness of her manufactui'es on the con- trary, is as unlimited as the demand of the whole world. * * In fact, sir, the poHcy of Great Britain is not, as gentlemen seem to suppose, to secure the Jioyne^ but the foreign market for her manufactures. The former she has without an effort. It is to attain the latter that all her poKcy and enterprise are brought into requisition. The manufactures of that country are the 'basis of tier commerce; our manufactures, on the conti-ary, are to be the destruction of our commerce. * * It can not be doubted that, in pursuance of the policy of forcing her manufacturers into foreign mar- kets, she will, if deprived of a large portion of our custom, direct aU her efforts to South America. That country abounds in a soil admirably adapted to the production of cotton, 116 COTTON IS KING. and will, for a century to come, import her manufactm-es from foreign countries." Mr. EUmilton, of South. Carolina, said; "That the planters in his section shared in that depression which is common in every de- partment of the industry of the Union, except- ing tliose from wliich we have heard the most Glamor for relief. This would be understood when it was known that sea-island cotton had fallen fi*om 50 or 60 cents, to 25 cents — a fall even greater than that which has attended wheat, of which we had heard so much — as if the grain-growing section was the only agri- cultural interest which had suffered. * * While the planters of this region do not dread competition in the foreign markets on equal terms, fi-om the superiority of their cotton, they entertain a well-founded apprehension, that the restrictions contemplated will lead to retal- iatory duties on the part of Great Britain, which must end in ruin. * * In relation to our upland cottons. Great Britain may, without difficulty, in the course of a very short period, supply her wants from Brazil. * * How COTTON IS KING. 117 long tlie exclusive production, even of the sea- island cotton, will remain to oui* countiy, is yet a doubtful and interesting problem. The experiments that are making on the Delta of the Mle, if pushed to the Ocean, may result in the production of this beautiful staple, in an abundance which, in reference to other produc- tions, has long blest and consecrated Egyptian fertility. * * We are told by the honorable Speaker (Mr. Clay,) that our manufacturing establishments will, in a very short period, supply the place of the foreign demand. The futility, I will not say mockery of this hope, may be measured by one or two facts. First, the present consumption of cotton, by our manufactories, is about equal to one-sixth of our whole production. * * How long it will take to increase these manufactories to a scale equal to the consumption of this produc- tion, he could not venture to determine; but that it will be some years after the epitaph will have been written on the fortunes of the South, there can be but little doubt." * * [After speaking of the tendency of increased mann- 118 COTTON IS KING. factures in the East, to check emigration to the "West, and thus to diminish the value of the public lands and prevent the growth of the Western States, Mr. H. proceeded thus :] " That portion of the Union could participate in no part of the bill, except in its burdens, in spite of the fallacious hopes that were cherished, in reference to cotton-bagging for Kentucky, and the woolen duty for Steubenville, Ohio. He feared that to the entire region of the West, no ' cordial drops of comfort ' would come, even in the duty on foreign spirits. To a large por- tion of our people, who are in the habit of solacing themselves with Hollands, Antigua, and Cogniac, whisky, would still have ' a most villainous twang.' The cup, he feared, would be refused, though tendered by the hand of patriotism as well as conviviality. No, the West has but one interest, and that is, that its best customer, the South, should be pros- perous." Mr. Rankin, of Mississippi, said: "With the West, it appears to me like a rel^ellion of the members against the body. It is true, we COTTON IS KING. 119 export, but the aniount received from those exports is only apparently, largely in our favor, inasmuch as we are the consumers of your produce, dependent on you for our imple- ments of husbandry, the means of sustaining life, and almost everything except our lands and negroes; all of which draws much fi'om the apparent profits and advantages. In pro- portion as you diminish our exportations, you diminish om* means of purchasing fi*om yon, and desti'oy your own market. You will com- pel us to use those advantages of soil and of climate which God and ITature have placed within our reach, and to live, as to you, as you desire us to live as to foreign nations — de- pendent on our own resources." Mr. Gaknett, of Virginia, said: "The Western States can not manufacture. The want of capital (of which they, as well as the Southern States, have been drained by the policy of government,) and other causes render it impossible. The Southern States are des- tined to sufier more by this policy than any other — ^the Western next ; but it will not benefit 120 COTTON IS KING. the aggregate population of any State. It is for the benefit of capitalists only. If persisted in, it will drive the South to ruin and resistance." Mi\ CuTHBEKT, of Georgia, said: "He hoped the market for the cotton of the South was not about to be contracted within a little miserable sphere, [the home market,] instead of being spread throughout the world. K they should drive the cotton-growers from the only source from whence their means were derived, [the foreign market,] they would be unable any longer to take their supplies from the West— they must contract their concerns within their own spheres, and begin to raise flesh and grain for their own consumption. The South was already under a severe pressure — if this measure went into eflect, its distress would be consummated." In 1828, the West found still very limited means of communication with the East. The opening of the New York canal, in 1825, created a means of traflic with the seaboard, to the people of the Lake region ; but all of the COTTON IS KING. 121 remaining territorj, west of the Alleghanies, had gained no advantages over those it had enjoyed in IS^^t, except so far as steamboat navigation had progressed on the Western rivers. In the debate preceding the passage of the tariff" in 1828, usually termed the "Woolens' Bill," allusion is made to the con- dition of the West, from which we quote as follows : Mr. WicKLiFFE, of Kentucky, said: "My constituents may be said to be a grain-growing people. They raise stock, and their surplus grain is converted into spirits. Where, I ask, is our market ? * * Our market is where our sympathies should be, in the South. Our com'se of trade, for all heavy articles, is down the Mississippi. What breadstuff's we find a market for, are principally consumed in the States of Mississippi, Louisiana, South Ala- bama, and Florida. Indeed, I may say, these States are the consumers, at miserable and ruinous prices to the farmers of my State, of our exports of spirits, corn, flour, and cured provisions. * * We have had a trade of 11 122 COTTON IS KING. some value to the South in our stock. We still continue it under great disadvantages. It is a ready-money trade — ^I may say it is the only money trade in which we are engaged. * * Are the gentlemen acquainted with the extent of that trade ? It may be fairly stated 'at three millions per annum." Ml'. Benton urged the Western members to unite with the South, "for the purpose of enlarging the market, increasing the demand in the South, and its ability to purchase the horses, mules, and provisions, which the West could sell nowhere else." The tariff of 1828, created great dissatisfac- tion at the South. Examples of the expres- sions of public sentiment, on the subject, adopted at conventions, and on other occa- sions, might be multiplied indefinitely. Take a case or two, to illustrate the whole. At a public meeting in Georgia, held subsequently to the passage of the "Woolens' Bill," the fol- lowing resolution was adopted : Resolved, That to retaliate as far as possible upon our oppressors, our Legislature be requested to impose COTTON IS KIXG. 123 taxes, amounting to prohibition, on the hogs, horses, mules, and cotton-bagging, whisky, pork, beef, bacon, flax, and hemp cloth, of the Western, and on all the productions and manufactm-es of the Eastern and N'orthei-n States. Mr. Hamilton, of South Carolina, in a speech at the Waterboroiigh Dinner, given subsequently to the passage of the tariff of 1828, said : "It becomes us to inquire what is to be our situation under this unexpected and disastrous conjunction of circumstances, which, in its progress, will deprive us of the benefits of a free trade with the rest of the world, which formed one of the leading objects of the Union. Why, gentlemen, ruin, unmitigated ruin, must be our portion, if this system con- tinues. * * From 1816 down to the present time, the South has been drugged, by the slow poison of the miserable empiricism of the pro- hibitory system, the fatal effects of which we could not so long have resisted, but for the stupendously valuable staples with which God has blessed us, and the agricultural skill and enterprise of our people." 124 COTTON IS KING. In ftirther illustration of the nature of this controversy, and of the arguments used during the contest, we must give the substance of the remarks of a prominent politician, who was aiming at detaching the sugar planters from their political connection with the manufac- turers. We have to rely on memory, however, as we can not find the record of the language used on the occasion. It was published at the time, and commented on, freely, by the news- papers at the Xorth. He said: "We must prevent the increase of manufactories, force the surplus labor into agriculture, promote the cultivation of our unimproved western lands, until provisions are so multiplied and reduced in price, that the slave can be fed so cheaply as to enable us to grow our sugar at three cents a pound. Then, without protective duties, we can rival Cuba in the production of that staple, and drive her from our markets." CHAPTEK IX. The opening of the year 1832, found the parties to the Tariff controversy once more engaged in earnest debate, on the floor of Con- gress ; and midsummer witnessed the passage of a new Bill, including the principle of pro- tection. This Act produced a crisis in the controversy, and led to the movements in South Carolina toward secession; and, to avert the threatened evil, the Bill was modi- fied, in the following year, so as to make it acceptable to the South ; and, so as, also, to settle the policy of the Government for the succeeding nine years. A few extracts fi'om the debates of 1832, will serve to show what were 'the sentiments of the members of Con- gress, as to the effects of the protective policy on the different sections of the Union, up to that date : Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, said: "When the policy of '21 went into operation, 125 126 COTTON IS KING. the South was supplied from the "West, through a single avenue, (the Saluda Mountain Gap,) with live stock, horses, cattle, and hogs, to the amount of considerably upward of a million of dollars a year. Under the pressure of the sys- tem, this trade has been regularly diminishing. It has already fallen more than one-half. * * In consequence of the dire calamities which the system has inflicted on the South — ^blasting our commerce, and withering our prosperity — the West has been very nearly deprived of her best customer. * * And what was found to be the result of four years' experience at the South ? Not a hope fulfilled ; not one promise performed ; and our condition infinitely worse than it had been four years before. Sir, the whole South rose up as one man, and protested against any further experiment with this sys- tem. * * Sir, I seize the opportunity to dispel forever the delusion that the South can find any compensation, in a home market, for the injurious operation of the protective system. * * What a spectacle do you even now ex- hibit to the world? A large portion of your COTTON IS KING. 127 fellow citizens, believing themselves to be grievously oppressed by an unwise and uncon- Btitutional system, are clamoring at your doors for justice; while another portion, supposing that they are enjoying rich bounties under it, are treating their complaints with scorn and contempt. * * This system may destroy the South, but it will not permanently advance the prosperity of the IS^orth. It may depress us, but can not elevate them. Beside, sir, if persevered in, it must annihilate that portion of the country from which the resources are to be drawn. And it may be well for gentlemen to reflect whether adhering to this policy would not be acting like the man who 'killed the goose which laid the golden eggs.' Kext to the Christian religion, I consider Free Trade ^ in its largest sense, as the greatest blessing that can be conferred on any people." Mr. McD[jFFiE, of South Carolina, said: "At the close of the late war with Great Britain^ everything in the political and com- mercial changes, resulting from the general peace, indicated unparalleled prosperity to the 128 COTTON IS KING. Southern States, and great embarassment and distress to those of the North. The nations of the Continent had all directed their efforts to the business of manufactui'ing ; and all Europe may be said to have converted their swords into machinery, creating unprecedented demand for cotton, the great staple of the Southern States. There is nothing in the history of commerce that can be compared with the increased de- mand for this staple, notwithstanding the restrictions by which this Government has limited that demand. As cotton, tobacco, and rice, are produced only on a small portion of the globe, while all other agricultm*al staples are common to every region of the earth, this circumstance gave the planting States very great advantages. To cap the climax of the commercial advantages opened to the cotton planters, England, their great and most valued customer, received their cotton under a mere nominal duty. On the other hand, the pros- pects of the Northern States were as dismal as those of the Southern States were brilliant. They had lost the carrying trade of the world, COTTON IS KIXG. 129 which the wars of Europe had thrown into their hands. They had lost the demand and the high prices which our ow^n war had created for their grain and other productions ; and, soon afterward, they also lost the foreign mar- ket for their grain, owing, partly, to foreign corn laws, but still more to other causes. Such were the prospects, and such the well founded hope of the Southern States at the close of the late war, in which they bore so glorious a part in viudicatino^ the freedom of trade. But where are now these cheering prospects and animating hopes? Blasted, sir — utterly blast- ed — by the consuming and withering course of a system of legislation which wages an ex- terminating war against the blessings of com- merce and the bounties of a merciful Provi- dence ; and which, by an impious perversion of language, is called ' Protection.' * * I will now add, sir, my deep and deliberate conviction, in the face of all the miserable cant and hypocrisy with which the world abounds on the subject, that any course of measures which shall hasten the abolition of 130 COTTON IS KING. slavery, by destroying the value of slave labor, will bring upon the Southern States the great- est political calamity with which they can be afflicted; for I sincerely believe, that when the people of those States shall be compelled, by such means, to emancipate their slaves, they will be but a few degrees above the condi- tion of slaves themselves. Yes, sir, mark what I say: when the people of the South cease to be masters, by the tampering influence of this Government, direct or indirect, they will assuredly be slaves. It is the clear and distinct perception of the irresistible tendency of this protective system to precipitate us upon this great moral and political catastrophe, that has animated me to raise my warning voice, that my fellow citizens may foresee, and, fore- seeing, avoid the destiny that would otherwise befall them. * * And here, sir, it is as curious as it is melancholy and distressing, to see how striking is the analogy between the Colonial vassalas^e to which the manufacturino; States have reduced the planting States, and that which formerly bound the Anglo-American COTTON IS KING. 131 Colonics to the British Empire. * * Eng- land said to her American Colonies, 'You shall not ti-ade with the rest of the world for such manufactures as are produced in the mother country!' The manufacturing States saj to their Southern Colonies, ' You shall not trade with the rest of the world for such manu- factures as we produce^ under a penalty of forty per cent, upon the value of every cargo detected in this illicit commerce ; which pen- alty, aforesaid, shall be levied, collected, and paid out of the products of your industry, to nourish and sustain ours.'" Mr. Clay, in referring to the condition of the country at large, said: "I have now to perform the more pleasing task of exhibiting an imperfect sketch of the existing state of the unparalleled prosperity of the countiy. On a general survey, we behold cultivation extended ; the arts flourishing; the face of the country improved ; our people fiilly and profitably em- ployed, and the public countenance exhibiting ti-anquility, contentment, and happiness. And, if we descend into particulars, we have the 132 COTTON IS KING. agreeable contemplatiou of a people out of debt; land rising slowly in value, but in a secure and salutary degree; a ready, though not an exti-avagant market for all the surplus productions of our industry ; innumerable flocks and herds browsing and gamboling on ten thousand hills and plains, covered with rich and verdant grasses ; our cities expanded, and whole villages springing up, as it were, by enchantment; our exports and imports in- creased and increasing; our tonnage, foreign and coastwise, swelled and fully occupied ; the rivers of our interior animated by the perpetual thunder and lightning of countless steamboats ; the currency sound and abundant ; the public debt of two wars nearly redeemed ; and, to crown all, the public treasury overflowing, embarassing Congress, not to find subjects of taxation, but to select the objects which shall be liberated from the impost. If the term of seven years were to be selected, of the greatest prosperity which this people have enjoyed since the establishment of their present Constitution, it would be exactly that period of seven years COTTON IS KING. 133 which immediately followed the passage of the tariff of 1824:. "This trausformation of the condition of the country from gloom and distress to bright- ness and prosperity, has been mainly the work of American legislation, fostering American industry, instead of allowing it to be controlled by foreign legislation, cherishing foreign in- dustry. The foes of the American system, in 1824:, with great boldness and confidence, pre- dicted, first, the ruin of the public revenue, and the creation of a necessity to resort to direct taxation. The gentleman from South Carolina, (General Hayne,) I believe, thought that the tariff of 1824 would operate a reduc- tion of revenue to the large amount of eight millions of dollars ; secondly, the destruction of our navigation; thirdly, the desolation of commercial cities ; and, fourthly, the augmen- tation of the price of articles of consumption, and further decline in that of the articles of our exports. Every prediction which they made has failed— utterly failed. * * It is now proposed to abolish the system to which we 184 COTTON IS KING. owe so mucli of the public prosperity. * * Why, sir, there is scarcely an interest — scarcely a vocation in society — which is not embraced by the beneficence of this system. * * The error of the opposite argument, is in assuming one thing, which, being denied, the whole fails ; that is, it assumes that the whole labor of the United States would be profitably employed without manufactures. Kow, the truth is, that the system excites and creates labor, and this labor creates wealth, and this new wealth communicates additional ability to consume; which acts on all the objects con- tributing to human comfort and enjoyment. * * I could extend and dwell on the long list of articles — ^the hemp, iron, lead, coal, and other items — ^for which a demand is created in the home market by the operation of the American system ; but I should exhaust the patience of the Senate. Where^ where should we find a market for all these articles, if it did not exist at home ? What would be the condi- tion of the largest portion of our people, and of the territory, if this home market were COTTON IS KING. 135 annihilated ? How could they be supplied with objects of prime necessity ? What would not be the certain and inevitable decline in the price of all these articles, but for the home market V' But we must not burden our pages with further exti-acts. "What has been quoted affords the principal arguments of the opposing par- ties, on the points in which we are interested, down to 1832. The adjustment, in 1833, of the subject until 1842, and its subsequent agi- tation, are too familiar, or of too easy access to the general reader, to require a notice from us here. CHAP TEE X. The results of the contest, iu relation to Protection and Free Trade, have been more or less favorable to all parties. This has been an effect, in part, of the changeable character of our legislation ; and, in part, of the occurrence of events in Europe, over which our legisla- tors had no control. The manufacturing States, while protection lasted, succeeded in placing their establishments upon a compara- tively permanent basis ; and, by eng'aging largely in the manufacture of cottons, as well as woolens, have rendered home manufactures, practically, very advantageous to the South. Our cotton factories, in 1850, consumed as much cotton as those of Great Britain did in 1831 ; thus . affording indications, that, by proper encouragement, they might, possibly, be multiplied so as to consume the whole crop of the country. The cotton and woolen fac- tories, in 1850, employed over 130,000 work 136 COTTON IS KING. 137 hands, and had $102,619,581 of capital in- vested in them. They thus afford an im- portant market to the farmer, and, at tlie same time, have become an equally important aux- iliary to the planter. They may yet afford him the only market for his cotton. The cotton planting States, toward the close of the contest, found themselves rapidly accu- mulating strength, and approximating the ac- complishment of the grand object at which they aimed — the monopoly of the cotton mar- kets of the world. This success was due, not so much to any triumph over the Korth — to any prostration of our manufacturing interests — as to the general policy of other nations. All rivalry to the American planters from those of the West Indies, was removed by emancipa- tion ; as, under freedom, the cultivation of cot- ton was nearly abandoned. Mehemet Ali had become imbecile, and the indolent Egyptians neglected its culture. The South Americans, after achieving their independence, were more readily enlisted in military forays, than in the art of agriculture, and they produced little cotton 12 138 COTTON IS KING. for export. The emancipation of their slaves, instead of increasing the agricultural pro- ducts of the Republics , only supplied, in ample abundance, the elements of promoting politi- cal revolutions, and keeping their soil drenched with human blood. Such are the uses to which degraded men may be applied by the ambi- tious demagogue. Brazil and India both sup- plied to Europe considerably less in 1838 than they had done in 1820 ; and the latter country made no material increase afterward, except when her chief customer, China, was at war, or prices were above the average rates in Eu- rope. While the cultivation of cotton was thus stationary or retrograding, everywhere outside of the United States, England and the Continent were rapidly increasing their con- sumption of the article, which they nearly doubled from 1835 to 1815; so that the de- mand for the raw material called loudly for its increased production. Our planters gathered a rich harvest of profits by these events. But this is not all that is worthy of note, in this sti-ange chapter of Providences. 'No COTTON IS KING. 139 prominent event occurred, but conspired to advance the prosperity of the cotton ti*ade, and the value of American slavery. Even the very depression suffered by the manufacturers and cultivators of cotton, from 1825 to 1829, served to place the manufacturing interests upon the broad and firm basis they now oc- cupy. It forced the planters into the produc- tion of their cotton at lower rates ; and led the manufacturers to improve their machineiy, and reduce the price of their fabrics low enough to sweep away all houseJiold inanufacticring^ and secure to themselves the monopoly of clothing the civilized world. This was the object at which the British manufacturers had aimed, and in which they had been eminently successful. The growing manufactm-es of the United States, and of the Continent of Europe, had not yet sensibly affected their operations. There is still another point requiring a passing notice, as it may serve to explain some portions of the history of slavery, not so well understood. It was not until events diminish- 140 COTTON IS KING. ing the foreign growth of cotton, and enlarging the demand for its fabrics, had been extensively developed, that the older cotton-growing States became willing to allow slavery extension in the Southwest; and, even then, their assent was reluctantly given — the markets for cotton, doubtless, being considered sufficiently limited for the territory under cultivation. Up to 1824, the Indians held over thirty-two millions of acres of land in Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama, and over twenty millions of acres in Florida, Missouri, and Arkansas; which was mostly retained by them as late as 1836. Al- though the States interested had repeatedly urged the matter upon Congress, and some of them even resorted to forcible means to gain possession of these Indian lands, the Govern- ment did not fulfill its promise to remove the Indians until 1836 ; and even then, the measure met with such opposition, that it was saved by but one vote — Mr. Calhoun and six other Southern Senators voting against it.* In jus- * Benton's Thirty Years' Yievr. COTTON IS KING. 141 tice to Mr, Calhoun, however, it must be stated that his opposition to the measure was based on the conviction that the treaty had been fraudulently obtained. The older States, however, had found, by this time, that the foreign and home demand for cotton was so rapidly increasing that there was little danger of over-production ; and that they had, in fact, secured to themselves the monopoly of the foreign markets. Beside this, the Abolition movement at that moment, had assumed its most threatening aspect, and was demanding the destruction of slavery or the dissolution of the Union. Here was a double motive operating to produce harmony in the ranks of Southern politicians, and to awaken the fears of many, l^orth and South, for the safety of the Government. Here, also, was the origin of the determination, in the South, to extend slavery, by the annexation of territory, so as to gain the political preponderance in the N"ational Councils, and to protect its interests against the interference of the iTorth. 142 COTTON IS KING. It was not the increased demand for cotton, alone, that served as a protection to the older States. The extension of its cultivation, in the degree demanded by the wants of commerce, could only be effected by a corresponding in- creased supply of Provisions. Without this, it could not increase, except by enhancing their price to the injury of the older States. This food did not fail to be in readiness, so soon as it was needed. Indeed, much of it had long been awaiting an outlet to a profitable market. Its surplus, too, had been somewhat increased by the Temperance movement in the North, which had materially checked the distillation of grain. The West, which had long looked to the East for a market, had its attention now turned to the South, as the most certain and conven- ient mart for the sale of its products — ^the planters affording to the farmers the markets they had in vain sought fi-om the manufac- turers. In the meantime, steamboat naviga- tion was acquiring perfection on the Western COTTON IS KING. 143 rivers — the great natural outlets for "Western products — and became a means of communica- tion between the IN^orthwest and the Southwest, as well as with the trade and commerce of the Atlantic cities. This gave an impulse to in- dustry and enterprise, west of the Alleghanies, unparalleled in the history of the country. While, then, the bounds of slave labor were exteuding from Yirginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, Westward, over Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, and Arkansas, the area of free labor was enlarging, with equal rapidity, in the IN'orthwest, throughout Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan. Thus, within these provision and cotton regions, were the forests cleared away, or the prairies broken up, simultane- ously by those old antagonistic forces, oppo- nents no longer, but harmonized by the fusion of their interests — ^the connecting link between them being the steamboat. Thus, also, was a tripartite alliance formed, by which the West- ern Farmer, the Southern Planter, and the English Manuiacturer, became united in a 144: COTTON IS KING. common bond of interest: the whole giving their support to the doctrine of Free Trade. This active commerce between the West and South, however, soon caused a rivalry in the East, that pushed forward improvements, by States or Corporations, to gain a share in the Western trade. These improvements, as completed, gave to the West a choice of mar- kets, so that its Farmers could elect whether to feed the slave who grows the cotton, or the operatives who are engaged in its manufacture. But this rivalry did more. The competition for Western products enhanced their price, and stimulated their more extended cultivation. This required an enlargement of the markets ; and the extension of slavery became essential to Western prosperity. We have not reached the end of the alli- ance between the Western Farmer and South- ern Planter. The emigration which has been filling Iowa and Minnesota, and is now rolling like a flood into Kansas and Nebraska, is but COTTON IS KING. 145 a repetition of what has occurred in the other Western States and Territories. Agricultural pursuits are highly remunerative, and tens of thousands of men of moderate means, or of no means, are cheered along to where none for- bids them land to till. For the last few years, public improvements have called for vastly more than the usual share of labor, and aug- mented the consumption of provisions. The foreign demand added to this, has increased their price beyond what the planter can afibrd to pay. For many years free labor and slave labor maintained an even race in their Western progress. Of late the freemen have begun to lag behind, while slavery has advanced by several degrees of longitude. Free labor must be made to keep pace with it. There is an urgent necessity for this. The demand for cot- ton is increasing in a ratio greater that can be supplied by the American planters, unless by a corresponding increased production. This increasing demand must be met, or its cultiva- tion will be facilitated elsewhere, and the monopoly of the planter in the European 13 146 COTTON IS KING. markets be interrupted. This can only be effected by concentrating the greatest possible number of slaves upon the cotton plantations. Hence they must be supplied with provisions. This is the present aspect of the Provision question, as it regards slavery extension. Prices are approximating the maximum point, beyond which our provisions can not be fed to slaves, unless there is a corresponding increase in the price of cotton. Such a result was not anticipated by Southern statesmen, when they had succeeded in overthrowing the Protective policy, destroying the United States Bank, and establishing the Sub-Treasury system. And why has this occurred? The mines of Cali- fornia prevented both the Free-Trade Tariff,* and the Sub-Treasury scheme from exhausting the country of the precious metals, extinguish- ing the circulation of Bank Kotes, and re- ducing the prices of agricultural products to *The Tariff of 1846, under which our imports are now made, approximates the Free Trade principles very closely. COTTON IS KING. 147 the specie value. At the date of the passage of the !N"ebraska Bill, the multiplication of provisions, bj their more extended culti- vation, was the only measure left that could produce a reduction of prices, and meet the wants of the planters. The Canadian Reci- procity Treaty, since secured, will bring the products of the British I^orth American Colo- nies, free of duty, into competition with those of the United States, when prices, with us, rule high, and tend to diminish their cost; but in the event of scarcity in Europe, or of foreign wars, the opposite results may occur, as our products, in such times, will pass, free of duty, through these Colonies, into the foreign market. It is apparent, then, that nothing short of extended free labor cultivation, far distant from the seaboard, where the products will bear transportation to none but Southern markets, can frilly secure the cotton interests from the contingencies .that so often threaten them with ruinous embarrassments. In fact, such a depression of our cotton interests has only been averted by the advanced prices which 148 COTTON IS KING. cotton has commanded, for the last few years, in consequence of the increased European de- mand, and its diminished cultivation abroad. On this subject, the London Economist^ of June 9, 1855, in remarking on the aspects of the cotton question, at that moment says : "Another somewhat remarkable circum- stance, considering we are at war, and con- sidering the predictions of some persons, is the present high price and consumption of cotton. The crop in the United States is short, being only 1,120,000,000 or 1,160,000,000 lbs., but not so short as to have a very great effect on the markets had consumption not increased. Our mercantile readers will be well aware of this fact, but let us state here that the total consumption between January 1st and the last week in May was : CONSUMPTION OF COTTON. t853. . 1854. 1855. Pounds, - - - - 331,703,000 295,716,000 415,648,000 Less than 1855, - 83,940,000 119,932,000 Average consumpt'n of lbs. per week, 16,600,000 14,000,000 19,600,000 COTTON IS KING. 149 " Though the crop in the United States is short up to this time, Great Britain has re- ceived 12,400,000 lbs. more of the crop of 1854 than she received to the same period of the crop of 1853. Thus, in spite of the war, and in spite of a short crop of cotton, in spite of dear corn and failing trade to Australia and the United States, the consumption of cotton has been one-fourth in excess of the flourish- ing year of 1853, and more than a third in excess of 1854. These facts are worth consideration. "It is reasonably expected that the present high prices will bring cotton forward rapidly ; but as yet this effect has not ensued. * * Thus, it will be seen that, notwithstanding the short crop in the States, (at present, they have sent us more in 1855 than in 1854, but not so much as in 1853,) the supply from other sources, except Egypt, has been smaller in 1855 than in either of the preceding years, and the supply from Egypt, though greater than in 1854, is less than in 1^53." [From India, the principal hope of increased supplies, the im- 150 COTTON IS KING. ports for 1855, in the iirst four months of the year, were less by 47,960,000 lbs. than in 1854, and less by 64,004,000 lbs. than in 1853.*] "We may infer, therefore, that the rise in price hitherto, has not been sufficient to bring increased supplies from India and other places ; but these will, no doubt, come when it is seen that the rise will probably be perma- nent in consequence of the enlarged consump- tion, and the comparative deficiency in the crop of the United States." After noticing the increasing exports of raw cotton from both England and the United States to France and the other countries of the Continent, from which it is inferi'ed that the consumption is increasing in Europe, generally, as well as in Great Britain, the Economist proceeds to remark : " A rapidly increasing consumption of cot- ton in Europe has not been met by an equally * These figures are taken from a part of the Economist's article not copied. For the difference between the imports from India, in the whole of the years 1850 to 1855, see Table I. COTTON IS KING. 151 rapidly increasing supply, and the present relative condition of the supply to the demand seems to justify an advance of price, unless a greatly diminished consumption can be brought about. What supplies may yet be obtained from India, the Brazils, Eg}^t, etc., we know not ; but, judging from the imports of the three last years, they are not likely to supply the great deficiency in the stocks just noticed. A decrease in consumption, which is recom- mended, can only be accomplished by the state of the market, not by the will of individual spinners ; for if some lessen their consumption of the raw material while the demand of the market is for more cloth, it will be supplied by others, either here or abroad ; and the only real solution of the difiiculty or means of lower- ing the price, is an increased supply. This points to other exertions than those which have been latterly directed to the production of fibrous materials to be converted directly into paper. Exertions ought rather to be directed to the production of fibrous materials which shall be used for textile fabrics, and so much 152 COTTON IS KING. larger supplies of rags — the cheapest and best material for making paper will be obtained. But theoretical production, and the schemers who propose it, not guided by the market demands, are generally erroneous, and wliat we now require is more and cheaper material for clothing as the means of getting more rags to make paper. "Another important deduction may be made from the state of the cotton market. It has not been affected, at least the production of cotton with the importation into Europe has not been disturbed by the war, and yet it seems not to have kept pace with the consumption. From this we infer that legislative restrictions on ti-affic, permanently affecting the habits of the people submissive to them, and of all their customers, have a much more pernicious effect on production and trade than national outpour- ings in war of indignation and anger — which, if terrible in their effects, are of short duration. These are in the order of nature, except as they are slowly corrected and improved by knowledge; while the restrictions — the off- COTTON IS KING. , 163 spring of ignorance and misplaced ambition — are at all times opposed to her beneficent ordinances." The Economist of June 30, in its Trade Tables, sums up the imports for the 5th month of the year 1855; from which it ap- pears, that instead of any increase of the imports of cotton having occurred, they had fallen off to the extent of 43,772,176 lbs. below the quantity imported in the corres- ponding month of 1854. The Economist of September 1, 1855, in continuing its notices of the cotton markets, and stating that there is still a falling off in its supplies, says : " The decline in the quantity of cotton im- ported is notoriously the consequence of the smallness of last year's crops in the United States. * * It is remarkable that the addi- tional supply which has made up partly for the shortness of the American crop comes from the Brazils, Egypt, and other parts. From British India the supply is relatively shorter than from the United States. It fails us more 154 COTTON IS KING. than that of the States, and the fact is rather unfavorable to the speculations of those who wish to make us independent of the States, and dependent chiefly on our own possessions. The high freights that have prevailed, and are likely to prevail with a profitable trade, would obviously make it extremely dangerous for our manufactm-ers to increase their dependence on India for a supply of cotton. In 1855, when we have a short supply fi-om other quarters, India has sent us one-third less than in 1853." The Economist of February 23, 1856, con- tains the Annual Statement of Imports for 1855, ending December 31, from which it appears that the supplies of cotton from India, fur the whole year, were only 145,218,976 lbs., or 35,212,520 lbs. less than the imports for 1853. Of these imports 66,210,701 lbs. were re-exported; thus leaving the British manu- facturers but 79,008,272 lbs. of the free labor cotton of India, upon which to employ their looms.* *The commercial year is five days shorter for 1855 than in former years. COTTON IS KING. 155 This increasing demand for cotton beyond the present supplies, if not met by the cotton growers of the United States, must encourage its cultivation in countries which now send but little to market. To prevent such a result, and to retain in their own hands the monopoly of the cotton market, will require the utmost vigilance on the part of our planters. That vigilance will not be wanting. CHAPTEK XI. Fkom what has been said, the dullest intel- lect can not fail, now, to perceive the rationale of the Kansas-iSTebraska movement. The po- litical influence which these Territories will give to the South, if secured, will be of the first importance to perfect its arrangements for future slavery extension — whether by divisions of the larger States and Territories, now se- cured to the institution, its extension into ter- ritory hitherto considered free, or the acquisi- tion of new territory to be devoted to the system, so as to preserve the balance of power in Congress. When this is done, Kansas and Nebraska, like Kentucky and Missouri, will be of little consequence to slaveholders, com- pared with the cheap and constant supply of provisions they can yield. Nothing, therefore, will so exactly coincide with Southern interests, as a rapid emigration of freemen into these 156 COTTON IS KING. 157 new Territories. White free labor, doublj productive over slave labor in grain-growing, must be multiplied within their limits, that the cost of provisions may be reduced and the extension of slavery and the growth of cotton suffer no interruption. The present efforts to plant them with slavery, are indispensable to produce sufficient excitement to fill them speedily with a free population ; and if this whole movement has been a Southern scheme to cheapen provisions, and increase the ratio of the production of sugar and cotton, as it most unquestionably will do, it surpasses the statesman-like strategy which forced the people into an acquiescence in the annexation of Texas. And should the Anti-Slavery voters suc- ceed in gaining the political ascendency in these Territories, and bring them as free States triumphantly into the Union ; what can they do, but turn in, as all the rest of the Western States have done, and help to feed slaves, or those who manufacture or who sell the pro- ducts of the labor of slaves. There is no 158 COTTON IS KING. other resource left, either to them or to the older free States, without an entire change in almost every branch of business and of do- mestic economy. Reader, look at your bills of dry goods for the year, and what do they contain ? At least three-fourths of the amount are French, English, or American cotton fabrics, woven from slave labor cotton. Look at your bills for groceries, and what do they contain? Coffee, sugar, molasses, rice — fr'om Brazil, Cuba, Louisiana, Carolina ; while only a mere fr-action of them are from free labor countries. As now employed, our dry goods' merchants and grocers constitute an immense army of agents for the sale of fabrics and pro- ducts, coming directly or indirectly, from the hand of the slave ; and all the remaining por- tion of the people, free colored, as well as white, are exerting themselves, according to their various capacities, to gain the means of purchasing the greatest possible amount of these commodities. ISTor can the country, at present, by any possibility, pay the amount of foreign goods consumed, but by the labor of COTTON IS KING. 159 the slaves of the planting States. This can not be doubted for a moment. Here is the proof: Commerce supplied us, in 1853, with for- eign articles, for consumption, to the value of ^250,420,187, and accepted, in exchange, of our provisions, to the value of but 833,809,126 ; while the products of our slave labor, manu- factured and unmaimfactured, paid to the amount of $133,648,603, on the balance of this foreign debt. This, then, is the measure of the ability of the Farmers and Planters, respect- ively, to meet the payment of the necessaries and comforts of life, supplied to the country by its foreign commerce. The farmer pays, or seems only to pay, $33,800,000^ while the planter has a broad credit, on the account, of 8133,600,000. But is this seeming productiveness of slavery real, or is it only imaginary ? Has the system such capacities, over the other industrial interests of the nation, in the creation of wealth, as these figures indicate? Or, are 160 COTTON 18 KING. these results clue to its intermediate position between the agriculture of the country and its foreign commerce? These are questions wor- thy of consideration. Were the planters left to grow their own provisions, they would, as already intimated, be unable to produce any cotton for export. That their present ability to export so extensively, is in consequence of the aid they receive from the Korth, is proved by facts such as these : In 1820, the cotton-gin had been a quarter of a century in operation, and the culture of cotton was then nearly as well understood as at present. The Xorth, though furnishing the South with some live stock, had scarcely begun to supply it with provisions, and the planters had to grow the food, and manufacture much of the clothing for their slaves. In that year the cotton crop equaled 109 lbs. to each slave in the Union, of which 83 lbs. per slave were exported. In 1830 the exports of the article had risen to 143 lbs., in 1810 to 295 lbs., and in 1853 to 337 lbs. per slave. The total cotton crop of 1853 equaled 185 lbs. per slave — COTTON IS KING. 101 making both the production and export of that staple, in 1853, more than four times as large, in proportion to the slave population, as they were in 1820.* Had the planters, in 1853, been able to produce no more cotton, per slave, than in 1820, they would have gi-own but 359,308,472 lbs., instead of the actual crop of 1,600,000,000 lbs.; and would not only have failed to supply any for export, but have fallen short of the home demand, by nearly 130,000,000 lbs., and been minus the total crop of that year, by 1,240,690,000 lbs. In this estimate, some allowance, perhaps, should be made, for the greater fertility of the new lands, more recently brought under culti- vation ; but the difference, on this account, can not be equal to the difference in the crops of the several periods, as the lands, in the older * The progressive increase is indicated by the following figures : 1820. 1830. 1840. 1853. Total slaTes in U. States. 1,538,098 2,009.043 2,487,356 3.2%,408 Cotton exported, lbs., 127,800,000 298,459.102 743.941,061 1.111.570.370 Av'ge export to each slave, lbs., 83 143 295 337 14 162 COTTON IS KING. States, in 1820, were yet comparatively fi-esh and productive. Again, the dependence of the South upon the IS'orth, for its provisions, may be inferred from such additional facts as these : The " Ab- stract of the Census," for 1850, shows, that the production of wheat, in Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Texas, averaged, the year preceding, very little more than a peck, (it was iVo of a bushel,) to each person within their limits. These States must purchase flour largely, but to what amount we can not determine. The shipments of pro- visions from Cincinnati to [N'ew Orleans and other down river ports, show that large sup- plies leave that city for the South ; but what proportion of them is taken for consumption by the planters, must be left, at present, to conjecture. These shipments, as to a few of the prominent articles, for the four years ending August 31, 1851, averaged annually the following amounts : Wheat flonr, brls. 385.204 Pork and bacon, lbs. 43,689,000 Whisky, gals. 8,115,360 COTTON IS KING. IISS CinciDnati also exports eastward, by canal, river and railroad, large amounts of these pro- ductions. The towns and cities westward send more of their products to the South, as their distance increases the cost of transportation to the East. But, in the absence of fuU statis- tics, it is not necessary to make additional statements. From this view of the subject, it appears that slavery is not a self-sustaining system, independently remunerative ; but that it attains its importance to the nation and to the world, by standing as an agency, intermediate, be- tween the grain-growing States and our foreign commerce. As the distillers of the West trans- formed the surplus grain into whisky, that it might bear transport, so slavery takes the pro- ducts of the North, and metamorphoses them into cotton, that they may bear export. It seems, indeed, when the whole of the facts brought to view are considered, that American slavery, though of little force un- aided, yet properly sustained, is the great 164: COTTON IS KING. central power, or energizing influence, not only of nearly all the industrial interests of our own country, but also of those of Great Britain and much of the Continent; and that, if stricken from existence, the whole of these interests, with the advancing civilization of the age, would receive a shock that must retard their progress for years to come. This is no exaggerated picture of the present imposing power of slavery. It is literally true. Southern men, at an early day, believed that the Protective Tariff would have paralyzed it — would have destroyed it. But the Abolitionists, led off by their sympathies with England, and influenced by American politicians and editors, who advocated Free Trade, were made the instruments of its over- throw. No such extended mining and manu- facturing, as the Protective system was ex- pected to create, has now any existence in the Union. Under it, according to the theory of its friends, more than one hundred and sixty millions in value, of the foreign imports for 1853, would have been produced in our own ^Hf^ COTTON IS KING. 165 country. But Free Trade is dominant: the South has triumphed in its warfare with the North: the political power passed into its hands with the defeat of the Father of the Protective Tariff, ten years since, in the last effort of his friends to elevate him to the Presidency: the slaveholding and commercial interests then gained the ascendency, and se- cured the power of annexing territory at will : the nation has become rich in commerce, and unbounded in ambition for territorial aggran- dizement : the people acquiesce in the measures of Government, and are proud of the influence it has gained in the world : nay, more, the peaceiul aspect of the nations has been changed, and the policy of our own country must be modified to meet the exigencies that may arise. One word more on the point we have been considering. With the defeat of Mr. Clay, came the immediate annexation of Texas, and, as he predicted, the war with Mexico. The results of these events let loose from its at- tachments a mighty avalanche of emigration and of enterprise, under the. rule of the Free 166 COTTON IS KING. Jjjjj^ Trade policy, then adopted, which, by the golden treasures it yields, renders that system, thus far, self-sustaining, and able to move on, as its friends believe, with a momentum that forbids any attempt to return again to the sys- tem of Protection. Whether the Tariff con- troversy is permanently settled, or not, is a question about which we shall not speculate. It may be remarked, however, that one of the leading parties in the l^orth gave its adhesion to Free Trade many years since, and still con- tinues to vote with the South. The leading Abolition paper, too, ever since its origin, has advocated the Southern free trade system; and thus, in defending the cause it has es- poused, as was said of a certain General in the Mexican war, its editor has been digging his ditches on the wi'ong side of his breastworks. To say the least, his position is a very strange one, for a man who professes to labor for the subversion of American slavery. It would be as rational to pour oil upon a burning edifice, to extinguish the fire, as to attempt to over- throw that system under the mle of Free Trade. 4mt: COTTON IS KING. 16T For, whatever differences of opinion may exist on the question of Free Trade, as applied to the nations at large, there can be no question that it has been the main element in promoting the value of slave labor in the United States ; and, consequently, of extending the system of slavery, vastly, beyond the bounds it would otherwise have reached. But the editor re- ferred to, does not stand alone. More than one United States Senator, after acquiring noto- riety and position by constant clamors against slavery at home, has not hesitated to vote for Free Trade at Washington, with as hearty a good will as any friend of the extension of slavery in the country ! All these things together have paralyzed the advocates of the protection of free labor, at present, as fully as the Xorth has thereby been shorn of its power to control the question of slavery. Indeed, ft-om what has been said of the present position of American slavery, in its relation to the other industrial interests of the country, and of the world, there is no longer any doubt that it now supplies the complement 168 COTTON IS KING. ^^ of that home market^ so zealously urged as essential to the prosperity of the agricultural population of the country : and which, it was supposed, could only be created by the mul- tiplication of domestic manufactm-es. This desideratum being gained, the great majority of the people have nothing more to ask, but seem desirous that our foreign commerce shall be cherished; that the cultivation of cotton and sugar shall be extended ; that the nation shall become cumulative as well as progressive ; that, as Despotism is striving to spread its raven wing over the earth. Freedom must sti'engthen itself for the protection of the liberties of the world ; that while three millions of Africans, only, are held to involuntary ser- vitude for a time, to sustain the system of Free Trade, the freedom of hundreds of millions is involved in the preservation of the American Constitution; and that, as African emancipa- tion, in every experiment made, has thrown a dead weight upon Anglo-Saxon progress, the colored people must wait a little, until the general battle for the liberties of the civilized -^ COTTON IS KING. 169 nations is gained, before the universal eleva- tion of the barbarous tribes can be achieved. This work, it is true, has been commenced at various outposts in heathendom, by the missionary, but is impeded by numberless hindrances ; and these obstacles to the progress of Christian civilization, doubtless will con- tinue, until the friends of civil and religious liberty shall triumph in nominally Christian countries ; and, with the wealth of the nations at command, instead of applying it to pur- poses of war, shall devote it to sweeping away the darkness of superstition and barbarism from the earth, by extending the knowledge of Science and Eevelation to all the families of man. But we must hasten. There are none who will deny the truth of what is said of the present strength and influ- ence of slavery, however much they may have deprecated its acquisition of power. There are none who think it practicable to assail it, successfully, by political action, in the States where it is already established by law. The 15 170 COTTON IS KING. struggle against the system, therefore, is nar- rowed down • to an effort to prevent its exten- sion into Territory now free ; and this contest is limited to the people who settle the Teni- tories. The question is thus taken out of the hands of the people at large, and they are cut off from all control of slavery both in the States and Territories. Hence it is, that the American people are considering the propriety of banishing this distracting question from national politics, and demanding of their statesmen that there shall no longer be any delay in the adoption of measures to sustain the Constitution and laws of om* glorious Union, against all its enemies, whether do- mestic or foreign. The policy of adopting this course, may be liable to objection ; but it does not appear to arise from any disposition to prove recreant to the cause of philanthropy, that the people of the Free States are resolving to divorce the slavery question from all connection with po- litical movements. It is because they now find themselves wholly powerless, as did the Colo- COTTON IS KING. I7l nizationists, fort}^ years since, in regard to emancipation, and are thus forced into a posi- tion of neutrality on that subject. A word on this point. The friends of Colonization, in the outset of that enterprise, found themselves shut up to the necessity of creating a Kepublic on the shores of Africa, as the only hope for the free colored people — the further emancipation of the slaves, by State action, having become impracticable. After nearly fort>^ years of experimenting with the free colored people, by others, Colonizationists still find themselves circumscribed in their operations, to their original design of building np the Republic of Liberia, as the only ra- tional hope of the elevation of the African race — the prospects of general emancipation being a thousand-fold more gloomy in 1855 than they were in 1817. Abolitionists, themselves, now admit that slavery completely controls all national legisla- tion. This is equivalent to admitting that all their schemes for its overthrow have failed. Theodore Parkee, of Boston, in a sermon 172 COTTON IS KING. before hih congregation, recently, is reported as having made the following declaration : " I have been preaching to you in this city for ten years; and beside the multitudes addressed here, I have addressed a hundred thousand annually in excursions through the country; and in that time the area of slavery has in- creased a hundred fold." Gekkett Smith, in his late speech in Congress, said, that cotton is now the dominant interest of the country, and sways Chm'ch, and State, and commerce, and compels all of them to go for slavery. Mr. SuMNEE, in his thrice repeated Lecture, in Kew York, in May, 1855, declared, that, "nothwith- standing all its excess of numbers, wealth, and intelligence, the North is now the vassal of an oligarchy, whose single inspiration comes from slavery." * * It "now dominates over the [Republic, determines its national policy, dis- poses of its offices, and sways all to its absolute will." * * "In maintaining its power, the Slave Oligarchy has applied a new test for office" — * * "Is he faithful to slavery?" * * "With arrogant ostracism, COTTON IS KING. 173 it excludes from every national office all who can not respond to this test." Hon. L. D. Campbell, in a letter to the Cincinnati Con- vention of Colored Freemen, January 5, 1852, said: "I regard the jpresent position of your race in this country as infinitely worse than it was ten years ago. The States which were tJieii preparing for gradual emancipation, are now endeavoring to extend, perpetuate, and strengthen slavery ! * * A vast amount of territory which was then free is now ever- lastingly dedicated to slavery. * * From the lights of the past, I confess, I see nothing to justify a promise of much to '^oviY future prospects P That these gentlemen state a great truth, as to the present position of the slavery question, and the darkening prospects of emancipation, will be denied by no man of intelligence and candor. Doubtless, a certain class of poli- ticians, because of the present dearth of politi- cal capital, of any other kind, will continue to agitate this subject. But, sooner or later, it must take the form we have stated, and become 174 COTTON IS KING. a question of minor importance in politics. This result is inevitable, because the people at large are beginning not only to realize their want of power over the institution of slavery, and the futility of any measures hitherto adopted to arrest its progress, and elevate the free colored people; but they have also dis- covered agencies at work, hitherto overlooked, except by few, which are tending to sap the foundations of our Free Institutions, and to subject us to influences that have crushed the liberties of Europe, and which, if permitted to become dominant here, will blot out our happy Republic, and, with it, the liberties of the world. But, I am told that the Xorth has recently achieved a great victory over the South, in the election of Mr. Banks, as Speaker. Time was when such a result would have been considered far otherwise than a I^orthern triumph. Mr. Banks is an ultra Free Trade man, and his sentiments will assuredly work no ill to the commercial interests of the South. His elec- tion provoked no threats of secession. What, COTTON IS KING. 175 then, has been gained to the Xorth, in the wild excitement consequent upon the controversy relative to the Speakership ? The opponents of slavery are fiirther than ever from accomplish- ing anything practicable in checking the de- mand for the great staple of the South. Cotton is King still. In such a crisis as this, shall the friends of the Union be rebuked, if they determine to take a position of neutrality, in politics, on the sub- ject of slavery ; while, at the same time, they offer to guarantee the free colored people a Republic of their own, where they may equal other races, and aid in redeeming a Continent from the woes it has suffered for thousands of years ! CHAPTEK XII. Topic 3. — The industrial, social, and moral condition of the Free People of Color in the British Colonies, in Hayti, and in the United States ; and the new field opening in Liberia for the display of their powers. We have noticed the social and moral con- dition of the free colored people, fr-om the days of Franklin, to the projection of Colonization. We have also glanced at the main facts in rela- tion to the Abolition warfare upon Colonization, and its success in paralyzing the enterprise. This subject demands a more extended notice. The most serious injury from this hostility, sustained by the cause of Colonization, was the prejudice created, in the minds of the more intelligent free colored men, against emigra- tion to Liberia. The Colonization Society had expressed its belief in the natural equality of the blacks and whites ; and that there were a sufficient number of educated, upright, free colored men, in the United States, to establish 176 COTTON IS KING. 17T and sustain a Republic on the coast of Africa, ''"whose citizens, rising rapidly in the scale of existence, under the stimulants to noble effort by which they would be surrounded, might soon become equal to the people of Europe, or of European origin — so long their masters and oppressors." These were the sentiments of the first Repoi-t of the Colonization Society, and often repeated since. Its appeals were made to the moral and intelligent of the fr'ee colored people; and, with their co-operation, the suc- cess of its scheme was considered certain. But the very persons needed to lead the enter- prise, were, mostly, persuaded to reject the proffered aid, and the Society was left to prose- cute its plans with such materials as offered. In consequence of this opposition, it was greatly embarrassed, and made less progress in its work of Afr-ican redemption, than it must have done under other circumstances. Had three-fourths of its emigrants been the enlightened, free colored men of the country, a dozen Liberias might now gird the coast of Africa, where but one exists; and the slave 178 COTTON IS KING. trader be entirely excluded from its shores. Doubtless, a wise Providence has governed here, as in other human afiairs, and may have permitted this result, to show how speedily even semi-civilized men can be elevated under American Protestant Free Institutions. The great body of emigrants to Liberia, and nearly all the leading men who have sprung up in the Colony, and contributed most to the forma- tion of the Republic, went out fi*om the veiy midst of slavery; and yet, what encouraging results ! It has been a sad mistake to oppose Colonization, and thus to retard Africa's re- demption ! But how has it fared with the fr^ee colored people elsewhere? The answer to this ques- tion will be the solution of the inquiry, What has Abolitionism accomplished by its hostility to Colonization, and what is the condition of the free colored people, whose interests it vol- unteered to promote, and whose destinies it attempted to control? The Abolitionists themselves shall answer this question. The colored people shall see COTTON IS KING. 179 what kind of commendations their tutors give them, and what the world is to think of them, on the testimony of their particular friends. The concentration of a colored population in Canada, is the work of American Aboli- tionists. The American Missionary Associ- ation^ is their organ for the spread of a Gos- pel untainted, it is claimed, by contact with slavery. Out of four stations under its care in Canada, at the opening of 1853, but one school, that of Miss Lyon, remained at its close. All the others were abandoned, and all the missionaries had asked to be released,* as we are informed by its Seventh Annual Report, chiefly for the reasons stated in the following extract, page 49 : " The number of missionaries and teachers in Canada, with which the year commenced, has been greatly reduced. Early in the year, Mr. KiRKLAXD wrote to the Committee, that the opposition to white missionaries, mani- *Mr. WiLsox, the Missionary at St. Catharines, still remained there, but not under the care of the Association. 180 COTTON IS KING. fested by the colored people of Canada, had so greatly increased, by the interested misrepre- sentations of ignorant colored men, pretending to be ministers of the Gospel, that he thought his own and his wife's labors, and the funds of the Association, could be better employed elsewhere." It is not our purpose to multiply testimony on this subject, but simply to afford an index to the condition of the colored people, as de- scribed by Abolition pens, best known to the public. We turn, therefore, from the British Colonies in the I^orth, to her possessions in the Tropics. "West India Emancipation, under the guid- ance of English Abolitionists, has always been viewed as the grand experiment, which was to convince the world of the capacity of the colored man to rise, side by side, with the white man. We shall let the friends of the system, and the public documents of the British Government, testify as to its results, both morally and eco- nomically. Opening, again, the Seventh An- nual Report of the American Missionary COTTON IS KING. 181 Association^ page ^0, where it speaks of their moral coiidition, we find it written : "One of our missionaries, in giving a description of the moral condition of the people of Jamaica, after speaking of the licentiousness which they received as a legacy from those who denied them the pure joys of holy wed- lock, and trampled upon and scourged chastity, as if it were a fiend to be driven out from among men — that enduring legacy, which, with its foul, pestilential influence, still blights, like the mildew of death, everything in society that should be lovely, virtuous, and of good report ; and alluding to their intemperance, in which they have followed the example set by the Governor in his palace, the Bishop in his robes, statesmen and judges, lawyers and doctors, planters and overseers, and even professedly Christian ministers ; and the deceit and false- hood which oppression and wi'ong always en- gender, says: 'It must not be forgotton that we are following in the wake of the accursed system of slavery — a system that unmalces man^ by warring upon his conscience, and 182 COTTON IS KING. crushing his spirit, leaving naught but the shattered wrecks of humanity behind it. K we may but gather up some of these floating frag- ments, from which the image of God is well nigh efiaced, and pilot them safely into that better land, we shall not have labored in vain. But we may hoj^e to do more. The chief fruit of our labors is to be sought in the future^ rather than in the present.'^ It should be re- membered, too, (continues the Report,) that there is but a small part of the population yet brouo-ht within the reach of the influence of enlightened Christian teachers, while the great mass by whom they are sm-rounded are but little removed from actual heathenism." An- other missionary, page 33, says, it is the opinion of all intelligent Christian men, that "nothing save the famishing of the people with ample means of education and religious instruction will save them from relapsing into a state of barbarism." And another, page 36, in speak- ing of certain cases of discipline, for the high- est form of crime, under the seventh command- ment, says : " There is nothing in public sen- COTTON IS KING. 183 timent to save the youth of Jamaica in this respect." The missions of this Association, in Ja- maica, difier scarcely a shade from those among the actual heathen. On this point, the Keport, near its close, says : " For most of the adult population of Ja- maica, the unhappy victims of long years of oppression and degradation, our missionaries have great fear. Yet for even these there may be hope, even though with trembling. But it is around the youth of the island that their brightest hopes and anticipations cluster ; from them they expect to gather their principal sheaves for the great Lord of the harvest." The American Missionary^ a monthly paper, and organ of this Association, for July, 1855, has the following quotation from the let- ters of the missionaries, recently received. It is given, as Abolition testimony, in farther confirmation of the moral condition of the colored people of Jamaica : " From the number of churches and chapels in the island, Jamaica ought certainly to be 184 COTTON IS KING. called a Christian land. The people may be called a church-going people. There are chap- els and places of worship enough, at least in this part of the island, to supply the people if every station of our mission were given up. And there is no lack of ministers and preach- ers. As far as I am acquainted, almost the entire adult population profess to have a hope of eternal life, and I think the larger part are connected with churches. In view of such facts some have been led to say, ' The spiritual condition of the population is very satisfac- tory.' But there is another class of facts that is perfectly astounding. With all this array of the externals of religion, one broad, deep wave of moral death rolls over the land. A man may be a drunkard, a liar, a Sabbath- breaker, a profane man, a fornicator, an adul- terer, and such like — and be known to be such — and go to chapel, and hold up his head there, and feel no disgrace from these things, because they are so common as to create a public sentiment in his favor. He may go to the communion table, and cherish a hope of COTTON IS KING. 18'S heaven, and not have his hope disturbed. I might tell of persons guilty of some, if not all, these things, ministering in holy things." What motives can prompt the American Missionary Association to cast such imputa- tions upon the missions of the English and Scotch Churches, in Jamaica, we leave to be determined by the parties interested. Few, indeed, will believe that the English and Scotch Churches would, for a moment, tolerate such a condition of things, in their mission stations, as is here represented. Kext we turn to the Annual Rejport of the American and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society^ 1853, which discourses thus, in its own language, and in quotations which it indorses:* "Tlie friends of emancipation in the United States have been disappointed in some respects at the results in the West Indies, because they expected too much. A nation of slaves can not at once be converted into a nation of intel- * Page 170. 16 186 COTTON IS KING. ligent, industi'ious, and moral freemen." * * "It is not too mnch, even now, to say of the people of Jamaica, * * their condition is exceedingly degraded, their morals woefully corrupt. But this must, by no means, be un- derstood to be of universal application. With respect to those who have been brought under a heathful educational and religious influence, it is not true. But as respects the great mass, whose humanity has been ground out of them by cruel oppression — whom no good Samaritan hand has yet reached — how could it be other- wise? TTe wish to turn the tables ; to supplant oppression by righteousness, insult by compas- sion and brotherly kindness, hati-ed and con- tempt by love and winning meekness, till we allure these wretched ones to the hope and en- joyment of manhood and virtue."* * * "The means of education and religious instruction are better enjoyed, although but little appre- ciated and improved by the great mass of the * Extract from the report of a missionaiy, quoted in the Report, page 172. COTTON IS KING. 187 people. It is also ti-ue, that the moral sense of the people is becoming somewhat enlightened. * * But while this is true, yet their moral condition is very far from being what it ought to be. * * It is exceedingly dark and dis- tressing. Licentiousness prevails to a most alarming extent among the people. * * The almost universal prevalence of intemperance is another prolific source of the moral darkness and degradation of the people. The great mass, among aU classes of the inhabitants, from the governor in his palace to the peasant in his hut — from the bishop in his gown to the beggar in his rags — are all slaves to their cups.- '* This is the language of American Aboli- tionists, going out under the sanction of their Annual Reports. Lest it may be considered, as too highly colored, we add the following from the London Times, of near the same date. In speaking of the results of emancipation, in Jamaica, it says : * Extract from the report of another missionaiy, page 171, of the Report. 188 COTTON IS KING. "The negro has not acquired, with his freedom, any habits of industry or morality. His independence is but little better than that of an uncaptm-ed brute. Having accepted few of the restraints of civilization, he is amena- ble to few of its necessities ; and the wants of his nature are so easily satisfied, that at the cuiTent rate of wages, he is called upon for nothing but fitful or desultory exertion. The blacks, therefore, instead of becoming intelli- gent husbandmen, have become vagrants and squatters, and it is now apprehended that with the failure of cultivation in the island will come the failure of its resources for instructing or controlling its population. So imminent does this consummation appear, that memo- rials have been signed by classes of colonial society hitherto standing aloof fi-om politics, and not only the bench and the bar, but the bishop, clergy, and ministers of all denomina- tions in the island, without exception, have recorded their conviction, that, in the absence of timely relief, the religious and educational institutions of the island must be abandoned, COTTON IS KINGv 189 and the masses of the population retrogade to barbarism." One of the editors of the J^ew Yorlc Eve- ning Post^ Mr. BiGELOw, a few years since, spent a winter in Jamaica, and continues to watch, with anxious solicitude, as an Anti- Slavery man, the developments taking place among its colored population. In reviewing the returns published by the Jamaica House of Assembly, in 1853, in reference to the ru- inous decline in the Agriculture of the Island, and stating the enormous quantity of lands thrown out of cultivation, since 1818, the Post says : "This decline has been going on from year to year, daily becoming more alarming, until at length the island has reached what would appear to be the last profound of distress and misery, * * when thousands of people do not know, when they rise in the morning, whence or in what manner they are to procure bread for the day." We must examine, more closely, the eco- nomical results of emancipation, in the West 190 COTTON IS KING. Indies, before we can judge of the effects, upon the trade and commerce of the world, which would result from general emancipation in the United States. We do this, not to afford an argument in behalf of the perpetuation of slavery, because its abolition might injuriously affect the interests of trade and commerce ; but because the whole of these results have long been well known to the American planter, and serve as conclusive arguments, with him, against emancipation. He believes that, in tropical cultivation, African fi-ee labor is worthless ; that the liberation of the slaves in this country, must, necessarily, be followed with results similar to what has occurred in the "West Indies ; and, for this reason, as well as on account of the profitable character of slavery, he refuses to give freedom to his slaves. We repeat, we do not cite the fact of the failure, economically, of free labor in Ja- maica, as an argument for the perpetuation of slavery. l!^ot at all. We allude to the fact, only to show that emancipation has greatly reduced the commerce of the Colonies, and that COTTON IS KING. 191 the logic of this result militates against the colored man's prospects of advancement in the scale of political and social equality. But to the facts : The British planters, up to 1806. had re- ceived from the slave traders an uninterrupted supply of laborers, and had rapidly extended their cultivation as commerce increased its de- mands for their products. Let us take the results in Jamaica as an example of the whole of the British West India Islands. She had increased her exports of sugar from a yearly average of 123,979,000 lbs. in 1772-3, to 231,700,000 lbs. in 1805-6. 'No diminution of exports had occurred, as has been asserted by some anti-slavery writers, before the prohi- bition of the slave trade. The increase was progressive and undisturbed, except so far as aifected by seasons, more or less favorable. But no sooner was her supply of slaves cut off, by the act of 1806, which took efiect in 1808, than the exports of Jamaica began to diminish, until her sugar had fallen off from 1822 to 1832, to an annual average of 192 COTTON IS KING. 131,129,000 lbs., or nearly to what they had been sixty years before. It was not until 1833 that the Emancipation Act was passed ; so that this decline in the exports of Jamaica, took place under all the rigors of "West India slavery. The exports of rum, coffee, and cotton, were diminished in nearly the same ratio. To arrest this ruinous decline in the com- mercial prosperity of the Islands, emancipation was adopted in 1833 and perfected in 1838. This policy was pursued under the plea, that free labor is doubly as productive as slave labor ; and, that the negroes, liberated, would labor twice as well as when enslaved. But what was the result ? Ten years after final emancipation was effected, the exports of sugar, from Ja- macia were only 67,539,200 lbs. a year, instead of 234,700,000 lbs., as in 1805-6. The ex- ports of coffee, during the same year, were reduced to 5,684,921 lbs., instead of 23,625,377 lbs, as in 1805-6 ; and the extinction of the cultivation of cotton, for export, had become almost complete, though, in 1800, it had nearly COTTON IS KING. 193 equalled that of the United States. These are no fancy sketches, drawn for efiect, but sober realities, attested by the public documents of the British government.* The Jamaica negro, ignorant and destitute of forethought, disap- pointed the English philanthropists. In Hayti, emancipation had been produc- tive of results, fully as disastrous to its com- merce, as it had been to that of Jamaica. There was an almost total abandonment of the production of sugar, soon after freedom was declared. This took place in 1793. In 1Y90 * The average exports from the island of Jamaica, omit- ting cotton, during the three epochs referred to — that of the slave trade, of slavery alone, and of freedom — for periods of five years, during the first two, and for the three years separately, in the last, will give a full view of this point : Years of Exports. lbs. Sugar. P. Rum. lbs. Coffee. Annual average, 1803 to 1807,* . . . 211,139,200 50.426 23,625,377 Annual average, 1829 to 1833.* Annual average, 1839 to 1843.* Annual exports, 1846, f Annual exports, 1847,t Annual exports, 1848 f . 152,564,800 35,505 17,645,602 . 67,924,800 14,185 7,412,498 . 57,956,800 14,395 6,047,150 . 77,686.400 18,077 6.421,122 . 67,539,200 20,194 5,684,921 •Blackwood's Magazine. 1848, p. 225. tLittel's Living Age, 1850, No. 309, p. 125.— £e«er of Mr. Bigelaw. 17 194 COTTON IS KING. the Island exported 163,318,810 lbs. of su- gar. But iu 1801 its export was reduced to 18,534,112 lbs., in 1818 to 5,443,765 lbs., and in 1825 to 2,020 lbs.;* since which time its export has nearly ceased. Indeed, it is as- serted, that, " at this moment there is not one pound of sugar exported from the Island, and aU that is used is imported from the United States.^'t The exports of coffee, from Hayti, in 1790, were 76,835,219 lbs.; and of cotton, 7,004,274 lbs. But the exports of the former article, iu 1801, were reduced to 43,420,270 lbs., and the latter to 474,118 Ibs.J The exports of coffee have varied, annually, since that period, from thirty to forty million pounds ; and the cotton exported has rarely much exceeded one million pounds.§ At present, "with the ex- ception of Gonaives, there is not a pound of cotton produced, and only a very limited quan- * Macgregor, London ed., 1847. + De Bow's Review, Aug., 1855. $ Macgregor, London ed., 1847, §Ibid. COTTON IS KING. 195 tity there, barely sufficient for consumption; and instead of exporting indigo, as formerly, they import all they use from the United States."* According to the authorities before cited, the deficit of free-labor tropical cultivation, as compared with that of slave labor, while sus- tained by the slave trade, including the British "West Indies and Hayti, stands as follows : — a startling result, ti'uly, to those who expected emancipation to work well for commerce, and supercede the necessity of employing slave labor : Contrast of Slave Labor and Free Labor Exports from the West Indies. SLAVE LABOR. Tears. lbs. Sugar. lbs. Coffee, lbs. Cotton. British West Indies, 1807, - 636,025,643 31,610,764 17,000,000* Hayti, - - - 1790, - 163,318,810 76,835,219 7,286,126 Total, - - - - 809,344,453 108,245,983 24,286,126 *De Bow's Review, 1855. 196 COTTON IS KING. FREE LABOR. Tears. Ihs. Sugar. lbs. Coffee, lbs. Cotton. British West Indies, 1848, - 313,306,112 6,770,792 427,529* Hayti, - - - 1848, - very little 34,114,717t l,591,454t Total, - - - - 313,306,112 40,885,509 2,018,983 Free Labor Deficit, - 496,038,341 67,360,474 22,267,143 » 1840. t 1847. To understand the bearing whicli this de- crease of production, by Free Labor, has upon the interests of the African race, it must be remembered, that the consumption of cotton and sugar has not diminished, but increased, vastly; and that for every bale of cotton, or hogshead of sugar, that the free labor produc- tion is diminished, an equal amount of slave labor cotton and sugar is demanded to supply its place ; and, more than this, for every addi- tional bale or hogshead required by their in- creased consumption, an additional one must be furnished by slave labor, because the world will not dispense with their use. As no ma- terial change has occuiTed, for several years, in the commercial condition of the islands, it is not necessary to bring the statements down to COTTON IS KING. 197 a later date than IS-iS. The causes operating to encourage the American phmters, in extend- ing their cultivation of cotton and sugar, can now be understood. In relation to the moral condition of Hajti, we need say but little. It is known that a great majority of the children of the Island are born out of wedlock, and that the Christian Sabbath is the principal market day in the towns. The American and Foreign Christian Union^ a missionary paper of New York, after quoting the report of one of the missionaries in Hayti, who represents his success as encour- aging, thus remarks : " This letter closes with some singular incidents not suitable for publi- cation, showing the deplorable state of commu- nity there, both morally and socially. There seems to be a mixture of African barbarism with the sensuous civilization of France. * * That dark land needs the light which begins to dawn thereon." The West India emancipation experiments have demonstrated the truth of a few principles 198 COTTON IS KING. that the world should fully understand. It must now be admitted that mere personal liberty, even connected with the stimulus of wages, is insufficient to secure the industry of an ignorant population. It is Intelligence, alone, that can be acted upon by such motives. Intelligence, then, must precede voluntary In- dustry. And, hereafter, that man, or nation, may find it difficult to command respect, or succeed in being esteemed wise, who will not, along with exertions to extend personal freedom to man, intimately blend with their efibrts adequate means for intellectual and moral improvement. The results of West In- dia emancipation, it must be farther noticed, fully confirm the opinions of Fkanklin, that freedom, to unenlightened slaves, must be ac- companied with the means of intellectual and moral elevation, otherwise it may be productive of serious evils to themselves and to society. It also sustains the views entertained by South- ern slaveholders, that emancipation, unaccom- panied by the colonization of the slaves, could be of little value to the blacks, while it would COTTON IS KING. 199 entail a niinous burden upon the whites. These facts must not be overlooked in the projection of plans for emancipation, as none can receive the sanction of Southern men, which does not embrace in it the removal of the colored people. "With the example of West India emancipation before them, and the results of which have been closely watched by them, it can not be expected that Southern statesmen will risk the liberation of their slaves, except on these conditions. CHAPTER XIII. In tiu'ning to the condition of our own free colored people, who rejected homes in Liberia, we approach a most important subject. They have been under the guardianship of their Abolition friends, ever since that period, and have cherished feelings of determined hostility to Colonization. What have they gained by this hostility? What has been accomplished for them by their Abolition friends, or what have they done for themselves? Those who took reftige in Liberia have built up a Republic of their own ; and are recognized as an inde- pendent nation, by five of the great govern- ments of the earth. But what has been the progress of those who remained behind, in the vain hope of rising to an equality with the whites, and of assisting in abolishing Ameri- can slavery ? We ofier no opinion, here, of our own, as to the present social and moral condition of 200 COTTON IS KING. 2G1 the free colored people in the I^orth. What it was at the time of the founding of Liberia, has already been shown. On this subject we might quote largely from the proceedings of the Conventions of the colored people, and the writings of their editors, so as to produce a dark picture indeed ; but this would be cruel, as their voices are but the wailings of noble, sensitive, and benevolent hearts, while weeping over the moral desolations that have over- whelmed their people. Nor shall we multi- ply testimony on the subject ; but in this, as in the case of Canada and the West Indies, allow the Abolitionists to speak of their own schemes. The Hon. Gerbitt Smith, in his letter to Gov. Hunt, of 'New York, in 1S52, while speaking of his ineffectual efforts, for fifteen years past, to prevail upon the free col- ored people to betake themselves to mechanical and agricultural pursuits, says : "Suppose, moreover, that during all these fifteen years, they had been quitting the cities, where the mass of them rot^ loth physically and morally^ and had gone into the countiy to 202 COTTON IS KING. become farmers and mechanics — suppose, I say, all this — and who would have the hardi- hood to affirm that the Colonization Society- lives upon the malignity of the whites — ^but it is true that it lives upon the voluntary degra- dation of the Hacks. I do not say that the colored people are more debased than white people would be if persecuted, oppressed and outraged as are the colored people. But I do say that they are debased, deeply debased; and that to recover themselves they must be- come heroes, self-denying heroes, capable of achieving a great moral victory — a two-fold victory — a victory over themselves and a vic- tory over their enemies." The New York Tribune^ September 22, 1855, in noticing the movements of the colored people of !N'ew York, to secure to themselves equal suffi-age, thus gives utterance to its views of their moral condition : "Most earnestly desiring the enfranchise- ment of the Afric-American race, we would gladly wean them, at the cost of some addi^ tional ill-will, from the sterile path of political COTTON IS KING. 203 agitation. They can help win their rights if they will, but not by jawdng for them. One ne- gro on a farm which he has cleared or bought, patiently hewing out a modest, toilsome inde- pendence, is worth more to the cause of Equal Suffrage than three in an Ethiopian (or any other) convention, clamoring against white oppression with all the fire of a Spartacus. It is not logical conviction of the justice of their claims that is needed, but a prevalent belief that they would form a wholesome and desira- ble element of the body politic. Their color exposes them to much unjust and damaging prejudice; but if their degTadation were but skin-deep, they might easily overcome it. * * Of course, we understand that the evil we con- template is complex and retroactive — that the political degradation of the blacks is a cause as well as a consequence of their moral de- basement. Had they never been enslaved, they would not now be so abject in soul ; had they not been so abject, they could not have been enslaved. Our aborigines might have been crushed into slavery by overwhelming 204 COTTON IS KING. force ; but they could never have been made to live in it. The black man who feels insulted in that he is called a ' nigger,' therein attests the degradation of his race more forcibly than does the blackguard at whom he takes offense ; for negro is no further a term of opprobrium than the character of the blacks has made it so. * * K the blacks of to-day were all or mainly such men as Samuel K. Ward or Feederick Douglass, nobody would consider ' negro ' an invidious or reproachful desig- nation. " The blacks of om' State ought to enjoy the common rights of man; but they stand greatly in need of the spirit in which those rights have been won by other races. They will never win them as white men's barbers, waiters, ostlers and boot blacks ; that is to say, the tardy and ungracious concession of the right of suffi-age, which they may ultimately wrench from a reluctant community, will leave them still the political as well as social infe- riors of the whites — excluded from all honora- ble office, and admitted to white men's tables COTTON IS KING. 205 only as waiters and plate-washers — ^unless they shall meantime have wi'ought out, through toil, privation and suflering, an intellectual and essential enfranchisement. At present, white men dread to be known as friendly to the black, because of the never-ending, still- beginning importunities to help this or that negro object of charity or philanthrophy to which such a reputation inevitably subjects them. Nine-tenths of the free blacks have no idea of setting themselves to work except as the hirelings and servitors of white men ; no idea of building a church, or accomplishing any other serious enterprise, except through beggary of the whites. As a class, the blacks are indolent, improvident, servile and licen- tious ; and their inveterate habit of appealing to white benevolence or compassion whenever they realize a want or encounter a difficulty, is eminently banefal and enervating. If they could never more obtain a dollar until they shall have earned it, many of them would suffer, and some perhaps starve; but, on the whole, they would do better and improve 206 COTTON 13 KING. faster than may now be reasonably ex- pected." In tracing the causes which led to the organization of the American Colonization So- ciety, the statistics of the Penitentiaries down to 1827, were given, as affording an index to the moral condition of the free colored peo- ple at that period. The facts of a similar kind, for 1850, are added here, to indicate their present moral condition. The statistics are compiled from the Compendium of the Census of the United States, for 1850^ and published in 1854. Tabular Statement of the number of the native and foreign white population, the colored population, the number of each class in the Penitentiaries, the proportion of the convicts to the whole number of each class, the propoT' tion of colored convicts over the foreign and also over the native whites, in the four States named, for the year 1850: Classes, etc. Mass. JV. York. Penn. Ohio. Native Whites, - - 819,044 2,388,830 1,953,276 1,732,698 In the Penitentiary, 264 835 205 291 Being 1 out of - - 3,102 2,860 9,528 5,954 COTTON IS KING. 2(^ Classes, etc. Mass. IT. York. Fenn. Ohio. Foreign Whites, - - 163,598 655,224 303,105 218,099 In the Penitentiary, 125 545 123 71 Being 1 out of - - 1,308 1,202 2,464 3,077 Colored Population, 9,064 49,069 53,626 25,279 In the Penitentiary, 47 257 109 44 Being 1 out of - - 192 190 492 574 Colored convicts over foreign, - - - - 6.8 times 6.3 times 5 times 5.3 times Colored convicts over native whites, - 16.1 times 15 times 19.3 times 10.3 times It appears from these figures, that the amount of crime among the colored people of Massachusetts, in 1850, was 6rV times greater than the amount among the foreign born pop- ulation of that State, and that the amount, in the four States named, among the fi'ee colored people, averages five-and-three-qiiarteTS times more, in proportion to their numbers, than it does among the foreign population, and over fifteen times more than it does among the native whites. It will be instructive, also, to note the moral condition of the free colored people in Massachusetts, the great center of Abolitionism, where they have enjoyed equal rights ever since 1780. Strange to say, there 208 COTTON IS KING. is nearly thi-ee times as much crime among them, in that State, as exists among those of Ohio! More than this will be useful to note, as it regards the direction of the emi- gration of the free colored people. Massa- chusetts, in 1850, had but 2,687 colored per- sons born out of the State, while Ohio had 12,662 born out of her limits. Take another fact: the increase, per cent.^ of the colored population, in the whole New England States, was, during the ten years, from 1840 to 1850, but ItoV, while in Ohio, it was, during that time, 45rVo-. There is another point worthy of notice. Though the N^ew England Abolition States have offered equal political rights to the colored man, it has afforded him little temptation to emigrate into their bounds. On the contraiy, several of these States have been diminishing their free colored population, for many years past, and none of them can have had accessions of colored emigrants ; as is abundantly proved by the fact, that their additions, of this class of COTTON IS KING. 209 persons, have not exceeded the natm-al increase of the resident colored population.* Another fact is equally as instructive. It will be noted, that, in Ohio, the largest increase of the fi-ee colored population, is in the Anti-Abolition counties — the Abolition counties, often, having increased very little, indeed, between 1840 and 1850. But the most cui-ious fact is, that the largest majorities for the Abolition candidate for Governor, in 1855, were in the counties hav- ing the fewest colored people, while the largest majorities against him, were in those having the largest numbers of free negroes and mul- latoes.f From these facts, both in regard to New England and Ohio, one of two conclusions may be logically deduced : Either the colored people find so little sympathy from the Abo- litionists, that they will not live among them ; or else their presence, in any community, in large numbers, tends to cure the whites of aU tendencies toward practical abolitionism ! * See Table IV, Appendix, t See Table V, Appendix. 18 CHAPTEE Xiy. The condition of the free colored people can now be understood. The results, in their case, are vastly different from what was antici- pated, when British philanthropists succeeded in West India emancipation. They are very different, also, from what was expected by American Abolitionists: so different, indeed, that their disappointment is fully manifested, in the extracts made from their published docu- ments. As an apology for the failure, it seems to be their aim to create the belief, that the dreadful moral depravation, existing in the West Indies, is wholly owing to the demoral- izing tendencies of slavery. They speak of this effect as resulting from laws inherent in the system, which have no exceptions, and must be equally as active in the United States as in the British colonies. But in their zeal to cast odium on slavery, they prove too much — for, if this be true, it follows, that the slave 210 COTTON IS KING. 211 population of the United States must be equally debased with that of Jamaica, and as much disqualified to discharge the duties of freemen, as both have been subjected to the operations of the same system. This is not all. The logic of the argument would extend even to our free colored people, and include them, according to the American Missionary Association^ in the dire efiects of " that enduring legacy which, with its foul, pestilential influences, still blights, like the mildew of death, everything in so- ciety that should be lovely, virtuous, and of good report." Now, were it believed, gener- ally, that the colored people of the United States are equally as degraded as those of Jamaica, upon what grounds could any one advocate the admission of the blacks to equal social and political privileges with the whites ? Certainly, no Christian family or community would willingly admit such men to terms of social or political equality ! This, we repeat, is the logical conclusion from the Reports of the American Missionary Association and the American and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society-^ 212 COTTON IS KING. a conclusion, too, the more certain, as it makes no exceptions between the condition of the col- ored people under the slavery of Jamaica and under that of the United States. But in this, as in much connected with slavery. Abolitionists have taken too limited a view of the subject. They have not properly discriminated between the effects of the original barbarism of the negroes, and the effects pro- duced by the more or less favorable influences to which they were afterward subjected under slavery. This point deserves special notice. According to the best authorities, the colored people of Jamaica, for nearly three hundred years, were entirely without the Gospel; and it gained a permanent footing among them, only at a few points, at their emancipation, twenty years ago ; so that, when liberty reached them, the great mass of the Africans, in the British West Indies, were heathen.* Let us understand the reason of this. Slavery * Rev. Mr. Phillippo, for twenty years a missionary in Jamaica, in liis ''Jamaica, its Past and Present Con- dition." COTTON IS KING. 2l3 is not an clement of human progress, under •which the mind necessarily becomes enlight- ened ; but Christianity is the primary element of progress, and can elevate the savage, whether in bondage or in freedom, if its principles are taught him in his youth. The slavery of Ja- maica beojan with savas^e men. For three hun- dred years, its slaves were destitute of the Gos- pel, and their barbarism was left to perpetuate itself. But in the United States, the Africans were brought under the influence of Christian- ity, on their first introduction, over two hun- dred and thirty years since, and have continued to enjoy its teachings, in a greater or less de- gree, to the present moment. The disappear- ance fi'om among oui' colored people, of the savage condition of the human mind — the in- capacity to comprehend religious truths — and its continued existence among those of Jamaica, can now be understood. The opportunities en- joyed by the former, for advancement, over the latter, have been six to one. TTlth these facts before the mind, it is not difficult to perceive that the colored population of Jamaica can not 214 COTTON IS KING. but still labor under the disadvantages of Jiereditary harharism and involuntary servi- tude^ with the superadded misfortune of being inadequately supplied with Christian instruc- tion, along with their recent acquisition of freedom. But while all this must be admitted, of the colored people of Jamaica, it is not true of those of our own country; for, long since, they have cast off the heathenism of their fathers, and have become enlightened in a very encouraging degree. Hence it is, that the colored people of the United States, both bond and free, have made vastly greater progress, than those of the British West Indies, in their knowledge of moral duties and the require- ments of the Gospel ; and hence, too, it is, that GERRriT Smfth is right, in asserting that the demoralized condition of the great mass of the free colored people, in our cities, is inexcusable, and deserving of the utmost reprobation, be- cause it is voluntary — they knowing their duty but abandoning themselves to degrading habits. This brings us to another point of great moment. It will be denied by but few — and COTTON IS KING. 213 bj none maintaining the natural equality of the races — that the free colored people of the United States are sufficiently enlight- ened, to be elevated by education, as readily as the whites of similar ages, where equal re- straints from vice, and encouragements to vir- tue prevail. A large portion, even, of the slave population, are similarly enlightened.* ^\^e speak not of the state of the morals of either class. Our opinion as to the advancement of the free colored people of the United States, in * As many are not awai-e of the extent to wbicli the religious training of the slaves at the South prevails, we append the following paragraphs in relation to the efforts of one denomination, alone, in South Carolina and Louis- iana. Similar efforts, more or less extensive, have been made in the other States: " Religious Instkcctios of Slaves.— The South Carolina Methodist Conference have a missionary committee devoted entirely to promoting the religious instruction of the slave population, which has been in existence twenty-six years. The report of the last year shows a greater degree of ac- tivity than is generally known. They have twenty-six missionary stations in which thirty-two missionaries are employed. The report afi&rms that puhlio opinion in South Carolina is decidedly in favor of the religious instruction of slaves, and that it has become far more general and systematic than formerly. 216 COTTON IS KING. general intelligence, does not stand alone. It is sustained by high authority, not of the Abo- lition school. The Democratic Review, of It also claims a great degree of success to liave attended the labors of the missionaries." — ^. Y. Evangelist, 1855. Methodist Missions to Slaves. — The following para- graphs are taken from the report of the Missionary Board of the Louisiana Conference. — N. Y. Observer, March, 1856. " It is stated upon good authority, that the number of colored members in the Church, South, exceeds that of the entire membership of all the Protestant Missions in the world. What an enterprise id this committed to our care ! The position we, of the Methodist Church, South, have taken for the African, has, to a great extent, cut us off from the S3mpathy of the Christian Church throughout the world ; and it behooves us to make good this position in the sight of God, of angels, of men, of churches, and to our own consciences, by presenting before the throne of His glory multitudes of the souls of these benighted ones abandoned to our care, as the seals of our ministry. Already Louisiana promises to be one vast plantation. Let us — we must gird ourselves for this Heaven-born enterprise of supplying the pure gospel to the slave. The great question is, How can the greatest number be preached to? — The building roadside chapels is as yet the best solution of it. In some cases planters build so as to accommodate adjoining plantations, and by this means the preacher addresses three hundred or more slaves, instead of one hundred or less. Economy of this kind is absolutely essential where the labor of the missionary is so much needed and demanded. " On the Lafourche and Bayou Black Missionwork, several chapels are in process of erection, upon a plan which enables the slave, as his master, to make an offering towards building a house of God. Instead of money, the hands subscribe labor. Timber is plenty; many of the servants are carpen- Uirs. Upon many of the plantations are saw mills. Here is much material; COTTON IS KING. 217 1852,* when discussing the question of their ability to conquer and civilize Africa, says : " The negro race has, among its freemen in this country, a mass of men who are eminently fitted for deeds of daring. They have generally been engaged in employments which give a good deal of leisure, and stimulus toward im- provement of the mind. They have associated much more freely with the cultivated and in- telligent white than even with their own color of the same humble station ; and on such terms as to enable them to acquire much of his spirit, and knowledge, and valor. The free blacks among us are not only confident and well in- formed, but they have almost all seen some- thing of the world. They are pre-eminently locomotive and perambulating. In railroads, and hotels, and stages, and steamers, they have ■what hindereth that we should huild a church on every tenth plantation? Let us maintain our policy steadily. Time and diligence are required to effect suhstantial good, especially in this department of labor. Let us con- tinue to ask for buildings adapted to the worship of God, and set apart ; to urge, when practicable, the preaching to blacks in the presence of their mas- ters, their overseers, and the neighbors generally." * Page 102. 19 218 COTTON IS KING. been placed incessantly in contact with the news, the views, the motives, and the ideas of the day. Compare the free black with ordi- nary white men without advantages, and he stands well. Add to this cultivation, that the negro body is strong and healthy, and the negro mind keen and bright, though not profound nor philosophical, and you have at once a formida- ble warrior, with a little discipline and know- ledge of weapons. There is no doubt that the picked American free blacks, would be five times, ten times as efficient in the field of battle as the same number of native Africans." Why is it then, that the efibrts for the moral elevation of the free colored people, have been so unsuccessful ? Before answering this question, it is necessary to call attention to the fact, that Abolitionists seem to be sadly disappointed in their expectations, as to the progress of the fi-ee colored people. Their vexation at the stub- bornness of the negroes, and the consequent failure of their measures, is very clearly mani- fested in the complaining language, used by Gekeitt Smith, toward the colored people of COTTON IS KING. 219 the eastern cities, as well as by the contempt expressed by the American Missionary Asso- ciation^ for the colored preachers of Canada. They had fonnd an apology, for their want of success in the United States, in the presence and influence of Colonizationists ; but no such excuse can be made for their want of success in Canada and the West Lidies. Having failed in their anticipations, now they would fain shelter themselves under the pretense, that a people once subjected to slavery, even when liberated, can not be elevated in a single gen- eration; that the case of adults, raised in bondage, like heatlien of similar age, is hope- less, and their children, only, can make such progress as will repay the missionary for his toil. But they will not be allowed to escape the censure due to their want of discrimination and foresight,, by any such plea ; as the success of the Republic of Liberia, conducted from infancy to independence, almost wholly by librated slaves, and those who were born and raised in the midst of slavery, attests the falsity of their assumption. 220 COTTON IS KING. But to return. Why have the efforts for the elevation of the free colored people, not been more successful? On this point our re- marks may be limited to our own free colored people. The barrier to their progress here, exists not in their want of capacity, but in the absence of the incitements to virtuous action, which are constantly stimulating the white man to press onward and upward in the formation of character and the acquisition of knowledge. There is no position in church or state, to which the poorest white boy, in the common school, may not aspire. There is no post of honor, in the gift of his country, that is legally beyond his reach. But such encouragements to noble effort, do not reach the colored man, and he remains with us a depressed and dis- heartened being. Persuading him to remain in this hopeless condition, has been the great error of the Abolitionists. They overlooked the teachings of history, that two races, differ- ing so widely as to prevent their amalgama- tion by marriage, can never live together, in the same community, but as superioi*s and in- COTTON IS KING. 221 feriors — the inferior remaining subordinate to the superior. The encouraging hopes held out to the colored people, that this law would be inoperative upon them, has led only to disap- pointment. Happily, this delusion is nearly at an end ; and they are beginning to act on their own judgments. They find themselves so scattered and peeled, that there is not another half a million of men in the world, so enlight- ened, who are accomplishing so little for their social and moral advancement. They perceive that they are nothing but branches, wrenched from the great African hanyan^ not yet planted in genial soil, and affording neither shelter nor food to the beasts of the forest or the fowls of the air — ^their roots unfixed in the earth, and their tender shoots withering as they hang pendent from their boughs. That this is no exaggerated picture of the discouragements surrounding our free colored people, is fiilly confirmed by the testimony of impartial witnesses. Chambeks, of Edinburgh, who recently made the tour of the United States, investigated this point very carefully. 222 COTTON IS KING. His opinions on the subject have been pub- lished, and are so discriminating and truthful, that we must quote the main portion of them. In speaking of the agitation of the question of slavery, he says : " For a number of years, as is well known, there has been much angry discussion on the subject between the Northern and Southern States ; and at times the contention has been so great, as to lead to mutual threats of a dismem- berment of the Union. A stranger has no little difficulty in understanding how much of this war of words is real, and how much is merely an explosion of hunkum. ^^ * I repeat, it is difficult to understand what is the genuine public feeling on this entangled ques- tion ; for with all the demonstrations in favor of freedom in the !N'orth, there does not appear in that quarter to be any practical relaxation of the usages which condemn persons of Afri- can descent to an inferior social status. There seems, in short, to be a fixed notion throughout the whole of the States, whether slave or free, that the colored is by nature a subordinate COTTON IS KING. 223 race ; and that, in no circumstances, can it be considered equal to the white. Apart from commercial views, this opinion lies at the root of American slavery ; and the question would need to be argued less on political and philan- thropic than on physiological grounds. * * I was not a little surprised to find, when speak- ing a kind word for at least a very unfortunate, if not brilliant race, that the people of the ISTorthern States, though repudiating slavery, did not think more favorably of the negro character than those farther South. Through- out Massachusetts, and other ISTew England States, likewise in the States of INTew York, Pennsylvania, etc., there is a rigorous separa- tion of the white and black races. * * The people of England, who see a negro only as a wandering curiosity, are not at all aware of the repugnance generally entertained toward per- sons of color in the United States : it appeared to amount to an absolute monomania. As for an alliance with one of the race, no matter how faint the shade of color, it would inevitably lead to a loss of caste, as fatal to social position and 224 COTTON IS KING. family ties as any that occurs in the Brahmin- ical system. * * * * " Glad to have had an opportunity of calling attention to many cheering and commendable features in the social system of the Americans, I consider it not less my duty to say, that in their general conduct toward the colored race, a wrong is done which can not be alluded to except in terms of the deepest sorrow and re- proach. I can not think without shame of the pious and polished I^ew England ers adding to their offences on this score the guilt of hypoc- risy. Affecting to weep over the sufferings of imaginary dark-skinned heroes and heroines; denouncing, in well-studied platform oratory, the horrid sin of reducing human beings to the abject condition of chattels; bitterly scornful of Southern planters for hard-hearted selfish- ness and depravity ; fanatical on the subject of Abolition; wholly frantic at the spectacle of fugitive slaves seized and carried back to their owners — these very persons are daily sur- rounded by manumitted slaves, or their edu- cated descendants, yet shrink from them as if COTTON IS KING. 225 the touch were pollution, aud look as if they would expire at the bare idea of inviting one of them to their house or table. Until all this is changed, the N'orthern Abolitionists place themselves in a false position, and do damage to the cause they espouse. K they think that negroes are Men, let them give the world an evidence of their sincerity, by moving the reversal of all those social and political arrange- ments which now, in the free States, exclude persons of color, not only from the common courtesies of life, but fi'om the privileges and honors of citizens. I say, until this is done, the uproar about Abolition is a delusion and a snare. * * * * "While lamenting the unsatisfactory con- dition, present and prospective, of the colored population, it is gratifying to consider the energetic measures that have been adopted by the African Colonization Society, to transplant, with their own consent, free negroes from America to Liberia. Viewing these endeavors as, at all events, a means of encouraging emancipation, checking the slave trade, and, at 226 COTTON IS KING. the same time, of introducing Christianity and civilized usages into Africa, they appear to have been deserving of more encouragement than they have had the good fortune to receive. Successful only in a moderate degree, the ope- rations of this society are not likely to make a deep impression on the numbers of the colored population ; and the question of their disposal still remains unsettled." CHAPTER XV. But little progress, it will be seen, has been made, by the free colored people, toward an approximation of equality with the whites. Have they succeeded better in aiding in the abolition of slavery? They have not, as is abundantly demonstrated by the triumph of the institution. This is an important point for consideration, as the principal object influ- encing them to remain in the country, was, that they might assist in the liberation of their brethren from bondage. But their agency in the attempts made to abolish the institution having failed, a more important question arises, as to whether the free colored people, by refusing to emigrate, may not have con- tributed, to the advancement of slaveiy? An affirmative answer must be given to this in- quiry. Kor is a protracted discussion neces- sary to prove the assertion. 228 COTTON IS KING. One of the objections urged with the greatest force against Colonization, is, its tendency, as is alleged, to increase the value of slaves by diminishing their numbers. " Jaifs Inqxdry^'* 1835, presents this objection at length; and the Eeport of the ^^ Anti- Slavery Society of Canada^^ 1853, sums it up in a single propo- sition, thus: " The first effect of beginning to reduce the number of slaves, by Colonization, would be to increase the market value of those left behind, and thereby increase the difficulty of setting them free." The practical effect of this doctrine, is to discourage all emancipations ; to render eternal the bondage of each individual slave, unless all can be liberated ; to prevent the benevolence of one master from freeing his slaves, lest his more selfish neighbor should be thereby en- riched ; and to leave the whole system intact, until its total abolition can be effected. Such philanthropy would leave every individual, of suffering millions, to gi'oan out a miserable existence, because it could not at once effect COTTON IS KING. 229 the deliverance of the whole. This objection to Colonization can be founded only in preju- dice, or is designed to mislead the ignorant. The advocates of this doctrine do not practice it, or they would not promote the escape of fugitives to Canada. But Abolitionists object not only to the Colonization of liberated slaves, as tending to perpetuate slavery ; they are equally hostile to the Colonization of the free colored people, for the same reason. The ^'•American Beform Tract and Booh Society^^ the organ of the Abolitionists, for the publication of Anti- Slavery works, has issued a Tract on " Coloni- zation," in which this objection is stated as follows : "The Society perpetuates Slavery, by re- moving the free laborer, and thereby increasing the demand for, and the value of, slave labor." The projectors and advocates of such views may be good philanthropists, but they are bad philosophers. We have seen that the power of American slavery lies in the demand for its products; and that the whole country, north 230 COTTON IS KING. of the sugar and cotton States, is actively em- ployed in the production of provisions for the support of the planter and his slaves, and in consuming the products of slave labor. This is the constant vocation of the whites. And how is it with the blacks ? Are they compet- ing with the slaves, in the cultivation of sugar and cotton, or are they also supporting the sys- tem, by consuming its products ? The latitudes in which they reside, and the pursuits in which they are engaged, will answer this question. The census of 1850, shows but 40,900 free colored persons in the nine sugar and cotton States, including Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas, Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, while 393,500 are living in the other States. North Carolina is omitted, because it is more of a tobacco and wool-growing, than cotton-producing State. Of the free colored persons in the first- named States, 19,260 are in the cities and larger towns ; while, of the remainder, a con- siderable number may be in the villages, or in the families of the whites. From these facts COTTON IS KING. 231 it is apparent, that less than 20,000 of the entire free colored population (omitting those of North Corolina,) are in a position to com- pete with slave labor, while all the remainder, numbering over 412,800, are engaged, either directly or indirectly, in supporting the institu- tion. Even the fugitives escaping to Canada, from ha^-ing been producers necessarily be- come consumers of slave-grown products ; and, worse still, under the Reciprocity Treaty, they must also become growers of provisions for the planters who continue to hold their brothers, sisters, wives and children, in bondage. These are the practical results of the policy of the Abolitionists. Yerily, they, also, have dug their ditches on the wrong side of their breastworks, and afforded the enemy an easy entrance into their fortress. But, "Let them alone ; they be blind leaders of the blind. And if the blind lead the blind, both shall fall into the ditch."* * Matthew's Gospel, xv: 14. 232 COTTON IS KING. But a brighter day is dawning for tho free colored people. They are wearied in watching for the "better time coming," promised by their white friends, and are unwilling to "wait a little longer" as runs one of their songs of inaction. To collect their scattered fragments, to consolidate their divided forces, to sink their individual popularity into an honored nation- ality, is now the aim of some of their thought- ful men. But where is this great achievement to be made? ITot in the organization of a new government, as no part of the earth remains unoccupied. It must be a fusion with one already established. But what one ? l^ot with one like the British Colonies, in subjection to a distant throne, and nearly destitute of schools and all the means of intellectual and moral improvement. It must be with one possessing the elements of progi-ess — which offers peace, security, prosperit}^, liberty, equality, and Pro- testant Christianity. Xo other will meet their wants ; nor should any other be adopted, as worthy colored freemen, who have caught the COTTON IS KING. 233 spirit of the republican institutions of the United States. South America can afford no suitable asylum, as the diversity of language, and the antagonism of its religion, together with the fi'equency of its civil wars, and the insecurity of property and life, forbid their choosing a home in that region. Thus, Liberia is the only nation with which a fusion, by the free colored people, can be safely made. "While remaining here, they continue to support Slavery, and suffer from inadequate means of improvement. The only portion of their number who have escaped from all connection with slavery, are those who have removed to Liberia. In that Republic, too, all the necessary stimulants to civil, social, intel- lectual, and moral advancement, are within the reach of the colored man. IN'or are they left to the contingencies of the var}^ng prosperity or adversity of the Colonists for their perpetua- tion. The four great leading Churches in the United States — the Episcopal, the Methodist, the Presbyterian, and the Baptist — are pledged to the support of its educational and religious 20 234 COTTON IS KING. institutions ; and hence, while generations will certainly be needed for the elevation of the free colored people here, strive as they may, a single one, with right-hearted men can do the work there. CHAFTEE XYI Topic 4.— The moral relations of persons holding the per se doc- trine, on the subject of slavery, to the purchase and consumption of slave labor products. Haying noticed the political and economi- cal relations of slavery, it may be expected that we shall say something of its moral relations. In attempting this, we choose not to ti-averse that interminable labyrinth, without a thread, which includes the moral character of the sys- tem, as it respects The relation hetween the Master and the Slave. The only aspect in which we care to consider it, is in The moral relations which the consumers of Slave Lahor products sustain to Slavery: and even on this, we shall offer no opinion, om* aim being only to promote inquiry. This view of the question is not an unim- portant one. It includes the germ of the grand error in nearly aU Anti-Slavery effort ; and to 235 236 COTTON IS KING. which, chiefly, is to be attributed its want of moral power over the conscience of the slave- holder. The recent Abolition movement, was designed to create a public sentiment, in the United States, that should be equally as potent in forcing emancipation, as was the public opinion of Great Britain. But why have not the Americans been as successful as the Eng- lish ? This is an inquiry of great importance. "WTien the Anti-Slavery Convention, which met, December 6, 1833, in Philadelphia, de- clared, as a part of its creed: "That there is no difference in principle, between the African Slave Trade, and American slavery," it meant to be understood as teaching, that the person who purchased slaves imported from Africa, or who held their offspring as slaves, was^^^^r- ticeps C7'imi?i{s — partaker in the crime, with the slave ti'ader — on the principle that he who receives stolen property, knowing it to be such, is equally guilty with the thief. On this point Daniel O'Connell was very explicit, when, in a public assembly, he used this language: "When an American comes COTTON IS KING. 237 into society, he will be askecl, 'are you one of the thieves, or are yon an honest man ? K you are an honest man, then yon have given liberty to your slaves ; if you are among the thieves, the sooner you take the outside of the house, the better.' " The error just referred to was this: they based their opposition to slavery on the princi- ple, that it was malum, in se — a sin in itself — ■ like the slave trade, robbery, and murder ; and, at the same time, continued to use the products of the labor of the slave as though they had been obtained fi-om the labor of freemen. But this seeming inconsistency was not the only reason why they failed to create such a public sentiment as would procure the emancipation of our slaves. The English Emancipationists began their work like philosophers — addressing themselves respectfully, to the power that could grant their requests. Beside the moral argu- ment, which declared slavery a crime, the English philanthropists labored to convince Parliament, that emancipation would be ad- vantageous to the commerce of the nation. 238 COTTON IS KING. The commercial value of the Islands had been reduced one-third, as a result of the abolition of the slave trade. Emancipation, it was argued, would more than restore their former prosperity, as the labor of freemen was twice as productive as that of slaves. But American Abolitionists commenced their crusade against slavery, by charging those who sustained it, and w^ho alone, held the power to manumit, with crimes of the blackest die. This placed the parties in instant antagonism, causing all the arguments on human rights, and the sinful- ness of slavery, to fall without effect upon the ears of angiy men. The error on this point, consisted in failing to discriminate between the sources of the power over emancipation in England and in the United States. With Great Britain, the power was in Parliament. The masters, in the West Indies, had no voice in the question. It was the voters in England alone who controlled the elections, and, conse- quently, controlled Parliament. But the con- dition of things in the United States is the reverse of what it was in England. With us, COTTON IS KING. 239 the power of emancipation is in the States, not in Congress. The slaveholders elect the mem- bers to the State Legislatures ; and they choose none but such as agree with them in opinion. It matters not, therefore, what public sentiment may be at the ISTorth, as it has no power over the Legislatures of the South. Here, then, is the difference: with us the slaveholder con- trols the question of emancipation while in England the consent of the master was not necessary to the execution of that work. Our Anti-Slavery men seem to have fallen into their errors of policy, by following the lead of those of England, who manifested a total ignorance of the relations existing between our General Government and the State Govern- ments. On the Abolition platform, slavehold- ers found themselves placed on the same cate- gory with slave traders and thieves. They were told that all laws giving them power over the slave, were void in the sight of heaven; and that their appropriation of the fruits of the labor of the slave was robbery. Had the preaching of these principles produced convic- 24:0 COTTON IS KING. tion, it must have promoted emancipation. But, unfortunately, while these doctrines were held up to the gaze of slaveholders, in the one hand of the exhorter, they beheld his other hand stretched out, from beneath his cloak of seeming sanctity, to clutch the products of the very robbery he was professing to con- demn ! Take a fact in proof of this view of the subject. At the date of the declarations of Daniel O'CoNNELL, on behalf of the English, and by the Philadelphia Anti-Slavery Convention, on the part of Americans, the British manu- facturers were purchasing, annually, about 300,000,000 lbs. of cotton, from the very men denounced as equally criminal with slave traders and thieves ; and the people of the United States were almost wholly dependent upon slave labor for their supplies of cotton and groceries. It is no matter for wonder, therefore, that slaveholders, should treat, as fiction, the doctrine that slave labor products are the fruits of robbery, so long as they are purchased without scruple, by all classes of COTTON IS KING. 241 men, in Europe and America. The pecuniary argmnent for emancipation, that free labor is more profitable than slave labor, was also urged here; but was treated as the greatest absm-dity. The masters had, before their eyes, the evidence of the falsity of the assertion, that, if emancipated, the slaves would be doubly profitable as free laborers. The reverse was admitted, on all hands, to be ti'ue in rela- tion to our colored people. But this question, of the moral relations which the consumers of slave labor products sustain to slavery, is one of too important a nature to be passed over without a closer examination ; and, beside, it is involved in less obscurity than the morality of the relation existing between the master and the slave. Its consideration, too, afibrds an opportunity of discriminating between the different opinions entertained on the broad question of the mo- rality of the institution, and enables us to judge of the consistency and conscientiousness of every man, by the standard which he himself adopts. 21 243 COTTON IS KING. The prevalent opinions, as to the morality of the Institution of Slavery, in the United States, may be • classified under three heads: 1. That it is justified by Scripture example and precept. 2. That it is a great civil and social evil, resulting from ignorance and degradation, like despotic systems of Govern- ment, and may be tolerated until its subjects are sufficiently enlightened to render it safe to grant them equal rights. 3. That it is malum in se^ like robbery and murder, and can not be sustained, for a moment, without sin ; and, like sin, should be immediately abandoned. Those who consider slaveiy sanctioned by the Bible, conceive that they can, consistently with their creed, not only hold slaves, and use the products of slave labor, without doing vio- lence to their consciences, but may adopt measures to perpetuate the system. Those who consider slavery merely a great civil and social evil, a despotism that may engender oppression, or may not, are of opinion that they may purchase and use its products, or interchange their own for those of the slave- COTTON IS KING. M9 holder, as free governments hold commercial and diplomatic intercom'se with despotic ones, without being responsible for the moral evils connected with the system. But the position of those who believe slavery malum in se^ like the slave trade, robbery, and murder, is a very different one from either of the other classes, as it regards the pm-chase and use of slave labor pro- ducts. Let us illustrate this by a case in point: A company of men hold a number of their fellow men in bondage under the laws of the commonwealth in which they live, so that they can compel them to work their plantations, and raise horses, cattle, hogs, and cotton. These products of the labor of the oppressed, are ap- propriated by the oppressors to their own use, and taken into the markets for sale. Another company proceed to a community of freemen, on the coast of Africa, who have labored vol- untarily during the year, seize their persons, bind them, convey away their horses, cattle, hogs, and cotton, and take the property to market. The first association represents the slaveholders; the second a band of robbers. 244: COTTON IS KING. The commodities of both parties, are openly offered for sale, and every one knows how the property of each was obtained. Those who believe the jper se doctrine, place both these associations in the same moral category, and call them robbers. Judged by this rule, the first band are the more criminal, as they have deprived their victims of personal Hberty, forced them into servitude, and then "des- poiled them of the fruits of their labor."* The second band have only deprived their victims of liberty, while they robbed them ; and thus have committed but two crimes, while the first have perpetrated three. These parties at- tempt to negotiate the sale of their cotton, say in London. The first company dispose of their cargo without difficulty — no one mani- *This is the phrase, nearly verbatim, used by Mr. Sum- ner in his speech on the Fugitive Slave Bill. Language, a little more to the point, is used in " The Friendly Remon- strance of the People of Scotland, on the Subject of Slavery," published in the American Missionary, September, 1855. In depicting slavery it speaks of it as a system " •which robs its Victims of the fniits of their toil." COTTON IS KING. 245 festing the slightest scruple at purchasing the products of slave labor. But the second com- pany are not so fortunate. As soon as their true character is ascertained, the police drag its members to Court, where they are sen- tenced to Bridewell. In vain do these robbers quote the Philadelphia A nti -Slavery Conven- tion, and Daniel O'Connel, to prove that their cotton was obtained by means no more criminal than that of the slaveholders, and that, there- fore, judgment ought to be reversed. The Court will not entertain such a plea, and they have to endure the penalty of the law. !N"ow, why this difference, if slavery be malum in sef And if the receiver of stolen property is par- ticeps criminis with the thief, why is it, that the Englishman, who should receive and sell the cotton of the robbers, would run the risk of being sent to prison with them, while if he acted as agent of the slaveholders, he would be treated as an honorable man? K the master has no moral right to hold his slaves, in what respect can the products of their labor differ from the property acquired by robbery ? And £4$ COTTON IS KING. if the property be the fruits of robbery, how can any one use it, without violating con- science ? We have met with the following sage ex- position of the question, in justification of the use of slave labor products, by those who be- lieve the^^T' se doctrine: The master owns the lands, gives his skill and intelligence to direct the labor, and feeds and clothes the slaves. The slaves, therefore, are entitled only to a part of the proceeds of their labor, while the master is also justly entitled to a part of the crop. "When brought into the market, the pur- chaser can not know what part belongs, right- fully, to the master and what to his slaves, as the whole is offered in bulk. He may, there- fore, purchase the whole, innocently, and throw the sinfulness of the transaction upon the master, who sells what belongs to others. But if \heper se doctrine be true, this apology for the purchaser is not a justification. Where a " confusion of goods " has been made by one of the owners, so that they can not be sepa- rated, he who " confused " them can have no COTTON IS KING. 247 advantage, in law, from his own wrong, but the goods are awarded to the innocent party. On this well known principle of law, this most equitable rule, the master forfeits his right in the property, and the purchaser, knowing the facts, becomes a party in his guilt. But aside from this, the "confusion of goods," by the master, can give him no moral right to dispose of the interest of his slaves therein for his own benefit; and the persons purchasing such property, acquire no moral right to its posses- sion and use. These are sound, logical views. The argument offered, in justification of those who hold that slavery is malum in se, is the strongest that can be made. It is apparent, then, from a fair analysis of their own prin- ciples, that they are parti oeps criminis with slaveholders. Again, if the laws regulating the institution of slavery, be morally null and void, and not binding on the conscience, then the slaves have a moral right to the proceeds of their labor. This right can not be alienated by any act of the master, but attaches to the property where 248 COTTON IS KING. ever it may be taken, and to whomsoever it may be sold. This principle, in law, is also well established. The recent decision on the " Gardiner fraud," confirms it ; the Court as- serting, that the money paid out of the Treas- ury of the United States, under such circum- stances, continued its character as the money and property of the United States, and may be followed into the hands of those who cashed the orders of Gardiner, and subsequently drew the money, but who are not the true owners of the said fund; and decreeing that the amount of funds, thus obtained, be collected off the estate of said Gardiner, and off those who drew fands from the Treasury, on his orders. These principles of law are so well under- stood, by every man of intelligence, that we can not conceive how those advocating the jper se doctrines, if sincere, can continue in the constant use of slave grown products, without a perpetual violation of conscience and of all moral law. Taking them under protest^ against the slavery which produced them, is COTTON IS KING. 249 ridiculous. Reftising to fellowship the slave- holder, while eagerly appropriatiDg the pro- ducts of the labor of the slave, which he brings in his hand, is contemptible. The most noted case of the kind, is that of the British Com- mittee, who had charge of the preliminaiy ar- rangements for the admission of members to the World's Christian Evangelical Alli- ance. One of the rules it adopted, but which the Alliance afterward modified, excluded all American clergymen, suspected of a want of orthodoxy on the jper se doctiine, from seats in that body. Their language, to American clergymen, was virtually, "Stand aside, I am holier than thou ;" while, at the same moment, their parishioners, the manufacturers, had about completed the purchase of 62tl:,000,000 lbs. of cotton, for the consumption of their mills, during the year ; the bales of which, piled together, would have reached mountain- high, displaying, mostly, the brands, "^ew Orleans," " Mobile," " Charleston." As not a word was said, by the Committee, against the Englishmen who were buying and 250 COTTON IS KING. manufacturing American cotton, the case may be viewed as one in which the fruits of rob- bery were taken under protest against the robbers themselves. To all intelligent men, the conduct of the people of Britain, in pro- testing against slavery, as a system of rob- bery, while continuing to purchase such enor- mous quantities of the cotton produced by slaves, appears as Pharisaical as the conduct of the conscientious Scotchman, in early times, in Eastern Pennsylvania, who married his wife under protest against the Constitution and laws of the Government, and especially, against the authority, power, and right of the magis- trate who had just tied the knot.* * An anecdote, illustrative of the pliability of some con- sciences, of this apparently rigid class, where interest or inclination demands it, has often been told by the late Governor Morrow, of Ohio. An old Scotch " Cameronian," in Eastern Pennsylvania, became a widower, shortly after the adoption of the Constitution of the United States. He refused to acknowledge either the IS'ational or State Govern- ments, but pronounced them both unlawful, unrighteous, and ungodly. Soon he began to feel the want of a wife, to care for his motherless children. The consent of a woman COTTON IS KING. 251 Such pliable coDsciences, doubtless, are very convenient in cases of emergency. But as they relax when selfish ends are to be sub- served, and retain their rigidity only when judging the conduct of others, the inference is, that the persons possessing them are either hypocritical, or else, as was acknowledged by in his own Church was gained, because to take any other would have been like an Israelite marrying a daughter of the land of Canaan. On this point, as in refusing to swear allegiance to Government, he was controlled by conscience. But now a practical difficulty presented itself. There was no minister of his church in the country — and those of other denominations, in his judgment, had no Divine warrant for exercising the functions of the sacred office. He repudiated the whole of them. But how to get married, that was the problem. He tried to persuade his intended to agree to a marriage contract, before witnesses, which could be con- firmed whenever a proper minister should airive from Scotland. But his "lady-love" would not consent to the plan. She must be married " like other folk," or not at all — because " people would talk so." The Scotchman for want of a wife, like Great Britain for want of cotton, saw very plainly that his children must suflfer; and so he resolved to get maiTied at all hazards, as England buys her cotton, but so as not to violate conscience. Proceeding with 252 COTTON IS KING. Parson D., in similar circumstances, they have mistaken their prejudices for their con- sciences. So far as Britain is concerned, she is, mani- festly, much more willing to receive American slave labor cotton for her factories, than Ameri- can republican principles for her people. And why so? The profits derived by her, from the purchase and manufacture of slave labor cotton, constitute so large a portion of the means of her prosperity, that the Government could not sustain itself were the supplies of this article his iutended to a magistrate's office, the ceremony was soon performed, and they twain pronounced " one flesh." But no sooner had he "kissed the bride," the sealing act of the contract of that day, than the good Cameronian drew a written document from his pocket, which he read aloud before the officer and witnesses ; and in which he entered his solemn protest against the authority of the Government of the United States, against that of the State of Pennsyl- vania, and especially against the power, right, and lawful- ness of the acts of the magistrate who had just married him. This done, he went his way, rejoicing that he had secured a wife without recognizing the lawfulness of ungodly governments, or violating his conscience. COTTON IS KING. 253 cut off. It is easy to divine, therefore, why the people of England are boundless in their de- nunciation of American slavery, while not a single remonstrance goes up to the throne, against the importation of American cotton. Should she exclude it, the act would render her unable to pay the interest on her national debt ; and many a declaimer against slavery, losing his income, would have to go supperless to bed. Let us conti'ast the conduct of a pagan government with that of Great Britain. When the Emperor of China became fully convinced of his inability to resist the prowess of the British arms, in the famous " Opium War," efforts were made to induce him to legalize the traffic in opium, by levying a duty on its im- port, that should yield him a heavy profit. This he refused to do, and recorded his decision in these memorable words: " It is true, I can not prevent the introduc- tion of the flowing poison. Gain-seeking and corrupt men will, for profit and sensuality, defeat my wishes, but nothing will induce me 254 COTTON IS KING. to derive a revcDuc from the vice and misery of my people."* Let us revert a moment to the case of rob- bery, before cited, in further illustration of this subject. The prisoners serve out their term in Bridewell, and, after a year or two, again visit Loudon with a cargo of cotton. The police recognize them, and they are a second time ar- raigned before the court for trial. The judge de- mands why they should have dared to revisit the soil of England, to offer for sale the products of their robbery. The prisoners assure his honor that they have neither outraged the public sentiment of the kingdom, nor violated its laws. "While in your prison, sir," they go on to say, " we became instructed in the mor- als of British economics. Anxious to atone for our former fault, and to restore ourselves to the confidence and respect of the pious subjects of your most gracious Queen, no sooner were we released from prison, than we hastened to the African coast, from whence our former • National Intelligencer, 1854. COTTON 13 KING. 265 cargo was obtained, and seizing the self-same men whom we had formerly robbed, we bore them off, bodily, to the soil of Texas. They resisted sturdily, it is true, but we mastered them. We touched none of the fruits of their previous labors. Their cotton we left in the fields, to be drenched by the rains or drifted by the winds ; because, to have brought it into your markets would have subjected us, anew, to a place in your dungeons. In Texas, we brought om- prisoners under the control of the laws, which give us power to hold them as slaves. Stimulated to labor, under the lash of the overseer, they have produced a crop of cotton, which is now offered in your markets as a lawful article of commerce. We are not subjects of your Government, and, therefore, not indictable under your laws against slave- trading. Your honor, will perceive, then, that our moral relations are changed. We come now to your shores, not as dealers in stolen property, but as slaveholders with the products of slave labor. We are aware that huiikum, speakers, at your public assemblies, denounce 256 COTTON IS KING. the slaveholder as a thief, and his appropria- tion of the fruits of the labor of his slaves, as robbery. We comprehend the motives prompt- ing such utterances. We come not to attend meetings of Ecclesiastical Conventions, repre- senting the republican principles of America, to unsettle the doctrines upon which the throne of your kingdom is based. But we come as cotton planters, to supply your looms with cotton, that British commerce may not be abridged, and England, the great civilizer of the world, may not be forced to slack her pace in the performance of her mission. This is our character and position; and your honor will at once see that it is your duty, and the inter- est of your Government to treat us as gentle- men and your most faithful allies." The judge at once admits the justice of their plea, rebukes the police, apologizes to the prisoners, assures them that they have violated no law of the realm; and that, though the j)ublic sentiment of the nation denounces the slaveholder as a thief, yet the public necessity demands a full supply of cotton from the planter. He then COTTON IS KING. 257 orders their inimediate discbarge, and invites them to partake of the hospitalities of his house during their stay in London. This is a fair example of British consist- ency, on the subject of slavery, so far as the supply of cotton is concerned. The reason can now be clearly compre- hended, why Abolitionists have had so little moral power over the conscience of the slave- holder. Their practice has been inconsistent with their precepts ; or, at least, their conduct has been liable to this construction, l^or do we percieve how they can exert a more potent influence, in the future, unless their energies are directed to efforts such as will relieve them from a position so inconsistent with their pro- fessions, as that of constantly purchasing pro- ducts which they, themselves, declare to be the fruits of robbery. While, therefore, things remain as they are, witli the world so largely dependent upon slave labor, how can it be otherwise, than that the system will continue to flourish? And while its products are used by all classes, of every sentiment, and country, 22 258 COTTON IS KING. nearly, how can the slaveholder be brought to see anything, in the practice of the world, to alarm his conscience, and make him cringe, before his fellow-men, as a guilty robber ? But, has nothing worse occurred from the advocacy of the jper se doctrine, than an exhi- bition of inconsistency on the part of Aboli- tionists, and the perpetuation of slavery re- sulting from their conduct ? This has occurred. Three highly respectable religious denomina- tions, now limited to the I^orth, had once many flourishing congregations in the South. On the adoption of the per se doctrine, by their respective Synods, their congregations be- came disturbed, were soon after broken up, or the ministers in charge had to seek other fields of labor. Their system of religious instruc- tion, for the family, being quite thorough, the slaves were deriving much advantage from the influence of these bodies. But when they resolved to withhold the Gospel from the mas- ter, unless he would emancipate, they also withdrew the means of grace from the slave ; and, so far as they were concerned, left him to COTTON IS KING. 259 perish eternally! Whether this course was proper, or whether it would have beeu better to have passed by the morality of the legal relation, in the creation of which the master had no agency, and considered him, under Providence, as the moral guardian of the slave, bound to discharge a guardian's duty to an immortal being, we shall not undertake to determine. Attention is called to the facts, merely, to show the practical effects of the action of these Churches upon the slave, and what the per se doctrine has done in depriving him of the Gospel. Another remark, and we have done with this topic. Kothing is more common, in cer- tain circles, than denunciations of the Christian men and ministers, who refuse to adopt ihQper se principle. "We leave others to judge whether these censures are merited. One thing is cer- tain : those who believe that slavery is a great civil and social evil, entailed upon the country, and are extending the Gospel to both master and slave, with the hope of removing it peace- ftdly, can not be reproached with acting incon- 260 COTTON IS KING. sistently with their principles ; while those who declare slavery malum in se^ and refuse to fellowship the Christian slaveholder, but yet use the products of slave labor, may fairly be classified, on their own principles, with the hypocritical people of Israel, who were thus reproached by the Most High: "What hast thou to do to declare my statutes, or that thou shouldst take my covenant in thy mouth ? * * When thou sawest a thief, then thou con- sentedst vTith him."* * Psalm 1: 16,18. CO]S"CLUSION. In concluding our labors, there is little need of extended observation. The work of Eman- cipation, in our country, was checked, and the extension of slavery promoted: — first, by the neglect of the free colored people to improve the advantages afibrded them ; second, by the increasing value imparted to slave labor ; third, by the mistaken policy into which the Eng- lish and American Abolitionists have fallen. Whatever reasons might now be oflfered for emancipation, from an improvement of our free colored people, is far more than counter- balanced by its failure in the West Indies, and the constantly increasing value of the labor of the slave. K, when the planters had only a moiety of the markets for cotton, the value of slavery was such as to arrest emancipation, how must the obstacles be increased, now, when they have the monopoly of the markets of the world ? 261 262 COTTON IS KING. "We propose not to speak of remedies for slavery. That we leave to others. Thus far this great civil and social evil, has baffled all human wisdom. Either some radical defect must have existed, in the measm-es devised for its removal, or the time has not yet come for successfully assailing the institution. Our work is completed, in the delineation we have given of its varied relations to om- agricultural, commercial, and social interests. As the monopoly of the culture of cotton, imparts to slavery its economical value, the system will continue as long as this monopoly is main- tained. Slave labor products have now become necessities of human life, to the extent of more than half the commercial articles supplied to the Christian world. Even free labor, itself, is made largely subservient to slavery, and vitally interested in its perpetuation and ex- tension. Can this condition of things be changed? It may be reasonably doubted, whether any- thing efficient can be speedily accomplished; not because there is lack of territory where COTTON IS KING. 263 freemen may be employed in tropical cultiva- tion, as all Western and Central Africa, nearly, is adapted to this pm-pose ; not because intel- ligent free labor, under proper incentives, is less productive than slave labor ; but because freemen, whose constitutions are adapted to tropical climates, will not avail themselves of the opportunity offered for commencing such an enterprise. King Cotton cares not whether he employs slaves or freemen. It is the cotton^ not the slaves^ upon which his throne is based. Let freemen do his work as well, and he will not object to the change. The efforts of his most powerful ally, Great Britain, to promote that object, have already cost her people many hundreds of millions of dollars, with total failure as a reward for her zeal. One-sixth of the colored people of the United States are free; but they shun the cotton regions, and have been instructed to detest emigration to Liberia. Their improvement has not been such as was anticipated ; and their more rapid advancement can not be expected, while they 264 COTTON IS KING. remain in the country. The free colored peo- ple of the British AYest Indies, can no longer be relied on to furnish tropical products, for they are resting contented in a state of almost savage indolence. Hayti is not in a more promising condition ; and even if it were, its population and territory are too limited to enable it too meet the increasing demand. His Majesty, King Cotton, therefore, is forced to continue the employment of his slaves ; and, by their toil, is riding on, conquering and to conquer ! He receives no check from the cries of the oppressed, while the citizens of the world are dragging forward his chariot, and shouting aloud his praise ! King Cotton is a profound statesman, and knows what measures will best sustain his throne. He is an acute mental philosopher, acquainted with the secret springs of human action, and accurately perceives who can best promote his aims. He has no evidence that colored men can grow his cotton, except in the capacity of slaves. Thus far, all experiments made to increase the production of cotton, by COTTON IS KING. 265 emancipating the slaves employed in its culti- vation, have been a total failm-e. It is his policy, therefore, to defeat all schemes of emancipation. To do this, he stirs up snch agitations as lure his enemies into measures that will do him no injury. The venal poli- tician is always at his call, and assumes the form of saint or sinner, as the service may demand. Isor does he overlook the enthu- siast, engaged in Quixotic endeavors for the relief of suflering humanity, but influences him to advocate measures which tend to tighten, instead of loosing the bands of slavery. Or, if he can not be seduced into the support of such schemes, he is beguiled into efforts that waste his strength on objects the most impracticable ; so that slavery receives no damage from the exuberance of his philanthropy. But should such a one, perceiving the futility of his labors, and the evils of his course, make an attempt to avert the consequences ; while he is doing this, some new recruit pushed forward into his for- mer place, charges him with lukewarmness, or pro-slavery sentiments, destroys his influence 23 ^06 COTTON IS KING. with the public, keeps alive the delusions, and sustains the supremacy of King Cotton in the world. In speaking of the economical connections of slavery, with the other material interests of the world, we have called it a tri-partite alli- ance. It is more than this. It is quadruple. Its structure includes four parties, arranged thus : The "Western Agriculturists ; the South- ern Planters ; the English Manafacturers ; and the American Abolitionists ! By this arrange- ment, the Abolitionists do not stand in direct contact with slavery; they imagine, therefore, that they have clean hands and pure hearts, so far as sustaining the system is concerned. But they, no less than their allies, aid in promoting the interests of slavery. Their sympathies are with England on the slavery question, and they very naturally incline to agree with her on other points. She advocates Free Trade^ as essential to her manufactures and commerce ; and they do the same, not waiting to inquire into its bearings upon American Slavery. We refer now to the people, not to their leaders, COTTON IS KING. 26f whose integrity we choose not to indorse. The free trade and protective systems, in their bear- ings upon slavery, are so well understood, that no man of general reading, especially an editor, or member of Congress, who professes Anti- Slavery sentiments, at the same time advo- cating free trade, will ever convince men of intelligence, pretend what he may, that he is not either woefully perverted in his judgment, or emphatically, a " dough-face " in disguise ! England, we were about to say, is in alliance with the cotton planter, to whose prosperity free trade is indispensable. Abolitionism is in alliance with England. All three of these parties, then agree in their support of the free trade policy. It needed but the aid of the Western farmer, therefore, to give permanency to this principle. His adhesion has been given, the quadruple alliance has been perfected, and slavery and fr-ee ti'ade nationalized I Slavery, thus entrenched in the midst of such powerful allies, and without competition in tropical cultivation, has become the sole 268 COTTON IS KING. reliance of King Cotton. Lest the sources of his aggrandisement should be assailed, we can well imagine him as being engaged, constantly, in devising new questions of agitation, to divert the public from all attempts to abandon free trade and restore the protective policy. He now finds an ample source of security, in this respect, in agitating the question of slavery extension. This exciting topic, as we have said, serves to keep politicians of the Abolition school at the Korth in his constant employ. But for the agitation of this subject, few of these men would succeed in obtaining the suflfrages of the people. Wedded to England's free trade policy, their votes in Congress, on all questions affecting the tariff, are always in perfect harmony with Southern interests, and work no mischief to the system of slavery. If Kansas comes into the Union as a slave State, he is secure in the political power it will give him in Congress ; but if it is received as a free State, it will still be ti-ibutary to him, as a source from whence to draw provisions to feed his slaves. 'Nov does it matter much which way COTTON IS KING. 269 the controversy is decided, so long as all agree not to disturb slavery in the States where it ia abeady established by law. Could King Cot- ton be assured that this position will not be abandoned, he would care little about slavery in Kansas; but he knows full well that the public sentiment in the Xorth is adverse to the system, and that the present race of politicians may readily be displaced by others who will pledge themselves to its overthrow in all the States of the Union. Hence he wills to retain the power over the question in his own hands. The crisis now upon the country, as a con- sequence of slavery having become dominant, demands that the highest wisdom should be brought to the management of national affairs. Slavery, nationalized^ can now be managed only as a national concern. It can now be abolished only with the consent of those who sustain it. Their assent can be gained only on employing other agents to meet the wants it now supplies. It must be superseded, then, if at all, by means that will not injuriously affect the interests of commerce and agricul- 270 COTTON IS KING. ture, to -whicli it is now so important an aux- iliary. None other will be accepted, for a moment, by the slaveholder. To supply the existing demand for tropical products, except by the present mode, is impossible. To make the change, is not the work of a day, nor of a generation. Should the influx of foreigners continue, such a change may, one day, be possible. But to effect the transition from slavery to freedom, on principles that will be acceptable to the parties who control the ques- tion; to devise and successfully sustain such measures as will produce this result ; must be left to statesmen of broader views and loftier conceptions than are to be found among those at present engaged in this great controversy. In noticing the strategy by which the Abo- litionists were rendered subservient to slavery, through the ignorance or duplicity of their leaders, we refer to the political action, only, in which they were induced to participate. We yield to none in our veneration for the early Anti-Slavery men, whose zeal for the overthrow of oppression, and the relief of the COTTON IS KING. 271 country from what they considered its greatest curse, was kindled at the altar of a pui-e philan- thropy ; and to whom official honors and emolu- ments had few atti^actions. We intend not to disparage such men. Those who believe that slavery is a Divine Institution^ which should be perpetuated; as well as those who hold the sentiment, that it is a malum in se^ that must be instantly aban- doned; entertain views so much at variance with the practical judgment of the world, that they can never hope to see their principles become dominant. The doctrine of the Divine right of Slavery^ is as repugnant to the spirit of the age, as that of the Divine right of Kings or of Pojpes. Thej?er se doctrine, more plausible at first view, is everywhere practically repudiated in the business ti-ansactions of the world ; and involves Christians who profess it, not only in every-day inconsistencies, but bars their access to the master, and dooms the slave to perpetual ignorance. These two extreme views can not become prevalent ; but must remain circumscribed 272 COTTON IS KING. within the narrow limits to which they have been hitherto confined. It is well for the country that it is so. These parties are so antagonistic, that their policy has harmonized in nothing but the triumph of slavery, and the increase of the dangers of a dissolution of the Union. The view, that slavery is a great Civil and Social evil^ identical in jprincijple with Des- potism^ is beset with fewer difficulties, meets with less opposition, and is likely to become the prevalent belief of the world. This view maintains that slavery is an incubus, pressing on humanity, like despotism in any other form ; and sinful^ ^^J-) so far as it abuses its power. This liability to abuse, it is admitted, is increased under American slavery, from the fact, that while a single despot often governs many millions of subjects, with us, three hun- dred and fifty thousand masters rule over but three millions two hundred and fifty thousand slaves; subjecting them, not to uniform laws, but to an endless diversity of treatment, as benevolence or cupidity may dictate. COTTON IS KING. 273 How far masters in general escape the com- mission of sin, in the treatment of their slaves, or whether any are free from guilt, is not the point at issue, in this view of slavery. The mere possession of power over the slave, under the sanction of law, is held not to be sinful ; but, like despotism, may be used for the good of the governed. Here arises a question of importance : Can despotism be acknowlged by Christians as a lawful form of government? Those who hold the view of slavery under con- sideration, answer in the affirmative. The necessity of civil government, they say, is de- nied by none. Society can not exist in its absence. Republicanism can be sustained only where the majority are intelligent and moral. In no other condition can free government be maintained. Hence, despotism establishes itself, of necessity, more or less absolutely, over an ignorant or depraved people ; obtaining the acquiescence of the enlightened, by offering them security to person and property. Few nations, indeed, possess moral elevation suf- ficient to maintain republicanism. Many have 274 COTTON IS KING. tried it; have failed, and relapsed into des- potism. Republican nations, therefore, must forego all intercourse with despotic govern- ments, or acknowledge them to be lawful. This can be done, it is claimed, without being accountable for moral evils connected with their administration. Elevated examples of such recognitions are on record. Christ paid tribute to Caesar ; and Paul, by appealing to Caesar's tribunal, admitted the validity of the despotic government of Rome, with its thirty millions of slaves. To deny the lawfulness of despotism, and yet hold intercourse with such govern- ments, is as inconsistent as to hold the jper se doctrine, in regard to slavery, and still continue to use its products. Slavery and despotism being identical in principle, it follows that the considerations which justify the recognition of the one, will apply equally to the other. Another thought, in this connection, crowds itself upon the attention, and demands a hear- ing. Despotism, though recognized as lawful, from necessity, is repugnant to enlightened and moral men. The notions of equity, everywhere COTTON IS KING. 275 prevailing, makes them revolt at the idea of despotism contimiing perpetually. But con- timie it will, in one form or another, until ig- norance is banished, and the moral elevation of mankind effected. Hence it is that Christian philanthropists, clearly comprehending the truth on this point, have labored, unremittingly, from the days of John Knox, the Scotch Reformer, to the present moment, to promote education among the people, and thus prepare them for the enjoyment of civil liberty. Every consid- eration, leading Christian men to labor to super- sede Despotism by Republicanism, demands, with equal force, that Slavery shall be super- seded by Freedom. There is an advantage gained it is thought, in ranking Slavery and Despotism as identical. It links the fate of the one with that of the other. None but fanatics, however, will attempt to reap before they sow. Xone who comprehend the causes of the failure of republicanism in France, and of emancipa- tion in Hayti and Jamaica, will desire to wit- ness a repetition of the ti'agedies there enacted. The benefits repaid not the treasure and the 276 COTTON IS KING. blood they cost. But these tragedies have taught a lesson easily comprehended. Moral elevation must precede the enjoyment of civil privileges. The advance in the former, must be the measure by which to regulate the grant of the latter ; otherwise the safety of society is endangered. Upon these principles most of the States have acted, in denying to the free colored people an equality of political rights ; and before any change of policy takes place in these States, there must be an elevation of the intellectual and moral condition of that people. Efforts for their education, therefore, should supersede the struggles for their political en- franchisement, by those who profess to believe that they can be elevated among the whites. The concessions everywhere made, by the Abolitionists, as to the intellectual and moral debasement of the great majority of the free colored people, and the necessity of a radical reform among them, must make an impression on the public mind. Ignorant and degraded men, in the possession of political rights, are a dangerous element in free governments. It is COTTON IS KING. 277 a conviction of this truth, that now agitates the public mind, on the question of limiting the political privileges of foreigners, who may hereafter ask the rights of citizenship; and begets the hostility, among Americans, to excluding the Bible from Common Schools. But why so much zeal, it is asked, for the Bible in Common Schools ? In the language of another, we, in turn, would ask : ''How comes it that that little volume, composed by humble men in a rude age, when art and science were but in their childhood, has exerted more influence on the human mind and on the social system, than all the other books put together ? Whence comes it that this book has achieved such marvelous changes in the opinions of mankind — has banished idol worship — has abolished infanticide — has put down polygamy and divorce — exalted the con- dition of woman — ^raised the standard of pub- lic morality — created for families that blessed thing, a Christian home — and produced its other triumphs by causing benevolent institu- tions, open and expansive, to spring up as with 278 COTTON IS KING. the wand of enchantment? "What sort of a book is this, that even the winds and waves of human passion obey it? What other engine of social improvement has operated so long, and yet lost none of its virtues ? Since it ap- peared, many boasted plans of amelioration have been tried and failed, many codes of jurisprudence have arisen, and run their course, and expired. Empire after empire has been launched upon the tide of time, and gone down, leaving no trace upon the waters. But this book is still going about doing good, leaving with society its holy principles — cheering the sorrowful with its consolation — strengthening the tempted — encouraging the patient — calm- ing the troubled spirit — and smoothing the pillow of death. Can such a book be the off- spring of human genius ? Does not the vast- ness of its effects demonstrate the excellency of the power to be of God ?" The feeling of every true American, on this question, may be thus expressed: "Eather than have my offspring deprived of free access to the fountain of all true morality — rather COTTON IS KING. 279 than see the chiklren of my country deprived of the Bible — I would sacrifice all to prevent such a calamity. With the banishment of the Bible from common schools, farewell to republican- ism; farewell to morality ; farewell to religion!" It is matter of rejoicing, to all who hold these sentiments, that the work of insti'uction, amoDg the slaves, under the supervision of several of the largest religious denominations in the countiy, is progressing, slowly, it may be, but successfully. The Bible is among the slaves as well as the masters. The presence of the missionary, engaged in his labor of love, in the midst of the slave population, is an ample demonstration, that the master recog- nizes his slave as an immortal being, with a soul to be saved or lost. With this work of instruction, increased and perpetuated, the slave will one day, reach that point of moral elevation, when his bondage may be safely superseded by freedom. But what of the Free Colored People? Their condition and prospects are before the reader. Their agency in checking emancipa- 280 COTTON IS KING. tion, when it was in successful progress, has become history. Their submission, voluntarily, to become "hewers of wood and drawers of water," is a melancholy fact, visible to all. Whoever projects a practicable scheme of abolition, that will again offer inducements to general emancipation, and hasten the redemp- tion of the colored race, must include in his measures, as the first and radical principle, the elevation of those already free ! Accomplish this, and more than half the work is completed. The theater for such an achievement is not the United States. It is Africa — Liberia. Utopia is not the field — ^it must be abandoned. Chris- tian men at the South, now hesitate to emanci- pate their slaves, and cast them, helpless, upon the frigid charities of the North! But let Africa be once redeemed, let civilization and Christianity spread over a few millions of its population, and the moral effect would be irre- sistible. Every rational objection to emancipa- tion would be at an end. Every Christian mas- ter, as his slaves attained sufficient moral ele- vation, would say to them, "Brothers, go free!" APPENDIX. 282 APPENDIX. Hi o o o I ^ p ^ ^ :^ H O ^ S ^ s ^ . q z P5 o g i O p w O 02 •(f 1 >,"3 03 - — :», 1 1 -d ^ ^ i CS S~'=^ ^^-^ s d S S "^ c~^.l?-^^^ i=t« •g o.=s ?•,, a- s-g^ . ?!« ft Hi "s ■ ^ s a £?^ llll m Hi ijiii of Inventions manufacture of ts to elevate the . ?S-g|-^2a2 3 K >« si tc-'- :s ifU nil mi |g|.- = s's llii . - g 3 d C^b (S^asg '5't^'S' .^^:l 1^1 Ij^il |g" -U2S^ s^i sg^s^ « "" s il! 's ^5 S m ^•|^§ •2-g5oU ^11 ■g 1^-/2 ^i« . «.ld t> se3> ! iO 10 111 :£ is£r-2i- GC i:- i-^ H -H t^ tr- sls^Ci cr- I— 1 t- ct 10 <:c- Ci 00 ^ ;j £ -* jjp-'-' |«S TH r-i tH rH (?^ CO m tH 1:- ^ lOOOOr^TH-H » -* 00 oO ■—I CM CO ^ 10 H <:o 1:- t- ^'i:- 1:- t- 1:- t- 1^- !>• >H r-t T-H rH r-l T— 1 tH rH r-l iH tH tH STATISTICS. 283 .53 = 3 llll ^3g r a -T3^ -O I OC X 5 - x ^ "3 = i § ; t^B go f>3 £ 2 |SSS = >5 =3^ It .s 2^ ^^x 82 OH. IS da .£* =3 = O ^1 s-s j:.2 o S P ^ 00 oo CO o o o o o O CD O O O o T-TcrrcTcr O O 1>- o o o GO 'CO m o CO -n o J;- o -n w ^ lo i:^ O O CO O' ^T ^ O w w -* Ci lO CO oo CO i^-^ tH^ ^ -rti^ ^1^ '^t^^ lO^ -^^1>^ Ci^ O^ CO^ ^^ tH^ CO^ ' oT th" c*^ cT co" o" -rT t-h" go" '^r cT -^^" ccT co" co" THr-lrHC?q'>~jCOCOcqCOrHC<}C. n 284 APPENDIX — TABLE I — Continued. II i 1 = § lis .f i h i " til 111 i^ 11^ 1 Tt 1 i.ii §7 111 HI III :2 S 1 g 1 '.S -a 1 ll 1} 1 a 1 c « ss .S-5. if it i i o s 1 s -s o 03 1 Mil ■SB H oo 2 lis a . iiii 1 PI 2 ^ IIII i p I i 8SS*-" II 5,,, § ^1 §11 ■<0 O IIII 1 «^ CG ll ■si? 2«5 l|| |i|^| t g i III >? O t^ 1 ."'^ nnual n to and O O CO o o O' '^ ~o O "^ o o o O: O O O o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o O^O^GC o^o o c^ o o_o_ o o o o o'o'cTo'o o o ,— ;; o"o"o"o o o o o o £52.1 5 CO O CC o o oocoooooooooo e |£ CO^iO_l>;Ct^iO^ c: cr. CO o CM o CM Ci CM O -^ GO j^ CQ &> ■c § arcrt-^o"i>^r-rGo"o"^-^':cr(?Cco CO CM Oi Ci ir- iN§^ THC^JCq-^CO^COCO 1-1 iO Ci "X) CM rH T-H 3 e|g2 T-(QO(7qioo^ai%-!. .- »- »^ »-> o^ cT o" -+ >o cm" ^-^ cm" o" iC o CM C/D CO lO :o oo •■s"?! s -X) ^- -r-l o -* th <:c cc t- 'M o ■r-l CO 1— Cq c:0 CM ^^i|^.s GO CO O O CO CZD 00 COrHO^OOC^lOOOi-b- Great Imp. of ( earli, 1855, T-H CO ':o cc o CO rH Ci cc -H CO 'M CM ^ CO O CO CO-^iOiOOiOCOiOiO^r^-^CiCO c:. CO io tr- CD OOCiO-HCMCO^iOCOt-COOO -H CM CO ^ -4 H Oi o o o o OOOOOOOt^' T-{ T-i i—i r-K t-t-QOOOGOGOQOQOGOOOOOCOGO oo oo GO oo H tH tH tH T- tH rH tH rH 1-i rH tH tH tH rH rH rH rH STATISTICS 2S5 |:l St. ® 2 ^^■3 o 5 ^w r-, = 3 W ~^ ~"bD 5S Ks 5 5 i-5 ^5§ IJiyisil i •^.2^0^5'^^S -f - ^ > I. = .2 3 a s 3 .^^ •2 S^S-d 11-3 ='S 2 s s - ^ ~ -? "ii -3 "o ccvb SCO — ' g ^ g ro OC DO ic 00 1 1 iiiiil iiiiiiiiiiii ^_ 1 ium i|g||§|s5g|| -=) ^■^^"•-^■■^'s |^.^-.-:-^-^==-c;«^- ll d .d |1|: = = i5,|.. II 1l t2 ID ^^:::;tii' '3^ II If II IS t; <5 ei 2 rr ^ a: :c X X cc o o O O O O O O O CO t- lO iO CO -^ -n -H n -H o o o o o o ^ tH O X) O X 'M o o o o o^o_ O -H O 'M ^ Ci ^ r- 1 'tH 'H ^ t- ^ O »N r~ o o o o'o" O CO 1^ CO Ci Ci lO r^ O t- C^ CI O 'X' O O CO o o o c: t- :m ^d -H CO ..^ c; CO o t- T-^' Ci O 00 ^ o o cc^ GC^ -^^t-^co^ -+^ io CO _ o^ co^ -H^ Ci^ 'n^ :o^ »^ r CO r- T— 1 CO Ci 1^- ^T 'Tl T— IrH-rHT-lTHTHCrqO^CMCMCqcqCOCO O O O O O O O O O' o o o o o o o o o o O O O .O O O O O O O O O O O O O O' o o o^ o, o^ g o ^ o^ o_ o^ o^ o^ o^ o^ o^ o^ o^ o^ o^ o^ o^ o^ cT o" o'~''3 U -m" oo" o ' cT co" o" '^ rH^ co" o" o" o" o" o" t:^ o" O'-H'+icSOrHO-nCi'+lir-COrHOOOO^OOO Oi Oi ■:?q ° o o :n 'n -H lo o CO o Ci — I. — i -H :o t- CO ,p_| ^ ^ ^ —i >-( -_i _( ^ ^ ^ -n 'V, -V, -TT, -V, -VT IC O t- rH rH iH 00 00 00 X) c:> o — J ri CO TtH o to t- X c: o -^ '>T CO — I tH 'Tl ->! 'n :n -M 'M -n 'M 'n 'M CO CO CO CO O0O0X(X)XXC/DXXXXXX s "~". "* '~^ -5 s 5§ ?3 1 2 p5 a ti 1 Pig III ^ S !^ 22 "^1 (S g^ 2 » 3 85"^ t- ^T t- Jr- 1^ ^T -H O t- CO lO O lO GO ^ H Ci -H i e OCiOCOCiT— (OO^ OiOCiiOiOCOOO is^ Ci Ci^OO^iO^.^^'M^O^TH^O^rH ^ CX> O C^ -+1 CM <:0 ^ r^ #N I>r'co"r-T-r-r'>f -trT-T-^rt-^t- CO O 00 Oi -H 'M tH lis rHiocoi-iiO'n'+iO'H CiCOOiOrHl— OCO t-COOCJIOi^Ci'Mtr- 'M o oi lo ':n '^ 1 CO CO >* C5 s~ »-. «-. ^•S S ^i:-co-^iococoo-+i cnco;MI:-i>''*Oio ■^o^S- a)CO'>-l'*CiTH'-tHCOCOC^Oi:--:HrNrHO-|CO •^?l^ C0C0^'*i0^t^i0i01>''XiQ0i0iOQ0OC0 ^^a,6^ T—i e|S2 o 'n 'M ^1 'cc- o O' o o o o o o o o o o s5 p OOiCOiOOOOOOOOO o o o o o O O ^T l:- r-i^O_--H^^"J^<>T^-^^C>T O O O O O O ^.-s.-l. o" t-^ -h" -n" O^ '*'" ~H^ J^ cT -tH" T-^" o o o o o o ••s'ss'l O O cr "^ O 'ti lO CT' Ot» 'r-( O^ c:i O tH CO o o !y.r. O'+lw^'Mt-'MC0C0 0~lt---tiO'^rHOO CO cr cvt r- r^ o J- o !— lo o CO -H -M '> 1 -H CO O :>~l ^r ^c t +1 '-t cc t- o t- 'M '>1 -* O -M O !co ot) CO o-D -H -rjH o -H -+I o o CO CO -+I CO CO CO OT i-H lO cr; 1— CO c: o — ' "M CO -+ ir: CO i^ 00 Ci o fi COCOCOCOCOCO-iH'*^-^'*'*^'*-^^iO t GOGOQOOOaOOOGOGOQOOOQOOOOOGOGOaOOO STATISTICS 287 .23 ill i .t~«^ COp"t=J ^ «?^"-">--' ^U-'O L- U- U- L- U- U-> OCXXOC SCM liiepji i liliHg^l 8 •^r^ssi's^'-i « fl .- "--.■§ s? •itai lbs Un 138, W - , , I , , "o .'^ ■S.I a-,S 0. Stj 1 1 1 1 1 0- ta ^St ■5 ^CO c2g35SS J - S^xxcixSx-^-^-in l-^-^^-^-g-g c: <:r tH 00 CO i^ O^O^CO^tH^^^ t-^o"o^cc"^ CO CC -t- CO OT oq :n 10 ao ^ ,^ ^ r^ ,^ ».s ir- CO T-i t- GO OT tH CO O^rH^Ci 0_ r-^r-^ tH" GO GO -^ 0^ -^ -tH tH 0^0^00 t- tH o"oo"^co"^" Ci 1:- ^ rH O^Ci^CO^ctO^GO^ co't-^co'-t-TirT ^ tH 'Ttl CO -t- CO CO i^ir- J:- tH CM CO -^ 10 10 10 10 10 00 GO O) GO 00 lH tH rH tH tH 3 a-^ ^ .2 O C o 00 S t„ ft- g S S -§ o - il 32.3 I" - S ^ II ^ -IS o ;« O, a, S >> w '^ •- "" S • " "§ § i^" "a S o =^ ■•g J3 't' S 9 ^ « . " g d 5 O ; o 5 2 .2 go . ■" fi I S : d S 2 !> t S 5 3 2 * •i .i i I ^ N 5 .-i i:i g| I 5 S I - 5 -g d !j J g -^ - g -g ^ ■■g . § •« J »- g 2 2 tc ^ -2 ^00 1=^ .s 55 §0-25 -5, "^ssodgjii •|d£S2^« ■« o „- S- . d ^- -, - d ^^ M I- - ^H JS 1= o 1 g ° S^ g .5 i § s'-s i 2 -.2 -LS -2 t« ■^ S 2 - I§ . § «> m d ^1 - id .2 § "3 5 'E d 2 " " - o 2 d o " ,0 "n. o 2 <« » fc. d -000 d o o 3 o ^ — o d .^ M g °- £ =: .2 d - '^ S ^ = 5 = g 2 ^- fl S ^ - - -§ s "r ^ S £ I rt • g o S "■ •- "^ .- o o 2 55 c3 sill H 3 ""So "§ ^ -a -d-1 i SimCoo." i-lOO 288 APPENDIX. K O o ^ K Q to ;?; ^ Q § § O t« <: c Pi « & o O iJ I ^ ^ % >4 CO Ci lO <:d Oi CO '^ o Vi O O rn J:- -+^ CO ^ lO 45 a -r-l OT O O C:^ tH GO o^ .2.2 CO CO lO J^ lO GO iO cnT «f CM O lO Oi T— 1 O O 1:- .2| O^ i>;^ Ci^ 1>^ Ci^ -^^ lO^ C5^ li o oT icT co"i>^ o" c^r co^ '^"S Ci Ci -^ lO CO 00 tH iO Cm o CO c>^ th cq §& '3 t> 1 o o o o o o o ^ o o o o o o o t- S o^ o^ o^ o^ o^ o^ o^ CO s o" cT o" o" o" o" o" '^'^ T3 o o o o o o o -H a"^ " O O O O O O CO tH pl-^ .-..-, .^ .^ .^ r-. «^ ■« a o o o o o o c^ ^ O O ^ O ^ O rH iO -H CO tH C?q rH ^ r. I H 1— tH lO '-H rH J>- ^ -^ O CO J— rM lO 1— 1 GO oq GO^ t- CO^ CO^ O^ GO^ r-l 00. ^ crT crT ^^ rvf ^" ^ ^" icT §s i-- ^+1 '* O QO Ci CO CO Is- o oq c-T^o^io^ tH ;>s co" co' cq'aT © €0 tH •"^ 1 1 1 rN 1 ;::r-r I..O. i , 1 ' c3 , o STATISTICS. 289 ■^ CO O O '^H O^ cc ^ c: o oC' ^ ^ O^ i>^ CO^ t-;^ CC^ "* tH QO lO t- Oi (^T t-^ 00^ '*" <:c" i>^ '^ CO CO co"o" ^ CO ooc/d" o O OD t^ a c3 r:3 o P^ o 25 ^ o li OH o cc o o o o 3 o o O <0 C^ C^' O O' "O C^ 0> 'O o o CO 1:- lo o o -* o o o •-N «- »v ^ r^ .^ «~ »^ o CO 30 c^q o o tc o o o" O C>^ GO t:- O lO X:- o o o ''^t-^CO ^T^Ci^t-;^ o^o^ o roo"Tirc:£roo" 1—1 QcToT t- ■^ CO CO lO 'M tH -tH 1—1 O^ T—i T— 1 1—1 m €^ o^o^ o^ ^ lO iO JO CC' CO GO T-{ T-{ T-{ c: CO lo <:o oo ^, -i^ Ci CO <:o GO , Ci T— i iO CM o -^ CM O^C^ rH^CM^':©^ 1— ! ^ CO t- c^Tt-^ , cxTt-^t-^ c:' O Ct) o iO o 1-1 cq >o O iO 1— I i:^ tH 1-1 -* 'O GO^ ^ co^ 1:- ^ • rH*^ co" cTr-T' o" CO O rH CM 1 ^ 1— 1 — 1 ^ m ^ ^ o 290 APPENDIX. a PS 5 g a ;z; 2 2 a r- 2 "^ :5 o 03 a s ^ « J?; O ^ 'S S H ^2; EH _ a ^ S <= EC H) S O -! I « !2; o s S ■« -' o g J a o. 2 M « o CO Ci o 1— 1 r-t 'M O "JO o cq T^ CO QC O ^ O <^ CO 00 CO o C?^ O CO rH coir- C^ Cn^ GO t-'i-H CO CO oo xo ^ ^ o cq CO ^ GO OO cq 0_CO^ rH ^^"^..^ CO^Tt< CO oTco^co' -^cjooT 1—1 tH Cj T— 1 lO T— 1 lO CO CO tH rH ^ -tH □0 OD -^ V. ^ -J V* IrT - ^ - - ^ vj ^ -rfJ lO O iC t- t- io cc'cT 01 CO iO lO T-H O CO c: T-H O CO Ci co'cTo" Ci -rH rH O^GO OO^ Iff tH" r-< r-i €0 GO o o 00 OO CO GO^QO rH OO Oi o CO CO GO CO en CO CO O t:- ^ 1:- rH CO CO CO ^ ^ CO (D '■+3 o pi ;-( ^- - o O • i o . -^ c;) o f-i i^ A 2W g? O 53 (-H Ph 5 PI . .2 ;::! ^ J'^ rj 03 C3 O '1 g 0^ gg o be- - 02 o o - o ^ o C3 O STATISTICS 291 o « . fe t^ «,- !3 M S < ^ ;p; S g S fe fe o o . sS O 55 g^ fc a % |S ^ H 55 ^ -H S o fi c; E 3 • S a. > •5 cc IH ?S a m ^ 1^ ^ n < r^i H a §i ^' ^ y ^ H -' « ^ CO CI . CJ r-, ^ •^ ^ t- o 00 • to • 0^ • • CO ^^'c^^ cxr<^ '. 0"^ ■<3< i-'^ CI c o « GOO,-! OCJin CC3Cr)< • c-mt; o -* TJ* t- CC t^ CO lO O C3 • ^ • 00 • C^ • CI ^^OJ t-" ^-'' s^^"" m "^ CJCi -^ C -"^ c; X QOr- O ^ r-( t^ 00 CO 00 G^ -o -^ -in o ffj • (^J t- w O^^ co" ' oT-^o"^ (M'^'^t-"^ CD m Ci rH rH '^ cj -^ in ir- ^ n r-l -^ . , © C^-^Oi n ^ cc ^ - ^ 00 ^ -c- t- • cc -c QG .00 OD s" «r ■^ t<"^o — {- --o a -H ^ CTi ^ CI r^ -N X CO tr-! o u- QO t- Ci -^ OC5CI TT- ;ii ^ CO '^ S-2 = r- - 1- C^ • "^ • ■<* c? "n n i"^ CO . . CJ CO . c? O ir. ir^ -^ • CO • 7^ t-_^ . -"^^^ Ci co" n iS 1 TjT ; r- Cf 1 r-T .C^ '. s » a : • g : a V 3 . ! 3 § . 3 S . a < < ■3 : 1 :« 1 -^ ii a • g • 53 "d ^ p- : g :$:^ -«-3 « : a. s ■t^ '. s --s ^ si 1 's ; i^! 1 ^ V eu o o ^s^ O) . cu Id ^ ^ : § fef:^' 'o g • s 'o'T3 -o g • as ^ g S ^is ^■zl '^ § s CD . > 5S ^-^ O (U 03 . > ty « CO w 2 o I- OSS © O rt o vw w TO f^^M STATISTICS. 293 CJO • fOOOO CO CO 00 CJ C CD CO CS 00 00 00 00 (Nt*< r-t Tf CJ «r) !>• . t~ «0 C5 COQOCT CD ^ ;o ooS co«ooo c^ • G^^ t- • CO CO • ■"S* • UO 05^ • 05^ 05 • CO ^"O 1 oo" cf ;5r^ar ^^ cf t^'^00-- 00" TiT I— 1 * t- C5 10 t- c? 00 00 00 Tt< c* uO CO in Tt< C^ cr. t- uo 00 ct t- (?< 0? t^ CJ CO t-: CD ^ 00 CO t^-"* CO ir- r-i CD O I- I- CO 10 00 coco ,-1 1-- Tjt CO 10 -^ 05 -CD O ■!>•„ 00 -o^ •^^ • '^ ^l • R «~^ • ^^ P<^ CO (m" cf ""• crT 05" oT oi '"' 00" r-" cm"'"' 0" I— 1 CD 00 -^ ^ ^^ ^ ^ c; o CO in en oi 00 (7* Tt< 00 CO t- CO t^ r-i I— 1 i-H CD .-H go OCJoi cocoS Tj< 00 uO T}< coo §^.^^ 00 r-( CO 00 ^- Ci CI -CI 1"^; t- UO -co Tti • in e^^S o^co cf ^ cm" t^-'^cT 05"^ in I> '■' lO" "^^ ift O ■<* CO ,-H '^ ^ c^ CO c5 O 05 O 00 CC C5 c ^ »>• cr; CO CO C} CO t^ CD 00 lO CO r^ -rj* ec c^ cr> i?5 -lO CO t- crs OC-O uO ^Oi^ CJ05 t- CDCJO CJ^ • '-' <^ ^'~\ t-^ • ^^ CD .0 QC • rj« t- CO "^ c^ '^ ^ 05"'^ t-" s^s^ ^■^^0 co'^^oo'' r-T-^os*^ CO' CO Ci uO ■^ "^ ^ c^ « ^ t- CO oc t- I^ CJ c? C^ 00 CD l~- -^ ^ c:5 UO 1-H r- 00 Cnr^fO CO 00 r^ C< CO t- 05 ^ CD uO CJ Sg-^cd oco ^ JO • 05 O c3 > o si > CD o s- > o c;i rf 03 294 APPENDIX — TABLE IV — Coiitiiiued. (?? C^Oi OOJQO irt o -?»< 00 f^c? ,_, en ,^ gOCT c< «o ^ CO r-C r- to 1— 1 T}< to CM to oo o •^ • ■r- s T}J g s""g TN ■" ■" CM I-t >-H iTi o ro CS CO C5 (M COOJ tOOJ t- (M CO OirtOO 2 lO t— o CO lO t^ in '^ 05 CO 05 00 05 00 o C£> ift . CO uo • m Ift • O^ C5 CM t^ •O » 00 ■^" '>D __ '"' in -^^t^^ to UO l> in" tc "^o; -^ «> (M to o 1— ( in '=^ *^ oo-ao-n* ^ 'C^ t- 00 CM 05 O (M Ic —1 "* s CI t- o irt o — t^ t^ "^ CM C lO CO t- 00 to i>-_^ ,_ Tf • 00 o 00 C^ CM r-^ 1^^ •^ •o (7^ 2o" ^c; "■ ^ T C CM*" to to" c ^"oT 00 CO ^ CM to t^ CJ lT O GO 00 1^ ~ ~co 1 1 "Tn • o o :o (TO ■^ -^ OO o . ,_H to QO to ^^ to OJ • c to c r— ^ o i-O to QC I— I ???■ «t^ co" »-i CO o" 00 1> i o ;3, ^ C^ ' c c "ol ^tl ' C s J o o s c »- CO C O • t> a • > o S > c > o i: ti- c . > c ec c o r o o n c tj 5 o tJ ed s O rt \- P '- •h C r-i ;- g ;_ ^ C ^-' ^ la 1 ^ h- iCC pC < I— CC ft M a Pm KH 02 ^ >- m STATISTICS. 295 too c?oo oooo rs m oscot^ CC rH • re rr ^ X o . O O X Tj< . . 05 • rj o • • o^ • to S'^ : -^o> •^t-* ^'^ : o' ^co*^ CO ■^ 00 t- "—I Jr- 1— 1 C^ m 05 o t^ X • ^ o>^ 05 05 CO tC<7 t^ . . CO • to «^ -^O-^ <^ 05- CM i-l I— 1 • 00* S^rjT r- G^ t- •^ • r-( r-^Oi^ ^0(M 0?05 05 1 C^ X' "rjt o TJiCDt- to o ro O F-l 1—1 tc -I^ 00 o ^ • Lft Cl • • '^ ■-1 Ci ^-^ 2-1''^ "^ to' ^^- t- "^ t~- ; 05 i>- T}<0 ooxt- 1 iT. Ul rH ITS t- iTi TfX t- 1 TP . Ol •sO • CO ^ ^ "^' ^^- CC ■ X O -Tt 05 1 l-H C5 c^ C^ '^OOS <« o (7< •sS- s ^ — — — — ;- — — — — t^ co" — £ !- £ i- — ;- — — r-i- 1 5 a s g a : ^4 ;_ a a • 1-3 c . •^ * M ' rt . ;5 7i ■ s fj •^ :^ * -< • -«! I M : ^x • 3 •^ :S '^' g :S • fa 3 1^ S3 3 s- § : <1J ,^ o « ; (U o I B3 <1 ) o . c o • oj : ^ o : ^ph :fe = ; ^ • 3 ^32 3 ^1? 'o g 5 ^s? \-»l >is CJ . t >■ Oi . i o i: > O li ? a ) !- > £ cj ' 3 S t> S 3 O O c 3 O O c s ? J o ca - c ■1 1- 55 3 ;. 2 Pt 35 ■1 1- 55 4 ;. 2 Pt 4 h- ;5 3 fi 5531 296 APPENDIX " i S '^ O E S « O a S > P D Oi ^ m _ o (^ O H 12; o pq < O a t3 O o ii H g o" o |> >- o 5£ a H o O H o « ^ <5 « a a >J o H o o p fe B3 Ph ^_ H e o 5 H Ph <^ & H 3 O PJ H H D o a H H C-i H J W o H 1^ o ^ W 5 H g ^ 5^, o n H H ^ « o O O ^ W Ah H « tq d S c^ocoir50500<(M r-^tO GO^CTl ,-H CC CM o^ CO .-T r-T n m -'^ rH to cc (M ^ CO lo — 1 c< en lts Tj*QO OJ CO ,-< (M -^ CO CO 00 C5 00 CM r-i CO O '^ Oi Ci r-( CO CM rH C^ STATISTICS. 297 coo^c^Jc^C5ajOO(7JociO?Qoao(MO rH_ Tj<__ o<^ irt '^t"^ r^^ in r-i__ to o^ i-T r-T cm' i-h'.CM" CO" r-T CV?" r-T c^T "^ S^ Oi r-H I- r^ 05 r-H r-l ^S^S^^U^^Si^SS^Sgg.gSS ^SS^Sq! ^^* c^*cooio*cx)og;5 " § ? be J •ii«Niilsiriliiiji||l||llii 1— T r-T r-T .-T .— r Oj" r-T TtT -^'~ f-T r-T O o cr. ^ C7J re Ol c^ lo O lo r-T (tT r-T C»f r^" CO r-T C^i CX; t— ITS "r-T erf C: to C^ 'Tf u'^ o CO C^ OJ 7} I:- r^ CO ri t- O lO lO Oi lO QC' C£5 CO ,_, (?J ^ ^ Ol -H rHOOCOOOCil^t^a5'^'^COt^l~-(MOOiCOOO -4-05 QO 00 — I t^ QO CO C5— lOiC5CCOl>."^iOC^OO«'— (00(7*00503 COt-COfCOt^C* CO « 00 O CO CO C< CO (7J C73 —I 1-1 Tl< C>i i-t CO t- r-( CO CO CO uoojcot^i— (TtoocoTtosi-o * coroG^t— mojoo I— iC^QOt^rftnOOt^-^COOS rJ^CO-^-^OCOCO CO CO c^ CO CO oi CO CO CM T-H coco CM t- r-lO JO o "be : I Mm APPENDIX. r~ o « >n OOQOiftOJOCJi— itOO t-OroC^c^OJr-i—iOS T*^ vO o OTJOTC^ CO (M 00 CO c= ^ O to (M-^ .-1 ,-(r-((MCO Tf t- CD ,_i iH CJ , i-HOOOQDCOOCOt-rN "^ ^ ^ocjir-t-^cocsto c^ '^ oicico r- r-( Tf Ci as 00 ^ iH ^ 3 O o r/; w a b a "^ 1 3(: J 5C 1^ A^ UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book Is DUE on the last date stamped below. REC'D l^-tJRL NOV 61901 UK 6 1989 BsfiW' ^**"«J9ys| mnum te?7 JRfON "f^l m: i NOV 021982 AUG 5 Olri (&0||> ?5 MAir "M» C.L VlJiRZ2'96 ACNOV04 1996 Q F 449. C46C 1856 3 1158 01228 4088 I s. «>~i PLEA^^ DO NOT REMOVE THIS BOOK GARD^ University Research Library m n