BANCROFT 
 LIBRARY 
 
 4- 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Discovery of America by Christopher Columbus, - - 5 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 "j 
 
 Landing of our Forefathers, 1$ 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 Commencement of hostilities with the natives, - 24 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Invasion of New-York and New-England, and destruction 
 
 of Schenectedy by the French and Indians, 75 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Massacre of the inhabitants of Deerfield, and captivity of the 
 Rev. John Williams and family by the savages, 80 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Of the different tribea of Indians inhabiting the Western 
 country, 95 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Washington's Expedition, and defeat of Gen. Braddock by 
 
 the Indians, 116 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Adventures of Capt. Daniel Boon, comprising an account of 
 the wars with the Indians on the Ohio, from 1769 k> 1782 
 written by himself, 121 
 
81 
 
 iv ~n CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Expedition of Gen. Harmer, and his defeat by the Indians, 134 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Defeat of Gen. St. Clair by the Indians) 138 
 
 Indians defeaitd, - .... ]46 
 
 Defeatjof Majo; M'Mahon, - - 147 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Depredations of the Indians on the frontiers, - 149 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 Defeat of the Indians by Gen. Wayne, - - 166 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Gov. Harrison's engagement with the savages on the Wabash, 172 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Engagement with Indians during the late war with Great 
 
 Britain, - - - - 179 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Creek War, Massacre at Fort Mims, Battle at Talushatches, 
 Tallegada, &c. - - - - - 188 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Creek war continued, Battle at Antosse, Attack upon Camp 
 Defiance, &c. - - - - - 199 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Conclusion of the Creek war, Brilliant Victory at the bend 
 of the Tallapoosa, &c. - 215 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Seminole war, Preliminary Observations, &c. 224 
 
BANCROFT 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 GHAP. I. 
 
 DISCOVERY OP AMERICA, BY CHRIS- 
 TOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 MANKIND owe the discovery of the western world 
 to the gold, the silver, the precious stones, the spices, 
 silks and costly manufactures of the East ; and even 
 these incentives, were for a considerable time, insuf 
 ficient to prompt to the undertaking, although the 
 most skilful navigator of the age proffered to risk his 
 life in the attempt. 
 
 Christopher Columbus, who was destined to the 
 high honour of revealing* a new hemisphere to Euro 
 peans, was by birth a Genoese, who had been early 
 trained to a sea-faring life, and having acquired every 
 branch of knowledge connected with that profession, 
 was no less distinguished by his skill and abilities, 
 than for intrepid and persevering spirit. This man 
 when about forty years of age, had formed the great 
 idea of reaching the East Indies by sailing westward; 
 but as his fortune was very small, and the attempt 
 required very effectual patronage, desirous that his 
 native country should profit by his success, he laid 
 his plan before the senate of Genoa, but the scheme 
 appearing chimerical, it was rejected. He then re 
 paired to the court of Portugal ; and although the 
 Portuguese were at that time distinguished for their 
 commercial spirit, and John II. who then reigned, 
 was a discerning and enterprising prince, yet the 
 prepossessions of the great men in his court, to 
 whom the matter was referred, caused Columbus fi 
 nally to fail in his attempt there also. He next 
 2 
 
6 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 
 
 applied to Ferdinand and Isabella, King and 
 Queen of Arragon and Castile, and at the same time 
 sent his brother Bartholomew (who followed the same 
 profession : and who was well qualified to fill the 
 immediate place under such a leader) to England, 
 to lay the proposal before Henry VII., which, like 
 wise, fortunately for the future well being of the 
 country, met with no success. Many were the years 
 which Christopher Columbus spent in ineffectual at 
 tendance at the Castilian court; the impoverished state 
 into which the finances of the United Kingdoms were 
 reduced, the war with Granada repressing every dis 
 position to attempt great designs ; but the war being 
 at length terminated, the powerful mind of Isabella 
 broke through all obstacles ; she declared herself the 
 patroness of Columbus, whilst her husband Ferdi 
 nand, declining to partake as an adventurer in the 
 voyage, only gave it the sanction of his name. Thus 
 did the superior genius of a woman effect the discov 
 ery of one half of the globe. 
 
 The ships sent on this important search ware only 
 three in number, two of them very small. They had 
 ninety men on board. .Although the expense of the 
 expedition had long, remained the sole ol3stacle to its 
 being undertaken, yet when every thing was provid 
 ed, the cost did not amount to more than 17,7(>0 dol 
 lars, and there were twelve months provision put on 
 board. 
 
 Columbus set sail from port Palos, in the province 
 ef Andalusia, on the 3d of Aug. 1492 ; he proceed 
 ed to the Canary Islands, and from thence directed his 
 course due West m the latitude 28 North. In this 
 course he continued for two months, without falling 
 in with any land, which caused such a spirit of discon 
 tent and mutiny to arise as the superior address and 
 management of the commander became unequal to 
 suppress, although for these qualities he was emin 
 ently distinguished. He was at length reduced to 
 the necessity of entering into a solemn engagement 
 
(? 
 
 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 7 
 
 to abandon the enterprise and return home, if land did 
 not appear in three days. Probably he would -not 
 have been able to retain his people so long from acts 
 of violence and outrage, in pursuing so untried and 
 dreary a course, had they not been sensible that their 
 safety in returning home depended very much on his 
 skill as a navigator in conducting the vessel. 
 
 At length the appearance of land changed their 
 despondency to the most exulting rapture. It was 
 an island abounding with inhabitants, both sexes of 
 which were quite naked ; their manners kind, gentle 
 and unsuspecting. Columbus named it San Salvador. 
 It is one of the clusters which bears the general name 
 of Bahama. It was only 3, 30 min. lat. to the 
 South of the island of Gomora, one of the Canaries, 
 from whence he took his departure. This navigator 
 was still so confirmed in the opinion which he had 
 formed before he undertook the voyage, that he be 
 lieved himself then to be on an island which was sit 
 uated adjacent to the Indies. Proceeding to the 
 South, he saw three other islands which he named 
 St. iViary, of the Conception, Ferdinand and Isabella. 
 At length he. arrived at a very large Island, and as he 
 had taken seven of the natives of San Salvador on 
 board, he learned from them it was called uba, but 
 .he gave it the name of Juanna. He next proceeded 
 to an island which he called Espagnola, in honour of 
 the kingdom by which he was employed, and it still 
 bears the name of Hispaniola. Here he built a fort 
 and formed a small settlement. He then returned 
 home, having on board some of the natives, whom h<* 
 had taken from the different islands. Steering a 
 more southern course, he fell in with some of the 
 Carribee islands, and arrived at the port of Palos on 
 the 15th of March, 1493 ;,having been seven months 
 and el'vejj days on this most important voyage. 
 
 On his arrival letters patent were issued by the 
 king and queen confirming to Columbus, and to h:s 
 hiirs, all the privileges contained in a capitulation 
 
8 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 
 
 which had been executed before his departure, and 
 his family was ennobled. 
 
 Not only the Spaniards, but the other nations of 
 Europe, seem to have adopted the opinion of Colum 
 bus, in considering the countries which he had disco 
 vered as a part of India. Whence Ferdinand and 
 Isabella gave them the name "Indies" in the ratifi 
 cation of their former agreement with Columbus. 
 Even after the error was detected the name was re 
 tained, and the appellation of %< West Indies" is now 
 iven by all Europe to this country, and that of In- 
 ian to the inhabitants. 
 
 Nothing could possibly tend more effectually to 
 rouse every active principle of human nature, than the 
 discoveries which Columbus had made ; no time was 
 therefore lost, nor expense spared, in preparing a 
 fleet of ships, with which this great man should revis 
 it the countries he had made known. Seventeen ships 
 wore got ready in six months, and fifteen hundred 
 persons embarked on board of them, among whom 
 were many of noble families, and who filled hon 
 ourable stations. These engaged in the enterprize 
 from the expectation that the new discovered country 
 was either the Cipango of Marco Paulo, or the Ophir 
 from which Solomon obtaihed his gold and precious 
 merchandize. Ferdinand now desirous of securing 
 what he had before been unwilling to venture for the 
 obtaining, applied to the Pope to be invested with a 
 right in these new discovered countries, as well as to 
 all future discoveries in lhat direction ; but as it was 
 necessary that there should be some favor of reli 
 gion in the business, he founded his plea on a desire 
 of converting the savage natives to the Catholic faith, 
 which plan had its desired effect 
 
 Alexander VI. who then filled the papal chair, it 
 ought to be mentioned, was the most profligate and 
 abandoned of men. Being a native of Arragon,and 
 desirous of conciliating the favour of Ferdinand for 
 the purpose of aggrandizing his family, he readily 
 
DISCOVERY 0V AMERICA- 9 
 
 granted a request, which, at no expense or risk, tend 
 ed to extend the consequence and authority of the 
 papacy ; he therefore bestowed on Ferdinand and 
 Isabella, " all the countries inhabited by infidels, 
 which they had discovered." But as it was necessary 
 to prevent this grant from interfering with one not 
 long before made to the crown of Portugal, he ap 
 pointed that a line supposed to be drawn pole to 
 pole, one hundred miles to the westward of Azores, 
 should serve as a limit between them ; and in the 
 plenitude of his power, conferred all to the east of 
 this imaginary line upon the Portuguese, and all to 
 the west of it upon the Spaniards, 
 
 Columbus set sail on his voyage from the port of 
 Cadiz, on the 25th of September, 1493. When he 
 arrived at Espagniola, he had the affliction to find 
 that all the Spaniards whom he had left there amoun 
 ting to thirty-six in number,had been put to death by 
 the natives, in revenge for the insults and outrages 
 which they had committed. After having traced out 
 the plan of a large plain, near a spacious bay, and 
 given it the name of Isabella, in honour of his 
 patroness, the queen of Castile, and appointed his 
 brother Don Diego to preside, as Deputy Governor in 
 his absence, Columbus, on the 24th of April, 1494, 
 sailed with one ship and two small barks to make fur 
 ther discoveries in those seas. In this voyage he was 
 employed five months, and fell in with many small is 
 lands on the coast of Cuba, but none of any im 
 portance except the island of Jamaica. Soon after 
 his return to Hispaniola, he resolved to make war 
 with the Indians, who according to the Spanish his 
 torians, amounted to 100,000 men. These having 
 experienced every lawless act of violence from their in 
 vaders, were rendered extremely inveterate and 
 thirsted for revenge, a disposition which appears to 
 have been foreign from their natures. Having col 
 lected his full force, he attacked them by night,whilst 
 they were assembled on a wide plain, and obtained a 
 
10 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA 
 
 most decisive victory, without the loss of one man 
 on his part. Beside the effect of cannon and firearms, 
 the noise of which was appalling, and their effect 
 against a numerous body of Indians, closely drawn 
 together in the highest degree destructive, Columbus 
 had brought over with him a small body of cavalry. 
 The Indians who had never before seen su-ch a crea 
 ture, imagined the Spanish horses to be rational be 
 ings, and that each with his rider formed but one ani 
 mal ; they were astonished at their speed, and con 
 sidered their irnpetuousity and strength as irresistible. 
 In this onset they had beside another formidable en- 
 em to terrify and destroy them ; a great number of 
 the largest an'! fiercest species of dogs, which were 
 th-n bred in Europe, had been brought hither, which 
 set on by their weapons, without attempting resis 
 tance, they fled with all the speed which terror could 
 excite. Numbers were slain, and more made prison 
 ers, who were immediately consigned to slavery. 
 
 The character of Columbus stands very high in 
 the estimation of mankind ; he is venerated not only 
 as a man possessing superior fortitude, and such a 
 steady perseverance, as no impediments, dangers or 
 sufferings could shake, but as equally distinguished 
 for piety and virtue. His second son Ferdinand, 
 who wrote the Jife of his father, apologizes for this 
 severity towards the natives, on account of the dis 
 tressed state into which the colony was brought. 
 The change of climate, and the indispensable labours 
 which were required of men unaccustomed to any 
 exertions, had swept away great numbers of the new 
 settlers, and the survivors were declining daily, whilst 
 such was the irreconcileable enmity of the natives, 
 that the most kind and circumspect conduct on the 
 part of the Spaniards, would not have been effectual 
 to regain their good will. This apology seems to 
 have been generally admitted, for all modern writters 
 have bestowed upon the discoverer of the new world 
 the warmest commendations unmixed with censure. 
 
DISCOVERY OP AMERICA, 11 
 
 It is an unpleasant task to derogate from exalted 
 merit and to impute a deliberate plan of cruelty and ex 
 tirpation to a man revered for moral worth ; but al 
 though a pert affectation of novel opinions could only 
 originate in weak minds, and can be countenanced 
 only by such, yet a free and unreserved scrutiny of 
 facts, can alone separate truth from error, and appor 
 tion the just and intrinsic degree of msrit belonging to 
 any character. That Columbus had formed the de 
 sign of waging offensive war against the Indians, and 
 reducing them to slavery, before he entered upon his 
 second voyage, and consequently before he was appri 
 zed of the destruction of the people, which he had 
 left upon the island of Hispaniola, may be inferred 
 from his proceeding himself with such a number of 
 fierce and powerful dogs. 
 
 Having found the natives peaceable and well dis 
 posed, he had no reason to apprehend that they would 
 commence unprovoked hostilities. The cavalry which 
 he took over, whilst it tended to impress those people 
 with the deepest awe and veneration, was fully suffi. 
 cient for the security of the new colony, if the friend 
 ship of the natives had been sincerely meant to be cul 
 tivated by a kind and equitable deportment ; but to 
 treat them as a free people was insonsistent with the 
 views which led to planting a colony ; for as the grand 
 incentive to undertake distant voyages was the hope 
 of acquiring gold, so, as Columbus had seen some 
 worn as ornaments by the natives, and had been in 
 formed that the mountainous parts of the country 
 yielded that precious metals, he had excited expecta 
 tions in his employers, and in the nation at large, 
 which both his interest and ambition compelled him 
 as far as possible to realize. The Spaniards could not 
 obtain gold without the assistance of the natives, and 
 those were constitutionally so indolent that no allure 
 ments of presents or gratification could excite them 
 to labor. To rescue himself therefore from dis 
 grace and to secure further support, he seems dclib- 
 
If DISCOVERT OF AMERICA. 
 
 erately to have devoted a harmless race of mea to 
 slaughter and slavery. Such as survived the mas 
 sacre of that dreadful day and preserved their free 
 dom fled into the mountains and inaccessible parts 
 of the island, which not yielding them sufficient 
 means of subsistence, they were compelled to obtain 
 a portion of food from their cruel pursuers, by pro 
 curing gold dust in order to support life ! a tribute 
 being imposed on them which was rigorously exact 
 ed. Those wretched remaias of a free people, thus 
 driven from fruitfulness to amenity ; compelled to 
 labour for the support of life ; a prey to despon 
 dency, which the recollection of their former happiness 
 sharpened, and which their hopeless situation render 
 ed insupportable, died in great numbers, the innocent 
 but unrevenged victims of European avarice. Such 
 are the facts which have been admitted ; yet, strange 
 contradiction ! Columbus is celebrated for his hu 
 manity and goodness ! But should he not rather be 
 considered as a most consummate dissembler ; pro 
 fessing moderation whilst he meditates subversion; 
 and, like most of the heroes and conquerors whom 
 history records, renouncing every principle of justice 
 and humanity when they stopped the career of his 
 ambition ! Ferdinand Columbus, his soon and biogra 
 pher, has, with great address, covered the shame of 
 his father, whilst the admiring world has been little 
 disposed to censure a man, the splendor of whose ac 
 tions so powerfully fascinates and dazzles. 
 
CHA*. It. 
 LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 
 
 The English, conducted by John Cabot, in the 
 year 1497, found the way to North America soon af 
 ter Columbus had successfully crossed the Atlantic ; 
 but as the torrents in that country brought down no 
 gold, and the Indians were not bedecked with any 
 costly ornaments, no attempts were made to explore 
 the country for a century after its discovery. Sir 
 Francis Drake, who traversed the whole circumfer 
 ence of the globe in one voyage, and in one ship, 
 which had never been achieved before, when after 
 ward annoying the Spaniards in the West Indies, and 
 on the main, gained some knowledge of the eastern 
 shore of the northern continent, as he had before of 
 the western parts about the same parrallel. Sir 
 Walter Raleigh, however, was the first navigator who 
 explored the coast, bestowed on it a name, and at* 
 tempted to settle a colony. 
 
 At that time colonization made no part of the sys 
 tem of government, so that there were few stimulants 
 to abandon a native soil for the purpose of seeking 
 possessions in another hemisphere. At length a pow 
 erful incentive arose, stronger than the influence of 
 kings, than the love of ^ase, than the dread of mis 
 ery. Religion, which haid long been converted into 
 the most powerful engine which human subtlety ever 
 made use of to subjugate tiie mass of mankind, no 
 sooner ceased to be perverted, than by its own 
 proper force it compel^ large bodies of people to 
 renounce every present ejsjoyment, the instinctive 
 k>Veofa native soil, faqted' habits, and dearest oon 
 3 
 
14 LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 
 
 nexions, and to settle in the dreary wilds of a far dis 
 tant continent. 
 
 When England, by a very singular concurrence of 
 circumstances, threw off the papal yoke, state policy 
 so predominated in the measure, that the consciences 
 of men were still required to bend to the discipline, 
 conform to the ceremonials, and to assent to the doc 
 trines which the government powers established. Al 
 though a dissent from the church of Rome was con 
 sidered as meritorious, yet a dissent from the 
 church of England was held to be heretical, and an 
 offence to be punished by the civil magistrate. The 
 human mind somewhat awakened from a suspension 
 of its powers by a Wickliffe, further enlightened by 
 an Erasmus and Melanthon, and at length called 
 forth into energy by the collision of those two ar 
 dent and daring spirits, Luther and Calvin, then 
 began to bend all its attention towards religious in 
 quiries ; and exercised all its powers in such pur 
 suits. Hence arose a vast diversity of opinions, 
 which gave rise to numerous sects and denomina 
 tions of Christians : but as the Protestant estab- 
 ment in England held it essential to preserve a unity 
 of faith, those novel opinions obtained no more 
 quarter there than under papal power. 
 
 In the year 1610, a company of the persecuted 
 religionists, composing the church of a Mr. Robin 
 son, having previously determined to move to a 
 country where they might be enabled to worship 
 God, agreeable to the dictates of their consciences, 
 emigrated to Holland, and settled in the city of Ley- 
 den ; where they continued to reside until the year 
 1620. Although the ecclesiastical laws of Holland 
 did not at this sanction or condemn the principles of 
 any particular sect of Christians, yet great were the 
 disadvantages under which the emigrants labored ; 
 for notwithstanding the Dutch gave them a welcome 
 reception, and manifested a disposition to treat them 
 \vith great respect; they never could be prevailed 
 
LANDING OF OUH FOREFATHERS. IS 
 
 upon by the former to conform to their mode of wor 
 ship, or to renounce principles which the English 
 conceived destructive to moral society ; nor did the 
 emigrants here succeed in other respects agreeahle to 
 their views. So far from increasing their little flock 
 they found that in the course of ten years they had 
 experienced a diminution of more than one half their 
 original number ; many in consequence of the impov- 
 ished state of the country,had spent their estates and 
 returned to England. Hence it was that the remain 
 ing few formed the determination of attempting once 
 more to seek a country better adapted to their pious 
 purposes, and such as would promise a more fruitful 
 abode to their offspring. To some the unexplored parts 
 of America was proposed, and after a day or two set 
 apart for solemn humiliation and praise to Almighty 
 God, it was resolved that a part of the church should 
 first emigrate to America, and if there meeting with 
 favorable reception, should prepare an abode for tha 
 remainder. 
 
 They easily obtained a royal grant of a very ex 
 tensive tract of land (now called New-England) 
 whither they intended to repair, not to amass wealth 
 or to exterminate the inhabitants, but to subsist by 
 industry, to purchase security by honorable inter 
 course with the natives, and to acquire strength un 
 der the auspices of freedom. 
 
 They made purchase of two small ships, and on the 
 5th August,I6k), having repaired to Plymouth, Eng. 
 for the purpose, were in readiness to embark ; pre 
 vious to which, they were very affectionately address 
 ed by their pious pastor, Dr. Robinson, who in fer 
 vent prayer commended them all to the holy keeping 
 of Him, who rules the destinies of all men. 
 
 At 11, A. M. with a fair wind, they set sail and bid 
 adieu forever to their native country. Nothing ma 
 terial occurred to obstruct them until the 25th, when 
 they experienced a tremendous gale, which threaten 
 ed them with instant destruction ! for three days sue- 
 
16 LA1VD1KG OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 
 
 cessivcly were tossed about at the mercy of the waves 
 The ships were, however, enabled to keep company 
 until the storm had somewhat abated, when those on 
 board one of them conceived their vessel no longer 
 sea- worthy, abandoned her, and were received on 
 board the other. 
 
 On the 10th November, they to their inexpressible 
 joy, discovered land, which proved to be that of Cape 
 Cod, where they with much difficulty the day follow 
 ing succeeding in landing. As soon as on shore, they 
 fell on their knees and returned thanks to the Al 
 mighty for enabling them to reach in safety their place 
 of destination. But although they had thus far suc 
 ceeded in their views, although they had been enabled 
 to flee from persecution, to cross a wide and boister 
 ous ocean, what was their situation now ! Sojourn- 
 ers in a foreign land ! Traversing the broken un- 
 wrought shores of a wild and unexplored country ! 
 They found here no friends to welcome, or house to 
 shelter them from the inclemency of an approaching 
 winter ; on one side they beheld nought but a hideous 
 and desolate wilderness, the habitation of wild and 
 ferocious animals, and probably the abode of a race 
 of beings not less wild and unmerciful ! On the 
 other, the briny ocean foaming, and with tremend 
 ous roar dashing against the huge and projecting 
 rocks, which as lar as the eye could perceive, marked 
 the sea beaten shores. 
 
 After succeeding, with much difficulty^ discover 
 ing a harbor in which their ship could ride with safe 
 ty, they made choice of ten of the most resolute of 
 their number to explore the adjacent country, and 
 discover, if possible, a more convenient place for their 
 future abode ; who on the morning of the 16th, pro 
 vided with a musket each, set out for this purpose. 
 They had not penetrated the woods above three miles, 
 when they discovered five of the natives, which were 
 the first seen by them since their arrival. They were 
 clothed with the skins of animals, and armed with 
 bows and arrows. The English, with signs of friend- 
 
LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 17 
 
 ship, made toward them but were no sooner discover 
 ed by the savages, than they, with a terrible yell fled 
 with the greatest precipitation. Night approaching, 
 the English erected a temporary encampment, and 
 after placing their sentinels, retired to rest. Eai*ly 
 the ensuing morning they continued their journey, 
 following for a considerable distance the tracks of the 
 five Indians above mentioned, in hopes, thereby to 
 discover their habitations, and obtain therefrom a fresh 
 supply of provisions, of which they were much in 
 want; but in this they did not fully succeed. At 
 about noon they arrived at an extensive plat of clear 
 ground, near which they discovered a pond of fresh 
 water, and several hillocks of raised earth, which 
 they conjectured to be the graves of the Indians. 
 Proceeding a little farther west they discovered a 
 large quantity of stubble, which they imagined to be 
 that of some kind of grain peculiar to the country ; 
 they also discovered a spot where they suspected an 
 Indian hut had recently stood, as they found near by 
 some planks curiously wrought, and a small earthern 
 pot. Proceeding still farther they discovered a num 
 ber more of the little hillocks of broken ground as 
 above described, and which they now began to sus 
 pect to be the place of deposit of something more 
 than the dead ! Curiosity leading them to examine 
 more closely one of these, they to their great surprise 
 found it to contain a large quantity of the Indian grain 
 (corn) above mentioned 1 It was still in the ear, and 
 excited to no small degree the curiosity of the En 
 glish, as they had never seen any thing of the kind. 
 By a few of the company the discovery was deemed 
 of importance, but by others, who had attempted to 
 eat of the corn in its raw state, it was pronounced in 
 different food of little value ! They, however, con 
 cluded it best to return and make known the discove 
 ry to their brethren. 
 
 Having succeeded with some difficulty in reaching 
 the place from which they started, they were met by 
 those whom thev had left behind with the most un- 
 
IS LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHES- 
 
 speakable joy and satisfaction, to whom they ex 
 hibited a specimen of the grain which they had found, 
 and recommended the spot from which it was procur 
 ed, as the most convenient and suitable at which to 
 abide for the approaching winter. The company ac 
 cordingly, on the 25th, proceeded for and in safety 
 reached the place above mentioned, with which being 
 so much pleased, they termed New Plymouth, in re 
 membrance of the port at which they last embarked 
 in Europe. Here they concluded to abide until such 
 time as further discoveries could be made. They e- 
 reeled a few temporary huts, sufficient to shelter them 
 from the weather, and soon after by mutual consent 
 entered into a solemn combination, as a body politic ; 
 and on the 10th December, assembled to form them 
 selves such a government and laws, as they 
 should deem the most just and equitable ; previous to 
 which, the following instrument was drawn up, which 
 being first read, and assented to by the company, re 
 ceived their signatures, to wit : 
 
 Ci In the name of God, amen. We, whose names 
 are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sov 
 ereign, King James, by the grace of God, King of 
 Great Britain, France and Ireland, -md Defender of 
 the Faith, &,c. having undertaken for the glory of 
 God, advancement of the Christian faith, and honor 
 of our king and country, a voyage to plant the first 
 colony in the north parts of America, do by these 
 presents solemnly and mutually in the presence of 
 God- and one another, covenant and combine our 
 selves together into a civil body politic for our own 
 convenience and the preservation of the ends afore 
 said ; and by virtue hereof, do enact, constitute and 
 frame such just and equal laws, and ordinances, acts, 
 constitutions and officers, from time to time, as shall 
 be thought most convenient for the general good of 
 the colony, unto which we promise all due submis 
 sion and obedience. In witness whereof we have 
 hereunto subscribed our names, at New Plymouth, 
 on the 10th day of December, A I> 
 
LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS 
 
 19 
 
 John Carver, 
 William Bradford, 
 Edward Winslow, 
 William Brewster, 
 Isaac Allerton, 
 Miles Standish, 
 Joseph Fletcher, 
 John Goodman, 
 Samuel Fuller, 
 Christopher Martin, 
 William White, 
 Richard Warren, 
 John Howland, 
 Stephen Hopkins, 
 Digery Priest, 
 Thomas Williams, 
 Gilbert Winslow, 
 Edmund Morgeson, 
 Peter Brown, 
 
 John Alden, 
 John Turner, 
 Francis Eaton, 
 James Chilton, 
 John Craxston, 
 John Billington, 
 Richard Bitteridge. 
 George Soule, 
 Edward Tilley, 
 John Tilley, " 
 Thomas Rogers, 
 Thomas Tinkej-, 
 John Ridgdale, 
 Edward Fuller, 
 Richard Clarke, 
 Richard Gardner, 
 John Allerton, 
 Thomas English, 
 Edward Leister. 
 
 The company next proceeded by ballot to the choice 
 of a Governor, and on counting the votes it appear 
 ed that John Carver had the greatest number, and 
 was declared chosen for one year. 
 
 On the 19th, Dec., Mrs. Susannah White, the 
 wife of Wm. White, was delivered of a son, which 
 was the first born of the English in New-England. 
 
 On the 21st of the same month it was agreed by the 
 company to despatch a second exploring party by wa 
 ter, to make, if possible, further discoveries. The per 
 sons selected for this purpose were Governor Carver, 
 Messrs. Bradford, Winslow,Standish, Howland, War 
 ren, Hopkins, A llerton,Tilley,Clarke,Tinker, Turner 
 and Brown. They embarked at 10, A. M. with a view 
 of circumnavigating the deep bay of Cape Cod. On 
 the morning of the 23d they discovered a large party 
 of the natives on shore, who were employed in cutting 
 up a fish resembling a grampus. By the order of Gov. 
 Carver,, the English made immediately for the shore 
 
tO LANDING OF OUi: FOREFATHERS. 
 
 but wfre no sooner discovered by the Indian?, ihau 
 they, with a yell peculiar to savages, deserted their 
 fish and (led with precipitancy ! the English landed 
 and took possession of the fish, which having en 
 kindled ?i fire, they cooked and found to be excellent 
 food. They concluded to continue encamped here 
 through the night, and while employed (a few rods 
 from their boat in which their arms were deposited) 
 in erecting a temporary dwelling for the purpose 
 they were suddenly attacked by a large party of the 
 natives, who discharged a shower of arrows among 
 them. The English, nearly panic struck at so sud 
 den and unexpected an onset, were on the eve of re 
 treating to their boat, when they were reminded by 
 their governor, (a brave and experienced man) of the 
 importance of facing the enemy, and maintaining 
 their ground, as a precipitate flight might prove 
 their total destruction. In the mean time two or 
 three of the company were dispatched for their arras 
 and having obtained them, the whole were ordered 
 to form a close body, and proceed with moderate 
 pace for the boat, and if hard pushed by the natives 
 to face about and give them the contents of their 
 muskets. The Indians perceiving the English re 
 tiring, rushed from their strong coverts, and were on 
 the point of attacking them in the rear with clubs, 
 hatchets, stones #c. when they received the fire of 
 the latter, which brought three or four of them to 
 the ground. The Indians halted, viewed for a few 
 moments, with marks of astonishment and surprise, 
 their wounded brethren, and then with one general 
 united yell, which probably might have been heard 
 to the distance of three miles, fled in every direction! 
 This was the first engagement between the English 
 and natives in New-England, and probably for the 
 first time that the latter had ever heard the report of 
 a musket. 
 
 The English embarked and returned immediately 
 to New Plymouth, having been absent four days. 
 
LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 21 
 
 without making any important v discoveries. The 
 company despairing of making any discovery of im 
 portance during the winter, concluded to remain at 
 their winter quarters until the spring ensuing. The 
 winter proved an uncommonly tedious one, during 
 which a great proportion of the company sickened 
 and died ! Unaccustomed to hardship, and deprived of 
 many of the necessaries of life, they fell victims to 
 the inclemency of the season. Being thus reduced 
 to a very small number, they would have fallen a ve 
 ry easy prey to the savages, had the latter, relying 
 on the superiority of their strength, attacked them, 
 but the natives having by bitter experience learned 
 the effects of their fire arms, although they were dai 
 ly seen by the English at a distance, not one of them 
 could be prevailed upon to approach them within 
 gun shot, until about the 20th March, 1621, when to 
 their great surprise an Indian came boldly up to 
 them and addressed them in broken English ! He 
 informed them that he belonged to an eastern part of 
 the country, and was acquainted with a number of 
 their countrymen, who came frequently there to pro 
 cure fish, and of whom he learned to speak their lan 
 guage. 
 
 This Indian proved very serviceable to the compa 
 ny in supplying them with provisions ; in acquainting 
 them with the state of the country, the number and 
 strength of the natives, and the name of their chief 
 sachem, to whom the land which they improved be 
 longed. The Indian being dismissed with many pre 
 sents and friendly assurances, the day following re 
 turned accompanied by the grand sachem (Massasoit) 
 and a number of his chief men, to whom the English 
 gave a welcome reception, presenting them with 
 many trinkets which the natives esteemed of great 
 value. With Massasoit a treaty was proposed and 
 concluded the day following, in which it was stipula 
 ted that the English and natives were to live amica 
 bly together, and that the latter were to furnish the, 
 4 
 
22 LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 
 
 former with provision, and to receive pay therefor 
 such articles as the former were willing to part \vith ; 
 which terms both parties continued ever after faithful 
 to fulfil. 
 
 In May, 1621, the English planted their first corn 
 in New-England. In July following their worthy 
 Governor sickened and died ! His death was great 
 ly lamented by those of the company who survived 
 him, and by whom he was interred with all possible 
 solemnity. His loving consort survived him but a few 
 weeks. In August the company made choice of Mr. 
 Willian? Bradford to fill up the vacancy occasioned by 
 the death of Gov. Carver. 
 
 New-England from this time began to be rapidly 
 peopled by the Europeans. So great was the em 
 igration from the mother country, that in less than 
 six years from the time that the first adventurers land 
 ed at New Plymouth, there were seven considerable 
 towns built and settled in Massachusetts. 
 
 In the summer of 1627 Mr. Endicott, one of the 
 original planters, was sent over to begin the planta 
 tion at Naumkeag, (now Salem.) The June follow 
 ing about 200 persons, furnished with four 
 ministers^ now r came over and joined Mr. Endicott's 
 colony ; and the next year they formed themselves 
 into a regular church. This was the first church 
 gathered in Massachusetts, and the second in New- 
 England. The church at Plymouth had been gath 
 ered eight years before. In 1629, a large embarka 
 tion was projected by the company in England. At 
 the request of a number of respectable gentlemen, 
 most or whom afterwards came over to New-England, 
 the general consent of the company was obtained, 
 that the government should be transferred and set 
 tled in Massachusetts. 
 
 In 1630, seventeen ships from different ports in 
 England, arrived at Massachusetts, with more 
 than 1500 passengers, among whom were many per 
 sons of distinction. Incredible were the hardships 
 
LANDING OP OUR FOREFATHERS. 23 
 
 they endured. Reduced to a scanty pittance of pro 
 visions, and that of a kind to which they had not 
 been accustomed, numbers sickened and died, so that 
 before the end of the year they had lost 200 of their 
 number. About this time settlements were made at 
 Charlestown, Medford, Boston, Dorchester, Cam 
 bridge and Roxbury. 
 
 In the years 1632 and 1633 great additions were 
 made to the colony. Such was the rage for emigra 
 tion to New-England, that the King and counsel 
 thought fit to issue an order February 7, 1633, to 
 prevent it. The order, however was not strictly 
 obeyed. 
 
 In 1635 the foundation of a new colony was laid 
 in Connecticut, adjoining this state. Of this river 
 and the country adjacent Lord Say and Lord Brook 
 were the proprietors , and at the mouth of it a fort 
 by their direction was built, which in honor to them 
 was called Saybrook fort. New-Haven was settled 
 soon after the building of this fort, as was a number 
 of other towns of considerable note in Connecticut. 
 Some difficulty arising among those who first settled 
 at New Plymouth, a part of the inhabitants, to pre 
 vent any serious consequences, removed to a pleas 
 ant and fertile island to the south west of Cape Cod, 
 now called Rhode Island, while others settled at 
 Providence, Warwick, Taunton, &c. Thus it was 
 that in the course of a few years a great part of N. 
 England, which so late was an uncultivated forest, 
 resounding with yells of savages and beasts of prey, 
 became the place of abode of our persecuted fore 
 fathers. 
 
 But this newly settled country was not to be ac 
 quired without bloodshed. The natives, although 
 they at first appeared harmless and well disposed 
 toward the new settlers, from the rapid increase and 
 too frequent aggression of the latter, jealousy of the 
 former was excited, which they soon began more 
 openly to manifest as will appear by what follows 
 
CHAP. III. 
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES 
 WITH THE NATIVES. 
 
 THERE was a tribe of Indians which inhabited the 
 borders of Connecticut river from its mouth to within 
 a few miles of Hartford, called Pequots, a fierce, 
 cruel and warlike tribe, and the inveterate enemies 
 of the whites ; never failing to improve every oppor 
 tunity to exercise toward them the most wanton acts 
 of barbarity. In June, 1634, they treacherously 
 murdered a Capt. Stone and Capt. Norton, who had 
 been long in the habit of visiting them occasionally 
 to trade. In Angust, 1635, they inhumanly murder 
 ed a Mr. Weeks and his whole family, consisting of 
 a wife and 6 children, and soon after murdered the wife 
 and children of a Mr. Williams,residing near Hartford. 
 Finding, however, that by their unprovoked acts of 
 barbarity they had enkindled the resentment of the 
 English ; who aroused to a sense of their danger, 
 were making preparations to exterminate this cruel 
 tribe, the Pequots dispatched messengers with gifts to 
 the governor of the colonies, the Hon. Josiah Win- 
 slow. He being, however, inflexible in his determi 
 nation to revenge the death of his friends, dismissed 
 these messengers without any answer. The Pequots 
 finding the English resolute and determined, and 
 fearing the consequences of their resentment, the 
 second time dispatched messengers with a large quan 
 tity of wampum, (Indian money) as a present to the 
 governor and council ; with whom the latter had a 
 considerable conference, and at length concluded a 
 peace on the following terms ; 
 
INDIAN WARS. 
 
 25 
 
 ARTICLES. 
 
 I. The Pequots shall deliver up to the English 
 those of their tribe that are guilty of the deaths of 
 their countrymen. 
 
 II. The Pequots shall relinquish to the English 
 all their right and title to the lands lying within the 
 colony of Connecticut. 
 
 III. The English if disposed to trade with the 
 Pequots, shall be treated as friends. 
 
 To these articles the Pequots readily agreed, and 
 promised faithfully to adhere, and at the same time 
 expressed a desire to make peace with the Narra- 
 gansett Indians, with whom they were then at war. 
 
 Soon after the conclusion of peace with the Pe 
 quots, the English, to put their fair promises to the 
 test, sent a small boat into the river, on the borders 
 of which they resided, with the pretence of trade ; 
 but so great was the treachery of the natives, that 
 after succeeding by fair promises in enticing the crew 
 of the boat on shore, they were by them inhumanly 
 murdered. 
 
 The Pequots despairing of again deceiving the 
 English in the manner they had lately done, now 
 threw off the mask of friendship, and avowing them 
 selves the natural enemies of the English, commen 
 ced open hostilities against them, and barbarously 
 murdering all that were so unfortunate as to fall into 
 their hands. A few families were at this time set 
 tled at or near Weathersfield, Con. the whole of 
 whom were carried away captives by them. Two 
 girls, the daughters of Mr. Gibbons, of Hartford, 
 were in the most brutal manner put to death. After 
 gashing their flesh with their knives, the Indians 
 filled their wounds with hot embers, in the meantime 
 mimicking their dying groans. 
 
 The Pequots encouraged by the trifling resistance 
 made by the English to their wanton acts of barbar 
 ity, on the 20th June, 1636, beseiged fort Saybrook, 
 in which there were about twenty men stationed 
 
26 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 The Indians were to the number of about one hun 
 dred and fifty. They surrounded and furiously at 
 tacked the fort at midnight, and horribly yelling and 
 mimicking the dying groans of such as had fallen 
 victims to their barbarity ; but the English being 
 fortunately provided with a piece or two of cannon, 
 caused their savage enemies to groan in reality, who 
 after receiving two or three deadly fires from the 
 beseiged, retreated, leaving behind them, dead or 
 mortally wounded, about twenty of their number. 
 The English sustained no loss in the attack. 
 
 The Governor and council of Massachusetts colo 
 ny, alarmed at the bold and daring conduct of the 
 Pequots, and on the 20th of August despatched 
 Capt. Endicott, of Salem, with ninety men to avenge 
 the murders committed by them unless they should 
 consent to deliver up the murderers, and make rep 
 aration for the injuries the English had sustained. 
 Capt. Endicott, was directed to proceed first to Block 
 Island, then inhabited by the Pequots; put the men 
 to the sword and take possession of the Island. The 
 women and children were spared. Thence he was 
 to proceed to the Pequot country, demand the mur 
 ders of the English, a thousand fathom of wampum 
 and a number of their children as hostages, 
 
 Capt. Endicot sailed from Boston on the morning 
 of the 20th. When he arrived at Block Island, about 
 sixty Indians appeared on the shore and opposed his 
 landing. His men soon however effected a landing, 
 and after a little skirmishing drove the Indians into 
 the wood where they could not be found. 
 
 The English continued two or three days on the 
 island, in which time they destroyed 100 wigwams, 
 and about 50 canoes, when they proceeded for the 
 Pequot country. When they arrived in Pequot har 
 bor, Capt. Kndicott acquainted the enemy with his 
 designs and determination to avenge the cruelties 
 practised upon his countrymen. In a few moments 
 nearly 500 of the enemy collected on the shores ;~ 
 but as soon as they were made acquainted with the 
 
INDIAN WARS. 21 
 
 hostile views of the English, they hastily withdrew, 
 and secreted themselves in swamps and ledges inac 
 cessible to the troops. Capt. Endicott landed his 
 men on both sides the harbor, burnt their wigwams, 
 and destroyed their canoes, and killed an Indian or 
 two, and then returned to Boston ! Enough indeed 
 had been done to exasperate but nothing to subdue 
 a warlike enemy. Sasacus,' chief of the Pequots and 
 his captains, were men of great and independent spir 
 its : they had conquered and governed the jnations 
 around them without control ; they viewed the Eng 
 lish as strangers and mere intruders, who had no 
 right to the country nor to control its original propri 
 etors. Independent princes and sovereigns, they 
 had made settlements at Connecticut without their 
 consent, and brought home the Indian kings whom 
 they had conquered, and restored them their author 
 ity and lands. They had built a fort, and were 
 making a settlement without their approbation in 
 their very neighborhood. Indeed they had now pro 
 ceeded to attack and ravage the country. The Pe 
 quots in consequence breathed nothing but war and 
 revenge : they were determined to extirpate, or 
 drive all the English from New-England. For this 
 purpose they conceived the plan of uniting the in- 
 dians generally against them ; they spared no art 
 nor pains to make peace with the Narragansetts, 
 and to engage them in the war against the English, 
 to whom they represented that they were bad men, 
 and the natural enemies of the natives, and who also 
 were foreigners, overspreading the country, and de 
 priving the original inhabitants of their ancient 
 rights and possessions ; that unless effectual means 
 were immediately provided to prevent it, they would 
 soon dispossess the original proprietors, and become 
 the lords of the continent. They insisted that by a 
 general combination they could either destroy or 
 drive them from the country ; that there would be 
 no necessity of coming to open battles ; that by kill 
 ing their cattle, firing their houses, laying ambushes 
 on their roads, in their fields, and wherever they 
 
2S INDIAN WARS. 
 
 / 
 
 could surprise and destroy them, they might accom 
 plish their object ; they represented that if the En 
 glish should effect the destruction of the Pequots, 
 they would also soon destroy the Narragansetts. So 
 just and politic were these representations, that noth 
 ing but that thirst for revenge, which inflames the 
 savage heart, could have resisted their influence. 
 Indeed it is said that for some time the Narragansetts 
 hesitated. 
 
 The governor of the colonies, to prevent an union 
 between these savage nations, and to strengthen the 
 peace between the Narragansett Indians and the 
 colonies, dispatched a messenger to invite Miantin- 
 omi, their chief Sachem to Boston. The invitation 
 was accepted by Miantinomi, and while at Boston, 
 with the governor and council, entered into a treaty, 
 the substance of which was as follows : That 
 there should be a firm peace maintained between the 
 English and Narragansetts, should not harbor the 
 enemies of the English, but deliver up to them such 
 fugitives as should resort to them for safety. The 
 English were to give them notice when they went 
 out against the Pequots, and the Narragansetts were 
 to furnish them with guides. 
 
 In February, 1637, the English in Connecticut col 
 ony, represented to the governor their desire to pro 
 secute more effectually the war with the Pequots, 
 who yet continued to exeicise toward them the most 
 wanton acts of barbarity. They represented that on 
 the I Oth January a boat containing three of their 
 countrymen was attacked by the enemy when pro 
 ceeding down the river. That the English for some 
 time bravely defended themselves, but were over 
 powered by numbers. That the Indians, when they 
 had succeeded in capturing the boats crew ripped 
 them up from the bottom of their bellies to their 
 throats and in like manner split them down their backs 
 and thus mangled, hung them upon the trees by the 
 river side ! They represented that the affairs of Con 
 necticut colony at this moment wore a most gloomy 
 
INDIAN WARS. 29 
 
 aspect ; that they had sustained great losses in cattle 
 and goods the preceding years, but were still more 
 unfortunate the- present : that they could neither 
 hunt or fish or cultivate their fields, nor travel at 
 home or abroad, but at the peril of their lives ; that 
 they were obliged to keep a constant watch by night 
 and day, to go armed to their daily labors, and to the 
 houses of public worship ! And although desirous to 
 prosecute the war more effectually with the common 
 enemy, they were not in a situation to do it 7 and 
 therefore humbly prayed for assistance. 
 
 The report of the horrid and unprovoked cruelties 
 of the Pequots, practiced upon the defenceless in 
 habitants of Connecticut colony, roused the other 
 colonies to the most harmonious and spirited exertions 
 against them. Massachusetts determined to send 
 200 and Plymouth 40 men to assist their unfortunate 
 brethren in prosecuting the war. Captain Patrick 
 with 40 men was sent before the other troops, in order 
 that he might be enabled seasonably to form a junc 
 tion with the troops in Connecticut^ who notwithstand 
 ing their weak and distressed state, engaged to fur 
 nish 90 men. 
 
 On Wednesday, the 10th of May, the Connecticut 
 troops proceeded to fort Saybrook. They Consisted 
 of 90 Englishmen and 70 Mohegan and river Indians* 
 the latter commanded by Lindas, sachem of the Mo- 
 hegans, and the former by Capt. John Mason, who 
 was accompanied by the Rev. Mr. Stone of Hartford, 
 as chaplain. The Mohegans being detached from 
 the English, on their way to Saybrookj fell in with a 
 considerable body of the enemy, whom they defeated. 
 They killed 22 and took 18 of them prisoners. 
 
 Among the prisoners there was one who was re 
 cognized as a perfidious villian ; he had lived in the 
 fort some time before, and well understood their 
 language ; he remained attached to their interest un 
 til the commencement of hostilities with the Pequots, 
 5 
 
30 INDIAN 
 
 when be desn (<<! (he garrison and joined the enemy, 
 who he served as a guide, and through whose instiga 
 tion many of the English had been captured and put 
 to death. Uncas and his men insisted upon executing 
 him according to the custom of their ancestors, and 
 the English in the circumstances in which they were, 
 did not judge it prudent to interfere. The Indians 
 enkindled a fire, near which they confined the prison 
 er to a stake, in which situation he remained until his- 
 skin became parched with the heat. The Mohegans 
 then violently tore him limb from limb, barbarously 
 cutting his fiesh in pieces, they handed it round from 
 one to another, eating it while they sung and danced 
 round the fire in a manner peculiar to savages ! The 
 bones and such parts of the unfortunate captive as 
 were not consumed in this dreadful repast, were com 
 mitted to the flames and consumed to ashes. 
 
 On the 19th, Capt. Mason and his men proceeded 
 for Naragansett Bay, at which place they safely ar 
 rived on the 21st. Capt. Mason marched immedi 
 ately to the plantation of Canonicus, a Narragansett 
 sachem, and acquainted him with his designs, and im 
 mediately after dispatched to Miantinomi, to inform 
 him likewise of the expedition. The next day Mi 
 antinomi with his chief counsellors and warriors met 
 the English. Capt. Mason informed him that the 
 cause of his entering his country with an armed force 
 was to revenge the injuries which the Pequots had 
 done to the English, and desired a free passage to 
 their forts which they intended to attack. After a 
 solemn consultation, in the Indian manner, Miantin 
 omi observed that tk he highly approved of the expe 
 dition, and would send men to assist the English, but 
 that they were too few in number to fight the enemy ; 
 that the Pequots were great warriors and rather 
 slighted the English." 
 
 Captain Mason landed his men and mcirched to the 
 plantation of Miantinomi, which by previous agree 
 ment, was to be the place of general rendezvous. In 
 
INDIAN WARS. 31 
 
 the evening an Indian runner arrived with information 
 that Capt* Patrick, with the men under his command 
 had arrived at the plantation of Roger Williams, 
 in Providence, and was desirous that Captain Mason 
 should postpone his march until such time as he 
 could join him. Capt. Mason, after mature delibera 
 tion, determined however not to wait his arrival, 
 although a junction was considered important. His 
 men had been detained much longer than was a- 
 greeable to their wishes, and the Mohegaas appa 
 rently were impatient for battle. The little army, 
 therefore, consisting of 90 Englishmen, 60 Mohegan 
 and river Indians, and about 200 Naragansetts, com- 
 menced their march on the 24th, and in the evening 
 of that day reached Nihantick, which bounded on 
 the couutry of the Pequots. Nihantick was the seat 
 of a Naraganset sachem, who seemed displeased 
 with the expedition, and would not suffer the English 
 to enter his fort. Capt. Mason suspecting the treach 
 ery of this fellow, placed a sentinel at night at the 
 entrance of the fort, determined that as he eould not 
 be permitted to enter, no one should come out to ad 
 vise the enemy of his approach. 
 
 On the morning of the 25th, Capt. Mason was 
 joined by an additional number of Narragansetts and 
 a few of Nihanticks. They formed a circle, and 
 brandishing their scalping knives, made protesta 
 tions how gallantly they would fight, and what num 
 bers they would kill, &c. Capt. Mason had now under 
 his command near 500 Indians, in addition to his for 
 mer force, with whom he early reassumed his march 
 for the head quarters of his enemy. The day pro 
 ved uncommonly warm, and the men through excessive 
 heat and want of provisions, were only enabled by 
 night to reach Paucatuck river ; where the Narra- 
 gansets began to manifest great fear, and to enquire 
 of Capt. Mason his real design. He assured them it 
 was to attack the Pequots in their fort. At which 
 they appeared greatly surprised, and exhibited a dis 
 position to quit the Englk-h and return lipme. 
 
32 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 \Vequasb, a Pequot sachem who had revolted from 
 Sasacus, was the principle guide of the English, and 
 he proved faithful. He gave such information re 
 specting the distance of the forts of the enemy from 
 each other, and the distance they were then from 
 that of the chief sachem's, us induced Capt. Mason 
 to determine to attack the latter, which his guide 
 represented as situated at the head of Mistick river. 
 He found his men so much fatigued by their march 
 through a pathless wilderness, with their provision, 
 arms and arnunition, that this resolution appeared 
 to be absolutely irocessary. The little army accord 
 ingly, on the morning of the 26th, proceeding di 
 rectly for Mistic, and at sun-down penetrated a thick 
 swamp, where, imagining that they could-not be far 
 distant from the fort, they pitched their little camp, 
 between two large rocks, now known by the name 
 of Porter's rocks, situated in Groton. The senti 
 nels, who were considerably advanced in front of the 
 main hody of the English, distinctly heard the ene 
 my singing and dancing throughout the night at their 
 fort. 
 
 The important day was now approaching when the 
 very existence of Connecticut was to be determined 
 by the sword in a single action ! And to be determin 
 ed by the valor of less than a hundred brave men. 
 About two hours before day, the men were aroused 
 from their slumbers by their officers, and after com 
 mending themselves and their cause to the Almighty, 
 proceeded with all possible despatch for the enemy's 
 fort. When within a few rods of the fort, Capt. Ma 
 son sent for Uncas and Wequash, and desired them 
 in their Indian manner to harrangue and prepare 
 their men for the combat. They replied 'that their 
 men were much afraid, and could not be prevailed 
 on to advance any farther !' ( Go then, 1 said Captain 
 Mason, 'and request them not to retire, but to surround 
 the fort at any distance they please, and see what 
 courage Englishmen can display !' The day was now 
 dawning and no time was to be lost. The fort was 
 soon in view.' The soldier pir srH forward ajiima- 
 
INDIAN WARS. 33 
 
 ted by the reflection that it was not for themselves 
 alone that they were to fight, but for their parents, 
 wives ? children and countrymen ! As they approach 
 ed the fort within a short distance, they were discov 
 ered hy a Pequot sentinel, who roared out 'Owanux, 
 Owanux ! 5 (Englishmen, Englishmen !) The troops 
 pressed on, and as the Indians were rallying, poured 
 in upon them the contents of their muskets, and 
 instantly hastening to the principal entrance of the 
 fort, rushed in, sword in hand ! An important mo 
 ment this ! For notwithstanding the blaze and thun 
 der of the arms of the English, the Pequots made a 
 powerful resistance. Sheltered by their .wigwams, 
 and rallied by their sachems and squaws, they de 
 fended themselves, and in some instances attacked 
 the English with a resolution that would have done 
 honor to the Romans, After a bloody and desperate 
 conflict of near two hours continuance, in which 
 hundreds of the Indians were slain, and many of the 
 English killed and wounded, victory still hung in 
 suspense. In this critical state of the action captain 
 Mason had recourse to a successful expedient. Rush 
 ing into a wigwam within the fort, he seized a brand 
 of fire, in the mean time crying out to his men ' we 
 must burn them ! 5 communicated it to the mats with 
 which the wigwams were covered, by which means 
 the whole fort was very soon enwrapt in flames ! As 
 the fire increased, the English retired and formed a 
 circle round the fort. The Mohegans and Narra- 
 gansettSjWho remained idle spectators to the bloody 
 carnage, now mustered courage sufficient to form an 
 other circle in the rear of them. The enemy were 
 now in a deplorable situation. Death inevitable was 
 their portion. Sallying forth from their burning cells, 
 they were shot or cut in pieces by the English. 
 Many of them, perceiving it impossible to escape the 
 vigilance of the troops, threw themselves voluntarily 
 into the flames ! 
 
 The violence of the' flames, the reflection of the 
 light, the clashing and roar of arms, the shrieks and 
 
34 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 yells of the savages in the fort, and the shouting of 
 the friendly Indians without, exhihited a grand and 
 awful scene ! In less than two hours from the com 
 mencement of the bloody action, the English com 
 pleted their work. Eighty wigwams were burnt, 
 and upwards of eight hundred Indians destroyed ! 
 Parents and children, the sanup and the squaw, the 
 aged and the young, perished in promiscuous ruin ! 
 The loss of the English was comparatively trifling, 
 not exceeding 25 killed and wounded. 
 
 After the termination of this severe engagement, 
 as the English were proceeding to embark on board 
 their vessels, which fortunately for them, at this mo 
 ment arrived in the harbor, they were attacked in 
 the rear, by about 300 of the enemy, who had been 
 dispatched from a neighboring fort to assist their 
 brethren. The English gave them so warm a recep 
 tion, that they soon gave way, and fell back to the 
 field of action, where viewing for a few moments, 
 with apparent marks of surprise and horror, the 
 shocking scene which it presented, they stamped, 
 bellowed and with savage rage tore their hair from 
 their heads ! and then with a hideous yell, pursued 
 the English, as if with the determination to avenge 
 the deaths of their friends, even at the expense of 
 their lives. They pursued the English nearly six 
 miles, sometimes shooting at a distance, from behind 
 rocks and trees, and sometimes pressing hard upon 
 them, and hazarding themselves in open field. The 
 English killed numbers of them, but sustained no 
 loss on their part. When a Pequot fell, the Mohe- 
 gans would cry out, 'run and fetch his head !' The 
 enemy finding at length that they discharged arrows 
 in vain, and that the English appeared to be well 
 stocked with ammunition, gave over the pursuit. 
 
 In less than three weeks from the time the English 
 embarked at Saybrook, they returned with the ex 
 ception of a few killed and wounded, in safety to 
 their respective habitations. Few enterprises were 
 ever pernnp* achieved with more personal bravery ; 
 
INDIAN WARS, 35 
 
 in few have so great proportion of the effective men 
 of a whole colony, state or nation, been put to so great 
 and immediate danger ; in few have a people been so 
 deeply and immediately interested, as were the En 
 glish inhabitants of Connecticut at this important cri 
 sis. In these respects, even the great armaments and 
 battles of Europe are comparatively of little impor 
 tance ; and it ought never to be forgotten, that 
 through the bravery and unconquerable resolution of 
 less than one hundred men, Connecticut was once 
 saved, and the most warlike tribe of Indians in New 
 England completely exterminated 
 
 The few Pequots who now remained alive conceiv 
 ing it unsafe to inhabit longer a country so exposed to 
 invasion, removed far to the westward ; among whom 
 was Sasacus, their principal sachem. On the 5th 
 June, the Connecticut troops, under command of Capt, 
 Mason, together with a company from Massachusetts 
 commanded by Capt, Stoughton were sent in pursuit 
 of them. They proceeded westward, and on the 27th 
 fell in with and attacked and defeated a considerable 
 body of them. They took about 50 of them prison 
 ers, among whom were two sachems, whose lives 
 were offered them on condition of their serving as 
 guides to the English. 
 
 The English while on their march frequently fell in 
 with small detached parties of the enemy, whom they 
 captured or destroyed, but could not obtain any infor 
 mation relative to the main body commanded by Sasa- 
 cus. Finding that the two sachem prisoners would not 
 give them the information required, they on the 29th 
 beheaded them at a place called Menunkutch, (now 
 Guilford,) from which circumstance, the place still 
 bears the name of Sachem's head. The English on the 
 30th arrived at Quinnipaik, iiow New-Haven, where 
 they were informed by a friendly Pequot the enemy 
 were encamped in a swamp, a few miles to the west 
 ward. The troops pushed forward, and on the succeed 
 ing day arrived at the border of said swamp, which they 
 found a thicket so extremely boggy as to render it in- 
 
INDIAN WARS. 
 
 accessible to any one but the natives. The English 
 therefore thought it most advisable to surround the 
 swamp and annoy the enemy as an opportunity pre 
 sented. The Indians after a few skirmishes, requested 
 n parley, which being granted them, Thos. Stanton, 
 interpreter to the .English,was sent to treat with them. 
 He was authorized to offer life to such as had not 
 shed the blood of the .English. Upon which, the 
 sachem of the place, together with about 300 of the 
 tribe, came out, and producing satisfactory proof of 
 their innocence, were permitted to retire ; but the 
 Pequots boldly declared that 'they had both shed and 
 drank the blood of Englishmen, and would not upon 
 such terms accept of life,but would fight it out!' The 
 English unwilling to brook the threats and insulting 
 language of the Pequots, attempted now to devise 
 means to attac 1 -: the whole body of them without fur 
 ther delay. The officers were., however, divided in 
 opinion as to the mode of attack. Some were for 
 setting fire to the swamp, others for cutting their way 
 through with hatchets, and others for surrounding 
 it with a high fence or pallisado. Neither of which 
 plans were, hewever, fully adopted. As night ap 
 proached the English cut through a part of the 
 swamp, by which means its circumference was con 
 siderably lessened, and they enabled so completely 
 to surround the enemy as to prevent their escaping 
 during the night. .Early the ensuing morning, the 
 Indians perceiving themselves completely hemmed 
 in by the JEnglish, made a violent attempt to break 
 through their lines ; they were however driven back 
 with great loss. They next attempted to force the 
 line formed by the Connecticut troops, but here they 
 met with a much warmer reception. The contest 
 now became close and severe. The Indians, who 
 were about 600 in number, appeared determined not 
 to yield but at the expense of their lives. One of 
 the most resolute of them, walked boldly up to Capt. 
 Mason, with an uplifted tomahawk, and when about 
 to give the fatal stroke, received a blow from the latter 
 
INDIAN WARS. 37 
 
 who, with his cutlass ; severed the head of the sav 
 age from his body. The enemy soon after made an 
 other attempt to break through the lines of the .En 
 glish, and in which, after a violent struggle, they fi 
 nally succeeded. About 60 of their bravest warriors 
 escaped, the remainder were killed or taken prison 
 ers. The loss of the English was 11 killed and 
 20 wounded. 
 
 The prisoners taken were divided among the troops 
 some of whom were retained by them as servants, and 
 the remainder sent to the West Indies and sold to 
 planters. The prisoners reported the whole tribe of 
 Pequots was now nearly exterminated ; that in dif 
 ferent engagements there had been upwards of 2000 
 of them killed, and 1000 captured, among whom 
 were 13 Sachems ; and that six yet survived of whom 
 one was Sasacus, who had fled with the fragment of 
 his tribe, to a 'country bordering on the Hudson riv 
 er, inhabited by the Mohawks. 
 
 After the swamp fight the Pequots became so weak 
 and scattered that the Mohegans and Narragansetts 
 daily destroyed them, and presented their scalps to the 
 .English. The few that fled with Sasacus to the 
 westward, were totally destroyed by the Mohawks. 
 The scalp of Sasacus was in the fall of 1638 present 
 ed to the Governor and council of Massachusetts. 
 
 Soon after the extermination of the Pequots, the 
 Naragansetts, the most numerous tribe in New-Eng 
 land, being displeased with the small power with 
 which they were vested, and the respect which th& 
 English uniformly manifested for Uncas, appeared 
 disposed to break their treaty of friendship. Mianti- 
 nomi, without consulting the English according ta 
 agreement, without proclaiming war or giving Uncas 
 the least information, raised an army of 1000 men and 
 marched against him. The spies of Uncas discovered 
 the army at some distance and gave him intelligence. 
 He was unprepared, but rallying about 500 of his 
 bravest men, he told them they must by no means 
 suffer Miantinomi to enter their town, but must go 
 6 
 
3S INDIAN WARS 
 
 and give him battle on his way. The Mohegans having 
 marched three or four miles, met the enemy upin an 
 extensive plain. When the armies had advanced 
 within fair bow-shot of each other, Uncas had re 
 course to stratagem, with which he had previously 
 acquainted his warriors. He desired a parley, which 
 being granted, both armies halted in the face of 
 each other. Uncas gallantly advancing in front of 
 his men, addressed Miantinomi to this effect : ' You 
 have a number of stout men with you, so have I with 
 me. It is a great pity that so many brave warriors 
 should be killed in consequence of a misunderstand 
 ing between us two. Come, like a brave man as 
 you profess to be, and let us decide the dispute alone. 
 If you kill me, my men shall be yours ; but if I kill 
 you, your men shall be mine. 5 c No !' (replied Mian 
 tinomi,) my men came to fight, and they shall fight.' 
 Upon which Uncas falling to the ground, his men dis 
 charged a shower of arrows, at a moment's interval, 
 rushing upon them in the most furious manner, with 
 a hideous yell put them to flight. The Mohegans 
 pursued the enemy with the same fury and eager 
 ness with which they commenced the action. The 
 Naragansetts were driven down rocks and precipi 
 ces, and chased like a doe by the huntsman. Many 
 of them, to escape from their pursuers, plunged into 
 a river from rocks of near sixty feet in height. Among 
 others Miantinomi was hard pushed ; some of the 
 most forward of the Mohegans coming up with him, 
 twirled him about and so impeded his flight, that Un 
 cas, their sachem, might alone have the honor of 
 taking him. Uncas, who was a man of great bodily 
 strength, rushing forward like a lion greedy of his 
 prey, seized Miantinomi by the shoulder, and giving 
 the Indian whoop, called up his men who were be 
 hind, to his assistance. The victory was complete. 
 About 50 of the Naragansets were killed, and a much 
 greater number wounded and taken prisoners. Among 
 the latter was a brother of Miantinomi, and two of 
 
INDIAN WARS- 39 
 
 the sons of Canonicus, whom Uncas conducted in 
 triumph to Mohegan. Some few days after, Uncas 
 conducted Miantinomi back to the spot where he 
 was taken for the purpose of putting him to death. 
 At the instant they arrived on the ground an Indian 
 who was ordered to march in the rear for the pur 
 pose, sunk a hatchet in his head and despatched him 
 at a single stroke ! he was probably unacquainted 
 with his fate, and knew not by what means he fell. 
 Uncas cut out a large piece of his shoulder, which 
 he devoured in savage triumph, declaring in the mean 
 time, that it was the sweetest meat he ever eat, it 
 made his heart strong. The Mohegans buried Mi 
 antinomi at the place of his execution, and erected 
 upon his grave a pillar of stones. This memorable 
 event gave this place the name of Sachem's Plains. 
 They are situated in an eastern corner of Norwich. 
 
 The Narragansetts became greatly enraged at the 
 death of their sachem, and sought means to destroy 
 Uncas, whose country they in small parties frequent 
 ly invaded, and by laying- in ambush, cut off a number 
 of his most valuable warriors. As Uncas was the 
 avowed friends of the English, and had in many in 
 stances signalized himself as such, they conceived it 
 their duty to afford him all the protection possible. 
 They dispatched messengers to acquaint the Narra 
 gansetts with their determination, should they con 
 tinue to molest and disturb the repose of the Mohe 
 gans. The messengers of the English met with 
 quite an unfavorable reception, to whom one of the 
 Narraganset sachems declared, that ' he would kill 
 every Englishman or Mohegan that came within his 
 reach, that whoever began the war, he would contin 
 ue it ; and that nothing should satisfy him but the 
 head of Uncas !' 
 
 The .English, irritated'at the provoking language 
 of the Narragansetts, now determined not only to 
 protect Uncas, but to invade their country with an 
 army of 300 men ; first to propose a peace on their 
 own terms, but if rejected to attack and destroy them. 
 
40 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 For this purpose Massachusetts was to furnish 190 
 and Plymouth and Connecticut 55 men each. 
 
 The Narragansetts, learning that an army was 
 about to enter the heart of their country, and fearful 
 of the consequences, dispatched several of their men 
 tto sue for peace on such terms as the -English should 
 be pleased to grant. The governor and council de 
 manded that they should restore to Uncas all the 
 captives and canoes which they had taken from him, 
 and pledge themselves to maintain perpetual peace 
 with the English and their allies ; and to the former 
 to pay an annual tribute of 2000 fathom of wampum. 
 These indeed were hard terms, against which the 
 Naragansetts strongly remonstrated ; but aware that 
 the English had already a considerable force collect 
 ed for the purpose of invading their country, they at 
 length thought it most prudent to acquiesce. 
 
 During the war between the Narragansetts and 
 Uncas, the former once beseiged the fort of the lat 
 ter until his provisions were nearly exhausted, and 
 he found that his men must soon perish either by fam 
 ine or the tomahawk unless speedily relieved. In 
 this crisis he found means of communicating an ac 
 count of his situation to the English scouts, who 
 had been dispatched from the fort in Saybrook to 
 reconnoitre the enemy. Uncas represented the dan- 
 erto which the English would be exposed, if the 
 Naragansetts should succeed in destroying the Mo 
 hegans. It was at this critical junction that the 
 -greatest portion of the English troops in Connecti 
 cut were employed on an expedition abroad ; a Mr. 
 Thomas Leffingwell, however, a bold and enterpris 
 ing man, on learning the situation of Uncas, loaded 
 a canoe with provisions, and under cover-of the night 
 paddled from Saybrook into the river Thames, and 
 had the address to get the whole into the fort. The 
 enemy soon after discovering that Uncas had receiv 
 ed supplies, raised the seige. For this piece of ser- 
 vice Uncas presented said Leffingwell with a deed of 
 
INDIAN WARS. 41 
 
 a very large tract of land, now comprising the whole 
 town of Norwhich. 
 
 The English in New-England now enjoyed a peace 
 until the year 1671, when they again took up arms 
 to revenge the death of one of their countrymen, who 
 had been inhumanly murdered by an Indian belong 
 ing to the Nipnet tribe, of which the celebrated Phil 
 ip, of Mount Hope, now Bristol, was their sachem. It 
 was thought the most prudent step by the Governor 
 and council, first to send to Philip, and acquaint him 
 with the cause of their resentment, and the course 
 which they were determined to pursue, in case he 
 refused to deliver into their hands the murderer. 
 Philip being accordingly sent for and appearing 
 before the court, appeared much dissatisfied with the 
 conduct o4J3e accused, assuring them that no pains 
 should be spared to bring him to justice ; and more 
 fully to confirm his friendship for the English, ex 
 pressed a wish that what he was about to make, might 
 be committed to paper that he and his council might 
 thereunto affix their signatures. The Governor and 
 council in compliance with the request, drew up the 
 following, which, after being signed by Philip and 
 his chief men, was presented to the Governor by 
 Philip, in confirmation of his friendly assurances : 
 
 "Whereas my father, my brother, and myself, have 
 uniformly submitted to the good and wholesome 
 laws of his majesty, the king of England, and have 
 ever respected his faithful subjects, the English, 
 as our friends and brothers, and being still anxious 
 to brighten the chain of friendship between us, we 
 do now embrace this opportunity to pledge ourselves 
 that we will spare no pains in seeking out and bring 
 ing to justice, such of our tribe as shall hereafter 
 commit any outrage against them ; and to remove 
 all suspicion, we voluntarily agree to deliver up to 
 them all the fire arms which they have heretofore 
 kindly presented us with, until such time as they can 
 safely repose confidence in us ; and for the true per- 
 
INDIAN WARS. 
 
 formance of these our sacred promisess, we have here 
 unto set our hands. 
 
 Chief Sachem. 
 Philip's X mark. 
 Chief Men. 
 Porkanoket's X mark. 
 Uncombo's X mark. 
 
 In the presence of the > Samkama's X mark. 
 Governor and Council. ) Wocokom's X mark. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fair promises of Philip, it was 
 soon discovered by the English that he was playing 
 a deep game ; that he was artfully enticing his red 
 brethren throughout the whole of New-England, to 
 rise, en masse, against them, and drive them out 
 of the country. The Naragansetts, for this purpose, 
 had engaged to raise 4000 fighting men. The spring 
 of 1672, was the time agreed upon, on which the 
 grand blow was to be given. The evil intentions 
 of Philip, were first discovered and communicated 
 to the English by a friendly Indian of the Naragan- 
 set tribe. Fortunately for them, this Indian had been 
 taken into favor by the Rev. Mr. Elliot, by whom he 
 had been taught to read and write, and became much 
 attached to the English. The Governor upon re 
 ceiving the important information relative to the hos 
 tile views of Philip, ordered a military watch to be 
 kept upon all the English settlements within the three 
 colonies ; by some of whom it was soon discovered 
 that the report of their Indian friend was too well 
 founded, as the Indians of different tribes were daily 
 seen flocking in great numbers to the head quarters 
 of Philip ; previously sending their wives and child 
 ren to the Na'raganset country, which they had ever 
 done before the commencement of hostilities. 
 
 The inhabitants of Swanzey, a small settlement 
 adjoining Mount Hope, the head-quarters of Phillip, 
 were the first who felt the effects of this war. Philip, 
 encouraged by the numbers who were daily enlisting 
 under his banners, nml despairing of discovering a 
 
INDIAN WARS. 43 
 
 cause that could justify him in commencing of hos 
 tilities against his l friends and brothers,' as he had 
 termed them, resolved to provoke them to war by 
 killing their cattle, firing their barns, &c. This plan 
 had the desired effect, as the inhabitant, determined 
 to save their property or perish in the attempt, fired 
 upon the Indians, which was deemed cause sufficient 
 by the latter to commence their bloody work. The 
 war whoop was immediately thereupon sounded, 
 when the Indians commenced an indiscriminate mur 
 der of the defenceless inhabitants of Swanzey, spar 
 ing not the tender infant at the breast ! but three of 
 seventy eight persons which the town contained, 
 made their escape. Messengers were dispatched with 
 the melancholy tidings of this bloody affair, to the 
 Governor, who by and with the advice and consent 
 of the counsel, despatched a company of militia with 
 all possible speed, to the relief of the distressed in 
 habitant residing near the head-quarters of Philip. 
 As soon as they could be raised, three companies 
 were dispatched under the command of Capts. 
 Henchman, Prentice, and Church, who arrived in 
 the neighbourhood of Swanzey on the 28th June, 
 where they were joined by four more companies 
 from Plymouth colony. It was found that the In 
 dians had pillaged and set fire to the village, and 
 with their booty had retired to Mount Hope. A 
 company of cavalry were sent under the command 
 of Captain Prentice, to reconnoitre them ; but before 
 they arrived at a convenient place for this purpose, 
 they were ambushed and fired upon by the enemy, 
 who killed six of their number and wounded ten. 
 The report of their guns alarming the remaining 
 companies of the English, they hastened to the re 
 lief of the cavalry, who at this moment were com 
 pletely surrounded by about 600 Indians, between 
 whom and the English a warm contest now ensued. 
 The savages fought desperately, and more than once 
 nearly succeeded in overpowering the English ; but 
 very fortunately for the latter, when nearly des 
 pairing of victory, a fresh company of militia from 
 
4i INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Boston arrived ; which flanking the enemy on the 
 right and left, and exposing them to two fires, soon 
 overpowered them and caused them to seek shelter 
 in an adjoining wood, inaccessable to the English. 
 The English had in this severe engagement 42 kil 
 led, and 73 wounded, many of them mortally. The 
 enemy's loss was supposed to be much greater. 
 
 On the 30th Major Savage, who by his excellen 
 cy the Governor had been appointed Commander 
 in Chief of the combined English forces, arrived with 
 an additional company of cavalry, who with the re 
 maining companies the following day commenced 
 their march for Mount Hope, the head-quarters of 
 Philip. On their way, the English were affected 
 with a scene truly distressing. The savages, not 
 content with bathing their tomahawks in the blood 
 of the defenceless inhabitants of Swanzey, had, it 
 was discovered, in many instances detached their 
 limbs from their mangled bodies, and affixed them to 
 poles, which were extended in the air! Among which 
 were discovered the heads of reveral infant children, 
 the whole of them, by order of Major Savage, were 
 collected and buried. 
 
 The English arrived at Mount Hope about sunset ; 
 but the enemy receiving information of their ap 
 proach, had deserted their wigwams and retired 
 into a neighboring wood. Major Savage, to pursue 
 the enemy with success, now devided his men into 
 separate companies, which he ordered to march in 
 different directions, stationing 40 at Mount Hope. 
 On the 4th July, the men under the command of 
 Captains Church and Henchman, fell in with a body 
 of the enemy, to the number of 200, whom they at 
 tacked ; the .English being but 3 in number inclu 
 ding officers. Victory for a considerable length of 
 time appeared in favour of the savages; but very 
 fortunately for the former, being commanded by 
 bold and resolute officers, they defended them 
 selves in the most heroic manner until relieved by 
 a company of cavalry under the command of 
 Captain Prentice. The Indians now in turn, 
 
INDIAN WARS. 45 
 
 finding the fire of the English too warm for them, fled 
 in every direction, leaving 30 of their .number dead 
 and about 60 severely wounded, on the field of action, 
 The English in this engagement had 7 killed and 32 
 wounded, five of whom survived the action but a few 
 hours. 
 
 This action so far from daunting the bold and res 
 olute Capt. Church, seemed to inspire him with ad 
 ditional bravery. Unwilling that any of the enemy 
 should escape, he boldly led his men into an almost 
 impenetrable forest, into which those who survived 
 the action had fled. The Indians perceiving the En 
 glish approaching, concealed themselves from their 
 view by laying flat on their bellies, in which situation 
 they remained concealed until the English had advan 
 ced within a few rods of them, when unperceived, 
 fixing upon his man, discharged a shower of arrows 
 among them. This unexpected check threw the Eng 
 lish into confusion, which the Indians perceiving, rush 
 ed furiously upon them with their knives and toma 
 hawks, shouting horribly ! The English, their cavalry 
 being unable to afford them assistance, were now in 
 a very disagreeable situation, the trees being so very 
 large as to render it difficult to use their fire arms 
 with any effect, and they were very soon so encom 
 passed by the savages, as to render almost every effort 
 to defend themselves useless. Of 64 who entered the 
 swamp, but 1 7 escaped, among whom very fortunate 
 ly was their valuable leader, Capt. Church. 
 
 The English finding that they could neither bring 
 their enemies to action in open field, or engage them 
 with any success in the forest in which they were lodg 
 ed, returned home with the exception of three compa 
 nies, who were stationed by Major Savage, near the 
 borders of a swamp, into which it was strongly sus 
 pected that Philip with a number of his tribe had fled. 
 This swamp was two miles in length, and to the Eng 
 lish inaccessible. Philip, who had been watching the 
 motion of his enemies, perceiving a great prt march 
 off, conjectured that their object was to obtain a rein- 
 7 
 
10 INDIAN WARS, 
 
 forcemcnt. Impressed with this belief, he resolved 
 to improve the first opportunity to escape with a few 
 chosen men, by water, which he with little difficulty 
 effected the succeeding night, taking advantages of 
 a low tide The enemy were soon after their escape, 
 discovered and pursued by the inhabitants of Keho- 
 both, accompanied by a party of the Mohegans, who 
 had volunteered their services against Philip. 
 
 The Rehoboth militia came up with the rear of the 
 enemy about sun-set, ^ and killed 12 of them, without 
 sustaining any loss on their part ; night prevented 
 their engaging the whole force of Philip ; but early 
 the succeeding morning, they continued the pursuit. 
 The Indians had, however fled with such precipitan 
 cy, that it was found impossible to overtake them. 
 They bent their course to the westward, exhorting 
 the different tribes through which they passed, to take 
 up arms against the English. 
 
 The United Colonies became now greatly alarm 
 ed at the hostile views and rapid strides of Philip. 
 The General Court was constantly sitting : and en 
 deavouring to plan means to cut him off before he 
 should have an opportunity to corrupt the minds of 
 too many of his countrymen. 
 
 While the court was thus employed, information 
 was received that Philip had arrived in the neigh 
 borhood of Brookfield, situated about 65 miles from 
 Boston, and that a number of its inhabitants had been 
 inhumanly butchered by his adherents. Orders 
 were immediately thereupon issued for the raising of 
 ten companies of foot and horse, to be despatched to 
 the relief of the unfortunate inhabitants of Brook- 
 field ; but before they could reach that place, Philip 
 and his party had entered the town and indiscrimin 
 ately put to death almost every inhabitant which it 
 contained , the few that escaped, having taken the 
 precaution, previous to the attack, to assemble to 
 gether in one house, which they strongly fortified. 
 This house was furiously attacked by the savages 
 and several times set on fire, and the bcseiged were 
 
INDIAN WARS. 47 
 
 on the point of sui rendering, when Major WilJard 
 happily arrived to their relief. Between the English 
 and the Indians, a desperate engagement now en 
 sued ; the former, by the express command of their 
 officers, gave no quarter, but in a very heroic man 
 ner rushed upon the savages with clubbed muskets. 
 The action continued until near sunset, when the. 
 few Indians that remained alive sought shelter in the 
 neighboring woods. In this engagement the English 
 had 23 killed and 72 wounded. The enemy's loss, 
 was 217 killed, and between 200 and 390 wounded, 
 who by the way of retaliation for their barbarity ex 
 ercised towards the defenceless inhabitants of Brook - 
 field, were immediately put to death ! 
 
 The Governor and Council, on learning the fate of 
 the unfortunate inhabitants of Brookfield, dispatched 
 a reinforcement of three companies of cavalry to 
 Major Wiliard, and ordered the like number to be 
 sent him from Hartford, in Connecticut colony, with 
 which he was directed to pursue Philip with fire and 
 sword, to whatever part of the country he should re 
 sort. 
 
 It being discovered that a part of Philip's forces 
 had fled to Hatfield, two companies of English, under 
 the command of Captains Lothrop and Beers, were 
 sent in pursuit of them, who within about three miles 
 of Hatfield, overtook and attacked them ; but the 
 force of the English being greatly inferior to that 
 of the enemy, the former were defeated and driven 
 back to the main body ; which enabled the enemy, 
 who had in the late engagement been detached from 
 their main-body, to join Philip. On the 13th Sep 
 tember, information was received by Major Willard, 
 that the enemy had successfully attacked and de 
 feated the troops under the command of Captain 
 Lothrop : that they were ambushed and unexpec 
 tedly surrounded by 1000 of the enemy, to whom 
 they all except 3 fell a sacrifice ! The defeat of 
 Captain Lothrop took place in the neighborhood of 
 Deerfield : for the defence of which., there was an 
 
IS INDIAN WARS- 
 
 English garrison which the Indians were about to 
 attack when Major Willard happily arrived ; on the 
 approach of which the Indians fled, 
 
 On the 10th October following, a party of Philip's 
 Indians successfully assaulted the town of Springfield 
 which they pillaged and set fire to, killing about 40 
 of the inhabitants. On the 14th, they assaulted the 
 town of Hatfield, in which two companies, under 
 the command of Capts. Moseley and Appleton, were 
 stationed. The enemy continued the attack about 
 two hours ; when finding the fire of the English too 
 warm for them, they fled, leaving a number of their 
 party behind them dead. 
 
 Philip now finding himself closely pursued by a 
 large and formidable body of the English, deemed it 
 prudent to bend their course towards his old place of 
 residence ; there to remain until the ensuing spring. 
 But the commissioners of the United Colonies, duly 
 reflecting on the deplorable situation of their defence 
 less brethren throughout the country, aware that there 
 were then much greater number of their savage ene 
 mies embodied than at any former period, who, if suf 
 fered peaceably to retire into winter quarters, might 
 prove too powerful for them the spring ensuing, resol 
 ved to attack the whole force under Philip in theii 
 winter encampment ; for the purpose of which every 
 Englishman capable of bearing arms was command 
 ed, by proclamation of the Governor, to hold him 
 self in readiness to march at the shortest notice. The 
 10th of December was the day appointed by the com 
 missioners on which the decisive blow was to be giv 
 en. Six companies were immediately to be raised in 
 Massachusetts, consisting in the whole of 527 mer/ 
 to the command of which were appointed Captains 
 Mosely, Gardener, Davenport, Oliver and Johnson. 
 Five companies were raised in Connecticut, consist 
 ing of 450 men, to the command of which were ap 
 pointed Captains Siely. Mason, Gallop, Watts, and 
 Marshal] : two companies in Plymouth, of 150 men, 
 
INDIAN WARS. 49 
 
 who were commanded by Captains Rice and Gorham. 
 Three Majors of the three respective divisions, were 
 also appointed, to wit : Maj. Appleton, of Mass. Maj. 
 Treat, of Conn, and Maj. Bradford, of Plymouth. 
 The whole force consisting of 1,127 men, were com 
 manded by Maj. Gen. Winslow, late Governor of the 
 Colony. On the 7th Dec. the combined forces 
 commenced their march for the head quarters of the 
 enemy. At this inclement season, it was with the 
 utmost difficulty the troops were enabled to penetrate 
 through a wild and pathless wood. On the morning of 
 the 9th, having travelled all the preceding night, they 
 arrived at the border of an extensive swamp, in 
 which they were informed by their guides, that the 
 enemy were encamped to the number of 4000. The 
 English, after partaking of a little refreshment, 
 formed for battle. Capt. Mosely, and Capt. Daven 
 port, led the van, and Maj. Appleton and Capt. Oli 
 ver brought up the rear of the Mass, forces. Gen. 
 Winslow, with the Plymouth troops, formed the cen 
 tre ; the Conn, troops under the command of their 
 respective captains, together with about 200 of the 
 Mohegans, commanded by Oneco, the son of Uncas, 
 brought up the rear. 
 
 It was discovered by an Indian sent for the purpose, 
 that in the centre of the swamp, they had built a 
 very strong fort, of so wise a construction, that it was 
 with difficulty more than one person could enter it at 
 a time. About 10 o'clock, A. M. the English with 
 the sound of a trumpet, entered the swamp, and when 
 within about 50 rods of their fort, were met and at 
 tacked by the enemy. The Indians in the usual man 
 ner, shouting and howling like beasts of prey, com 
 menced the attack with savage fury ; but with a hid 
 eous noise the English were not intimidated ; charg 
 ing them with great bravery, the enemy were soon 
 glad to seek shelter within the walls of their fort. The 
 English having closely pressed upon the enemy, as 
 they retreated, now found themselves in a very disa- 
 
50 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 greeable situation, exposed to the fire of the Indians, 
 who were covered by a high breastwork, they were 
 not even enabled to act on the defensive. At this 
 critical juncture the lion hearted Oneco, with the as 
 sent of Gen. Winslow, offered to scale the walls of 
 the fort, which being approved of by the English com 
 manders, Oneco, with about 60 picked men, in an 
 instant ascended to the top of the fort ; where having 
 a fair chance at the enemy, they hurled their toma 
 hawks and discharged their arrows with such success 
 among them, as in a very short time to throw them 
 into the utmost confusion. Those who attempted to 
 escape from the fort, were instantly cut in pieces by 
 the troops without. The enemy finding themselves 
 thus hemmed in, attacked on all sides, in the most 
 abject terms begged for quarter, which was denied 
 them by the English. A great proportion of the 
 troops being now mounted on the walls of the fort, 
 they had nothing to do but load and fire ; the enemy 
 being penned up and huddled together in such a man- 
 nor that there was scarcely a shot lost. This bloody 
 contest was of near six hours continuance, when the 
 English perceiving the fort filled with nought but dead 
 or such as were mortally wounded of the enemy, closed 
 the bloody conflict. 
 
 The scene of action at this instant was indeed such 
 as could not fail to shock the stoutest heart. The 
 huge logs, of which the fort was constructed, were 
 completely crimsoned with blood of the enemy, while 
 the surrounding woods resounded with the dying 
 groans of the wounded. The number slain of the 
 enemy in this severe engagement could not be ascer 
 tained ; it was however immense. Of 4000 it was 
 supposed to contain at the commencement of the ac 
 tion, not 200 escaped ! Among whom unfortunately 
 was the treacherous Philip. 
 
 After the close of this desperate action, the troops, 
 having destroyed all in their power, left the enemy's 
 ground and carrying about '300 wounded men, march- 
 
INDIAN WARS. 51 
 
 ed back to the distance of 16 miles to head-quarters. 
 The night proved cold and stormy, the snow fell deep, 
 and it was not until midnight or after that the troops 
 were enabled to reach their place of destination. 
 Many of the wounded, who propably otherwise might 
 have recovered, perished with the cold and inconve 
 nience of a march so fatiguing. 
 
 Although the destruction of so great a number of 
 the enemy was considered of the greatest importance 
 to the English, yet it proved a conquest dearly bought, 
 It was obtained at the expense of the lives of a great 
 number of privates, and a great porportion of their 
 most valuable officers ; among whom were the Cap 
 tains Davenport, Gardener, Johnson, Siely, and Mar 
 shall. 
 
 The courage displayed during the action by every 
 part of the army ; the invincible heroism of the offi 
 cers ; the firmness and resolution of the soldiers, when 
 they saw their captains falling before them ; and the 
 hardships endured before and after the engagement, 
 are hardly credible, and rarely find a parallel in an 
 cient or modern ages. The cold the day preceding 
 the action was extreme, and in the night of which 
 the snow fell so deep as to render it extremely diffi 
 cult for the army to move the succeeding day. Four 
 hundred of the soldiers were so completely frozen as 
 to be unfit for duty ! The Connecticut troops were 
 the most disabled, having endured a tedious march 
 without halting, from Stonington to the place of pub 
 lic rendezvous. They suffered a much greater loss 
 in the action, in proportion to their numbers, than the 
 troops of the other colonies. The bold and intrepid 
 Capt. Mason, who received a fatal wound in the ac 
 tion, of which he died in about three months after, 
 was the first after the Mohegans, to mount the walls 
 of the fort, nor did the troops under his command fail 
 to folio w the noble example. On enumerating the 
 number of slain and wounded, it was found as fol 
 lows : 
 
52 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Of companies commanded by 
 
 Captains Mosely, 10 killed, 40 wounded 
 
 Oliver, 20 48 
 
 Gardener, 1 1 32 
 
 Johnson, 18 38 
 
 Davenport, 15 19 
 
 Gallop, 28 43 
 
 Siely, 32 50 
 
 Watts, J9 33 
 
 Mason, 40 50 
 
 Marshall, 25 37 
 
 Gorham, 30 41 
 
 Sachem Oneco, 51 82 
 
 Total, 299 513 
 
 The loss of the troops from Connecticut was so 
 great, that Major Treat considered it absolutely ne 
 cessary to return immediately home. Such of the 
 wounded as were not able to travel, were put on 
 board a vessel, and conveyed to Stonington. The 
 troops on their return killed and captured about 30 of 
 the enemy. 
 
 The Massachusetts arid Plymouth forces kept the 
 field the greater part of the winter. They ranged 
 the country, took a number of prisoners, destroyed 
 about 3000 wigwams, but achieved nothing brilliant 
 or decisive. 
 
 The Nipnet and Narragansett tribes being by the 
 late action nearly exterminated, the few who surviv 
 ed, by the direction of Philip, fled in small parties to 
 different parts of the country, improving every op 
 portunity that presented to revenge the untimely fate 
 of their brethren. On the 10th February, 1678, 
 about 100 of them surprised the inhabitants of Lan 
 caster, (Mass.) a part of whom, as place of greater 
 safety, had the day previous resorted to the dwelling 
 of the Rev. Mr. Rowland : this however being con- 
 strucoed of dry logs, was set on fire by the Indians, 
 which the unfortunate English within, being unable 
 
INDIAN WARS. 53 
 
 to extinguish, they fell victims to the devouring 
 flames. On 21st, the enemy attacked the inhabitants 
 of Medfield ; 12 of whom they killed, and the re 
 mainder made captive. 
 
 On the 3d March, the Indians still continuing their 
 depredations, two companies of cavalry, under the 
 command of Captain Pierce and Captain Watkins, 
 were ordered out for the purpose of affording pro 
 tection to the defenceless inhabitants of towns most ex 
 posed to their incursions. On the 5th, they marched 
 to Pautuxet, near where there was a considerable 
 body of Indians encamped, whom on the morning of 
 the 6th, they fell in with and attacked. The enemy 
 at first appeared but few in number ; but these were 
 only employed to decoy the English, who on a sud 
 den found themselves surrounded by near 500 Indi 
 ans, who with their tomahawks and scalping knives, 
 rushing furiously upon them, threatened them with 
 instant destruction ! The English, now acting on 
 the defensive, although surrounded by five times 
 their number^ fought with their usual spirit, and 
 were resolved to sell their lives at as dear a rate as 
 possible. They were very soon, however,compelled 
 to yield to the superior force of their savage ene 
 mies. Only five escaped ! This victory, although 
 of considerable importance to the savages, cost them 
 a number of their bravest warriors, 93 of whom were 
 the succeeding day found dead upon the field of ac 
 tion. There were in this engagement about 20 friend 
 ly Indians with the English, who fought like despe 
 radoes. One of them observing Capt. Pierce unable 
 to stand, in consequence of the many wounds he had 
 received, for nearly two hours bravely defended him. 
 When perceiving his own imminent danger, and that 
 he could afford the Captain no farther assistance, by 
 blacking his face as the enemy had done, he escaped 
 unnoticed. 
 
 On the 25th March, a party of Indians attacked 
 and burnt the towns of Weyinouth and Warwick, 
 killing a great number of the inhabitants. On the 
 8 
 
INDIAN WAR?. 
 
 10th April following, they pillaged and burnt Reho- 
 both and Providence. 
 
 On the 1st May, a company of English, and 150 
 Mohegans, under the command of Capt. George Den- 
 nison ; were sent in pursuit of a body of the enemy, 
 commanded by a son of Miantinomi. On the 8th May 
 they met with and attacked them near Groton. The 
 Indians apparently determined on victory or death, 
 displayed an unusual degree of courage ; but the 
 English and Mohegans proved too strong for them ; 
 who, after destroying a greater part with their mus 
 kets and tomahawks, drove the remainder into a 
 neighboring river, where they soon perished. 
 
 On the 23d, Cononchet, sachem of the few scat 
 tered remains of the Narragansetts, proposed to his 
 council that the lands bordering on Connecticut river 
 not inhabited by the English should be by them plan 
 ted with corn, for their future subsistence ; which be 
 ing approved of by the latter, 200 of the Narragan 
 setts were dispatched for this purpose. The Govern 
 or being apprized of their intentions, dispatched 
 three companies of cavalry to intercept them. About 
 100 of the Mohegans, under the command of Oneco, 
 accompanied the English. The enemy were com 
 manded by Cononchet in person, who first proceed 
 ed to Seekonk, to procure seed corn. It was in the 
 neighborhood of this place that they were first met 
 with and engaged by the .English and Mohegans. The 
 enemy, with becoming bravery, for a long time with 
 stood the attack ; but being but poorly provided with 
 weapons, they were at length overpowered and com 
 pelled to yield to the superior po\ver of their enemies. 
 In the midst of the action, Cononchet, fearful of the 
 issue, deserted his men, and attempted to seek shel 
 ter in a neighboring wood ; but being recognized by 
 the Mohegans they pursued him. Concnchet per 
 ceiving himself nearly overtaken by his pursuers, to 
 facilitate his flight, first threw away his blanket, then 
 his silver laced coat, with which he had been pre 
 sented by the .English a few weeks previous ; but 
 
INDIAN WARS. OD 
 
 finding that he could not escape from his pursuers by 
 flight, he plunged into a river where he was even fol 
 lowed by half a dozed resolute Mohegans, who laid 
 hold of him, forced him under water, and there held 
 him until drownded. The loss of the English and 
 Mohegans in this engagement was 12 killed and 21 
 wounded ; that of the enemy was 43 killed and about 
 80 wounded. 
 
 The inhabitants of New London, Norwich and 
 Stonington, having frequently discovered a number of 
 the enemy lurking about in small bodies in the adja 
 cent woods, by joint agreement voluntarily enlisted 
 themselves, to the number of 300, under the command 
 of Major Palmer, and Captains Dennison and Avery, 
 who, with the assistance of the Mohegans and a few 
 friendly Narragansetts, in three expeditions destroyed 
 nearly 1000 of the enemy. 
 
 On the 8th June, the Indians assualted and burnt 
 Bridgewater, a small settlement in the colony of Mas 
 sachusetts. Forty of its inhabitants fell victims to 
 savage barbarity. 
 
 The Governor and Council of Massachusetts colo 
 ny, aware of the danger to which many of the inland 
 settlements were exposed, by frequent incursions of 
 the enemy, and finding it extremely difficult to raise 
 a sufficient force to oppose them in the many parts to 
 which the fragments of the broken tribes had resort 
 ed, adopted the policy of sending among them, a 
 spies, such Indians as were friendly and could be de* 
 pended on ; which plan had its desired effect. These 
 Indians representing the force of the English much 
 greater than it really was, and warning the enemy pf 
 danger which did not exist, detered them from acting 
 in many instances on the offensive. One of the friend 
 ly Indians, returning to Boston on the 10th of July, 
 reported as follows ; lc That a large number of Jn- 
 dians were embodied in a wood near Lancaster, which 
 village they intended to attack and burn in a few 
 days ; that they had been epcouraged : to continue the 
 war with the English, by Frenchmen from the great 
 
56 INDIAN WARS, 
 
 lake, who had supplied them with fire-arms and 
 .ammunition." 
 
 On the receipt of this important information, the 
 Governor despatched three companies of cavalry, un 
 der the command of Major Savage, for the defence of 
 Lancaster, who unfortunately, by mistaking the road, 
 fell into an ambush of about 350 Indians, by whom 
 they were instantly surrounded. The English exhib 
 ited great presence of mind, and repelled the attack 
 of the enemy in a very heroick manner. The savages 
 being however well provided with fire-arms, soon 
 gained a complete victory over the English, whose 
 loss in this unfortunate engagement was 54 ! The 
 number of killed and wounded of the enemy could 
 not be aesertained, as they remained masters of the 
 field of action. 
 
 On the 15th a severe engagement took place be 
 tween a company of English cavalry, and about 100 
 of the enemy,' near Groton. The latter were not 
 perceived by the former until they were within a few 
 paces of them, the Indians having concealed them 
 selves in the bushes, when suddenly issuing forth 
 with a hideous yell, the cavalry were thrown into con 
 fusion, but instantly forming and charging the enemy 
 with great spirit, they fled in every direction. The 
 cavalry in attempting to pursue them, were once 
 more ambushed. The contest now became close and 
 .severe ; the Indians having succeeded in decoying the 
 English into a thick wood, attacked them with fury 
 and success. The commander of the English being 
 killed, every man sought his own safety. Of 95, of 
 which the company was composed, but 12 escaped. 
 The loss of the enemy was however supposed to be 
 much greater. 
 
 On the'12th of August a party of Indians entered 
 the town of Westfield, killed and took several of the 
 inhabitants prisoners, and burnt several houses. 
 Three of them soon after made their appearance at 
 a house near said town, and fired at the man at his 
 door, who fell. They ran towards him, and one of 
 
INDIAN WARS. 57 
 
 them stopping to scalp him, he was assaulted by the 
 man's wife with a stroke from a large hatchet, which 
 went so completely into his body, that three differ 
 ent efforts she could not disengage it, and the Indian 
 made off with it sticking in him. A second Indian 
 also made an attempt, when she by a well directed 
 stroke with a stick she had got, laid him on the 
 ground. The third then run, and the other, as soon 
 as he had recovered his feet, followed the example ; 
 on which the woman took her husband in her arms 
 and carried him into the house, when he soon after 
 recovered. 
 
 On the 17th, a party of Indians commenced an at 
 tack on Northampton, but there being a number of 
 English soldiers therein stationed, the enemy were 
 repulsed. 
 
 On the 20th a number of the inhabitants of Spring 
 field were attacked by a party of Indians as they 
 were returning from divine service,- and although the 
 former were provided with fire-arms, the enemy suc 
 ceeded in making prisoners of two women and several 
 children, whom they soon after tomahawked and 
 scalped ; in which situation they were the succeed 
 ing day found by a party of the jEtoglish sent in pur 
 suit of the enemy. One of the unfortunate women, 
 although shockingly mangled, was found still alive, 
 and so far recovered as to be enabled to speak, gave 
 the following account of the fate of her unfortunate 
 companions, to wit ; That they were first severely 
 bound with cords, that the Indians soon after built a 
 fire, and regaled themselves with what they had 
 previously stolen from the English ; that soon after, 
 a warm dispute arose between them relative to th& 
 prisoners, each claiming the women for their 
 squaws (or wives ;) that they at length proceeded 
 to blows, and after beating each other for some time 
 with clubs, it was agreed by both parties, to prevent 
 further altercation, that the women should be put 
 to death, which they, as she supposed, carried 
 immediately into execution. The unfortunate 
 
58 INDIAN \VAIIS. 
 
 narrator received a severe blow on the head, which 
 brought her senseless to the ground, and while in 
 this situation, was scalped and left for dead by her 
 savage enemies ! 
 
 The inhabitants of Sudbury, with a company of 
 soldiers under the command of Lt. Jacobs, of Marl- 
 borough, alarmed at the near approach of the enemy, 
 who to the number of about 00 were encamped 
 near that place, resolved to attack them at night ; 
 .accordingly, on the 6th of September, they marched 
 within view of them, and at night, as they lay extend 
 ed around a large fire, approached them unperceived 
 within gun-shot, when they gave them the contents 
 of their muskets. Many of those who remained un 
 hurt being suddenly aroused from their slumbers by 
 the yells of their wounded bretheren, and imagining 
 that they were completely surrounded by the Eng 
 lish, whom the darkness of the night prevented their 
 seeing, threw themselves into the fire which they 
 had enkindled, and there perished, but a few if any 
 escaped. In this attack the English sustained no loss. 
 On the 25th, a considerable body of the enemy at 
 tacked the inhabitants of Marl bo rough ; many of 
 whom they killed and set fire to their houses. A 
 company of English, who had been ordered from 
 Concord for the defence of this place, were cut off 
 by the savages, and totally destroyed. Two other 
 -companies, despatched from Boston for the like pur 
 pose, met with the same fate. It appeared that the 
 Governor on learning the situation of the unfortunate 
 inhabitants of Marlborough, despatched to their 
 relief two companies under the command of Capts. 
 Wadsworth and Smith, who, before they arrived at 
 their place of destination, were informed that the sav 
 ages had quit Marlborougb and proceeded for Sud 
 bury, 12 miles distant, which induced the English to 
 alter their course and proceed immediately for the 
 latter place. Of this it appeared that the enemy had 
 been apprised by their runners, and had laid a plan 
 to cut them off ere they should reach Sudbury, which 
 
INDIAN WARS. 59 
 
 they in the following manner completely effected ; 
 learning the course which the English would take, 
 they, within a few rods thereof, stationed 50 or 60 of 
 their number in open field, who were ordered to 
 retreat into a neighboring thicket as soon as discov 
 ered and pursued by the English. In this thicket, 
 the remainder of the Indians, to the number of about 
 300, concealed themselves by laying prostrate on their 
 bellies. The English on their arrival, espying the 
 Indians in the field, and presuming* them to be but 
 few in number, pursued and attacked them, who very 
 soon retreated to the fatal spot where their treacher 
 ous brethren lay concealed, and prepared to give 
 their pursuers a warm, if not fatal reception. Here 
 they were closely pursued by the English, who too late 
 discovered the fatal snare which had been laid for 
 them. In an instant they were completely surround 
 ed and attacked on all sides by the savages. The 
 English for several hours bravely defended them 
 selves, but at length were borne down by num 
 bers far superior to their own. Thus fell the brave 
 Capt. Wadsworthand Capt. Smith, as well as most 
 of the troops under their command. 
 
 The Indians bordering on the river Merrimack, 
 feeling themselves injured by the encroachments of 
 the English, once more resumed the bloody toma 
 hawk, which had been buried for a number of years. 
 On the 1st of November they, in a considerable body, 
 entered the village of Chelmsford and Woburn, and 
 taking advantage of their weak state, indiscriminately 
 put to death every inhabitant they contained, sparing 
 not the infant at the breast. On the 9th they burnt 
 the house of Mr. Ezra Earaes, near Concord ; killed 
 his wife, threw her body into the flames and made 
 captives of her children. On the 15th they took pris 
 oner a young woman, sixteen years of age, who by 
 the family with whom she resided had been placed 
 on a hill in the neighbourhood of their dwelling, to 
 watch the motions of the enemy. The account which 
 the young woman gave of her capture and escape was 
 
60 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 as follows : That ' on the morning of her capture, the 
 family having been informed that a party of Indians 
 had the day previous been discovered in a neigh 
 boring woods, she, by their request, ascended a hill 
 near the house, to watch their motions, and alarm 
 the family, if seen approaching the house : that about 
 noon she discovered a number of them ascending the 
 hill, in great haste : That she immediately thereupon 
 attempted to evade them by retiring into a thicket ; 
 but that the Indians, who it appeared had before ob 
 served her, found her after a few moments search, 
 and 'compelled her to accompany them to their settle 
 ment, about 40 miles distant. It was here they gave 
 her to understand she must remain and become their 
 squaw, and dress and cook their victuals : that she 
 remained with them about three weeks ; during 
 which time, they made several expeditions against 
 the English, and returned with a great number of hu 
 man scalps : that on the night of the 6th December, 
 they returned with six horses, which they had stolen 
 from the English, which having turned into a small 
 enclosure, they set out on a new expedition : That 
 she viewed this as a favourable opportunity to es 
 cape to effect which, she caught and mounted one 
 of the horses, and making use of a strip of bark 
 as a bridle, she penetrated a wild and pathless 
 wood, and arrived at Concord, at seven o'clock the 
 morning succeeding, having travelled all the preced 
 ing night, to evade the pursuit of the enemy !' In like 
 manner did one of the children of Mr. Eames, (of 
 whose capture mention is made in the preceding 
 page) escape from the Indians, although but ten years 
 of age, he travelled sixty miles through an uninhabit 
 ed wood, subsisting on acorns ! 
 
 On the 12th December, a party of Indians attack 
 ed and killed several of the inhabitants of Bradford. 
 The Governor of Massachusetts colony, for the pro 
 tection of the defenceless inhabitants bordering on 
 the Merrimack, ordered the raising and equipping of 
 four companies of cavalry, to the command of which 
 
INDIAN WARS. 61 
 
 were appointed Captains Sill, Holyoke, Cutler and 
 Prentice. 
 
 On the 23d the above troops proceeded for the bor 
 ders of the Merrimack, and on the $6th fell in with a 
 considerable body of the enemy whom they engaged 
 and completely defeated. On the 4th January, 1679 
 Capt. Prentice, detached from the main body, fell in 
 With and engaged about 100 of the enemy in the 
 neighborhood of Amherst, whom he likewise defeated* 
 but with considerable loss on his part. 
 
 On the 6th, a son of the brave Capt. Holyoke, of 
 Sprinfieid, received information that a number of the 
 enemy in small bodies were skulking about in the 
 woods bordering on that town, with twenty resolute 
 young men marched out to attack them. Falling in 
 with a considerable body of them, an engagement en 
 sued, which though severe, terminated at length in fa 
 vour of the .English. The Indians being furnished with 
 muskets, were unwilling to give ground, and would 
 probably have remained masters of the field of action, 
 had not the English received a reinforcement which 
 put them to flight. The loss of the English in the en 
 gagement was five killed and nine wounded, and 
 that of the enemy 23 killed, and between 30 and 40 
 wounded. 
 
 The savages were no longer confined to any partic 
 ular tribe or place, but in parties from 50 to 100 were 
 scattered all over the thinly inhabited parts of New- 
 England. A considerable body of them were yet in 
 the neighborhood of Hadley,Deerfield and Northamp 
 ton, where they were continually committing their 
 wanton acts of barbarity. Several of the towns above 
 mentioned duly reflecting on the danger to which they 
 and their families were exposed, formed themselves 
 into several companies and made choice of their com 
 manders. On the 4th Feb'ry, receiving information 
 that there were near 200 Indians embodied in a swamp 
 in the neighborhood of Deerfield, the above mention 
 ed force marched to attack them. Arriving within view 
 of them about day-break, they discovered them in a 
 9 
 
INDIAN WARS. 
 
 profound sleep, stretched out upon the ground around 
 their fire. The cavalry immediately thereupon dis 
 mounted, and after forming themselves, approache d 
 them within pistol shot before they were discovered by 
 the enemy ; who, being suddenly aroused from their 
 slumber, and astonished at the unexpected appearance 
 of so many of their enemies, fell an easy prey to the 
 English, who without the loss of a man, killed 120 of 
 them ; the remainder, as the only means of escape, 
 having plunged into a river, where probably many of 
 them perished. 
 
 Although the English achieved this action without 
 any loss on their part, they were on their return un 
 happily ambushed by about 400 of the enemy. The 
 .English having expended all their ammunitition in the 
 late engagment, and being much fatigued, were now 
 in turn likely to fall an easy prey to their enemies, who 
 with their bloody knives and tomahawks for the space 
 of an hour attacked them with the greatest success. 
 Not one of the English it is probable would have sur 
 vived this bold and unexpected attack of the enemy, 
 had it not been for the presence of mind of their brave 
 commander, Capt. Holyoke, who by a stratagem, suc 
 ceeded in saving a party of them. Capt. Holyoke had 
 his horse killed under him, and at one time was 
 attacked by five of the enemy, whom he beat off 
 with his cutlass. The loss of the English in this 
 unfortunate action, was 51 killed and 84 wounded, 
 many of the latter survived the action but a few days. 
 The defeat and destruction of the English in this en 
 gagement was much to be lamented, as among the 
 slain were the heads of several families, who had 
 volunteered their services in defence of their infant 
 settlements. 
 
 On the 10th, several hundreds of the enemy, en 
 couraged by th?ir late success, appeared before Hat- 
 field, and fired several dwelling houses, without the 
 fortification of the town. The inhabitants of Hadley 
 being seasonably apprized of the situation of their 
 brethren at Hatfield, a number of them volunteered 
 
INDIAN WARS. 
 
 G3 
 
 their services and marched to their relief. The In 
 dians; as they were accustomed to do on the approach 
 of the .English, lay flat on their bellies until the latter 
 had advanced within a bow shot, when partly rising, 
 they discharged a shower of arrows among them, 
 which wounded several of the English ; but they hav 
 ing wisely reserved their fire, now in turn levelled their 
 pieces with the best effect, before the savages had 
 time to recover their legs, about SO of whom were 
 instantly despatched and the remainder dispersed. 
 
 On the 15th February, the Governor of Massachu 
 setts colony receiving information that the Indians 
 were collecting in great numbers under the immediate 
 guidance of Philip, near Brookfield, despatched 
 Capt. Henchman, with 50 men, to dislodge them; 
 who proceeding first to Hadley, was joined by a com 
 pany of cavalry from Hartford. On the 0th they 
 discovered and attacked a party of Indians near Lan 
 caster. They killed 50 of them, and took between 
 50 and 60 of their squaws and children prisoners. 
 Capt. Henchman, on his way to Brookfield, discovered 
 the dead bodies of several of his countrymen half con 
 sumed by fire, who it appeared a few days previous 
 had fallen victims to the barbarity of the savages. 
 
 The scattered remains of the enemy being now so 
 completely harrassed and driven from place to place 
 by the English, a number of them resorted to the west 
 ern country, then inhabited by the Mohawks; but the 
 latter being on friendly terms with the English and 
 Dutch, who were settling among them, were unwilling 
 to harbour their enemies, and consequently attacked 
 a considerable body of them on the 6th March. The 
 engagement was a severe one ; the fugitive Indians 
 being furnished with fire-arms, repelled the attack of 
 the Mohawks with a becoming spirit, but were at 
 1 ength overpowered and completely defeated. The 
 loss on both sides was very great. 
 
 On the 20th, the Indians took a Mr. Willet prisoner, 
 near Swanzey, and after cutting off his nose and ears, 
 set him at liberty. On the 22d a negro man who had 
 
64 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 been for several months a prisoner among the savages, 
 escaped from them and returned to the English, to 
 whom he gave the following information, to wit; That 
 the enemy were concerting a plan to attack Taunton 
 and the villages adjacent. That for this purpose there 
 were then embodied near Worcester 1000 of them, at 
 the head of whom was Philip, and near one hundred 
 of them were furnished with fire-arms ; That a few 
 days previous to his escape, a scouting party arrived 
 and brought in with them two prisoners of war and 
 three human scalps ! To frustrate the intention of 
 the enemy,the Governor of Massachusetts colony des 
 patched three companies of cavalry for the defence 
 of the English. Connecticut colony, although but 
 little troubled with the enemy since the destruction of 
 the Pequots, were not unwilling to afford their breth 
 ren all the assistance possible in a protracted and 
 bloody war with the common enemy. They accord 
 ingly furnished three companies of cavalry,who under 
 the command of the experienced Major Talcott, on 
 the 5th April proceeded to the westward in search of 
 the enemy. On the llth they fell in with, attacked 
 and defeated a considerable body of them. Apparent 
 ly by the special direction of Divine Providence, Maj. 
 Tallcot arrived in the neighbourhood of Hadley in 
 time to preserve the town, and save its inhabitants 
 from total destruction! The savages to the number of 
 500, were on the eve of commencing an attack, when 
 they were met by the Major, with the troops under 
 his command. This unexpected relief animating the 
 few inhabitants which the town contained, they hast 
 ened to the assistance of the cavalry, who at this mo 
 ment were seriously engaged with the whole body of 
 the enemy. The savages having gained some signal 
 advantages, victory for a considerable length of time 
 appeared likely to decide in their favour. Fortunately, 
 the inhabitants of Hadley having for their defence a 
 few weeks previous procured from Boston an eight 
 pounder, it was at this critical period, loaded by the 
 
INDIAN WARS. 65 
 
 women, and being mounted, was by them conveyed 
 to the jEnglish, which being charged with small shot, 
 nails, &,c. was by the latter discharged with the best 
 effect upon the enemy, who immediately thereupon 
 fled in every direction. Thus it was that the English 
 in a great measure owed the preservation of their 
 lives to the unexampled heroism of a few women. 
 
 The Governor and Council of the United Col 
 onies, taking under serious consideration the mira 
 culous escape of the inhabitants of Hadley from to 
 tal destruction, and the recent success of the arms 
 of the English in various parts of the country, ap 
 pointed the 27th day of the Aug. 1679, to be observed 
 throughout the Colonies as a day of public Thanks 
 giving and praise to ALMIGHTY GOD. This it may be 
 well to observe, was the commencement of an annual 
 custom of our forefathers, which to the present day 
 is so religiously observed by their descendants 
 throughout the New-England States. 
 
 On the 3d September the Connecticut troops un 
 der the command of Major Talcott. Captains Dennis- 
 on and Newbury, proceeded to Narraganset in quest 
 of the enemy, who to the number of about 300 had 
 been discovered in a piece of woods. The English 
 were accompanied by their faithful friend Oneco, 
 with 100 Mohegans under his command. In the 
 evening of the 5th they discovered the savages en 
 camped at the foot of a steep hill, on which Major 
 Talcott made arrangements for an attack. The Mo 
 hegans were ordered by a circuitous route to gain 
 the summit of the hill to prevent the flight of the en 
 emy. Two companies of cavalry were ordered to 
 flank them on the right and left, while Major Talcott 
 with a company of foot stationed himself in the rear. 
 Having thus disposed of his forces, a signal was giv 
 en by the Major for the Mohegans to commence the 
 attack, which they did, and with such spirit, accom 
 panied by the savage yells, that had the enemy been 
 renowned for their valour, they must have been^to 
 
INDIAN WAKS. 
 
 the highest degree appalled at so unexpected an 
 onset ! After contending a few moments with the 
 Mohegans, the enemy were attacked on the right 
 and left by the cavalry, who with their cutlasses 
 made great havock among them ; they were, however, 
 unwilling to give ground till they had lost nearly 
 one half of their number, when they attempted a flight 
 to a swamp in their rear ; but here they were met by 
 Major Talcott, with the company of foot, who gave 
 them so warm a reception that they once more fell 
 back upon the Mohegans, by whom they very soon 
 overpowered and would have been totally destroyed, 
 had not Major Talcott humanely interfered in their 
 behalf, and made prisoners of the few that remained 
 alive. Among the latter was the leader, a squaw, 
 commonly termed the queen of Narraganset, and 
 among them an active young fellow who begged to be 
 delivered into the hands of the Mohegans, that they 
 might put him to death in their own way, and sac 
 rifice him to their cruel genius of revenge, in which 
 they so much delighted ! The English, although 
 naturally averse to acts of savage barbarity, were not 
 in this instance unwilling to comply with the unnat 
 ural request of the prisoner, as it appeared that he 
 had in the presence of the Mohegans uxultingly boas 
 ted of having killed 19 English with his gun, since 
 the commencement of the war, and after loading it 
 for the 20th (there being no more of the latter with 
 in reach) he levelled at a Mohegan, whom he killed, 
 which completing his number, he was willing to die 
 by their hands. The Mohegans accordingly began 
 to prepare for the tragical event. Forming them 
 selves into a circle, admitting as many of the English 
 as were disposed to witness their savage proceedings, 
 the prisoner was placed in the centre ! When one ot' 
 the Mohegans, who in the late engagement had lost 
 a son, with a knife cut off the prisoner's ears! then 
 his nose ! and then the fingers of each hand ! arid 
 after the relapse of a few moments, dug out his eyes 
 and filled their sockets with hot embers ! Although 
 
INDIAN WARS. f)7 
 
 the few English present were overcome with the view 
 of a scene so shocking to humanity. Yet the prisoner, 
 so far from bewailing his fate, seemed to surpass 
 his tormentors in expressions of joy ! When nearly 
 exhausted with the Toss of blood and unable to stand, 
 his executioner closed the tragic scene by beating out 
 his brains with a tomahawk ! 
 
 The few Indians that now remained in the neigh 
 borhood of Plymouth colony, being in a state of star 
 vation, they surrendered themselves prisoners to the 
 .English ; one of whom being recognized as the per 
 son who had a few days previous inhumanly murder 
 ed the daughter of a Mr. Clarke, was by order of the 
 Governor publicly executed. The remainder were 
 retained and treated as prisoners, who served as 
 guides ; twenty more of the enemy were on the suc 
 ceeding day surprised and taken prisoners by the 
 English. 
 
 The troops under the command of Major Brad 
 ford, and Captains Mosely and Brattle, on the 15th 
 September, surprised and took 150 of the enemy 
 prisoners near Pautuxet, among whom was the 
 squaw of the celebrated Philip ; and on the day suc 
 ceeding, learning that the enemy in considerable 
 bodies were roving about in the woods near Dedham, 
 Major Bradford despatched Capt. Brattle ' with 50 
 men to attack them ; who, the day following, fell in 
 with and engaged about 100 of them. As hatchets 
 were the only weapons with which they were pro 
 vided, they made but a feeble defence, and were soon 
 overpowed by the English, who took 7-A of them 
 prisoners ; the remainder having fallen in the action. 
 The above party was commanded by a blood thirsty 
 sachem, called Pompham, renowned for his bodily 
 strength, which exceeded that of any of his country 
 men ever met with. He bravely defended himself 
 to the last ; being wounded in the breast, and unable 
 to stand, he seized one of the soldiers while in the 
 act of despatching him with the butt of his gun and 
 
()S INDIAN WARS. 
 
 by whom lie would have been strangled, had he not 
 been fortunately rescued by one of his comrades. 
 
 A general famine now pervailed among the enemy 
 in consequence of being deprived of an opportunity 
 to plant their lands ; numbers were daily compelled 
 by hunger to surrender themselves prisoners to the 
 English ; among whom was a Nipnet sachem, accom 
 panied by ISO of his tribe. 
 
 On the 12th October Capt. Church, with fifty sol 
 diers and a few friendly Indians under his command, 
 attacked and defeated a party of the enemy near 
 Providence ; and on the day following, conducted by 
 Indian guides, discovered a considerable body of the 
 enemy encamped in a swamp near Pomfret. A 
 friendly Indian at first espying them, commanded 
 them to surrender ; but the enemy did not appear 
 disposed to obey. Being sheltered by large trees, 
 they first discharged their arrows among the English, 
 and then with a terible yell attacked them with their 
 long knives and tomahawks. The English meeting 
 with a much warmer reception than what they ex 
 pected, gave ground, but being rallied by their old 
 and experienced commander, Capt. Church, they 
 rushed upon them with such inpetuosity, that the 
 enemy were thrown into confusion and dislodged 
 from their coverts. The English had 7 men killed 
 and 14 wounded : among the latter was their brave 
 commander, who received an arrow through his left 
 arm. The loss of the enemy was 32 killed and be 
 tween 60 and 70 wounded. 
 
 On the 20th information was forwarded to the Go- 
 vernor and Council, that the famous Philip, who had 
 been for a long time skulking about in the woods 
 near Mount Hope, much disheartened by the ill suc 
 cess of his countrymen, was the morning preceding 
 discovered in a swamp near that place attended by 
 about 90 of Seaconet Indians ; on which the brave 
 Capt. Church, with his little band of invincibles were 
 immediately despatched in pursuit of him. Capt. 
 Church was accompanied as usual by a number of 
 

KING PHILIP 
 
INDIAN WARS. 69 
 
 Mohegans, and a few friendly Seaconet Indians. On 
 the 27th they arrived in the neighbourhood of the 
 swamp, near the border of which he stationed sev 
 eral of the Mohegans, and a few friendly Seaconet 
 Indians to intercept Philip in case he should attempt 
 an escape therefrom^ Capt. Church at the head of 
 his little band, now with unconquerable resolution 
 plunged into the swamp arid wading nearly to his 
 waist, in water, discovered and attacked the enemy. 
 The Indians were nearly 100 strong, but being unex 
 pectedly attacked they made no resistance but fled 
 in every direction. The inaccessible state of the 
 swamp, however, prevented the English from pur 
 suing them with success. Their dependance was 
 now upon their friends stationed without. Nor did 
 it appear that those faithful fellows suffered so good 
 an opportunity to pass unimproved. The reports 
 of their muskets convinced Capt. Church they were 
 doing their duty ; in confirmation of which, he was 
 very soon after presented with the head of KING 
 PHILIP. 
 
 Philip, it appeared, in attempting to fly from his 
 pursuers, was recognized by one of the English, who 
 had been stationed with the Mohegans to intercept 
 him, and at whom he levelled his piece, but the pri 
 ming being unfortunately wet and preventing the dis 
 charge thereof, the .cunning sachem would yet have 
 escaped had not one of the brave sons of Uncas, at this 
 instant, given him the contents of his musket ! The ball 
 .went directly through his heart f Thus fell by the 
 Hands of a faithful Mohegan the famous Philip ; who 
 was the projector and instagator of a war, which not 
 only proved the cause of his own destruction, but that 
 of nearly all his tribe, one of the most numerous of 
 any inhabiting New P^ngland. 
 
 It was at this important instant that the English 
 were made witnesses of a remarkable instance of 
 savage customs. Oneco, on learning that Philip had 
 fallen by the hand of one of his tribe, urged that, 
 agreeably to their custom,- he had an undoubted right 
 10 
 
70 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 to the body and a right to feast himself with a piece 
 thereof ! Which the English not objecting to, he 
 deliberately drew his long knife from his girdle, and 
 with it detached a piece of flesh from the bleeding 
 body of Philip, of about one pound weight, which 
 he broiled and eat ; in the mean time declaring that 
 '* he had not for many moons eaten any thing with 
 so good an appetite !" The head of King Philip 
 was sent by Captain Church to Boston, to be pre 
 sented to the Governor and Council, as a valuable 
 trophy. 
 
 The few hostile Indians that now remained with 
 in the United Colonies, conscious that if so fortu 
 nate as to evade the vigilence of the .English, they 
 must soon fall victims to the pervailing famine, fled 
 with their families to the westward. The English 
 were disposed rather to facilitate than prevent their 
 flight. Having been for a number of years engaged 
 in a destructive and bloody war with them, they 
 were willing that the few that remained alive should 
 escape to a country so far distant that there was no 
 probability of their returning to reassume the bloody 
 tomahawk. Impressed with these ideas, and that 
 the enemy was completely exterminated, they were 
 about to bury the hatchets, and turn their attention 
 to agricultural pursuits ; when by an express, they 
 were informed that the natives in the eastern part of 
 the country (Province of Maine) had unprovokedly 
 attacked and killed a considereble number of the 
 English in that quarter. 
 
 To quench the flames which appeared to be en 
 kindling in the east, the Governor despatched four 
 companies of cavalry to the relief of the unfortunate 
 inhabitants. The enemy, who were of the Kenne- 
 bec and Amoscoggin tribes, first attacked with 
 unprecedented fury the defenceless inhabitants set 
 tled on Kennebec river, the most of whom were 
 destroyed or dispersed by them. 
 
 On the 2d November about 700 of the enemy 
 attacked, with their accustomed fury, (accompanied 
 
INDIAN WARS. 71 
 
 by their savage yells) the inhabitants of Newche- 
 wannick, an English settlement situated a few miles 
 from the mouth of the river Kennebecr. Before 
 they had fully accomplished their hellish purpose, 
 they were surprised by the troops sent from Boston, 
 between whom a most bloody engagement now en 
 sued. The Indians encouraged by their numbers, 
 repelled the attack of the English in so heroic a 
 manner, that the latter were very soon thrown into 
 disorder and driven out of town, where they again 
 formed, faced about, and in turn charged the enemy 
 with unconquerable resolution ! The contest now 
 became close and severe. The savages with their 
 terrefic yells, dexterously hurled their tomahawks 
 among the English, while the latter, with as much 
 dexterity, attacked and mowed them down with their 
 cutlasses ! .Each were apparently determined on 
 victory or death ! The .English, at one moment, un 
 able to withstand the impetuosity of the savages, 
 would give ground ; at the next, the latter, hard pushed 
 by the cavalry would fall back. Thus for the space 
 of two hours, did victory appear balancing between 
 the two contending parties. The field of action was 
 covered with the slain, while the adjacent woods re 
 sounded with shrieks and groans of the wounded. 
 At this critical juncture the .English, when on the very 
 point of surrendering, were providentially preserved 
 by a stratagem. In the heat of the action Major 
 Bradford despatched a company of cavalry by a cir 
 cuitous route to attack the enemy ; suspecting this 
 company a reinforcement of the English, fled in eve 
 ry direction, leaving the English masters of the field. 
 Thus, after two hours hard fighting, did the English 
 obtain a victory at the expense of the lives of more 
 than half their number ! Their killed and wounded 
 amounted to 99 ! The loss of the enemy was not as 
 certained ; it was however probably three times grea 
 ter than that of the English. 
 
72 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 The day succeeding this bloody engagement, a 
 lieutenant with 12 men, was sent by the commander 
 to the place of aetion to bury the dead. When they 
 were a few rods therefrom they were suddenly at 
 tacked by about 100 of the enemy who had lain in am 
 bush. The lieutenant ordered his men to reserve their 
 fire until they could discharge with the best effect 
 upon the enemy, by whom they were soon surrounded 
 and furiously attacked on all sides. The savages yel 
 ling horribly, brandishing their long knifes in the air, 
 yet crimsoned with the blood of their countrymen. 
 The brave little band, however, remained firm and 
 undaunted, and as the savages approached them, 
 each taking proper aim, discharged with so good 
 effect upon them, that the Indians, amazed at the 
 instantaneous destruction of so many of their com 
 rades, fled in every direction. The English sustained 
 no loss. 
 
 On the 5th the enemy successfully attacked the 
 inhabitants of the village of Casco ; 30 of whom they 
 killed, and made prisoners the family of a Mr. Brack 
 et, who on the 7th made their escape in the follow 
 ing manner: The Indians, on their return to their 
 wigwams, learning that a detached party of their 
 brethren had attacked with success and plundered 
 the village of Arrowsick, to enjoy a share of the spoil 
 hastened to join them, leaving the prisoners in the 
 care of two old men and three squaws, Mr. Brack 
 et, whose family consisted of himself, wife, three 
 small children and a negro lad, viewed this a favour 
 able opportunity to escape; to effect which he re 
 quested the lad to attempt an escape by flight, who 
 being uncommonly active he easily effected. The 
 plan of Mr Bracket had now its desired effect ; as 
 the old men pursuing the negro, left him and his 
 family guarded only by three squaws, ^hom (being 
 intoxicated) he soon despatched, and returned the 
 day following with his family to Casco, where the 
 negro lad had arrived some hours before. 
 
INDIAN WARS 73 
 
 On the 15th the Indians attacked the dwelling 
 house of a Captain Bonithon and Major Philips, 
 situated on the east side of Casco river. Having 
 seasonable notice of the hostile views of the enemy 
 the family of the former, as a place of greater safety, 
 had resorted to the house of the latter a few mo 
 ments previous to the attack. The savages first 
 communicated fire to the house of Captain Bonithon ; 
 next proceeded furiously to attack the dwelling of 
 Major Philips, in which there were about twenty 
 persons, by whom it was most gallantly defended. 
 The enemy had their leader and a number of their 
 party killed by the fire of the English. Despairing 
 of taking the house by assault, they adopted a new 
 plan of communicating fire thereto. They procur 
 ed a carriage on which they erected a stage, in 
 front of which was a barricade rendered bulletproof, 
 to which long poles were attached nearly feet in 
 length, and to the ends were affixed every kind of 
 combustible, such as birch rinds, straw, pitch pine, 
 &c. The Indians were sheltered by the barricade 
 from the fire of the English, while they approached 
 the walls of the house with their carriage. The 
 English were now on the eve of despairing, when 
 fortunately one of the wheels of the carriage, being 
 brought in contact with a rock, was turned com 
 pletely round, which exposed the whole body of In 
 dians to their fire ! This unexpected opportunity 
 was improved with the gratest advantage by the 
 English, who with a few 'rounds soon dispersed the 
 enemy with no inconsiderable loss. 
 
 The day following the indians set fire to the house 
 of a Mr. Wakely, whom with his whole family they 
 murdered. A company of the English, apprized of 
 their dangerous situation., marched to their relief, 
 but arrived too late to afford them assistance. They 
 found the house reduced to ashes ; among which they 
 found the mangled bodies of the unfortunate family 
 half consumed by fire. 
 
74 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 The savages, emboldened by their late success, 
 on the 20th attacked a small settlement on the 
 Piscataqua river, and succeeded in murdering a part, 
 and carrying away the remainder of the inhabitants 
 into captivity. As an instance of their wanton bar 
 barity, it should be here mentioned, that after toma 
 hawking and scalping one of the unfortunate women 
 of the above place, they bound to the dead body her 
 little infant ; in which situation it was the succeeding 
 day discovered by the English, attempting to draw 
 nourishment from its mother's breast. 
 
 The Governor and Council of the United Colo 
 nies, conceiving it their duty if possible to put a final 
 stop to the ravages of the enemy in the east, and to 
 prevent the further effusion of innocent blood, de 
 spatched Major Wallis and Major Bradford, with six 
 companies under their command, to destroy, "root 
 and branch," the common enemy. On the 1st De 
 cember they arrived in the neighbourhood of Kenne- 
 beck, near where they were informed the main body 
 of the enemy were encamped. On the morning of 
 the third, about the break of day, they fell in with 
 and attacked them. The enemy, who were about 
 800 strong, appeared disposed to maintain their 
 ground. They fought with all the fury of savages, 
 and even assailed the English from the tops of lofty 
 trees, which they ascended for the purpose. They 
 were possessed of but few fire-arms, but hurled their 
 tomahawks with inconceivable exactness, and check 
 ed the progress of the cavalry with long spears. Victo 
 ry for a long time remained doubtful. The ground be 
 ing covered with snow greatly retarded the progress 
 of the troops, who probably would have met with de 
 feat had not a fresh company of infantry arrived in 
 time to change the fortune of the day. These, having 
 remained inactive as a body of reserve,, the comman 
 der found himself under the necessity of calling to his 
 aid. The enemy, disheartened at the unexpected ar 
 rival of the English, fled with precipitancy to the 
 woods ; but very few of them, however, escaped, more 
 
INDIAN WARS. 75 
 
 than 00 of whom remained dead on the field of 
 action, and double that number were mortally wound 
 ed. The loss of the English was 55 killed and 97 
 wounded ! This engagement, which proved a decisive 
 one, was of the greatest importance to the English. 
 The great and arduous work was now completed. 
 The few remaining Indians that inhabited the eastern 
 country, now expressed a desire to bury the bloody 
 hatchet, and to make peace with the English. Their 
 request was cheerfully complied with, and they 
 continued ever after the faithful friends of the English. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 INVASION OF NEW-YORK AND NEW ENGLAND, AND 
 THE DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY BY THE 
 FRENCH AND INDIANS. 
 
 IN the year 1690 the Mohawks, having made sev 
 eral successful expeditions against the Canadians, 
 the Count Frontenac, to raise the depressed spirits 
 of the latter despatched several parties of French 
 and Indians to attack the frontier settlements of New 
 York and New-England. A detachment of nearly 
 500 French and Indians under the command of Mon- 
 sieurs P. Aillebout, De Waulet and Le Wayne, were 
 despatched from Montreal for this purpose. They 
 were furnished with every thing necessary for a win 
 ter's campaign. After a march of twenty-two days 
 they, on the 8th February, reached Schenectady. 
 They had on their march been so reduced as to har 
 bor thoughts of surrendering themselves prisoners of 
 war to the English ; but their spies (who Lad been 
 for several days in the village, entirely unsuspected) 
 representing in so strong terms the defenceless state 
 of the inhabitants, as determined them to make an 
 
76 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 immediate attack. They found the gates open and 
 unguarded. They entered them about eleven o'clock 
 at night, and the better to effect their hellish pur 
 pose, divided their main body into several distinct 
 parties of six or seven men each ! The inhabitants 
 were in a profound sleep, and unalarmed until the 
 enemy had broken open their doors and with uplift 
 ed tomahawks were surrounding their beds ! Before 
 
 o 
 
 they had time to rise, the savages began the perpe 
 tration of the most inhuman barbarities ! No language 
 can express the cruelties which were committed ! In 
 less than one hour two hundred of the unfortunate 
 inhabitants were slain and the whole village enwrapt 
 in flames ! A detail of the cruelties committed by 
 the barbarians cannot be read without horror. They 
 ravished, rifled, murdered and mutilated the inhabi 
 tants, without distintion of age or sex, without any 
 other provocation or excitement than brutal lust and 
 wantonness of barbarity! Pregnant women were rip 
 ped open and their infants cast into the flames or 
 dashed against the posts of the doors ! Such mon 
 sters of barbarity ought certainly to be excluded 
 from all the privileges of human nature, and hunted 
 down as wild beasts without pity or cessation. A 
 very few of the inhabitants escaped, who in their 
 shirts (in a severe and stormy night) fled to Albany. 
 Twenty-five of the fugitives in their flight perished 
 with cold. The enerny 3 after destroying the inhabi 
 tants, killed all the horses and cattle which they 
 could find, with the exception of about thirty of the 
 former, which they loaded with their plunder and 
 drove off. 
 
 When the news of the horrid massacre reached 
 Albany, an universal fear and consternation seized 
 the inhabitants. The country became panic struck : 
 and many entertained thoughts of destroying the 
 town and abandoning that part of the country to the 
 enemy. 
 
 A second party of the enemy, which Count Fron- 
 tenac had detached from the main body at the 
 
INDIAN WARS. 77 
 
 three rivers, under the command of Sieur Hartel, an 
 officer of distinguished character in Canada, on the 
 18th February fell upon Salmon Falls (a plantation 
 on the river which divides New Hampshire from 
 the province of Maine.) This party consisted of a- 
 bout 70 men ; more than half of whom were Indi 
 ans. They commenced the attack at break of day 
 in three different places ; and although the inhabi 
 tants were surprised, yet they fled to their arms and 
 defended themselves with bravery which even their 
 enemies applauded ; but they were finally overpow 
 ered by numbers, and 43 of them, men, women and 
 children, fell victims to savage barbarity. The dep 
 redations of the French and Indians filled the inhab 
 itants of the western country with fear and alarm. 
 The Assembly of New York conceived it necessary 
 to make every exertion to prevent the settlement of 
 the French at Albany. It was resolved that two com 
 panies of 100 men each should be raised and sent 
 forward for that purpose. For the defence of the 
 frontier towns in New England, it was ordered that 
 a constant watch should be kept in the several towns, 
 and that all males, above 18 and under 60 years 
 of age, should be held in readiness to march at 
 the shortest notice. On the 0th March, at a 
 proposed meeting of Commissioners from New York 
 and New England, a plan was proposed and adopt 
 ed for invading Canada. Eight hundred men were 
 ordered to be raised for the purpose ; the quotas of 
 several colonies were fixed, and general rules adopt 
 ed for the management of the army. 
 
 A small vessel was sent express to England the 
 beginning of April, carrying a representation of the 
 exposed state of the colonies and the necessity of 
 the reduction of Canada, A petition was also for 
 warded to his majesty for a supply of arms and am 
 munition, and a number of frigates to attack the en 
 emy by water, while the colonial troops made an in 
 vasion by land. John Winthrop Esq. was appointed 
 major-general and commander in chief of the land. 
 11 
 
78 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 army, and arrived with the troops under his com 
 mand near the falls at the head of Wood Creek, 
 early in the month of August. 
 
 When the army arrived at the place appointed 
 for the rendezvous of the Indians from the Five Na 
 tions, (who had engaged to assist the English ;) in 
 stead of meeting with that powerful body which they 
 expected, and which the Indians had promised, there 
 were no more than 70 warriors from the Mohawks 
 and Oneidas ! When the General had advanced a- 
 bout 100 miles, he found that there were not ca 
 noes sufficient to transport one half of the English 
 across the lake. Upon representing to the Indians 
 the impossibility of the army's crossing into Canada 
 without a much greater number of canoes, they re 
 plied that it was then too late in the season to make 
 canoes ; as the bark would not peel. In short they 
 artfully evaded every proposal, and finally told the 
 general and his officers that they looked too high and 
 advised them only to attack Chambly. and the out 
 settlements on this side of St. Lawrence. Thus did 
 these Indians, who a few years before, had so ha 
 rassed all the French and Indians in Canada, exhib 
 it the greatest proofs of cowardice ! The English 
 finding it impossible to cross the lake .with advan 
 tage, returned to Albany. Thus the expedition un 
 fortunately failed. 
 
 In the year 1693 Count Frontenac, finding that 
 he could not accomplish a peace with the Mohawks, 
 who of all the Indians had been by far the most de 
 structive to the settlements in Canada, determined 
 on their destruction. He collected an army of about 
 700 French and Indians, and having supplied them 
 with every thing necessary for a winter campaign, 
 sent them against the Mohawk castles. They com 
 menced their march from Montreal on the 15th Jan 
 uary, 1693. After enduring incredible hardships 
 they fell in with the first castle about the 10th Feb 
 ruary. The Mohawks, unprepared for an attack, 
 had not any idea of the approach of the Canadians. 
 
INDIAN WARS. 79 
 
 The enemy killed and captured about 50 of the Mo 
 hawks at this castle and then proceeded for the sec 
 ond, at which they were equally successlul. A great 
 part of the Mohawks were at Schenectady, and the 
 remainder perfectly secure. When they arrived at 
 the 3d castle they found about eighty warriors collec 
 ted at a war dance, asihey designed the next day to 
 go upon an enterprise against their enemies. A con 
 flict ensued, in which the Canadians, after loosing 
 about 30 men, were victorious, and the third castle 
 was taken. The Canadians, in their descent took near 
 three hundred prisoners, principally women and chil 
 dren. The brave Colonel Sehuyler of Albany, (re 
 ceived information of the approach of the enemy,) 
 at the head of a party of the volunteers, of about 
 400 English and Dutch, pursued them. On the 25th 
 Febuary he was joined by about 300 Indians, whom 
 he found lodged in a fortified camp. The Canadians 
 made three successive sallies upon the colonel, and 
 were so often repulsed ; he kept his ground, waiting 
 for provisions and a reinforcement from Albany. The 
 enemy at length taking the advantage of a violent 
 snow-storm, escaped and marched to Canada. The 
 day following Capt Sims, with a rienforcement and 
 a supply of provisions arrived from Albany, and the 
 day succeeding the colonel reasumed the pursuit ; but 
 the Canadians luckily finding a cake of ice across the 
 north branch of Hudson river, made their escape ; they 
 were, however, so closely pursued by the English and 
 Dutch, that they could not prevent the^ escape of 
 most of their prisoners, who all with the exception 
 of nine or ten, returned in safety to their country. 
 Colonel Schuyler lost 12 of his party, and had 19 
 wounded. According to the report of the captives, 
 the enemy lost 50 men, five of whom were French 
 officers, and two Indian guides, and about 70 wound- 
 ded. The Mohawks on their return found about 40 
 dead bodies of the enemy, which they scalped and 
 devoured ; indeed so great was their hunger. 
 
80 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 MASSACRE OF THE INHABITANTS OF DEERFIELD 
 AND CAPTIVITY OF THE REV. JOHN WILLIAMS 
 AND FAA1ILY BY THE SAVAGES. 
 
 On the 19lh February, 1703, a large body of In 
 dians from the frontiers assualted the town of Deer- 
 field. They entered the town about midnight, and 
 commenced an indiscriminate butchery of the defence 
 less inhabitants. Among others, they attacked the 
 house of Rev. Mr. Williams, pastor of the parish. 
 The following are the particulars of the melancholy 
 transaction, as related by Mr. Williams. 
 
 c *They came to my house in the beginning of the 
 onset, and by their violent endeavours to break open 
 doors and windows, with axes and hatchets, awaked 
 me out of sleep ; on which I leaped out of bed and 
 running towards the door, perceived the enemy mak 
 ing their entrance into the house. I called to awaken 
 two soldiers in the chamber; and returned towards 
 my bed-side, for my arms. The enemy immediately 
 broke into the room, I judge to the number of 20, 
 with painted faces and hideous acclamations. I 
 reached up my hands to the bed-tester, for my pistol, 
 uttering a short petition to God for everlasting mer 
 cy for me and mine, on account of the merits of our 
 glorified Redeemer. Taking down my pistol, I cock 
 ed it and put it to the breast of the first Indian who 
 came up : but my pistol missing fire, I was siezed by 
 three Indians, who disarmed me, and bound me naked, 
 as I, was in my shirt, and so I stood for the space of 
 an hour. Binding me, they told me that I was to be 
 
INDIAN WARS. 81 
 
 carried to Quebec. My pistol missing fire was the 
 occasion of my life's being preserved ; since which I 
 have also found it profitable to be crossed in my own 
 will. The judgment of God did not long slumber 
 against one of the three which took me, who was a 
 captain, for by sun-rise, he received a mortal shot 
 from my next neighbor's house ; who opposed so 
 great a number of French and Indians as three hun 
 dred, and yet were no more than seven men in an un- 
 garrisoned house. 
 
 " I cannot relate the distressing care I had for my 
 dear wife, who had lain in but a few weeks before, 
 and for my poor children, family and Christian neigh 
 bors. The enemy fell to rifling the house and en 
 tered in great numbers into every room in the house. 
 I begged of God to remember mercy in the midst qf 
 judgment ; that he would so far restrain their wrath 
 as to prevent their murdering us ; that we might 
 have grace to glorify his name, whether in life or 
 death ; and, as I was able, committed our state to 
 GOD. The enemies who entered the house were all 
 of them Indians and Macquas, insulted over me a 
 while ; holding up hatchets over my head, threat 
 ening to burn all I had ; but yet GOD, beyond ex 
 pectation, made us in great measure to be pitied ; for 
 though some were so cruel and barbarous as to take 
 and carry to the door two of my children, and mur 
 der them, as also a negro woman, yet they gave me 
 liberty to put on my clothes, keeping me bound with 
 a cord on one arm, till I put on my clothes to the 
 other ; and then changing my cord, they let me dress 
 myself, and then pinioned me again. Gave liberty to 
 my dear wife to dress herself, and our children. A- 
 bout an hour after sun-rise, we were all carried out of 
 the house, for a march, and saw many of my neigh 
 bors' houses in flames, perceiving the whole fort, one 
 house excepted, to be taken. Who can tell what 
 sorrows pierced our souls when we saw ourselves car 
 ried from GOD'S sanctuary, to go into a strange land 
 exposed to so many trials ? The journey being at least 
 
32 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 three hundred miles we were to travel : the snow uy 
 to the knees, and we never enured to such hard 
 ships and fatigues ; the place we were carried 
 to, a popish country. Upon my parting from the 
 town they fired my house and barn. We were car 
 ried over the river to the foot of -the mountain, about 
 a mile from my house, where we found a great num 
 ber of our Christian neighbors, men, women and chil 
 dren, to the number of an hundred, 19 of whom were 
 afterwards murdered by the way, and to starve to 
 death, near Coos, in a time of great scarcity or fam 
 ine which the savages underwent there. When we 
 came to the foot of the mountain, they took away 
 our shoes, and gave us in the room of them, Indian 
 shoes, to prepare us for our travel. While we were 
 there the English beat out a company that remain 
 ed in the town, and pursued them to the river, killing 
 and wounding many of them ; but the body of the ar 
 my being alarmed, they repulsed those few English 
 that pursued them. " After this, we went up to the 
 mountain, and saw the smoke of the fires in the town, 
 and beheld the awful desolation of Deerfield ; and be 
 fore we marched any farther, they killed a sucking 
 child of the English. There were slain by the ene 
 my, of the Inhabitants of our town, to the number of 
 38, besides nine of the neighboring towns." 
 
 14 When we came to our lodging place the first night, 
 they dug away the snow, and made some wigwams, 
 cut down some of the small branches of spruce trees 
 to lie down on, and gave the prisoners somewhat to 
 eat ; but we had but little appetite. I was pinioned 
 and bound down that night, and so I was every night 
 whilst I was with the army. Some of the enemy who 
 brought drink from the town, fell to drinking, and in 
 their druken fit they killed my negro man. the only 
 dead person I either saw at the town, or in the way. 
 In the night an Englishman made his escape. In the 
 morning I was called for, and ordered by the general 
 to tell the English, that if any more made their es 
 cape, they would burn the rest of the prisoners. He 
 
INDIAN WARS. 83 
 
 that took me, was unwilling to let me speak with any 
 of the prisoners as we marched ; but, early on the 
 second day, he being appointed to the rear guard, I 
 was put into the hands of my other master, who per 
 mitted me to speak to my wife, when I overtook her, 
 and to walk with her, to help her in her journey." 
 
 After a fatiguing journey of ten or twelve days, the 
 Indians reached their village with their prisoners to 
 the number of thirty or forty,by whom they were held 
 in captivity, enduring almost incredible hardships, 
 until the 25th October following, when an ambassa 
 dor from Boston, Samuel Appleton, Esq. was des 
 patched to redeem such as had survived. They took 
 passage at Quebec, and to the number of fifty-seven, 
 arrived in safety at Boston on the 21st November, 
 
 The Indians continued their depredations upon the 
 defenceless inhabitants on the frontiers, until the year 
 1725, when a treaty of peace was signed between 
 commissioners appointed by the General Court at 
 Boston and the Chiefs of the hostile Indian tribes. A 
 long peace followed, and the Indians generally mani 
 fested a disposition to remain on friendly terms with 
 the English, and it was supposed that they never 
 would again be disposed to hostilities, had they never 
 been under the immediate influence of French interest. 
 War was declared between France and England in 
 March, 1744. The first year of the war no Indians 
 made their appearance in this part of the country. 
 They had found by experience, that to maintain an 
 open trade with the English was greatly to their in 
 terest, and consequently at first entered into the war 
 with reluctance. 
 
 The first mischief done by the enemy, in this part 
 of the country, in the course of this war, was in July 
 1745; when a few Indians came to a place called the 
 Great Meadow, about 16 miles above fort Drummer, 
 on Connecticut river ; two of whom captivated Wil 
 liam Phipps, as he was hoing his corn. 
 
 October 11. The fort at the Great Meadow was 
 attacked by a large party of French and Indians. 
 
S4 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 The attack was bold and furious, but without success. 
 No lives were lost. Nehemiah Howe was taken cap 
 tive and carried to Quebec, where he soon died. The 
 enemy, on their return, met one David Rugg, with 
 another person, passing down Connecticut river in a 
 canoe. K,ugg they killed and scalped, but the other 
 with some difficulty made his escape. 
 
 On the 22d of the same month a large party of the 
 enemy came to the upper Ashwolot, with a design to 
 have taken the fort by suprise, but being discovered 
 by a person who was providentially at that time at a 
 little distance from the garrison, they were discon 
 certed. An action however ensued, which continued 
 for some time. The enemy finally withdrew In this 
 action John Bullard was killed, Nathan Blake was 
 captivated, and the wife of Daniel APKinne, being 
 out of the fort, was overtaken and stabbed. Before 
 the enemy retired they burnt several buildings, which 
 was supposed to have been done not so much for the 
 sake of mischief as to conceal their dead, there being 
 many human bones afterwards found among the 
 ashes. 
 
 August 3. A body'of the enemy appeared at No. 4. 
 Suspicions of their approach were excited by the 
 yelling of dogs. A scout was sent out from the fort, 
 and had proceeded but a few rods before they were 
 fired upon. Ebenezer Phillips was killed ; the re 
 mainder made their escape to the fort The enemy 
 surrounded the garrison, and endeavoured for three 
 days to take it ; but finding the efforts ineffectual they 
 withdrew, after having burnt several buildings and 
 killed all their cattle, horses, &c. they could find. 
 
 Aug. 11. Benjamin Wright, of Northfield, riding 
 in the wood, was fired on and mortally wounded. He 
 died in a few hours after. 
 
 Aug. 20. An army of about 900 French and In 
 dians, under command of Gen. De Vaudreuil, made 
 an attack on fort Massachusetts. The fort was com 
 manded by Col. Hawks, who unfortunately was not 
 in a situation to defend it against such a force, having 
 
INDIAN WARS. 85 
 
 but 37 persons, men, women and children, in the fort; 
 and being miserably provided with ammunition. With 
 great fortitude he defended it for 23 hours, and had 
 not his ammunition failed, it is probable he never 
 would have given up the fort. He was finally neces 
 sitated to capitulate ; and he offered such articles as 
 were accepted by De Vandreuil. One special article 
 in this capitulation was, that none of the prisoners 
 should be delivered into the hands of the Indians. 
 The next day, however, Vandreuil divided the pris 
 oners, and delivered them one half, in open violation 
 and contempt of the article. The Indians immedi 
 ately killed one, who, by reason of sickness was un 
 able to travel. The prisoners, were in general, treat 
 ed with civility ; most of whom were afterwards re 
 deemed. Col Hawks lost but one man in the seige. 
 Gen. De Vandreuil, according to the best accounts 
 the prisoners could obtain, lost 45, who were either 
 killed outright, or died of their wounds. 
 
 Immediately after the capture of the fort a party 
 of about 50 Indians came on for the purpose of com 
 mitting depredations upon Deerfield. They came 
 first upon a hill, at the south-west corner of the south 
 meadow, where they discovered ten or twelve men 
 and children to work, in a situation in which they 
 might all with ease be made prisoners. Had they 
 succeeded in their design, which was to obtain pris 
 oners rather than scalps, it is probable that events 
 would not have been so disastrous as they proved. 
 They were disconcerted by the following circum 
 stance. Mr. Eleazer Hawks was out that morning a 
 fowling, and was providentially at the foot of the hill 
 when the enemy came down ; who seeing him, sup 
 posed they were discovered, and immediately fired 
 upon him, killed and scalped him. This gave an 
 alarm to the people in the meadow, some of whom 
 were but a few rods distance. The enemy were now 
 sensible that w r hat they did must be done with des 
 patch. Accordingly they rushed into the meadow. 
 12 
 
S(> INDIAN WARS. 
 
 fired on Simeon Amsden, a lad, beheaded and scalped 
 him. Messss. Samuel Allen, John Sadler and Ado- 
 nijah Gillet, ran a few rods and made a stand under 
 the bank of the river, where they were attacked 
 with fury, and fought a little tiaie with great brav 
 ery ; they were, however, soon overpowered with 
 numbers. Allen and Gillet felt. Sadler, finding 
 himself alone, ran across the river and made his es 
 cape, amidst a shower of balls. While this was pass 
 ing Oliver Amsden was pursued a few rods, overta 
 ken and stabbed, after having his hands and fingers 
 cut in pieces by endeavouring to defend himself a- 
 gainst the knives of the enemy. At the same time 
 three children, by the name of Allen, were pursued. 
 Eunice, one of the three was struck down with a tom 
 ahawk, which was sunk into her head, but by reason 
 of the haste in which the enemy retreated, she was 
 left unscalped, and afterwards recovered. Caleb Al 
 len, of Deerfield, made his escape ; and Samuel was 
 taken captive, who was the only prisoner taken at this 
 time. 
 
 This lad after a year and nine months, was re 
 deemed. Col. Hawks who was sent to Canada for 
 the purpose of redeeming captives, inquiring for the 
 lad, was informed that he was unwilling to be seen, 
 and that he expressed great dissatisfaction on hearing 
 of his arrival. When he was brought into the pres 
 ence of Col. Hawks he was unwilling to know him-, 
 although he was his uncle, and had always been ac 
 quainted with him in Deerfield. Neither would he 
 speak in the English tongue, not that he had forgot 
 ten it, but to express his unwillingness to return. He 
 made use of various arts that he might not be ex 
 changed ; and finally could not be obtained but by 
 threats, and was brought off by force. In this we see 
 the surprising power of habit. This youth had lost his 
 affection for his country and his friends in the course 
 of one year and nine months; and had become so at 
 tached to the Indians, and their mode of living, as to 
 
INDIAN WARS. 87 
 
 consider it the happiest life. This appears the more 
 surprising when we consider, that he fared extremely 
 hard, and was reduced almost to a skeleton. 
 
 Aug. 26. Capt. Hobbs, passing through the woods 
 from No, 4 to fort Shirly, with 40 men, and being 
 about 12 miles north-west of fort Drummer, was at 
 tacked by a large body of the enemy,, who had pur 
 sued him. It being in the middle of the day he made 
 a stand that his men might recieve some refreshment. 
 While they were dining the scout, which were sent 
 upon the back track, were fired on. Upon this Gapt. 
 Hobbs put his men in as much readiness for an action 
 as two or three minutes would admit of. The enemy 
 came with great fury, expecting, no doubt, an immedi 
 ate surrender ; but Gapt. Hobbs gave them a warm re 
 ception, and fought for three hours with such boldness 
 and fortitude that, had he and his men been Romans, 
 they would have received a laurel, and their names 
 handed down with honour to the latest posterity. 
 The enemy finally fled in haste, and with great loss, 
 Capt. Hobbs, in this action lost but three men, and 
 had but three wounded. Those killed were Ebenezer 
 Mitchell, Eli Scott and Samuel Gunn. 
 
 Aug. 2, about 200 of the enemy made their ap 
 pearance at fort Massachusetts which was then un 
 der the command of Capt. Ephraim Williams. A 
 scout was first fired upon, which drew out Capt. Wil 
 liams, with about 30 men. An attack begun which 
 continued for some time ; but finding the enemy nu- 
 merour Capt. Williams fought upon the retreat till he 
 had again recovered the fort. The enemy soon with 
 drew, and with what loss was unknown. In this 
 action one Abbot was killed, and Lieut. Howleyand 
 Ezikiel Wells were wounded, but recovered. 
 
 This is the last instance of mischief done by the 
 enemy in the western frontiers, in what is called the 
 first French war. Peace, however, was not finally 
 settled with the Indians until October 1749, when a 
 treaty was held at Falmouth by commissipners from 
 
88 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 the General Court and the Chiefs of the Indian 
 tribes, by whom a former treaty, with some addi 
 tions, was renewed. 
 
 From this important period, which being the 15th 
 day of October, 1749, ought the peace and prosperi 
 ty of the now flourishing states of New-England to 
 receive their date. It was at this period that her 
 hardy sons quit the sanguinary field, and exchanged 
 their implements of death for such as were better 
 calculated for the cultivation and tillage of their 
 farms. The forest, with which they were encom 
 passed, no longer abounded with fierce and untutored 
 savages; the Indian death song and war-hoop was no 
 longer heard ; the greater part of the Indians that 
 survived the many bloody engagements, had sought 
 peace and retirement far westward ; the prisoners 
 which the .English had captured were liberated, 
 on condition of resorting to, and remaining with them. 
 They proved faithful to their promise. They took 
 possession of the country bounding on the great 
 lakes, and in possession of which their descendants 
 remain to the present day. A description of whose 
 manners and customs will be found in the succeeding 
 chapter. 
 
 We shall close this chapter with a few remarks 
 relative to the state, customs and ludicrous opinions 
 of the Indians in New-England, when first visited by 
 our forefathers, and of their rapid depopulation since 
 that period. 
 
 We cannot even hazard a conjecture respecting 
 the Indian population of New-England, at the time 
 of its first settlement by the English. Capt. Smith 
 in a voyage to this coast, in 1614, supposed that on 
 the Massachusetts islands there were about 3000 In 
 dians All accounts agree that the sea coast and 
 neighbouring islands were thickly inhabited. 
 
 Three years before the arrival of the Plymouth 
 colony a very mortal sickness, supposed to have been 
 the plague or yellow fever, raged with great violence 
 
INDIAN WARS, St) 
 
 among the Indians in the eastern parts of New-Eng 
 land. Whole towns were depopulated. The living 
 were not able to bury the dead ; and their bones 
 were found lying above ground many years after. 
 The Massachusetts Indians are said to have been re 
 duced from 30,000 to 300 fighting men. In 1633 
 the small pox swept off great numbers of the Indians 
 in Massachusetts. 
 
 In 1763 on the Island of Nantucket, in the space 
 of four months, the Indians were reduced by a mor 
 tal sickness from 320 to 85. The hand of Provi 
 dence is notable in these surprising instances of mor 
 tality among the Indians to make room for the whites. 
 Comparatively few have perished by wars ; and the 
 descendants of the few that were not driven to the 
 westward by the .English, waste and moulder away, 
 and in a manner unaccountable disappear. 
 
 The number of Indians in the state of Connecti 
 cut, in 1774, was 1363 ; but their number is doubt 
 less much lessened. The principal part of their pop 
 ulation in this state is at Mohegan, in the county of 
 New-London. These are the descendants of the 
 Mohegans, of whom frequent mention is made in the 
 foregoing pages, as being very serviceable (under the 
 command of Uncus) to the English in their many en 
 gagements with the natives. The Mohegans have 
 ever exhibited great reverence for the descendants 
 of their royal sachem. After the death of Uncas, his 
 body, by his request, was conveyed to Norwich and 
 there interred in the neighborhood of one of his forts. 
 This spot was selected by him previous to his death, 
 and it was his dying request that the whole family of 
 Uncas should there be buried ; a request which has 
 been strictly complied with by the Mohegans, who, 
 although the distance is seven miles from their own 
 burying ground, have and continue to deposit there 
 the descendants of their revered sachem. 
 
 The number of Indians in Rhode Island, 1783, 
 was only 525. More than half of these live in Charles- 
 
90 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 town, in the county of Washington, In 1774 their 
 number was 1483 ; so that in nine years the decrease 
 was 957. We have not been able to ascertain the 
 exact state of the Indian population in Massachusetts 
 and New-Hampshire. In 1784 there Was a tribe of 
 about forty Indians at Norridgwalk, in the province of 
 Maine, with some few other scattering remains of 
 tribes in other parts, and a number of towns thinly 
 inhabited round Cape Cod. 
 
 When the English first arrived in America, the 
 Indians had no times or places set apart for religious 
 worship. The first settlers in New-England were 
 at great pains to introduce among them the habits of 
 civilized life, and to instruct them in the Christian 
 religion. A few years intercourse with the Indians 
 induced them to establish several good and natural 
 regulations. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. ELLIOT, of Roxbury, near Boston, 
 who has been styled the great Indian apostle, with 
 much labor learned the Natic dialect of the Indian 
 languages. He published an Indian grammar and 
 preached in Indian to several tribes, and in 1664 
 translated the Bible and several religious books into 
 the Indian language. He relates several pertinent 
 queries of the Indians respecting the Christian re 
 ligion. Among others, whether Jesus Christ, the 
 mediator or enterpreter, could understand prayer in 
 the Indian language. If the father be bad and the 
 child good s why should God in the second command 
 ment be offended with the child ? How the Indians 
 came to differ so much from the English in the knowl 
 edge of God and JESUS CHRIST, since they all 
 sprung from one father ? Mr. Elliot was indefatiga 
 ble in his labours, and travelled through all parts of 
 Massachusetts and Plymouth Colonies as far as Cape 
 Cod. The colony had such a veneiation for him that 
 in an act of the General Assembly relating to In 
 dians, they express themselves thus, " By the advice 
 of the said magistrates and of Mr. Elliot.' 
 
INDIAN WARS. 91 
 
 Concerning the religion of the untaught natives of 
 New England, who once held a plurality of deities y 
 after the arrival of the English, supposed there were 
 only three, because they saw people of three kinds of 
 complexions, viz, English, negroes and themselves. 
 
 It was a notion pretty generally prevailing among 
 them, that it was not the same god that made them 
 who made us ; but that they were created after the 
 white people ; and it is probable they supposed their 
 god gained some special skill, by seeing the white 
 people made, and so made them better ; for it is cer 
 tain they looked upon themselves, and their methods 
 of living, which they say their god expressly pre 
 scribed for them, vastly preferable to the white peo 
 ple and their methods. 
 
 With regard to a future state of existence, many of 
 them imagined that the chichung, i. e.the shadow, or 
 what survived the body, would at death go south 
 ward, and in an unknown but curious place would en 
 joy some kind of happiness, such as hunting, feast 
 ing, dancing, and the like. And what they supposed 
 would contribute much to their happiness was, that 
 they should there never be weary of those entertain 
 ments. 
 
 The natives of New England, believed not only 
 plurality of gods, who made and governed the sev 
 eral nations of the world, but they made deities of 
 every thing they imagined to be great, and powerful, 
 beneficial, or hurtful to mankind ; yet they concei 
 ved an almighty being, whom they called Kitchtau, 
 who at first, according to their tradition, made a man 
 and woman out of stone, but upon some dislike des 
 troyed them again, and then made another couple out 
 of a tree, from whom descended all the nations of the 
 earth, but how they came to be scatterred and dis 
 persed into countries so remote from one another they 
 could not tell. They believed their supreme god to 
 be a good being, and paid a sort of acknowledgment 
 to him for plenty, victory, and other benefits. 
 
INDIAN WARS. 
 
 The immortality of the soul was universally believ- 
 <3:1 among them. When good men died, they said, 
 their souls went Kietchtau, where they met with their 
 friends, and enjoyed all manner of pleasures ; when 
 the wicked died, they went to Kietchtau also, but were 
 commended to walk away ; and so wander about in rest 
 less discontent and darkness forever. 
 
 The natives of New-England in general were quick 
 of apprehension, ingenious, and when pleased nothing 
 could exceed their courtesy and friendship. Gravity 
 and eloquence distinguished them in council, address 
 and bravery in war. They were not more easily pro 
 voked than the English, but when once they have re 
 ceived an injury, it is never forgotten. In anger, they 
 were not like the English, talkative and boisterous, 
 but sullen and revengeful. The men declined all la 
 bour and spent their time in hunting, fishing, shooting 
 and warlike exercise. They imposed all the drudg 
 ery upon their women, who gathered and brought 
 home their wood, planted, dressed and gathered their 
 corn. When they travelled the women carried their 
 children, packs and provisions. The women submit 
 ted patiently to such treatment. This ungenerous 
 usage of their husbands they repaid with smiles and 
 good humour. 
 
 The clothing of the natives were the skins of wild 
 beasts. The men threw a mantle of skins over them 
 and wore a small flap, which was termed Indian 
 breeches. The women were much more modest. 
 They wore a coat of skins girt about their loins, which 
 reached down to their hams ; which they never put 
 off in company. If the husband chose to despose of 
 his wife's beaver petticoat, she could not be persaud- 
 ed to part with it until he had provided another of 
 some sort. In the winter their blankets of skins, 
 which hung loose in the summer, was tied or wrap 
 ped more closely about them. The old men in the 
 severe seasons also wore a sort of trowsers made of 
 skins and fastened to their girdles, and on their feet 
 
INDIAN WARS. 93 
 
 they wore moccasons, made of moose leather, and 
 their chiefs or sachems wore on their heads a cap dec 
 orated with feathers. 
 
 Their houses or wigwams were at best but miser 
 able cells ; they were constructed generally like ar 
 bours, or small young trees bent and twisted togeth 
 er, and so curiously covered with mats or bark that 
 they were tolerably dry and warm. They made their 
 fires in the centre of the house, and there was an o- 
 pening at the top which emitted the smoke. For the 
 convenience of wood and water, these huts were com 
 monly erected in groves, near some river, brook or 
 living spring. When either failed, the family remo 
 ved to another place. 
 
 They lived in a poor low manner. Their food was 
 coarse and simple, without any kind of seasoning, 
 having neither spice, salt or bread. Their food was 
 principally the entrails of moose, deer, bears, and all 
 kind of wild beasts and fowls. Of fish and snakes 
 they were extremely fond. They had strong stom 
 achs, and nothing came amiss. They had no set 
 meals, but like other wild- creatures ate when they 
 were hungry and could find any thing to satisfy the 
 cravings of nature. They had but little food from the 
 earth except what is spontaneously produced. Indian 
 corn, beans and squashes were the only eatables for 
 which the natives of New-England laboured. 
 
 Their household furniture was of but small value. 
 Their beds were composed of mats or skins. They 
 had neither chairs or stools, but commonly sat upon 
 the ground with their elbows upon their knees. A 
 few wooden and stone vessels and instruments served 
 all the purposes of domestic life. Their knife was a 
 sharp stone, shell or kind of reed, which they sharp 
 ened in such a manner as to cut their hair, make their 
 bows and arrows, &c. They made their axes of stone, 
 which they shaped somewhat similiar to our axes, but 
 with the difference of their being made with a neck 
 instead of an eye, and fastened with a withe like a 
 blacksmith's chissel. 
 13 
 
94 FNDIAN WAR?. 
 
 The manner of the courtship and marriage of the 
 natives manifested the impurity of their morals. 
 ^When a young Indian wished for marriage he preset 
 ted the girl with whom he was enamoured with brace- 
 letts, belts, and chains of wampum. If she received 
 % his presents, they cohabited together for a time upon 
 trial. If they pleased each other they joined in mar 
 riage ; but if after a few weeks, they were not suited 
 the man, leaving his presents, quitted the girl and 
 sought another mistress, and she another lover. In 
 this manner they courted until two met who were 
 agreeable to each other. 
 
 The natives of New-England although they consist 
 ed of a great number of different nations and clans, 
 appear to have spoken the same language. From 
 Piscataqua to Connecticut it was so nearly the same 
 that the different tribes could converse tolerably to 
 gether. The Mohegan or Pequot language was es 
 sentially that of all the Indians in New-England. The 
 word Mohegan is a corruption of Muhekaneew, in 
 the singular, or of Muhkaneek in the plural number. 
 The Penobscots, bordering on Nova Scotia : the In 
 dians of St. Francois in Canada ; the Delawares, in 
 Pennsylvania, the Shawnese, on the Ohio, and the 
 Chippewas, at the westward of lake Huron, all now 
 speak the same radical language. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 O'P THE DIFFERENT TRIBES OF INDIANS INHAB 
 ITING THE WESTERN COUNTRY. 
 
 As we are now about to speak of the wars with 
 savages in the western country, we shall commence 
 with a description of their prevailing customs and 
 habits. 
 
 They are the descendants of those who once in 
 habited the sea coasts, and who were driven by the 
 English, as mentioned in the preceding chapter, far 
 to the westward ; so that but few of their descend 
 ants are now to be found within less than two or three 
 hundred miles of the sea ; for though many of them 
 have been instructed in the knowledge of Christiani 
 ty, and districts of land have been alloted them in 
 several of the British colonies, where they have been 
 formed into societies ; yet it has been found that in 
 proportion as they lay by their ancient customs and 
 conform to the manners of civilized life, they dwindle 
 away, either because the changers prejudicial to their 
 constitutions, or because when settled among the 
 English they have great opportunities of procuring 
 spirituous liquors, of which both sexes are in general 
 inordinately fond ; very little care being ever taken to 
 prevent those who are inclined to take advantage of 
 them in trade from basely intoxicating them for that 
 purpose. This has a powerful effect on their consti 
 tutions, and soon proves fatal, producing diseases to 
 which they were formerly strangers. Thus where a 
 few years ago there were considerable settlements of 
 them, their name is almost forgotten ; and those 
 
96 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 who still remain have, for the most part, joined them 
 selves to other nations in the interior part of the coun 
 try on jthe lakes and rivers. 
 
 The Indians in Canada, and to the south of it, are 
 tall and straight, beyond the proportion of most other 
 nations. Their bodies are strong, but as has been 
 before observed, this is a strength rather suited to en 
 dure the exercise of the chase than much hard labour, 
 by which they are soon consumed. They have gene 
 rally supple limbs, and the smallest degree of defor 
 mity is rarely seen among them. Their features 
 are regular, their complexion somewhat of a copper 
 colour or reddish brown. Their hair, which is long, 
 black and lank, is as strong as that of a horse. They 
 carefully eridicate the hair from every part of the 
 body except the head, and they confine that to a tuft 
 at the top ; whence an erroneous idea has much pre 
 vailed that the men of this country are naturally des 
 titute of beards ; but it is unquestionable that it is 
 only an artificial deprivation. 
 
 They generally wear only a blanket wrapped about 
 them, or a shirt, both of which they purchase of the 
 English traders. When the Europeans first came 
 among them they found some nations entirely naked, 
 and others with a corse cotton cloth, wove by them 
 selves, round, the waist ; but in the northern parts 
 their whole bodies were in winter covered with 
 skins. 
 
 The Huron Indians possess a very pleasant and 
 fertile country on the eastern side of the lake which 
 bears the same name. Haifa century ago they were 
 very numerous, and could raise six or seven hundred 
 warriors, but they have suffered greatly from the at 
 tacks of neighbouring tribes. They differ in their 
 manners from any of the Indian tribes with which 
 they are surrounded. They build regular houses, 
 which they cover with bark ; and arc considered as 
 the most wealthy Indians on the continent, having not 
 only many horses^ but some black cattle and swine. 
 They likewise raise much corn, so that after provid- 
 
INDIAN WARS. 97 
 
 ing for their own wants, they are enabled to barter 
 the remainder with other tribes. Their country ex 
 tends 150 miles eastward of the lake, but is nar 
 rower in the contrary direction. The soiHs not ex 
 ceeded by any in this part of the world. The timber 
 is tall and beautiful ; the woods abound with gamey 
 and abundance of fish may be obtained from the riv 
 ers and lakes ; so that if it was well cultivated, the 
 land would equal that on any part of the sea coast of 
 North America. A missionary of the order of Car 
 thusian friers, by permission of the bishop of Canada, 
 resides among them, and is by them amply rewarded 
 for his services. 
 
 Those tribes of Indians who inhabit the banks of 
 lakes Champlain, George and Ontario, were former 
 ly called Iroquots, but have since been known by the 
 name of " the five Mohawk nations, 5 ' and Cc the Mo 
 hawks of Canada." The former are called Ononda- 
 goes, Oneides, Senecas, Tuscarories, and Troon- 
 dock ; these fought on the side of the English in the 
 contest for territory with France. The Cohnawah- 
 gahs and St. Francois Indians joined the French. 
 
 The knowledge which we have of the Indians fur 
 ther to the S. W. as far beyond 45 N. latitude, is 
 chiefly obtained from the very worthy provincial offi 
 cer, Major Carver, who travelled into v those parts in 
 the year 1776, and whose placid manners and artless 
 sincerity could not fail of recommending him to men 
 whom nature alone had instructed. He visited twelve 
 nations of Indians, among which the following ap 
 pear to be the most considerable. The Chipewa, 
 who dwell to the southward of lake Superior, and the 
 Ottawa,the Winnebagoesto the W. of lake Michigan, 
 who with the Saukies, and Qttiganmies occupy the 
 whole extent of country from the lake to the Missi- 
 ,ippi, below 42 N. lattitude, where the Onsconsin 
 river discharges itself. The Nandowesse, the most 
 numerous and extended Indian nation, inhabit the 
 country on the W. of the Mississippi, oil the borders 
 of Louisiana. 
 
98 INDIAN WAKS. 
 
 The Indians in general are strangers to the passions 
 of jealousy ; and the must profligate of their young 
 "men very rarely attnmpt the virtue of married wo 
 men, nor do such often put themselves in the way of 
 solicitation, although the Indian women, in general, 
 are amorous, and before marriage, not less esteemed 
 for gratifying their passions. It appears to have been 
 a very; prevalent custom with the Indians of this 
 country, before they became acquainted with the 
 Europeans, to compliment strangers with their wives ; 
 and the custom still prevails, not only among the lower 
 rank, but even among the chiefs themselves, who 
 consider such an offer as the greatest proof of courtesy 
 they can give a stranger. 
 
 The men are remarkable for their indolence, on 
 which they even seem to value themselves ; saying 
 that labour would degrade them, and belongs solely to 
 their women, while they are formed only for war,hunt* 
 ing and fishing ; to form canoes and build their 
 houses. But they frequently make the women assist 
 them in these, besides attending to all domestic af 
 fairs, and cultivating the land. They have a method 
 of lighting up their huts, with their torches., made 
 of the splinters cut from the pine or birch trees. 
 
 The Indians have generally astonishing patience 
 and equanimity of mind, with the command of every 
 passion except revenge. They bear the most sudden 
 and unexpected misfortune with calmness and compo 
 sure, without uttering a word, or the least change of 
 countenance . Even a prisoner who knows not wheth 
 er he may not in a few hours be put to the most cruel 
 death, seems entirely unconcerned, and eats and drinks 
 with as much cheerfulness as those into whose hands 
 they had fallen- Their resolution and courage under 
 sickness and pain is really astonishing. Even when 
 under the shocking torture to which prisoners are 
 frequently exposed, they will not only make them 
 selves cheerful, but provoke and irirtate their tormen^ 
 tors by the most severe reproaches. 
 
INDIAN WARS. 99 
 
 They are graceful in their deportment upon serious 
 occasions, observant of those in company, respectful 
 to the old, of a temper cool and deliberate, by which 
 they are never in haste to speak before "they have 
 well thought of the matter, and sure that the person 
 who spoke before them has finished all that he had 
 to say. In their public councils, every man is heard 
 in his turn according to his years, his wisdom or his 
 services to his country have ranked him. Not a whis 
 per nor a murmur is heard from the rest while he 
 speaks ; no indecent commendations, no ill-timid ap 
 plause. The young attend for their instruction ; for 
 here they learn the history of their nation, are ani 
 mated by those who celebrate the warlike actions of 
 their ancestors ; who are taught what is the interest 
 of their country, and how to cultivate and pursue it. 
 
 Hospitality is exercised among them with the ut 
 most generosity and good will. Their houses, their 
 provisions, and even their young women are presented 
 to a guest. To those of their own nation they are 
 likewise very humane and beneficent. If any of them 
 succeed ill in hunting, if the harvest fails, or his house 
 is burnt he feels no other effects of his misfortune 
 than its giving him an opportunity of experiencing the 
 benevolence and re^ard'of his countrymen^ who for 
 that purpose, have almost every thing in common. 
 But to the enemies of his country, or to those who 
 have privately offended him, the native American is 
 implacable. He never indeed makes use of oaths, or 
 indecent expressions, but cruelly conceals his senti 
 ments, till by treachery or surprise he can gratify his 
 revenge. No length of time is sufficient to allay his 
 resentment ; no distance of place is great enough to 
 protect the object; he crosses the steepest mountains^ 
 pierces impervious forests and traverses the most 
 hideous deserts ; bearing the inclemency of the sea 
 son, the fatigue of the expedition, the extremes of 
 hunger and thirst with patience and cheerfulness, in 
 hopes of surprising his enemy, and exercising upon him 
 the most shocking barbarities. When these cannot 
 
100 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 be effected, the revenge is left as a legacy transferee! 
 from generation to generation, from father to son, till 
 an opportunity offers of taking what they think ample 
 satisfaction^ To such extremes do the Indians push 
 their friendship, or their enmity ; and such indeed is 
 in general, the character of all uncivilized nations. 
 They, however, esteem nothing so unworthy a man 
 of sense, as a peevish temper, and a proneness to a 
 sudden and rash anger. 
 
 On the other hand, they are highly sensible of the 
 utility and pleasures of friendship ; for each of them 
 at a certain age, makes choice of some one nearly of 
 the same standing in life to be their most intimate and 
 bosom friend. These two enter into mutual engage- 
 ments, by which they oblige themselves to brave any 
 danger and run any risk to assist and support each 
 other. This attachment is even carried so far as to 
 overcome the fear of death, which they consider as 
 only a temporary separation, being persuaded that 
 they shall meet and be united in friendship in the 
 other world, never to be separated more ; and that 
 there they shall need one another's assistance as 
 well as here. 
 
 It does not appear that there is any Indian nation 
 that has not some sense of a Deity, and a kind of su 
 perstitious religion. Their ideas of the nature and 
 attributes of God are very obscure, and some of them 
 absurd, though they conceive of him as the Great 
 Spirit; but imagine that his more immediate residence 
 is on the Island of the Great Lakes. They seem to 
 have some idea that there are spirits of a higher order 
 than man, and supposing them to be every where 
 present, frequently invoke them, and endeavour to 
 act agreeable to their desires. They likewise imagine 
 that there is an evil spirit, who they say is always in 
 clined to mischief, and bears great sway in the crea 
 tion. This indeed is the principal object of their 
 devotion. They generally address him most heartily 
 beseeching him to do them no harm. But sup 
 posing the others to be propitious, and ever inclined 
 
INDIAN WARS. 101 
 
 to do good, they intreat those spirits to bestow bless 
 ings upon them and prevent the evil spirit from hurt 
 ing them. Major Carver relates, that one of the 
 most considerable chiefs among the Ottawas, with- 
 whom he remained a night, on attending him to his 
 canoe the next morning, with great solemnity and in 
 an audible voice offered up a fervent prayer, as he 
 entered his canoe, " that the Great Spirit would fa 
 vour him with a prosperous voyage ; that he would 
 give him an unclouded sky and smooth waters by day, 
 and that he might lie down by night on a beaver 
 blanket, enjoying uninterrupted sleep and pleasant 
 dreams ; and that he might find continual security 
 under the great pipe of peace." To procure the 
 protection of the good spirit they imagine it neces 
 sary to distinguish themselves, and that they must, 
 above all other atttainments, become good warriors, 
 expert hunters and steady marksmen. 
 
 Their priests often persuade the people that they 
 have revelations of future events, and are authorised 
 to command them to pursue such and such measures. 
 They also undertake to unfold the mysteries of reli 
 gion and to solve and interpret all their dreams. They 
 represent the other world as a place abounding with 
 an inexhaustible plenty of every thing desirable, where 
 they shall enjoy the most full and exquisite gratifica 
 tion of all their senses. This is doubtless the motive 
 that induces the Indian to meet death with such indif 
 ference and composure ; none of them being in the 
 least dismayed at the news that he has but a few 
 hours or minutes to live, but with the greatest intre 
 pidity sees himself upon the brink of being separated 
 from all terrestial things, and with great serenity 
 talks to all around him. Thus a father leaves his 
 dying advice to his children, and takes a formal leave 
 of all his friends. 
 
 They testify great indifference for the productions 
 
 of art : " It is pretty, I like to look at it," but express 
 
 no curiosity about its construction. Such, however, 
 
 is not their behaviour when they are told of a person 
 
 14 
 

 
 102 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 who distinguishes himself by agility in running ; is 
 well skilled in hunting ; can take a most exact aim; 
 work a canoe along a rapid with great dexterity ; is 
 skilled in all the arts which their stealthy mode of 
 carrying on a war is capable of; or is acute in discov 
 ering the situation of a country, and can, without a 
 guide, pursue his proper course through a vast forest 
 and sustain hunger, thrist and fatigue with invincible 
 firmness ; at such a relation their attention is roused. 
 They listen to the interesting tale with delight, and 
 express in the strongest terms their esteem for so 
 great and so wonderful a man. 
 
 They generally bury their dead with great decen 
 cy, and deposit in the grave such articles as the de 
 ceased had made the greatest use of, and been most 
 attached to ; as his bow and arrows, pipes, tobacco, 
 &,c. that he may be not in want of any thing when 
 he comes to the other country. The mothers mourn 
 for their children a long time, and the neighbours 
 make presents to the father, and he in return gives 
 them a feast. 
 
 Every band has a leader, who bears the name of 
 sachem or chief warrior, and is chosen for his tried 
 valour or skill in conducting the war. To him is 
 entrusted all military operations ; but his authority 
 does not extend to civil affairs, that pre-eminence be 
 ing given to another, who possesses it by a kind of 
 hereditary claim, and whose assent is necessary to 
 render valid all conveyances of land, or treaties of 
 whatever kind, to which he affixes the mark of the 
 tribe or nation. Though these military and civil 
 chiefs are considered the heads of the band, and the 
 latter is usually stylor] king, yet the American Indians 
 consider themselves as controlled by neither civil or 
 military authority. Every individual regards himself 
 as free and independent, and would never renounce 
 the idea of liberty ; therefore injunctions, conveyed 
 in the style of a positive command, would be disre 
 garded and treated with contempt. Nor do their 
 leaders assume an ascendancy repugnant to these 
 
INDIAN WARS, 103 
 
 } 
 
 sentiments, but merely advise what is n ecessary to be 
 done, which is sufficient to produce the most prompt 
 and effectual execution, never producing a murmur. 
 
 Their great council is compos ed of the heads of 
 tribes and families, and of those whose capacity has 
 raised them to the same degree of consideration. 
 They meet in a house built in each of their towns for 
 that purpose, and also to receive ambassadors, to de 
 liver them an answer, to sing their traditionary songs, 
 or to commemorate the dead. In these councils they 
 propose all such matters as concern the state, and 
 which have been already digested in the secret coun 
 cils, at which none but the head men assist. The 
 chiefs seldom speak much themselves at these gene 
 ral meetings, but entrust their sentiments with a per 
 son who is called their speaker or orator, there being 
 one of this profession in every tribe or town ; and 
 their manner of speaking is natural and easy, their 
 words strong and expressive, their style bold, figur 
 ative and laconic, whatever is told tending either 
 for the judgment or to rouse the passions. 
 
 When any business of consequence is transacted 
 they appoint a feast upon the occasion, of which al 
 most the whole nation partakes. Before the enter 
 tainment is ready the principal person begins with a 
 song on the remarkable events of their history, and 
 whatever may tend to to their honour or instruction. 
 The others sing in their turn. They also have dances 
 chiefly of a martial kind, and no solemnity or public 
 business is carried on without songs and dances. 
 
 As the Indians are high spirited and soon irritated, 
 the most trifling provocations frequently rouse them 
 to arms, and prove the occasion of bloodshed and 
 murder. Their petty private quarrels are often de 
 cided this way, and expeditions undertaken without 
 the knowledge or consent of the general council. 
 These private expeditions are winked at and excused 
 as a means of keeping their young men in action, and 
 inuring them to the exertions of war. 
 
104 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 But when war becomes a national affair, it is enter 
 ed upon with great deliberation. They first call an 
 assembly of sachems or chief warriors, to deliberate 
 upon the affair, and every thing relating to it. In this 
 general congress among the nothern Indians and Five 
 Nations, the women have a voice as well as the men. 
 When they are assembled the chief sachem or presi 
 dent proposes the affair they have met to consult up 
 on, and taking up the tomahawk, which lies by him, 
 says, a who among you will go and fight against such 
 a nation? Who among you will bring captives from 
 thence to replace our deceased friends, that our 
 wrongs may be revenged and our name and honour 
 maintained as long as the rivers flow,the grass grow? 5 
 or the sun and moon shall endure V Then one of the 
 principal warriors rising, harrangues the whole assem 
 bly, and afterwards, addressing himself to the young 
 men, inquiries who will go with him, and fight their 
 enemies? When they generally rise, one after anoth 
 er, and fall in behind him, while he walks round the 
 circle till he is joined by a sufficient number. 
 
 On such occasions they usually have a deer, or 
 some other beast, roasted whole ; and each of them, 
 as they consent to go to war, cuts off a piece and eats, 
 saying, "Thus will I devour our enemies;" mention 
 ing the nation they are going to attack. The cere 
 mony being performed, the dance commences, and 
 they sing their war song, which has relation to their 
 skill, courage and dexterity in fighting, and the man 
 ner in which they will vanquish their enemies. Their 
 expressions are 'strong and pathetic, accompanied 
 with a tone that inspires terror. 
 
 Such is the influence of their won?en in this con 
 sultation, that the issue depends much upon them. 
 If any one of them, in conjunction with the chiefs, has 
 a mind to excite one who does not immediately de 
 pend upon them to take an active part in their war, 
 she presents, by the hand of some trusty young war 
 rior, a string of wampum to the purson whose help 
 
INDIAN WARS. 105 
 
 she solicits, which seldom fails of producing the ef 
 fect. But when they solicit an offensive or defensive 
 alliance with a whole nation, they send an embassy 
 with a large belt of wampam and a bloody hatchet, 
 inviting them to come and drink the blood of their 
 enemies. 
 
 The wampum used on these and other occasions, 
 before their acquaintance with Europeans, was only 
 small shells, which they picked up by the sea-coasts 
 and on the banks of the lakes. It now consists prin 
 cipally of a kind of cylindrical beads, made of white 
 and black shells, which are esteemed among them as 
 silver and gold are among us. The black they think 
 the most valuable. Both of them are their greatest 
 riches and ornaments, answering all the ends of mo 
 ney among us. They have the art of stringing twist 
 ing and interweaving them into their belts, collars, 
 blankets, &c. in ten thousand different sizes^ forms 
 and figures, so as not only to be ornaments for every 
 part of dress, but expressive of all their important 
 transactions. They dye the wampum of various col 
 ours and shades ; and so they are made significant of 
 almost every thing they please. By these their re 
 cords are kept and their thoughts communicated to 
 one another, as ours are by writing. Thus the belts 
 that pass from one nation to another, in all important 
 transactions, are carefully preserved in the cabin of 
 their chiefs, and serve both as a kind of record or 
 history, and as a public treasure. Hence they are 
 never used on trifling occasions. 
 
 The calmut or pipe of peace, is of no less impor 
 tance, nor is it less revered among them. The bowl 
 of this pipe is made of a kind 6f soft red stone, easily 
 wrought, and hollowed out ; the stem is of cane, or a 
 kind of light wood, painted with different colours, 
 and adorned with the heads, tails and feathers of the 
 most beautiful birds, &c. The use of the calmut is 
 to smoke either tobacco, or some other herb used in 
 stead of it, when they enter into an alliance or any 
 solemn engagement ; this being esteemed the most 
 
106 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 sacred oath that can be taken, the violation of which 
 is thought to be most infamous, and deserving severe 
 punishment in the other life. When they treat of 
 war the whole pipe and all its ornaments are red ; 
 sometimes it is red only on one side, and by the dis 
 position of the feather, #c. a person acquainted with 
 their customs, knows at first sight the intentions or 
 desires of the nation which presents it. Smoking the 
 calmut is also upon some occasions, and in all trea 
 ties, considered as a sacred oath, as a seal of their 
 decrees, and a pledge of their performance of them. 
 The size and decorations of their calmuts are com 
 monly proportioned to the importance of the occasion, 
 to the quality of the persons to whom they are pre 
 sented, and to the esteem and regard they have for 
 them. 
 
 Another instrument of great importance among 
 them is the tomahawk. This is an ancient weapon 
 used by them in war, before they were taught the 
 use of iron or steel ; since which hatchets have been 
 substituted in the room of them ; but it retains its use 
 and importance in public transactions, and, like the 
 pipe is very significant. This instrument is formed 
 in some respects like a hatchet, having a long handle: 
 the head, which is a round knob of solid wood, calcu 
 lated to knock a man down, has on the other side a 
 point bending a little toward the handle, and near the 
 centre, where the handle pierces the head, another 
 point projects forward, of a considerable length, which 
 serves to thrust with like a speai . The tomahawk is 
 also ornamented with painting and feathers, disposed 
 and variegated in many significant forms, according 
 to the occasion and end for which they are used; and 
 on it are kept a kind of a journal of their marches and 
 most important occurrences in a kind of hieroglyph 
 ics. When the council is called to deliberate on war 
 the tomahawk is coloured red ; and when the council 
 sits it is laid down by the chief, and if war be con 
 cluded upon the captain of the young warriors takes 
 it up, and holding it in his hand, dances and sings 
 
INDIAN WARS, 107 
 
 the war song. When the council is over this, or some 
 other of the same kind, is sent by the hands of the 
 same warrior to every tribe concerned ; who with it 
 presents a belt of wampum and delivers his message 
 throwing a tomahawk on the ground, which is taken 
 up by one of the most expert warriors, if they choose 
 to join ; if not, it is returned with a belt of their 
 wampum suited to the occasion. 
 
 Each nation or tribe has its distinct ensigns, gen 
 erally consisting of some beast, bird or fish. Thus 
 the Five Nations have the bear, otter, wolf, tortoise 
 and eagle ; by these names the tribes are generally 
 distinguished, and the shapes of these animals are 
 pricked and painted on several parts of their bodies. 
 Generally, when they march through the woods, 
 they, at every encampment, cut the figure of their 
 arms on the trees, especially when they have had a 
 successful campaign, that travellers may know that 
 they have been there ; recording also in their way 
 the number of prisoners and scalps that they have 
 taken. 
 
 Their military appearance is very odd and terrible. 
 They cut off all their hair, except a spot on the crown 
 of their head, and pluck out their eye-brows. The 
 lock left upon the head, is divided into several parcels, 
 each of which is stiffened and intermixed with beads 
 and feathers of various shapes and colours, the 
 whole twisted and connected together. They paint 
 themselves with a red pigment down to the eye 
 brows, which they sprinkle over with white down. 
 The gristle of their ears are slit almost quite round, 
 and hung with ornaments that have generally the 
 figure of some bird or beast drawn upon them. Their 
 noses are likewise bored and hung with beads, and 
 their faces painted with various colours. On their 
 breasts are a gorget or medal of brass, copper, or 
 some other metal ; and by a string which goes round 
 their necks is suspended that horrid weapon called 
 the scalping knife. 
 
108 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Thus equipped, they march forth, singing their war- 
 song, till they lose sight of their village ; and are 
 generally followed by their women, who assist them 
 in carrying their baggage, whether by land or water, 
 but commonly return before they proceed to action. 
 
 They have generally one commander for ten men ; 
 and if the number amounts to one hundred a general 
 is appointed over the others, not properly to com 
 mand, but to give his opinion. They have no stated 
 rules of discipline, or fixed methods of carrying on a 
 war, but make their attacks in as many different ways 
 as there are occasions, but generally in flying parties, 
 equipped for that purpose. 
 
 The weapons used by those who trade with the 
 English and French are commonly a firelock; a hatch 
 et and a scalping knife ; but the others use bows, 
 tomahawks and pikes. As the commander in chief 
 governs only by advice, and can neither reward nor 
 punish, every private may return home when he 
 pleases without assigning any reason for it ; or any 
 number may leave the main body and carry on a pri 
 vate expedition, in whatever manner they please, 
 without being called to account for their conduct. 
 
 When the Indians return from a successful cam 
 paign they contrive their inarch so as not to ap 
 proach their village till toward the evening. They 
 then send two or three forward to acquaint their 
 chief and the whole village with the most material 
 circumstances of their campaign. At day-light next 
 morning they give their prisoners new clothes, paint 
 their faces with various colours, and put into their 
 hands a white staff, tasselled round with the tails of 
 deer. This being done, the war captain sets up a 
 cry, and gives as many yells as he has taken prison 
 ers and scalps, and the whole village assemble at the 
 water side. As soon as the warriors appear, four or 
 five of their young men, well clothed, get into a 
 canoe, if they come by water, or otherwise march 
 by land : the two first carrying each a calmut, go 
 out singing to search the prisoners, whom they lead 
 
INDIAN WARS. 10?) 
 
 in triumph to the cabin where they -are to receive 
 their doom. The owner of this cabin has the power 
 of determining their fate, though it is often left to some 
 woman who has lost her husband, brother, or son, in 
 the war ; and when this is the case, she generally 
 adopts him in the place of the deceased. The pris 
 oner has victuals immediately given him, and while he 
 is at his repast, a consultation is held; and if it be re 
 solved to save his life, two young men untie him, and 
 taking him by the hands, lead him to the cabin of the 
 person into whose family he is to be adopted, and 
 there he is received with all imaginable marks of 
 kindness. He is treated as a friend, as a brother, or as 
 a husband, and they soon love him with the same ten 
 derness as if he stood in the place of one of their 
 friends. In short, he has no other marks of captivity 
 but his not being suffered to return to his own nation; 
 for his attempting this would be punished with cer 
 tain death. But if the sentence be death, how different 
 their conduct. These people, who behave with such 
 disinterested affection to each other; with such tender 
 ness to those whom they adopt; here show that they 
 are truly savages. The dreadful sentence is no sooner 
 passed, than the whole village set up the death-cry ; 
 and, as if there was no medium between the most 
 generous friendship and the most inhuman cruelty ; 
 for the execution of him whom they had just before 
 deliberated upon admitting into their tribe, is no 
 longer deferred than whilst they can make the neces 
 sary preparations for rioting in the most diabolical 
 cruelty. They first strip him, and fixing two posts 
 in the ground, fasten to them two pieces from one to 
 the other; one about two feet from the ground, the 
 other about five or six feet higher; then obliging the 
 unhappy victim to mount upon the lower cross piece, 
 they tie his legs to it a little assunder. His hands are 
 extended and tied to the angles formed by the upper 
 piece. In this posture, they burn him all over the 
 body, sometimes first daubing him with pitch. The 
 whole village, men, women, and children, assem- 
 15 
 
110 INDIAN U'AKS. 
 
 9 
 
 ble round him, every one torturing him in what man 
 ner they please ; each striving to exceed the other in 
 cruelty, as long as he has life. But if none of the by 
 standers are inclined to lengthen out his torments, he 
 is either shot to death, or enclosed with dry bark, to 
 which they set fire ; they then leave him on the frame 
 and in ths evening run from cabin, to cabin, supersti- 
 tiously striking with small twigs, the furniture, walls, 
 and roofs, to prevent his spirit from remaining there 
 to take vengeance for the evils committed on his body. 
 The remainder of the day, and night following, is 
 spent in rejoicing. 
 
 This is the most usual method of murdering their 
 prisoners. But sometimes they fasten them to a sin 
 gle stake, and build a fire around them. At other 
 times, they cruelly mangle their limbs, cut off their 
 fingers and toes, joint by joint ; and sometimes, scald 
 them to death. 
 
 What is most extraordinary, if the sufferer be an 
 Indian, there seems, during the whole time of his ex 
 ecution, a contest between him and his tormenters, 
 which shall outdo the other, they inflicting the most 
 horrid pains, or he in enduring them. Not a groan, 
 nor a sigh, nor a distortion of countenance, escapes 
 him in the midst of his torments. It is even said, 
 that he recounts his own exploits, informs them what 
 cruelties he has inflicted upon their countrymen, and 
 threatens with the revenge that will attend his death. 
 That he even reproaches them for their ignorance of 
 the art of tormenting; points out methods of more ex 
 quisite torture, and more sensible parts of the body to 
 be afflicted. 
 
 The scalps, those dreadful proofs of the barbarity 
 of these Indians, are valued, and hung up in their 
 houses as the trophies of their bravery ; and they 
 have certain days when the young men gain a new 
 name or title of honour, according to the qualities of 
 the persons to whom these scalps belonged. This 
 name they think a sufficient reward for the dangers 
 and fatigues of many campaigns, as it renders them 
 
INDIAN VfAR. Ill 
 
 respected by their countrymen, and terrible to their 
 enemies. 
 
 In the late American revolution, Britain had the 
 inhumanity to reward these sons of barbarity for de 
 predations committed upon those who were struggling 
 in the cause of liberty. It was through their insti 
 gation that the hatchets of the Indians were made 
 drunk with American blood ! The widow's wail, the 
 virgin's shriek, and infant's trembling cry, was mu 
 sic in their ears. In cold blood they sunk their cruel 
 tomahawks into the defeceless head of a Miss 
 M'Kray, a beautiful girl, who was that very day to 
 have been married. The particulars of the inhuman 
 transaction follow : Previous to the late war between 
 America and Great Britain, a British officer by the 
 name of Jones, an accomplished young man, resided 
 near Fort Edward. His visits thither became more 
 frequent, when he found himself irresistably drawn 
 by charms of native worth and beauty. Miss M' 
 Kray, whose memory is dear to humanity and true 
 affection, was the object of his peregrinations. Mr. 
 Jones had not taken the precaution necessary in ha 
 zardous love, but had manifested to the lady by his 
 constant attention, undissembled and ingenuous de 
 meanor, that ardent affection which a susceptible 
 heart compelled her implicitly to return. In this mu 
 tual interchange of passions, they suffered themselves 
 to be transported on the ocean of imagination, till the 
 unwelcome necessity of a separation cut off every 
 springing hope. The war between Great Britain and 
 America commenced. A removal from this happy 
 spot was in consequence suggested to Mr. Jones, as 
 indispensible. Nothing could alleviate their mutual 
 horror, but duty ; nothing could allay their recipro 
 cal grief, so as to render a separate corporeal exist 
 ence tolerable, but solemn vows, with ideas of a 
 future meeting. Mr. Jones repaired to Canada where 
 all intercoure with the Provincials was prohibited. 
 Despair which presented itself in aggravated colours 
 when General Burgoyne's expedition through the 
 
112 
 
 INDIAN WAKS. 
 
 States was fixed, succeeded to his former hopes. The 
 British army being encamped about three miles from 
 the fort, a descent was daily projected. Here Mr. 
 Jones could not but recognise the spot on which 
 rested all his joys. He figured to his mind the dread 
 which his hostile approach must raise in the breast 
 of her, whom of all others, he thought it his highest 
 interest to protect. In spite of arrest and commands 
 to the contrary, he found means secretly to convey a 
 letter, entreating her not to leave the town with the 
 family ; assuring her that as soon as the fort should 
 surrender, he would convey her to an asylum where 
 they might safely consummate the nuptial ceremo 
 ny. Far from discrediting the sincerity of him 
 who could not deceive her, she heroically refused to 
 follow the flying villagers. The remonstrances of a 
 father, or the tearful entreaties of a mother and nu 
 merous friends, could not avail. It was enough that 
 her lover was her friend. She considered herself 
 protected by the love and voluntary assurances of her 
 youthful hero. With the society of a servant maid 
 she impatiently waited the desired conveyance. Mr. 
 Jones, finding the difficulty into which he was 
 brought, at length, for want of better convoy, hired 
 a party of twelve Indians to carry a letter to Miss 
 M'Kray, with his own horse, for the purpose of car 
 rying her to the place appointed. They set off, fired 
 with the anticipation of their promised premium, 
 which was to consist of a quantity of spirits, on con 
 dition that they brought her off in safety, which to 
 an Indian was the most cogent stimulous the young 
 lover could have named. Having arrived in view 
 of her window, they sagaciously held up the letter, 
 to prevent the fears and apprehensions which a sav 
 age knows he must excite in the sight of tenderness 
 and sensibility. Her faith and expectations en 
 abled her to divine the business of these ferocious 
 missionaries, while her frightened maid uttered nought 
 but shrieks and cries. They arrived, and by their 
 signs, convinced her from whom they had their in- 
 
INDIAN WARS. 113 
 
 structions. If a doubt could remain, it was removed 
 by the letter ; it was from her lover. A lock of his 
 hair, which it contained, presented his manly figure 
 to her gloomy fancy. 
 
 Here reader, guess what must have been her ec- 
 stacy. She indeed resolved to brave even the most 
 horrid aspect which might appear between her and 
 him, whom she considered already hers, without a 
 sigh. She did not for a moment hesitate to follow 
 the wishes of her lover ; and took her. journey with 
 these bloody messengers, expecting very soon to be 
 shielded in the arms of legitimate affection. A short 
 distance only then seemed to separate two of the 
 happiest of mortals. Alas ! how soon are the most 
 brilliant pictures of felicity defaced by the burning 
 hand of affliction and wo ! How swiftly are the 
 halcyon dreams which lull the supine indolence of 
 thought, succeeded by the real pangs which are in 
 flicted by a punishing Providence, or a persecuting 
 foe! 
 
 Having risen the hill, at about equal distance from 
 the camp and her former home, a second party of In 
 dians, having heard of the captivating offer made by 
 Mr. Jones, determined to avail themselves of the op 
 portunity. The reward was the great object. A 
 clashing of real and assumed rights was soon follow 
 ed by a furious and bloody engagement, in which se 
 veral were killed on each side. The commander of 
 the first party, perceiving that nought but the lady's 
 death could appease the fury of either, with a toma 
 hawk deliberately knocked her from her horse, man 
 gled her scalp from her beautiful temples, which he 
 exultingly bore as a trophy of zeal to the expectant 
 and anxious lover ! ! Here, O disappointment, was 
 thy sting ! It was with the utmost difficulty that Mr. 
 Jones could be kept from total delirium. His horror 
 and indignation could not be appeased ; his remorse 
 for having risked his most valuable treasure in the 
 hands of savages, drove him almost to madness. 
 When the particulars of this melancholy event reach- 
 
1 11 INDIAN WA11S. 
 
 ed Gen. Burgoyne, he ordered the survivers of both 
 these parties to immediate execution. 
 
 Many persons suppose that the idea that the Am 
 erican Indians are descended from the ancient Jews, is 
 a novel one. This is not the fact. Many writers 
 have suggested this opinion. Among others, James 
 Adair, Esq. who had resided among the North Am 
 erican Indians forty years, and paid particular at 
 tention to their language, laws, customs, manners, 
 dress, ceremonies, &c. and whose account of them 
 was published in London in 1775, seems to have been 
 fully convinced of the fact himself ; and if his argu 
 ments do not convince others, they will at least stag 
 ger their incredulity. The following extract from the 
 contents of his work will show the course he takes to 
 establish his opinion. 
 
 ^'Observations and Auguments in proof of the Ameri 
 can Indians being decended from the Jews. 
 
 1 . Their division into tribes. 
 
 2. Their worship of Jehovah. 
 
 3. Their notion of a theocracy. 
 
 4. Their belief in the ministration of angels. 
 
 5. Their language and dialects. 
 
 6. Their manner of counting time. 
 
 7. Their prophets and high priests. 
 
 8. Their festivals, fasts, and religious rites. 
 
 9. Their daily sacrifice. 
 
 10. Their ablutions and anointings. 
 
 11. Their laws of uncleanness. 
 
 12. Their Abstinence from unclean things. 
 
 13. Their marriages, divorces, and punishment 
 of adultery. 
 
 14. Their several punishments. 
 
 15. Their cities of refuge. 
 
 16. Their purifications and ceremonies prepar 
 atory to war. 
 
 17. Their ornaments. 
 
 18. Their manner of curing the sick. 
 
 19. Their burial of the dead. 
 
 20. Their mourning for the dead. 
 
INDIAN WARS. 115 
 
 21. Their raising seed to a departed brother. 
 
 22. Their choice of name adapted to their cir 
 cumstances and the times. 
 
 23. Their own traditions, the accounts of our 
 English writers, and the testimonies which the Span 
 ish and other authors have given concerning the prim 
 itive inhabitants of Peru and Mexico.' 3 
 
 Under each of these heads the author gives us such 
 facts as a forty years residence among them, at a time 
 when their manners, customs, &,c. had not been great 
 ly corrupted or changed by intercourse with Euro 
 peans, had enabled him to collect ; and he assures us 
 they are "neither disfigured by fable nor prejudice." 
 The rest of his work is taken up with accounts of the 
 different nations among whom he had. been, with oc 
 casional reflections on their laws, &c. 
 
 The following list of names of the various Indian 
 nations in North America, in 1794, with the number 
 of their fighting men, was obtained by a gentleman, 
 Mr. Benjamin Hawkins, employed in a treaty then 
 made with them. 
 
 The Choctaws or Flaf Heads,4500; Natches, 150 ; 
 Chicksasaws, 750 ; Cherokees, 2500 ; Catabas, 150 ; 
 Piantas, a wandering tribe, 800 ; Kisquororas, 600 ; 
 Hankashaws, 250; Oughtenons, 400; Kikapous, 505 ; 
 Delawares, 300 ; Shawanege, 300 ; Miamies, 800 ; 
 Upper Creeks, Middle Creeks and Lower Creeks, 
 4000; Cowitas, 7000; Alabamas, 600; Akinsaws, 200; 
 Ansaus, 1000 ; Padomas, 600 ; white and freckeled 
 Pianis, 4000; Causes, 1600; Osages, 600 ; Grand 
 Saux, 1000; Missouri, 3000; Saux of the wood 1800 ; 
 Biances, or white Indians with beard, 1500 ; Asin- 
 bols, 1500 ; Christian Cauzes, 3000 ; Ouiscousas, 
 500; Mascotins, 500; Lakes, 400; Muherouakes, 
 230 ; Folle Avoines or Wildcats, 350 ; Puans, 700 ; 
 Powatamig, 550 ; Missagues, wandering tribe 2000 ; 
 Otabas, 900 ; Chipewas, 5000 ; Wiandots, 300 ; Six 
 Nations, 1500; Round Heads,3500; Algoquins, 2000 ; 
 Nepisians, 400; Chalsas,130; Amitestes, 550; Muck- 
 niacks, 700 ; Abinaguis, 350 ; Consway Hurins, 200. 
 Total, 58,780. 
 
CHAP. VII 
 
 WASHINGTON'S EXPEDITION, AND DEFEAT OF 
 GEN. BRADDOCK BY THE INDIANS. 
 
 In 1753 the French and Indians began to make in 
 roads on our western frontiers along the Ohio. Gov 
 ernor Dinwiddie, of Virginia, was very desirous to get 
 a letter of remonstrance to their commander in chief. 
 He had applied to several young gentlemen of his ac 
 quaintance, but they were all so deficient in courage 
 that they could not be prevailed on, for love or mo 
 ney, to venture out among the savages. Our beloved 
 WASHINGTON happening to hear of it, instantly wait 
 ed on his excellency, and offered his services, but not 
 without being terribly afraid lest his want of a beard 
 should go against him. However, the governor was 
 so charmed with his modesty and manly air, that he 
 never asked him a sylable about his age, but after 
 thanking him for his offer, calling him 'a noble youth,' 
 and insisting on his taking a glass of wine with him, 
 slipped a commission into his hand. The next day 
 he set out on his expedition, which was, from start to 
 pole, as disagreeable and dangerous as any thing Her 
 cules himself could have wished. Soaking rains, chil 
 ling blasts, roaring floods, pathless woods, and moun 
 tains clad in snows, opposed his course, but opposed 
 in vain. The glorious ambition to serve his country 
 imparted an animation to his nerves, which rendered 
 him superior to all dificulties. 
 
 Returning homeward, he was way-laid and shot at 
 by a French Indian, and though the copper-coloured 
 ruffian was not 15 steps distant when he fired at him, 
 yet not even so much as the smell of lead passed on 
 the clothes of our young hero. On his return to Vir 
 ginia, it was found that he had executed his negocia- 
 tions, both with the French and Indians, with such 
 
INDIAN WARS. lit 
 
 fidelity and judgment, that he recieved the heartiest 
 thanks of the governor and council for the very im 
 portant services he had done his country. 
 
 He was now (in the 20th year of his age) appoint 
 ed major and adjutant general of the Virginia forces* 
 Soon after this the Indians continuing their encroach 
 ments, orders were given by the English goverment 
 for the colonies to arm and unite in one confederacy. 
 Virginia took the lead, and raised a regiment of four 
 hundred men, at the head of which she placed her 
 darling WASHINGTON. 
 
 With this handful of brave fellows, Col. WASHING 
 TON, not yet 22 years of age, boldly pushed out into 
 the Indian country, and there for considerable time, 
 Hannibal like, maintained the war against three times 
 that number of French and Indians. At the Red- 
 Stones he came up with a strong party of the enemy 
 Whom he engaged and effectually defeated^ after 
 having killed and taken 31 men. From his prisoners 
 he obtained undoubted intelligence, that the French 
 forces on the Ohio consisted of upwards of a thousand 
 regulars and many hundreds of Indians* But, not 
 withstanding this disheartening advice, he still pressed 
 on undauntedly against the enemy, and at a place 
 called the Little Meadows, built a fort, which he call^ 
 ed Fort Necessity* Here he waited, hourly and anx 
 iously looking for succours from New- York and Penn^ 
 sylvania ; but he looked in vain. Nobody came to 
 his assistance. Not long after this his small force, 
 now reduced to three hundred men, were attacked by 
 an army 1100 French and Indians. Never did the 
 true Virginian valour shine more gloriously than on 
 this trying occasion. 
 
 To see three hundred young fellows, commanded 
 by a smooth faced boy, all unaccustomed to the ter 
 rors of war, far from home, and from all hopes of help, 
 shut up in a dreary wilderness, and surrounded by 
 four times their number of savage foes; and yet, with 
 out sign of fear, without thought of surrender, pre 
 paring for mortal combat. Oh ! it was a noble sight. 
 16 
 
118 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 Scarcely since the days of Leonidas and his three 
 hundred deathless Spartans, had the sun beheld its 
 equal. With hideous whoops and yells the enemy 
 came on like a host of tigers. The woods and rocks 
 and tall tree tops (as the Indians climbing to the tops 
 of trees, poured down their bullets into the fort) 
 were in one continued blaze and crash of fire-arms. 
 Nor were our young warriors idle, but animated by 
 their gallant chief, plied their rifles with such spirit 
 that their little fort resembled a volcano in full blast, 
 roaring and discharging thick sheets of liquid fire and 
 of leaden deaths among their foes. For three glorious 
 hours, salamander like, enveloped in smoke and flame, 
 they sustained the attack of the enemy's whole force 
 and laid two hundred of them dead on the spot ! Dis 
 couraged by such desperate resistance, the French 
 general, the Count de Villiers, sent in a flag to WASH 
 INGTON, extolling his gallantry to the skies, and offer 
 ing him the most honourable terms. It was stipulated 
 that Col. WASHINGTON and his little band of heroes, 
 should march away with all the honours of war, and 
 carry with them their military stores and baggage. 
 
 In the spring of 1775 WASHINGTON, while busied 
 in the highest military operations, was summoned to 
 attend Gen. Braddoek, who in the month of February 
 had arrived at Alexandria with 2000 Brittish troops. 
 The assembly of Virginia appointed 800 provincials 
 to join him. The object of this army was to march 
 through the country, by the way of Will's Creek, to 
 fort Duquesne (now Pittsburgh, or fort Pitt.) As 
 no person was so well acquainted with the frontier 
 country as Washington, and none stood so high in 
 military fame, it was thought he would be infinitely 
 serviceably to Gen. Braddock. At the request of 
 the governor and council he cheefully quitted his own 
 command, to act as volunteer aid-de-camp to that 
 very imprudent and unfortunate general . The 
 army near 3000 strong, marched from Alexandria and 
 proceeded unmolested within a few miles of fort Pitt. 
 On the morning of the 9th of July, when they had 
 arrived within seven miles of fort Duquense, the pro- 
 
INDIAN WAR'S. 119 
 
 vincial scouts discovered a large party of French and 
 Indians lying in ambush. Washington with his 
 usual modesty, observed to Gen. Braddock what sort of 
 an enemy he had now to deal with. An enemy who 
 would not, like the Europeans, come forward to a 
 fair contest in the field, but concealed behind rocks 
 and trees, carry on a deadly warfare with their rifles. 
 He concluded with begging that Gen. Braddock 
 would grant him the honour to let him place himself 
 at the head of the Virginian riflemen, and fight them 
 in their own way. And it was generally thought that 
 our young hero and his 800 hearts of hickory, would 
 very easily have beaten them too, for they were not 
 superior to the force, which, with only 300, he had 
 handled so roughly, a twelve month before. But 
 Gen. Braddock, who had all along treated the Amer 
 ican officers and soldiers with infinite contempt* in 
 stead of following this truly salutary advice, swelled 
 and reddened with most unmanly rage. "High times 
 by G d" he exclaimed, strutting to and fro, with his 
 arms a kimbo, "High times! when a young buckskin 
 can teach a Brittish General how to fight!' 5 Wash 
 ington withdrew, biting his lips with grief and indig 
 nation, to think what numbers of brave fellows would 
 draw short breath that day, through the pride and 
 obstinacy of one epualetted fool. The troops were 
 ordered to form and advance in columns through the 
 woods! In a little time the ruin which Washington 
 had predicted ensued. This poor devoted army, 
 pushed on by their mad-cap general, fell into the 
 fatal snare which was laid for them. All at once 
 a thousand rifles began the work of death. The 
 ground was instantly covered with the dying and the 
 dead. The Brittish troops thus slaughtered by hun 
 dreds, and by an enemy whom they could not see, 
 were thrown irrecoverably into panic and confusion, 
 and in a few minutes their haughty general, with 
 109 of his brave but unfortunate countrymen, bit 
 the ground. Poor Braddock closed the tragedy 
 with great decency. He was mortally wounded in 
 the beginning of the action, and Washington had 
 
120 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 him placed in a cart ready for retreat. Close on the 
 left where the weight of the French and Indian fire 
 principally fell, Washington and his Virginia riflemen 
 dressed in blue, sustained the shock. At every dis 
 charge of their rifles, the wounded general cried 
 out, "O my brave Virginian blues! Would to God I 
 could live to reward you for such galantry." But ho 
 died, Washington buried him in the road t and to 
 save him from discovery and the scalping knife, order 
 ed the wagons on their retreat to drive over his grave! 
 O God! what is man? Even a thing of nought! ! 
 
 Amidst all this fearful consternation and carnage, 
 amidst all the uproar and horrors of a rout, rendered 
 still more dreadful by the groans of the dying, the 
 screams of the wounded, the piercing shrieks of the 
 women, and the yells of the furious assaulting sava 
 ges, Washington, calm and self-collected, rallied his 
 faithful riflemen, led them on to the charge ; killed 
 numbers of the enemy who were rushing on with 
 tomahawks, checked their pursuit and brought off the 
 shattered remains of the Brittish army. 
 
 With respect to our beloved Washington, we 
 cannot but mention here two extraordinary speeches 
 that were uttered about him at this time, and which, as 
 things have turned out, look a good deal like proph 
 ecies. A famous Indian warrior who assisted in the 
 defeat of Braddock, was often heard to swear, that 
 "Washington was not born to be killed by a bullet, 
 for," continued he " I had 17 fair fires at him with 
 my rifle, and after all I could not bring him to the 
 ground." And, indeed, whoever considers that a 
 good rifle levelled by a proper marksman, hardly 
 ever misses its aim, will readily enough conclude with 
 this unlettered savage, that some invisible hand must 
 have turned aside his bullets. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Davis, in a sermon occasioned by 
 Gen. Braddock's defeat, has these remarkable words; 
 *' I beg leave to point the attention of the public to 
 that heroic youth Col. George Washington, whom 
 I cannot but hope Providence has preserved for some 
 great service to his country." 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 ADVENTURES OF CAPT. DANIEL BOON, COMPRIS 
 ING AN ACCOUNT OF THE WARS WITH THE 
 INDIANS ON THE OHIO, FROM 1769 $O 1782. 
 WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 
 
 u lt was on the first of May, 1769, that I resigned 
 my domestic happiness, and left my family and peace 
 able habitation on the Yadkin river in North Carolina 
 to wander through the wilderness of America, in quest 
 of the country of Kentucky, in company with John 
 Finley, John Stuart, Joseph Holden, James Monay 
 and William Cool. 
 
 ^ On the 7th June, after travelling in a western 
 direction, we found ourselves on Red river, where 
 John Finley had formerly been trading with the In 
 dians, and from the top of an eminence saw with 
 pleasure the beautiful level of Kentucky. For some 
 time we had experienced the most uncomfortable 
 weather. We now encamped, made a shelter to 
 defend us from the inclement season, and began to 
 hunt and reconnoitre the country. We found abun 
 dance of wild beasts in this vast forest. The buffa 
 loes were more numerous than cattle on our settle 
 ments, browsing on the leaves of the cane, or crop- 
 ing the herbage on these extensive plains. We saw 
 hundreds in a drove, and the numbers about the salt 
 springs were amazing. In this forest, the habitation 
 of beasts of every American kine, we hunted with 
 great success until December. 
 
 a On the 22d December John Stuart and I had a 
 pleasing ramble ; but fortune changed the day at the 
 
\22 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 close of it. We passed 'through a great forest, in 
 \vhich stood myriads of trees, some gay with blossoms, 
 others rich with fruits. Nature was here a series of 
 wonders and fund of delight. Here she displayed 
 her ingenuity and industry in a variety of flowers and 
 fruits, beautifully colored, elegantly shaped, and 
 charmingly flavoured ; and we were favoured with 
 numberless animals presenting themselves perpetually 
 to our view. In the decline of the day, near Kentucky 
 river, as we ascended the brow of a small hill, a 
 number of Indians rushed out of a cane brake and 
 made us prisoners. The Indians plundered us and kept 
 us in confinement several days; during this time we dis 
 covered no uneasiness or desire to escape, which made 
 them less suspicious ; but in the dead of night, as 
 we lay by a large fire in a thick cane brake, when 
 sleep had locked up their senses, my situation not 
 disposing me to rest I gently awoke my companion. 
 We siezed this favourable opportunity and departed, 
 directing our course toward our old camp, but found 
 it plundered and our company destroyed or dispersed. 
 About this time as my brother, with another adven 
 turer who came to explore the country shortly after 
 us, was wandering through the forest, they acciden 
 tally found our camp. Notwithstanding our unfor 
 tunate circumstances, and our dangerous situation, 
 surrounded with hostile savages, our meeting fortu 
 nately in the wilderness, gave us the most sensible 
 satisfaction. 
 
 u Soon after this my companion in captivity, John 
 Stuart, was killed by the savages, and the man who 
 came with my brother, while on a private excursion, 
 was soon after attacked and killed by the wolves. 
 We were now in a dangerous and helpless situation, 
 exposed daily to perils and deaths, among savages and 
 wild beasts, not a white man in the country but our 
 selves. 
 
 "Although many hundred miles from our families, 
 in the howling wilderness, we did not continue in a 
 state of indolence, but hunted every day, and pre- 
 
INDIAN WARS.' 123 
 
 pared a little cottage to defend us from the winter. 
 On the 1st of May, 17TO my brother returned home, 
 for a new recruit of horses and amunition, leaving me 
 alone, without bread, salt or sugar, or even ahorse or 
 a dog, I passed a few days uncomfortably. The 
 idea of a beloved wife and family, and their anxiety 
 on my account, would have disposed me to melan 
 choly if I had further indulged the thought. 
 
 "One day I undertook a tour through the country, 
 when the diversity and beauties of nature I met with 
 in this charming season expelled all gloomy thoughts. 
 Just at the close of the day the gentle gales ceased ; 
 a profound calm ensued ; not a breath shook the 
 tremulous leaf. I had gained the summit of a com 
 manding ridge, and looking around with astonishing 
 delight beheld the ample plains and beauteous tracts 
 below. On one hand I surveyed the famous Ohio, 
 rolling in silent dignity, and making the western boun 
 dary of Kentucky, with inconceivable grandeur. At a 
 vast distance I beheld the mountains lift their venera 
 ble brows and penetrate the clouds. All things were 
 still. I kindled a fire near a fountain of sweet water 
 and feasted on the loin of a buck which I had killed 
 a few hours before. The shades of night soon 
 overspread the hemisphere, and the earth seemed to 
 gasp after the hovering moisture. At a distance I 
 frequently heard the hideous yells of savages. My 
 excursions had fatigued my body and amused my mind. 
 I laid me down to sleep, and awoke not until the sun 
 had chased away the night. I continued this tour, 
 and iiz a few days explored a considarable part of the 
 country, each day equally pleased as the first. After 
 which I returned to my old camp, which had not been 
 disturbed in my absence, I did not confine my lodg 
 ing to it, but often reposed in thick cane brakes to 
 avoid the savages, who I believe frequently visited 
 my camp but fortunately for me in my absence. .No 
 populous city, with all its varieties of commerce and 
 stately structures, could afford so much pleasure to 
 my mind as the beauties of nature I found in this 
 country. 
 
121 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 ' 'Until the 27th July I spent my time in an uninter 
 rupted scene of sylvan pleasures, when my brother 
 to my great felicity, met me according to appoint 
 ment, at our old camp. Soon after we left the place 
 and proceeded to Cumberland river, reconnoitering 
 that part of the country, and giving names to the dif 
 ferent rivers. 
 
 "In March, 1771, I returned home to my family, 
 being determined to bring them as soon as possible at 
 the risk of my life and fortune, to reside in Kentucky, 
 which I esteemed a second paradise. 
 
 <c On my return 1 found my family in happy circum 
 stances. I sold my farm on the Yadkin, and what 
 goods we could not carry with us, and on the 25th of 
 September, 1772, we took leave of our friends and 
 proceeded on our road to Kentucky, in company 
 with five more families, and forty men that joined us 
 in PowPs Valley, which is 150 miles from the new 
 settled parts of Kentucky. But this promising be* 
 ginning was soon overcast with a cloud of adversi 
 ty- 
 
 " On the 10th of October the rear of our company 
 was attacked by a party of Indians, who killed six 
 and wounded one man. Of these my oldest son was 
 one that fell in the action. Though we repulsed the 
 enemy, yet this unhappy affair scattered our cattle 
 and brought us in extreme difficulty. We returned 
 forty miles to the settlement on Clench river. We 
 had passed over two mountains, Powell and Wai- 
 den's, and were approaching Cumberland mountain, 
 when this adverse fortune overtook us. These moun 
 tains are in the wilderness, in passing from the old 
 settlement in Virginia to Kentucky ; are ranged in a 
 south-west and north-east direction ; are of great 
 length and breadth, and not far distant from each 
 other. Over them nature had formed passes less 
 difficult than might be expected, from the view of 
 such huge piles. The aspect of these cliffs are so 
 wild and horrid, that it is impossible to behold them 
 without horror. 
 

 INDIAN WARS. 125 
 
 ' Until the 6th June, 1774, I remained with my 
 family on the Clench, when I and another person 
 were solicited by Governor Dunmore, of Virginia, to 
 conduct a number of surveyors to the falls of Ohio. 
 This was a tour of 800 miles, and took us sixty 
 two days. 
 
 <c On my return Gov. Dunmore gave me the com 
 mand of three garrisons during the campaign against 
 the Shawanese. In March, 1775, at the solicitation 
 of a number of gentlemen of North-Carolina, I at 
 tended their treaty at Wataga, with the Cherokee 
 Indians, to purchase the lands on the so'iith side of 
 Kentucky river. After this, I undertook to mark out 
 a road in the best passage" from the settlements 
 through the wilderness to Kentucky. 
 
 " Having collected a nun/oer of enterprising men 
 well armed, I soon began this work. We proceeded 
 until we came within 15 miles of where Boonsbor- 
 ough now stands, where the Indians attacked us, and 
 killed two and wounded two more of our party. This 
 was on the 22d March, 1775. Two days after we 
 were again attacked by them, when we had two more 
 killed and three wounded. After this we proceeded 
 on to Kentucky river without opposition. 
 
 u On the first April we began to erect the fort of 
 Boonsborough, at a salt li(5k, sixty yards from the 
 river on the south side. On the 4th the Indians 
 killed one of our men-. On the 14th June, having 
 Corripleted the fort, I returned to my family on the 
 Clench, and whom I sooit after removed to the fort. 
 My wife and daughter were supposed to be the 
 first white women that ever stood upon the banks of 
 Kentucky river. 
 
 " On the 24th December the Indians killed one 
 of our men and wounded another ; and on the 15th 
 July 1776, they took my daughter prisoner. I imme 
 diately pursued them with eight men, and on the 
 16th overtook and engaged them. I killed two of 
 them and recovered my daughter. 
 17 
 
126 I M) I A!f WARS. 
 
 " The Indians having divided themselves into sev 
 eral parties, attacked in one day all our infant settle 
 ments and forts, doing a great deal of damage. The 
 husbandmen were ambinhed and unexpectedly at 
 tacked while toiling in the field. They continued 
 this kind of warfare until the 15th April, 1777, 
 when nearly 100 of them attacked the village of 
 Boonsborough, and killed a number of its inhabitants. 
 On the 16th- Colonel Logan's fort was attacked by 
 201) Indians. There were only 13 men in the fort, 
 of whom the enemy killed two and wounded one. 
 
 <c On the 20th August Col. Bowman arrived with 
 100 men from Virginia, with which additional force 
 we had almost daily skirmishes with the Indians, 
 who began now to learn the superiority of the " long 
 knife," as they termed the Virginians ; being out- 
 generalled in almost every action. Our affairs began 
 now to wear a better aspect, the Indians no longer 
 daring to face us in open field, but sought private 
 opportunities to destroy us. 
 
 " On the 7th February 1778, while on a hunting 
 excursion alone, I met a party of 102 Indians and 
 two Frenchmen, marching to attack Boonsborough. 
 They pursued and took ine prisoner, and conveyed 
 me to Old Chilicothe, the principal Indian town on 
 little Miami, where we arrived on the 18th February, 
 after an uncomfortable journey. On the 18th March, 
 I was conducted to Detroit, and while there was 
 treated with great humanity by Governor Hamilton, 
 the British Commander at that port, and intendant 
 for Indian affairs. 
 
 " The Indians had such an affection for me that 
 they refused 1001. sterling, offered them by the Gov 
 ernor, if they would consent to leave me with him, 
 that he might be able to liberate me on my parole. 
 Several English gentlemen then at Detroit, sensible 
 of rny adverse fortune and touched with sympathy, 
 generously offered to supply my wants, uhich I declin 
 ed with many thanks, adding that I never expected it 
 
INDIAN TTARS. 
 
 Would be in my power to recompense such unmerited 
 generosity. 
 
 " On the 10th April the Indians returned with me 
 to Old Chilicothe ; where we arrived on the 25th. 
 This was a long and fatiguing march, although 
 through an exceeding fertile country, remarkable for 
 springs and streams of water. At Chilicothe I spent 
 my time as comfortable as I could expect ; was adopt 
 ed, according to their custom, into a family where 
 I became a son, and had a share in the affection 
 of my new parents, brothers, sisters and friends. I 
 was exceedingly familiar and friendly %ith them, 
 always appearing as cheerful and contented as possi 
 ble, and they put great confidence in me. I often 
 went hunting with them, and frequently gained 
 their applause for my activity at our shooting match 
 es. I was careful not to exceed many of them in 
 shooting, for no people are more envious than they in 
 this sport. I could observe in their countenances 
 and gestures the greatest expressions of joy when 
 they exceeded me, and when the reverse happened. 
 of envy. The Shavvanese king took great notice of 
 me and treated me with profound respect and entire 
 friendship, often entrusting me to hunt at my liberty. 
 I frequently returned with the spoils of the woods, 
 and as often presented some of what 1 had taken to 
 him, expressive of duty to my sovereign. My food 
 and lodging was in common with them, not so good 
 indeed as 1 could desire, but necessity made every 
 thing acceptable. 
 
 " I now began to meditate an escape, and carefully 
 avoided giving suspicion. I continued at Chilicothe 
 until the first day of June, when I was taken to the 
 salt springs on Sciotha, and there employed ten days 
 in the manufacturing of salt. During this time I hunt- 
 id with my Indian masters, and found the land for 
 great extent about this river to exceed the soil of 
 Kentucky. 
 
 " On my return to Chilicothe, 150 of the choicest 
 Indian warriors were ready to march against Boons- 
 
INDIAN WARS. 
 
 borough. They were painted and armed in a fright 
 ful manner. This alarmed me and I determined to . 
 escape. 
 
 "On the 18th June, before sun-rise, I went off se 
 cretly, and reached Boonsborough on the 20th, a 
 journey of 160 miles, during which I had only one 
 meal. I found our fortress in a bad state, but we 
 immediately repaired our flanks, gates, posterns, and 
 formed double bastions, which we completed in ten 
 days, One of my fellow prisoners escaped after 
 me, and brought advice that on account of my flight, 
 the Indiaus had put off their expedition for three 
 weeks. 
 
 "About the first of August I set out with 19 men 
 to suprize Point Creek-Town on Seiotha, within four 
 miles of which we fell in with 40 Indians going 
 against Boonsborough. We attacked them, and they 
 soon gave way without any loss on our part. 
 
 The enemy had one killed and two wounded. We 
 took three horses and all their baggage. The Indians 
 having evacuated their town, and gone altogether 
 against Boonsborough, we returned, passed them on 
 the 6th, and on the 7th arrived safe at Boonsbor 
 ough. 
 
 "On the 9th the Indian army, consisting of 444 men 
 under the command of Capt. Duquesne, and eleven 
 other Frenchmen and their own chiefs, arrived and 
 summoned the fort to surrender. I requested two 
 days consideration, which was granted. During this 
 we brought in through the posterns all the horses 
 and other cattle we could collect. 
 
 4 *On the 9th, in the evening, I informed their 
 commander that we were determined to defend the 
 fort while a man was living. They then proposed 
 a treaty, they would withdraw. The treaty was 
 held within sixty yards of the fort, as we suspected 
 the savages. The articles were agreed to and signed; 
 when the Indians told us it was their custom for 
 two Indians to shake hands with every white 
 
 
INDIAN WARS. 
 
 man in the treaty, as an evidence of friendship. We 
 agreed to this also. They immediately grappled us 
 to take us prisoners, but we cleared ourselves of 
 them, though surrounded by hundreds, and gained 
 the fort safe, except one man who was wounded by a 
 heavy fire from the enemy. 
 
 < c The savages now began to undermine the fort, 
 beginning at the water mark of Kentucky river, 
 which is 60 yards from the fort ; this we discovered 
 by the water being made muddy by the clay. We 
 countermined them by cutting a trench across their 
 subterraneous passage. The enemy discovering this 
 by the clay we threw out of the fort, desisted. On 
 the 10th Augu&t they raised the siege, during which 
 we had two men killed and four woi;rided. We lost 
 a number of cattle. The loss of the enemy was 37 
 killed, and a much greater number wounded. We 
 picked up 125 pounds of their bullets, besides what 
 stuck in the logs of the fort. 
 
 a ln July, 1779, during my absence. Col Bowman^ 
 with 160 men, went against the Shawanese of Old 
 Chilicothe. He arrived undiscovered. A battle en 
 sued which lasted until ten in the morning, when 
 Col. Bowman retreated 30 miles. The Indians col 
 lected all their strength and pursued him, wheri 
 another engagement ensued for two hours, not to Col. 
 Bowman's advantage. Col. Harrod proposed to 
 mount a number of horses and brake the -enemy's 
 line, who at this time fought with remarkable fury. e 
 This desperate measure had a happy effect, and the 
 savages fled on all sides. In ihese two engagements 
 we had nine men killed and one wounded. Enemy's 
 loss uncertain Only two scalps w-ere taken. 
 
 " June 23d, 1780, 500 Indians and Canadians un* 
 der Col. Bird attacked Riddle and Martin's station^ 
 on the forks of Licking river with six pieces of artiU 
 lery. They took all the inhabitants captives, and 
 killed one man and two women, loading the others 
 with the heavy baggage, and such as failed in th$ 
 journey were tomahawked. 
 
130 INDIAN VVARg. 
 
 "The hostile disposition of the savages causedGen- 
 eral Clark, the commandant at the falls of Ohio, to 
 march with his regiment and the armed force of the 
 country, against Peccaway, the principal town of the 
 Shawanese, on a branch of the great Miami, which 
 he attacked with great success, took seventy scalps, 
 and reduced the town to ashes, with the loss of 17 
 men. 
 
 u About this time I returned to Kentucky with my 
 family ; for during my captivity, my wife thinking 
 me killed by the Indians, had transported my fami 
 ly and goods on horses through the wilderness a- 
 midst many dangers, to her father's house in North- 
 Carolina. 
 
 u On the 6th of October, 17SO, soon after my set 
 tling again at Boonsborough, I went with my brother 
 to the Blue Licks and on our return he was shot by 
 ii party of Indians, who followed me by the scent of 
 a dog, which I shot and escaped. The severity of 
 the winter caused great distress in Kentucky, the 
 enemy during the summer having destroyed most of 
 the corn. The inhabitants lived chiefly on buffaloe's 
 flesh. 
 
 "In the spring of 1782 the Indians harrassed us. 
 In May they ravished, killed and scalped a woman 
 and her two daughters near Ashton's station, and took 
 a negro prisoner. Capt. Ashtcn pursued them with 
 25 men, and in an engagement which lasted two 
 hours, his party were obliged to retreat, having eight 
 killed and four mortally wounded. Their brave com 
 mander fell in the action. 
 
 "August 18th two boys were carried off from 
 Major Hoy's station. Capt. Holden pursued the en 
 emy with 17 men, who were also defeated with the 
 loss of seven killed and two wounded. Our a Hairs 
 Became more and more alarming. The savages in 
 fested the country and destroyed the whites as op 
 portunity presented. In a field near Lexington an 
 Indian shot a man, and running to scalp him, v.as 
 himself shot from the fort, and fell dead upon the 
 
INDIAN WARS. 131 
 
 ground. All the Indian nations were now united 
 against us. 
 
 O 
 
 " August 15th, 500 Indians and Canadians came 
 against Briat's station, five miles from Lexington. 
 They assaulted the fort and killed all the cattle 
 round it ; but being repulsed, they retired the third 
 day, having about 80 killed ; their wounded uncer 
 tain. The garrison had four killed and nine 
 wounded. 
 
 <' August 18th, Colonels Todd and Trigg, Major 
 Harland and myself, speedily collected 176 men, well 
 armed, and pursued the savages. They had march-. 
 ed beyond the Blue Licks, to a remarkable bend of 
 the main fork of Licking River, about 43 miles from 
 Lexington, where we overtook them on the 19th. 
 The savages observing us, gave way, and we ignorant 
 of their numbers, passed the river. When they saw 
 our proceedings, having greatly the advantage in sit 
 uation, they formed their line of battle from one end 
 of the Licking to the other, about a mile from the 
 Blue Licks. The engagement was close and warm 
 for about fifteen minutes, when we being overpow 
 ered by numbers, were obliged to retreat, with the 
 loss of 67 men, 7 of whom were taken prisoners^ 
 The brave and much lamented Colonels Todd and 
 Trigg, Major Harland, and my second son were 
 among the dead. We were afterwards informed 
 that the Indians on numbering their dead, finding 
 that they had four more killed than we. four of our 
 people they had taken were given up to their young 
 warriors, to be put to death after their barbarous 
 manner. 
 
 u On our retreat we were met by Col. Logan, who 
 was hastening to join us with a number of well armed 
 men. This powerful assistance we wanted on the 
 day of battle. The enemy said one more fire from 
 us would have made them give way. 
 
 u I cannot reflect upon this dreadful scene, without 
 great sorrow. A zeal for the defence of their coun 
 try led these heroes to the scene of action, though 
 
132 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 with a few men, to attack a powerful afmy of expe 
 rienced warriors. When we gave way, they pursued 
 us with the utmost eagerness, and in every quarter 
 spread destruction. The river was difficult to cross 5 
 and many were killed in the flight, some just entering 
 the fiver, some in the water, others after crossing in 
 ascending the cliffs. Some escaped on horseback, a 
 few on foot; and being dispersed every where, a 
 few hours brought the melancholy news of this unfor 
 tunate battle to Lexington. Many widows were now 
 made. The reader may guess what sorrow filled the 
 hearts of the inhabitants, exceeding any thing that I 
 am able to describe. Being reinforced, we returned 
 to bury the dead, and found their bodies strewed 
 every where, cut and mangled in a dreadful manner. 
 This mournful scene exhibited a horror almost un 
 paralleled : some torn and eaten by wild beasts ; 
 those in the river eaten by fishes ; all in such a pu 
 trid condition that no one could be distinguished 
 from another. 
 
 11 When Gen. Clark, at the falls of Ohio, heard of 
 our disaster he ordered an expedition to pursue the 
 savages. We overtook them within two iiiiles of their 
 town, and we should have obtained a great victory 
 had not some of them met us when about 200 poles 
 from their canlp. The savages fled in the utmost 
 disorder, and evacuated all their towns. We burn 
 ed to ashes Old Chilicothe, Peccaway, New Chilico- 
 the, and Wilts Town ; entirely destroyed their corn 
 and other ffuits ; and spread desolation through their 
 country. We took seven prisoners and fifteen scalps, 
 and lost only four men, two of whom were acciden 
 tally killed by ourselves. This Campaign damped 
 the enemy, yet they made secret incursions. 
 
 " In October a party attacked Crab Orchard, and 
 one of them being a good way before the other, bold 
 ly entered a house in which were only a woman and 
 her children, and a negro man. The savage used no 
 Violence, but attempted to carry off the negro ; who, 
 happily proved too strong for him, and threw him on 
 
INDIAN WARS. 133 
 
 the ground, and in the struggle the woman cut off his 
 head with an axe, whilst her little daughter shut the 
 door. The savages instantly came up and applied 
 their tomahawks to the door, when the mother put 
 ting an old rusty gun barrel through the crevices, the 
 savages immediately went off. 
 
 ; -From that time till the happy return of peace 
 between the United States and Great Britain, the In 
 dians did us no mischief. Soon after this the Indians 
 desired peace, 
 
 "Two darling sons and a brother I have lost by 
 savage hands, which have also taken from me 40 val 
 uable horses and abundance of cattle. Many dark 
 and sleepless nights have I spent, separated from the 
 cheerful society of men, scorched by the summer's 
 sun, and pinched by the winter's cold, an instrument 
 ordained to settle in the wilderness. 
 
 "DANIEL BOON. 
 
 "Fayette County, Kentucky." 
 
 IS 
 
CHAP. IX. 
 
 EXPEDITION OF GEN. HARMER AND HIS DEFEAT 
 BY THE INDIANS. 
 
 ALTHOUGH a peace was at length happily effected 
 between the two contending parties, Great Britain 
 and America, in 1785, yet the savages who had been 
 persuaded to take a part with the former, were un 
 willing to bury the bloody hatchet. They had not 
 sufficiently bathed that destructive weapon in the 
 . blood of Americans. Without any pretext whatever, 
 they continued to exercise toward them the most wan 
 ton acts of barbarity. It appeared from respectable 
 evidence that from the year 1783, until the month of 
 October 1790, the time the United States commenced 
 offensive operations against the said Indians, that on 
 the Ohio, and the frontiers on the south side thereof, 
 they killed, wounded and took prisoners 1500 men, 
 women and children, besides carrying off upwards of 
 2000 horses, and other property to the amount of 
 $50,000. 
 
 The particulars of many of the instances of barbar 
 ity exercised upon the prisoners, of different ages and 
 sexes, although supported by indisputable evidence, 
 are of too shocking a nature to be presented to the 
 public. It is sufficient here to observe that the scalp 
 ing knife and tomahawk were the mildest instruments 
 of death. That in some cases torture by fire, and 
 other execrable means were used. 
 
 But the outrages which were committed upon the 
 frontier inhabitants were not the only injuries that 
 were sustained. Repeated attacks upon detachments 
 of the troops of the United States were at different 
 times made. The following from its peculiar enor 
 mity deserves recital. In April, 1790, Major Dough 
 ty, in service of the United States, was ordered to the 
 friendly Chicasaws on public business. He perform- 
 
INDIAN WARS, 135 
 
 cd his duty in a boat, having with him a party of fif 
 teen men. While ascending the Tennessee river he 
 was met by a party of Indians, in four canoes, consist 
 ing principally of Shawnese and out-cast Cherokees. 
 They approached under a white flag, the well known 
 emblem of peace. They came on board the Major's 
 boat, received his presents, continued with him nearly 
 an hour, and then departed in the most friendly man 
 ner. But they had scarcely cleared his oars, be 
 fore they poured in a fire upon his crew, which was 
 returned as soon as circumstances would permit, and 
 a most unequal combat was sustained for several 
 hours, when they abandoned their design, but not 
 until they had killed and wounded eleven out of fif 
 teen of the boat's crew. 
 
 All overtures of peace failing and the depredations 
 still continuing, an attempt at coercion became indis 
 pensable. Accordingly, on the 30th September, 1790. 
 the President, by and with the consent and advice of 
 the Congress of the United States, despatched Gen. 
 Harmer, with 320 federal troops and 1133 militia 
 under his command, to attack and destroy their prin 
 cipal villages. /_ r/ 
 
 The troops, after seventeen days march from Mi 
 ami, reached the great Miami village, without any 
 other molestation than that of having a number of 
 their pack-horses stolen. On their arrival they found 
 the village deserted, and all the valuable buildings in 
 flames, set on fire by the Indians. After a short tarry 
 they proceeded to the neighbouring villages, with 
 out molestation, and destroyed five of them and a 
 large quantity of corn which they found buried in dif 
 ferent places ; a'nd very large quantities of vegetables 
 of every kind. 
 
 The first opposition that was met with, a party of 
 about 150 Kentucky militia, and 80 regular troops, 
 all under the command of Col. Harding, of Kentucky, 
 were detached from the main body lying in the great 
 Miami village, to pursue the trail of a party of Indians 
 which had the day before been discovered. After a 
 
 
136 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 pursuit of about six miles they came up with, and 
 were attacked on surprise by a body of Indians who 
 were concealed in the thickets on every side of a large 
 plain ; and on the first onset the militia without ex 
 changing a single shot, made a most precipitate re 
 treat and left the regular troops to stand the whole 
 charge of the Indians. The conflict was short and 
 bloody. The troops were soon overpowered by num 
 bers, and all fell except two or three officers, and 
 two or three privates, after defending themselves at 
 their bayonet points with the greatest possible ob 
 stinacy. Ensign Hartshorn was one of the officers 
 who providentially escaped, and his escape appeared 
 to depend more on a lucky circumstance of faultcring 
 over a log in his retreat, and by that means screen 
 ing himself from the eye of his pursuers, than from 
 any other circumstance. Capt. Armstrong, who com 
 manded the party, likewise made his escape, by 
 plunging himself into a pond or swamp up to his neck 
 within 200 yards of the field of action, where he re 
 mained the whole night a spectator to the horrid 
 scene of the war dance, performed over the dead and 
 wounded bodies of the poor soldiers that had fallen 
 the preceding day ; where their shrieks, mixed with 
 the horrid yells of the savages, icndered his situation 
 shocking. 
 
 After this some few skirmishes succeeded, but noth 
 ing material, until the second capital action, which hap- 
 pended two days after the army left the Miami village. 
 Ajt ten miles distance from the town, the general or 
 dered a halt, and detached from four to five hundred 
 militia, and about sixty regular soldiers, under the 
 command of Major Wileys and Col. Harding, 
 who were ordered to march back to the town. On 
 their first entrance there appeared a small body of 
 Indians, who immediately fled at the first onset, and 
 by that means decoyed the whole body of the militia 
 by making their flight in different directions, and en 
 couraging the militia to pursue. By this stratagem 
 the few regular troops were left alone, and the In- 
 

 INDIAN WARS. 137 
 
 dians had effected their design, for the moment they 
 found the small handful of regular troops detatched 
 from the main body of the militia, they commenced 
 the attack with their whole force, excepting the fly 
 ing parties that had divided the militia ; and although 
 they soon found some part of the militia returning 
 on their backs, pursued their object of routing and 
 destroying the troops, as the only sure plan of success ; 
 which, after a most bloody conflict on each side they 
 effected. 
 
 Nothing could exceed the intrepidity of the savages 
 on this occasion. The militia they appeared to des 
 pise and with all the undauntedness conceivable, threw 
 down their guns and rushed upon the bayonets of the 
 regular soldiers. A number of them fell, but being so 
 far superior in numbers, the regulars were soon over 
 powered, for while the poor soldier had his bayonet 
 in one Indian, two more would sink their tomahawks 
 in his head. The defeat of the troops was complete. 
 The dead and wounded were left on the field of action 
 in possession of the savages. 
 
 The following is a copy of the official return of the 
 killed and wounded in the expedition. 
 
 Killed of the federal troops, 1 Major, 1 Lieutenant, 
 73 rank and file ; total, 75. Wounded 3 rank and 
 file. 
 
 Killed of the militia, 1 Major, 3 Captains, 2 Lieu 
 tenants, 4 Ensigns, 93 rank and file ; total, 108. 
 Wounded, 2 Lieutenants, 1 Ensign, 25 rank and file; 
 total, 28. 
 
 The regular troops all to nine, including two com 
 missioned officers were killed. Among the slain was 
 Major Wileys and a number of brave and valuable 
 soldiers. The Indians, it appeared, from some cause 
 did not think prudent to pursue their successes from 
 the field of action, as most of the troops that were 
 not killed or badly wounded made their escape, which 
 they could not have effected had the enemy pursued 
 with their usual fury. 
 
CHAP. X. 
 
 DEFEAT OF GEN. ST. CLAIR BY THE INDIANS, 
 
 GEN. ST. CLAIR TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. 
 
 Fort Washington, Nov. 9, 1791. 
 "Sir, 
 
 "Yesterday afternoon the 1 remains of the army 
 under my command got back to this place, and I have 
 now the painful task to give an account of a warm, and 
 as unfortunate an action as almost any that has be en 
 fought, in. which every corps was engaged and worst 
 ed, except the first regiment, that had been detached 
 upon a service that I had the honour to inform you of 
 in my last despatch, and had not joined me. 
 
 "On the 3d inst. the army had reached a creek 
 about twelve yards wide running to the southward of 
 west, which I believe to have been the river St. Mary 
 that empties into the Miami of the lake, arived at 
 the village about 4 o'clock in the afternoon^ having 
 marched near nine miles, and were immediately en 
 camped upon a very commanding piece of ground in 
 two lines, having the above mentioned creek in front. 
 The right wing composed of Butler, Clark and Pat- 
 erson's battalions, commanded by Major General 
 Butler, formed the first line ; and the left wing, con 
 sisting of Bedinger and Gaither's battalions, and the 
 second regiment commanded by Col. Drake, formed 
 the second line, with an interval between them of 
 about seventy yards ; which was all the ground would 
 allow. 
 
INDIAN WARS. 139 
 
 The right flank was pretty well secured by the 
 creek, a steep bank, and Faulkener's corps. Some of 
 the cavalry and their piquets covered the left flank. 
 The militia were sent over the creek and advanced 
 about one quater of a rnile, and encamped in the 
 same order. There were a few Indians who appeared 
 on the opposite side of the creek, but fled with the ut 
 most precipitation on the advance of the militia. At 
 this place which I judged to be about 15 miles from 
 the Miami village, I had determined to throw up a 
 slight work, the plan of which was concerted that 
 evening with Major Ferguson, wherein to have de 
 posited the men's knapsacks, and every thing else 
 that was not of absolute necessity, and to have 
 moved on to attack the enemy as soon as the first 
 regiment was come up, but they did not permit me 
 to execute either ; for on the 4th, about half an hour 
 before sun-rise, and when the men had been just 
 dismissed from the parade, (for it was a con 
 stant practice to have them all under arms a sonsid- 
 arable time before day-light,) an attack was made 
 upon the militia, who gave way in a very little time, 
 and rushed into camp through Major Butler's batal- 
 ion, which, together with part of Clark's, they thew 
 into considerable disorder, and which notwithstand 
 ing the exertions of both these officers, was never al 
 together remedied. The Indians followed close at their 
 heels; the fire however of the front line checked them; 
 but almost instantaneously a very heavy attack began 
 upon that line, and in a few minutes it was extended 
 to the second likewise. The great weight of it was 
 directed against the centre of each, where the artil 
 lery was placed, and from which the men were re 
 peatedly driven with great slaughter. Finding no 
 great effect from the fire, and a confusion beginning to 
 spread from the great number of men who were fall 
 en in all quaters, it became necessary to try what 
 could be done with the bayonet. 
 
 "Lt. Col. Drake was accordingly ordered to make 
 a charge with a part of the second line, and to turn 
 
140 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 the left flank of the enemy. This was executed with 
 great spirit, and at first promised much success. The 
 Indians instantly gave way, and were driven back 
 three or four hundred yards ; but for want of a suffi 
 cient number of riflemen, to pursue this advantage, 
 they soon returned, and the troops were obliged to 
 give back in their turn. At this moment they had 
 entered our camp by the left flank, having pursued 
 back the troops that were posted there. 
 
 " Another charge was made here by the second 
 regiment, Butler and Clark's battalions, with equal 
 effect, and it was repeated several times, and always 
 with success ; but in all of them many men were lost 
 and particularly the officers, which, with some raw 
 troops, was a loss altogether irremediable. In that 
 I just spoke of made by the second regiment, and 
 Butler's battalion, Major Butler was dangerously 
 wounded, and every officer of the second regiment fell 
 except three, one of which, Capt. Greaton, was shot 
 through the body, 
 
 "Our artillery being now silenced, and all the officers 
 killed except Capt* Ford, who was badly wounded, 
 more than half of the army fallen, being cutoff from 
 the road, it became necessary to attempt the regain 
 ing it and to make a retreat if possible. To this 
 purpose the remains of the army was formed as well 
 as circumstances would admit, towards the right of the 
 encampment ; from which, by the way of the second 
 line, another charge was made upon the enemy, as if 
 with the design to turn their right flank, but it was 
 in fact to gain the road. This was effected ; and as 
 soon as it was open the militia entered it, followed by 
 the troops ; Major Clark with his battalion covering 
 the rear. 
 
 " The retreat in those circumstances was, you may 
 be sure, a precipitate one. It was in fact a flight: 
 The camp and artillery were abandoned ; but tha t 
 was unavoidable, for not a horse was left alive to have 
 drawn it off had it otherwise been practicable. But 
 the most disgraceful part of the business is, that the 
 
IDIAN WARS. 141 
 
 greatest part of the men threw away their arras and 
 accoutrements, even after- the pursuit (which con 
 tinued about four miles) had ceased. 
 
 "I found the road strewed with them for many 
 miles, but was not able to remedy it ; for having had 
 all my horses killed, and being mounted upon one 
 that could not be pricked out of a walk, I could not 
 get forward myself; and the orders I sent forward 
 either to halt the front or prevent the men from part 
 ing with their arms, were unattended to. 
 
 " The route continued quite to fort Jefferson, 29 
 miles, which was reached a little after sun-set. The 
 action began about half an hour before sun-rise, and 
 the retreat was attempted at half-past nine o'clock. 
 
 " I have not yet been able to get the returns of 
 the killed and wounded ; but Major General Butler, 
 Lieut. Col. Oldharn, of the militia Majors Ferguson, 
 Hart and Clark, are among the former. 
 
 " I have now, Sir, finished my melancholy tale ; 
 a tale that will be felt, sensibly felt, by every one that 
 has sympathy for private distress, or for public mis 
 fortune. I have nothing, Sir, to lay to the charge of 
 the troops but their want of discipline, which, from 
 the short time they had been in service, it was impos 
 sible they should have acquired, and which ren 
 dered it very difficult, when they were thrown into 
 confusion to reduce them again to order, and is one 
 reason why the loss has fallen so heavy upon the 
 officers, who did every thing in their power to effect 
 it. Neither were my own exertions wanting, but 
 worn down with illness, and suffering under a painful 
 disease, unable either to mount or dismount a horse 
 without assistance, they were not so great as they 
 .otherwise would or perhaps ought to have been. 
 
 " We were overpowered, by numbers, but it is 
 no more than justice to observe, that though com 
 posed of so many different species of troops, the ut 
 most harmony prevailed through the whole army dur 
 ing the campaign. 
 19 
 
142 
 
 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 "At fort Jefferson I found the first regiment, 
 which had returned from the service they had been 
 sent upon, without either overtaking the deserters 
 or meeting the convoy of provisions. I am not cer 
 tain, Sir, whether I ought to consider the absence of 
 this regiment from the field of action as fortunate or 
 otherwise. I incline to think it was fortunate ; for I 
 very much doubt, whether, had it been in the action 
 the fortune of the day had been turned ; and if it had 
 not, the triumph of the enemy would have been more 
 complete, and the country would have been destitute 
 of means of defence. 
 
 " Taking a view of the situation of our broken 
 troops at fort Jefferson, and that there was no provis^- 
 ions in the fort, I called on the field officers for their 
 advice what would be proper further to be done : and 
 it was their unanimous opinion, thai: the addition of 
 the first regiment, unbroken as it was, did not put 
 the army on so respectable a footing as it was in the 
 morning, because a great part of it was now unarmed \ 
 that it had been found unequal to the enemy, and 
 should they come on, which was probable, would be 
 found so again ; that the troops could not be thrown in* 
 to the fort, because it was too small, and there was no 
 provision in it ; that provisions were known to be 
 upon the road at the distance of one or at most two 
 marches ; that therefore it would be proper to move 
 without loss of time to meet the provisions, when the 
 men might have the sooner an opportunity of some 
 refreshment, and that a proper detachment might 
 be sent back with it, to have it safely deposited in 
 the fort. 
 
 " This advice was accepted, and the army was put 
 in motion again at ten o'clock, and marched all night, 
 and the succeeding day met with a quantity of flour ; 
 part of it was distributed immediately, part taken 
 back to supply the army on the march to fort Hamil 
 ton, and the remainder, about fiAy horse loads, sent 
 forward to fort Jefferson. 
 
INDIAN WARS. 143 
 
 " I have said, Sir, in the former part of my com 
 munication, that we were overpowered by numbers; of 
 that, however, I have no other evidence but the 
 weight of the fire, which was always a most deadly 
 one, and generally delivered from the ground, few of 
 the enemy showing themselves on foot, except when 
 they were charged, and that in a few minutes our 
 whole camp, which extended above 850 yards in 
 length, was entirely surrounded and attacked on all 
 quarters. 
 
 *'The loss, Sir, the public has sustained by the fall 
 of so many officers, particularly Gen. Butler, and 
 Major Ferguson, cannot be too much regretted ; but 
 it is a circumstance that will alleviate the misfortune 
 in some measure, that all of them fell most gallantly 
 doing their duty. I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 your most obedient servant, 
 
 " AUTHUR- ST. CLAIR. 
 
 "Hon. Secretary of War." 
 
 The defeat of Gen, St. Clair took place within 
 three miles of the Miami village. The loss on this 
 occasion was about 600 killed and wounded, (said to 
 be nearly equal to Braddock's defeat,) with seven 
 pieces of artillery, and all the stores. Gen. St. Clair 
 had about 1 100 men; had reason to expect an attack, 
 and kept his men under arms all night, drawn up in a 
 square. The attack commenced about dawn of 
 day* on all the lines, but principally on the rear lines, 
 which was composed of the militia. The Indians 
 gave onq fire and rushed on tomahawk in hand. The 
 militia gave way to the centre; and before the artil 
 lery could be brought into action the matrosses were 
 all killed and it fell into the hands of the enemy. 
 
 It was retaken, but was useless, for want of men to 
 manage the pieces. The action was continued obsti 
 nately until 9 o'clock, when the troops gave way. 
 St. Clair rallied his msn, and brought them off in 
 tolerable order, with most of the .wounded, to fort 
 
144 INDIAN WAR3. 
 
 Jeffersons, 30 miles in the rear of the action. The 
 enemy pursued five miles. 
 
 The following is a copy of a return of the officers 
 killed and wounded in the engagement : 
 
 Killed, 1 Major General, 1 Lieut; Col, 5 Majors, 
 11 Captains,. 10 Lieutenants, 9 Ensigns, 1 Surgeon. 
 Total 38. 
 
 Wounded, 2 Lieut. Colonels,! Major, 1 1 Cap 
 tains, 6 Lieutenants, 6 Ensigns,! Surgeon. Total 17. 
 
 Besides the above, there were about 550 privates 
 killed and many more wounded. Few officers of 
 distinction escaped except Gen. St. Clair, who had 
 many narrow escapes. Kight balls passed through 
 his clothes. The attack was conducted with aston 
 ishing intrepidity on the part of the Indians. In a 
 few moments the General's tent was surrounded. 
 However, he was rescued by a party of regular sol 
 diers, who repelled the enemy with fixed bayonets. 
 There was a party of the Chickasaw nation on their 
 way to join Gen. St. Clair, but did not arrive in sea 
 son. There was but one fellow only of that nation in 
 the action, who killed arid scalped eleven of the ene 
 my with his own hands, and engaging with the' 
 twelfth, he fell, greatly lamented by the Americans. 
 
 Major Gen. Butler was wounded and carried to a 
 convenient place to have his wounds dressed*, but an 
 Indian having discovered the place to which he was 
 conveyed, broke through the troops who attended 
 him, add tomahawked and scalped the former, before 
 he was killed by the troops. 
 
 Agreeable to the statement of the Indians, they 
 killed 650 of the American troops, and took seven 
 pieces of cannon, 00 oxen and a great number of 
 horses but no prisoners ; and that their loss was only 
 56 warriors killed. They stated that they were 4000 
 strong, and were commanded by one of thj Missasago 
 Indians, who had been in the Brittish service in the 
 late war ; that he planned and conducted the attack, 
 
INDIA* WARS. 145 
 
 which was even contrary to the opinion of a major 
 ity of the chiefs ; and that, after the Americans began 
 to retreat, he told the Indians they had killed enough, 
 and that it was proper to give over the pursuit, and re 
 turn and enjoy the booty they had taken. He was six 
 feet in height, about 45 years of age, of a very sour and 
 morose countenance, and apparently very crafty and 
 subtle. His dress was Indian hose and moccasins, 
 a blue petticoat that came half way down his thighs, 
 and European waistcoat and surtout. His head was 
 bound with an Indian cap that carne half way down 
 his back, and almost entirely filled with plain silver 
 broaches to the number of more than 200. He had 
 two earings to each ear ; the upper part of each 
 was formed of three silver medals about the size of 
 a dollar ; the lower part was formed of quarters of 
 dollars, and fell more than 12 inches from his ears ; 
 one from each ear over his breast ; the other over his 
 back. He had three very large nose jewels of silver 
 that were curiously pointed. 
 
 The party of friendly Chickasaws, who were on 
 their way to join the American troops, arrived at 
 
 fort Jefferson two days after the bloody action. 
 
 They were commanded by Piomirigo, or the moun 
 tain leader. On their way they discovered that the 
 troops had been defeated, ahd saw one of the enemy,, 
 who, mistaking Piomingo's party for some of his own 
 comrades made up to them He perceived his mis 
 take, but too late to retreat. He was accosted by 
 Piomingo with " Rascal you have been killing white 
 men." He endeavoured to excuse himself, but Pio 
 mingo ordered two of his warriors to extend his 
 arms, and a third, an old man (for says Piomingo, 
 " none of my young men shall disgrace themselves 
 so much as to kill a wretch like thee") to shoot him 
 through the heart ; which was accordingly executed. 
 They afterwards took off his scalp. 
 
 During St. Glair's bloody engagement adjutant 
 Bulgess received two wounds, the second of which 
 proved mortal. After the receipt of the first he 
 
liG INDIAN WARS. 
 
 continued to fight with distinguished gallantry ; the 
 second unfortunately stopped his progress. Faint 
 with the loss of blood he fell. A woman who attend 
 ed him, and was particularly attached to him, raised 
 him up and while supporting him in her arms receiv 
 ed a ball in her breast, which put an immediate end 
 to her existence ! 
 
 Soon after Ensign Wilson (a much lamented youth) 
 fell, one of the savages attempted to take off his 
 scalp, which Col. Drake perceiving, he hastened to 
 the spot, and with his sword stabbed the miscreant 
 through the body. 
 
 INDIANS DEFEATED. 
 
 A few weeks after the defeat of the troops under 
 Gen. St. Clair, Gen. Scott despatched from the men 
 under his command two spies to reconnoitre the 
 enemy, who, when they arrived at the distance of a 
 few miles from the fatal spot where the bloody action 
 was fought, they discovered a large party of Indians 
 diverting and enjoying themselves with the plunder 
 they had taken, riding the bullocks &c. and ap 
 peared to be mostly drunk. The men returned and 
 communicated the important information to Gen. 
 Scott, who thereupon immediately divided his troops 
 into three divisions, advanced and fell on the enemy 
 by surprise. The contest was short but victorious on 
 the part of the American troops. Two hundred of 
 the enemy were killed on the spot, all the cannon 
 and stores in their possession retaken, and the re 
 mainder of the savage body put to flight. Gen. 
 Scott losing but six men, returned to head quarters. 
 
 Gen. Scott gave the following affecting account 
 of the appearance of the field on which the bloody 
 action between the American troops under Gen. Su 
 Clair and the savages was fought: * The place 
 had a very melancholy appearance. Nearly in the 
 
INDIAN WARS. 147 
 
 space of 350 yards lay 300 skull bones, which were 
 buried by my men while on the ground ; from thence 
 for about five- miles on, the roads through the 
 woods were strewad with skeletons, muskets, &c. 5? 
 
 DEFEAT OF MAJOR M?MAHON. 
 
 Oh the 29th of July, 1794, Maj. M'Mahon march 
 ed with 80 riflemen, under the command of Capt. 
 Hartshorn, and 50 dragoons under the command of 
 Captain Taylor, for Fort Recovery, as an escort to 
 300 pack horses loaded with flour for the garrison : 
 on the morning following, after they had deposited 
 their loading, and were preparing to set out on their 
 return, they were attacked by an army of 1200Indians. 
 Capt. Hartshorn, who had advanced with the riflemen 
 about a quarter of a mile into the woods, immediate 
 ly took post on a very strong commanding piece 
 of ground near the garrison and with unparalleled 
 bravery maintained the unequal fight till Major 
 M'Mahon, who had put himself at the head of the 
 cavalry was killed, as was Capt. Taylor, and Cornet 
 Terry, and many of the men wounded. The enemy 
 now put their force against Capt. Hartshorn, and in 
 the moment when they were pushing to cut off his 
 communication with the garrison, Lieut. Drake and 
 Ensign Dodd sallied out at the head of 20 brave fel 
 lows, who turned out voluntarily on the occasion, 
 and joined him, after beating the enemy at the point 
 of the bayonet. At this instant the brave Captain 
 Hartshorn received a shot which broke his thigh. 
 Lieut. Craig was killed, and Lieut. Marks taken 
 prisoner. Lieut. Drake now ordered a retreat, and 
 on endeavouring to hold the enemy in check so as to 
 give the men time to save Capt. Hartshorn, he re 
 ceived a shot in the groin. The enemy now pressed 
 so hard as to compel the men to leave their captain. 
 
 Great numbers of the Indians must have been 
 killed, as they came forward in solid columns up to 
 
148 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 the muzzle of the guns, Lieut. Michael, who was 
 with Capt. Hartshorn, but whom he had detached 
 with a few active men to the flank of the enemy, 
 was now missing ; and while their companions in the 
 fort were deploring their fate, and had given them 
 up as lost, they saw him and Lieutenant Marks rush 
 ing through the thick of the enemy ai opposite direc 
 tions, and although numbers of guns were fired at 
 them they got in safe. Lieutenant Michael lost 
 every man of his party except three, and Lieutenant 
 Marks got off by knocking down the Indian who 
 took him. 
 
 The Indians were observed to carry off great 
 numbers of killed and wounded on pack horses. The 
 loss of the Americans was 2,3 killed, and about 40 
 wounded. The party commanded by Capt. Harts 
 horn, brought in ten scalps of the enemy. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 DEPREDATIONS OP THE INDIANS ON THE 
 FRONTIERS. 
 
 On the 19th December,1791, as two men and three 
 boys were fishing on Floid's fork of Salt River, they 
 were suddenly attacked by a party of Indians, who 
 killed the two men and made prisoners of the 
 boys. Soon after they liberated one of the lads, 
 first presenting him with a tomahawk, which they 
 desired him to carry to his friends and inform them 
 what had become of his companions. 
 
 About the 20th a party of Indians attacked the 
 house of a Mr. Chenoweth, situated near the mouth 
 of the Wabash. They killed and scalped two of his 
 children and tomahawked and scalped his wife, whom 
 they left for dead. Mr. C. (who had his arm broken 
 by the fire of the savages) with the remainder 
 of the family made their escape. A sick daughter 
 who was confined to her chamber, and who during 
 the bloody affray, had been forgotten by her father, 
 remained ignorant of the horrid massacre until the 
 succeeding day; when no one of the family coming to 
 her assistance, she succeeded in crawling down 
 stairs, where she was inexpressibly shocked at the 
 sight of a beloved parent stretched upon the floor, 
 almost lifeless, and at the side of whom lay the man 
 gled bodies of her dear brothers. Fortunately, her 
 unhappy father returned the succeeding day to the 
 house, and conveyed the two surviving members of 
 his family to the house of a friend, where they finally 
 recovered. 
 
 On the 24th a party of Indians attacked the dwell 
 ing house of a Mr. John Merril, in Nelson County, 
 Kentucky. Mr. Merril, who was first alarmed by 
 the barking of his dog, hastened to the door to 
 20 
 
150 IHBIAH WARS- 
 
 cover the cause ; on opening of which he received 
 the fire of the Indians which broke his right leg and 
 arm. The Indians now attempted to enter the 
 house, but were prevented by the door being imme 
 diately closed and secured by Mrs. Merril and her 
 daughter. The Indians succeeded in hewing away 
 a part of the door, through which passage one of 
 them attempted to enter, but the heroic mother, in 
 the midst of her screaming children and groaning 
 husband, seized an axe and gave the ruffian a fatal 
 blow ; after which she hauled him through the pas 
 sage into the house ! The others unconscious of the 
 fate of their companion, supposing that they had 
 now nearly succeeded in their object, rushed forward; 
 four of which Mrs. Merril in like manner despatched 
 before the others discovered their mistake. The 
 remaining Indians, after retiring for a few moments, 
 returned and renewed their efforts to enter the 
 house. Despairing of succeeding at the door, they 
 got on the top of the house and attempted to descend 
 the chimney; to prevent which Mr. Merril directed 
 his little son to empty upon the fire the contents of 
 a feather-bed, which had the desired effect, as the 
 smoke and heat caused thereby soon brought down, 
 rather unexpectedly, two of the enemy. JNJr. Merril, 
 exerting every faculty at this critical moment, seized 
 a billet of wood with which he soon despatched the 
 two half smothered Indians, while in the mean time 
 his heroic wife was busily engaged in defending the 
 door against the efforts of the only remaining one, 
 whom she so severely wounded with an axe that he 
 was soon glad to retire. 
 
 A prisoner who escaped from the enemy soon after 
 the transaction, informed that the wounded savage 
 above mentioned was the only one that escaped of 
 the party ; which consisted of eight ; that on his re 
 turn being asked by the prisoner " what news," he 
 answered " bad news for poor Indian, me lose a son, 
 me lose a brother ; the squaws have taken the breach 
 clout and fight worse than the long knives ! n 
 
INDIAN WARS. 151 
 
 COPT OP A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN RESIDING 
 AT THE WEST-WARD, TO A FRIEND IN NEW- 
 YORK, DATED 
 
 " Marietta, Feb. 1, 1793. 
 
 < Our prospects are much changed. Instead of 
 peace and friendship with our Indian neighbours, a 
 horrid savage war stares us in the face. The Indians 
 instead of being humbled by the destruction of the 
 Shawanese towns, and brought to beg for peace, ap 
 pear determined on a general war, in which our set 
 tlements are already involved. On the evening of 
 the 2d instant they fell on a settlement about forty 
 miles up the Muskingum, surprised a block-house, 
 killed fourteen persons, and carried off three others. 
 The persons killed arc, John and Philip Stacy, sons 
 to Col. William Stacy from New-Salem ; Ezra Put 
 nam, son to Major Ezra Putnam, from Middletown, 
 in Massachusets ; John Camp, from the same place ; 
 Jonathan Farewell James Cash, and William Patton, 
 from New-Hampshire; Zebulon Throop, from Rarre; 
 William James, from Connecticut ; Joseph Clark, 
 from Rhode-Island ; a man by the name of Meeks, 
 with his wife and children, from Virginia. These 
 were all killed in and at the block-house. Francis 
 and Isaac Choat from Lancaster, and one Shaw, who 
 kept at a hut about 50 rods from the block-house, 
 was not found by the party that went out, and it is 
 hoped that they are prisoners. What number of 
 Indians were concerned in this mischief, or from what 
 tribe, we know not ; but from those Indians who 
 till lately used to visit our settlements every day, 
 withdrawing themselves entirely from our sight 
 ever since the expedition against the Shawanese, 
 there is little reason to doubt but the Delawares and 
 the Wyandotts, as well as others, have had a hand in 
 this nefarious business. 
 
 <c It is impossible for me to give a just idea of the 
 distress into which this event has thrown the inhabi 
 tants, especially those of the out settlements. For 
 my own part I have for some time been of opinion^ 
 
153 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 that the spring would open with a general attack on 
 the frontiers, in which event 1 did not expect we 
 should escape, unless government should timely send 
 troops for our protection, which we were in hopes 
 would be the case. But it seems the enemy are de 
 termined to take advantage of our defenceless situa 
 tion. I consider this event as the forerunner of 
 other attacks of a more serious nature, and which 
 may involve us in complete ruin, unless prevented 
 by government immediately taking measures for our 
 protection. To their protection I conceive we al 
 ways had an indisputable claim, which claim, if pos 
 sible, is increased by the circumstances that have 
 brought us under the resentment of the Indians, and 
 at least, in some measure produced the mischief that 
 we are fallen into." 
 
 COPY OP A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN IN KEN 
 TUCKY TO A FRIEND IN PHILADELPHIA, DATED 
 
 Cl March 3, 1792. 
 
 % 
 
 " As to the Indians, they have been troublesome 
 all winter. Since October last 60 persons have been 
 killed within the limits of this district, beside a num* 
 ber destroyed on the Ohio ; among whom is our old 
 acquaintance, Mr. John May, late of Botetoute, 
 whose exit deserves notice, because he was actuated 
 by motives of humanity. The affair is thus related by 
 a captive that has lately made his escape from the In 
 dians, who was a spectator, and an unwilling instru 
 ment in the tragedy, 
 
 41 Mr. May, in descending the Great Kanhawa and 
 Ohio, about the 20th February last, discovered 
 on the western shore of the latter, near the mouth 
 of Sciota, a white man, who with a plaintive voice, 
 was calling for God's sake, to come and take a poor 
 prisoner on board, that was endeavouring to escape 
 from the savages. This had the desired effect. 
 Mr. May ordered the boat towards the shore, and 
 did not discover hit mistake until the Indians rose 
 
INDIAN WARS. 153 
 
 up from their ambush, fired, shot him dead, and 
 wounded some others of the passengers on board, 
 who immediate!)' endeavored to make off; but being 
 told in the English tongue, they should have good 
 quarters, surrendered without resistance. The In 
 dians, however, on boarding the boat, massacred all 
 without discrimination. Two days after, the same 
 party attempted to decoy three large boats ashore 
 that were coming down from fort Pitt, but luckily 
 they were discovered in time, and our people sheered 
 off. The enemy, being prepared, manned some of 
 their boats with about 30 warriors, and gave chase. 
 The crews of two of the boats, fearing they might be 
 overtaken, quitted them, and went on board the 
 best sailer, where they threw overboard all their 
 horses, and some heavy articles, and plied all their 
 oars to effect their escape. The Indians also exert 
 ed themselves in the pursuit, keeping on a steady 
 course for about 20 miles, notwithstanding 24 well 
 armed white men were on board the American boat, 
 with one of our colonels of militia. 
 
 "Thus, for want of a little resolution and skill a 
 favorable opportunity was lost, to destroy a number 
 of the vile enemies of the human race. The Indians, 
 on their return, took possession of the two boats that 
 were abandoned, and found in them 17 horses, 5000 
 dollars worth of merchandize, and considerable prop 
 erty, belonging to the emigrants. 
 
 " Fort M'Intosh, on the Ohio, was a short time 
 since attacked by a party of the Indians. They 
 secreted themselves near the fort and succeeded in 
 killing the sentinel on duty. They then rushed into 
 the fort and discharged their pieces on those within. 
 One man only was wounded, who, in endeavouring to 
 escape was tomahawked by an Indian. One ball 
 just grazed the temple of Capt. Forbes, who com 
 manded the guard, and four others struck the log 
 above his head, the splinters and bits of which cut his 
 face, and left it as if scarified. The garrison consisted 
 of 20 men, and there were about 40 of the enemy. 
 
154 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 "Thus, Sir, we find that Indian treaties do not se 
 cure our country from the depredations of the sava 
 ges. Our last hope now is that the President of the 
 United States will ere long, adopt such measures as 
 will prove the efficiency of the Federal Government 
 to protect the citizens of the United States, however 
 remotely situated from the seat of government." 
 
 COPY OF A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN IN 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA TO A FRIEND IN NEW 
 
 YORK, DATED 
 
 Charleston, August 6, 1792. 
 
 "An express arrived from Gen. Pickens and Col. 
 Anderson, which brings advices to the Governor, 
 stating that a general Indian war on the western 
 frontiers of the southern states seems inevitable; that 
 by intelligence from the country of the Creeks, all the 
 tribes except the Custawas are determined for war, 
 urged by Galphin, the successor of M'Gillivray ; 
 and that they have already commenced hostilities 
 within the Carolina line, a party of them having 
 killed and scalped a man on Tugaloo. We hear his 
 excellency has ordered one third of the militia in the 
 upper districts to be drafted, and held in readiness 
 for immediate service should the savages make fur 
 ther depredations on the frontiers. 
 
 41 Yesterday evening a gentleman arrived here 
 from Augusta, who informed us. that six of the Creek 
 towns with a number of Cherokees, had declared 
 war against the United States, and were actually 
 marching under the command of Bowles and Galphin 
 to attack the frontiers. 
 
 "On the 22d ult. the Indians, 37 in number, came 
 to the house of a Mr. Richard Thresher, in Augusta, 
 and fired upon and killed IMr. Thresher, two children 
 and a negro woman. Mrs. Thresher, to avoid if 
 possible the fate with which she was threatened, 
 fled with an infant of about five or six weeks old in 
 her arms, and leaped into the river. The Indians 
 pursued, shot her through the thigh and right 
 
INDIAN WARS. 155 
 
 breast, stabbed her in the left breast witb a knife, 
 cut her left arm nearly off, and then scalped her. 
 In this horrid situation she remained until the ne'gh- 
 bours could assemble in sufficient numbers to cross 
 the river and pursue the Indians. As the first canoe 
 was crossing she had strength enough to call for 
 assistance. They went, found her hanging by a bush 
 in water nearly up to her chin, her infant at the bot 
 tom of the river, a few yards from her. She lived 
 24 hours, and when informed by her physician that it 
 was impossible for her to survive much longer, she 
 with a fortitude that is rarely to be met with, called 
 her friends around her, and in a cairn but pathetic 
 manner, gave her hand to each one, wishing them a 
 better fate than had befallen herself and family ; and 
 when, after her speech failed, as neighbours were con 
 stantly coming in, she continued to give her hand un 
 til about five minutes before she resigned her breath, 
 which was without a groan. 
 
 " Mrs. Thresher was about 25 years of age, of a 
 respectable family and elegant person, and possessed 
 an uncommon education. 
 
 u On Thursday the 24th two men were killed in 
 Franklin and 40 horses carried off; and since the 
 frontiers have retreated into forts, without arms or 
 ammunition. At one meeting of near 40 persons 
 they could only muster five old muskets ; and to 
 heighten the horror of their condition, the Indians 
 were momentarily expected. 
 
 il As similar murders were daily committed, it called 
 up the spirit of 900 gallant fellows, who marched 
 last week against the savages, determined to revenge 
 the cruelties perpetrated on the infant, the mother 
 and the defenceless. 
 
 14 To see the country all in forts, breaking up, 
 leaving their farms, their corn and their houses burnt 
 up, is truly distressing. At this time nearly half the 
 country are in forts. 
 
153 INDIAN WAR*, 
 
 " Capt. Kenton with about 35 men, who went np 
 the Ohio in order to intercept the Indians who took 
 Morgan's station, fell in with a trail of a party of In 
 dians on the waters of Point Creek, coming in to the 
 settlement. He followed them, and at night ob 
 serving he was near them, sent forward some spies 
 to discover their fires. Unluckily the spies fell in 
 with their camp, and before they discovered it the 
 Indians were alarmed by a dog which flew out at the 
 spies ; upon which the Indians fired on them. The 
 spies returned the fire. Upon hearing the firing the 
 whole of the party came up, and the Indians retreat 
 ed, leaving their baggage ; among which was a quan 
 tity of powder, lead and blankets. Kenton had one 
 man killed. It is supposed two Indians were killed 
 and carried off, from some discoveries that were made 
 next morning." 
 
 COPY OF A LETTER FROM FORT WASHINGTON, 
 DATED 
 
 April 20, 1792. 
 
 '* On Tuesday morning the 6th inst. Major Adair, 
 with 10 volunteers from Kentucky, having charge 
 of a large number of pack horses laden with provis 
 ions, destined for the advanced posts, was most dar 
 ingly attacked by nearly an equal party of Indians, 
 although under cover of fort St. Clair ; notwithstand 
 ing which, and that our people fought desperately, 
 the Indians drove them into the fort, and carried off 
 all their provisions and horses, both pack and cavalry, 
 save about twenty killed and four wounded, and 
 stripped the camp of every thing, carrying the whole 
 off with most audacious insult and triumph. But 
 as soon as the party were resupplied with ammu 
 nition from the garrison, they sallied forth near a 
 quarter of a mile from the enemy ; but too late to 
 recover the booty which the Indians had made. The 
 courage and daring spirit of these people were par 
 ticularly conspicuous on this occasion, as they fought 
 almost under the guns of the fort. Our loss was one 
 
INDIAN WARS, 157 
 
 captain and ten privates killed, and some wounded, 
 besides horses and provisions, estimated at 15,000 
 dollars, Two of the enemy were found dead a short 
 distance from the field of action. If these Indians 
 had writers among them, what honourable testimony 
 and eulogy might they not give of the noble spirit 
 and heroic bravery, of the native American character, 
 rather than depreciate it as the Europeans do. Two 
 of our men have lately made their escape from the 
 Miami villages and arrived here, who give account of 
 a mock fight lately exhibited by the Indians assem 
 bled there, and to divert the squaws and children. 
 It was in ridicule of General St. Glair's disposition of 
 his troops on the 4th of November last, and of his 
 flight before the Indians, who pursued him and his 
 array whilst the other plundered his camp. They 
 have given out that they mean to celebrate this event 
 annually by a like sham fight and a great dance, to be 
 called General St. Glair's fight and dance. It is to 
 be hoped we yet shall have an opportunity to retali 
 ate and to teach our enemy to amuse themselves at 
 our expense in a less ludicrous manner. It seems 
 that Gen. St. Glair's field of action was on a branch 
 of the Wabash, 24 leagues from the Miami towns, 
 which are now inhabited by the hostile Indians. 
 
 "A letter from a correspondent, on whose veracity 
 we can rely, in the territory of the United States 
 south of the river Ohio, dated 17th ult. states, 
 that every thing wears a gloomy aspect on the west 
 ern frontiers ; that about the last of December, the 
 Gherokees sent in peace talkers to Governor Blount, 
 which were only intended to facilitate the commis 
 sion of further depredations by them, when the 
 guards from out-posts were withdrawn ; that from 
 the 16th to the 26th of January, the Indians killed 
 and wounded 19 persons in Cumberland, among 
 whom was Edwin Shelby, brother to the Governor of 
 Kentucky ; that four of the Chickamogga towns, and 
 the upper Creeks have declared war ; that the 
 Creeks have killed a family in the county of Georgia; 
 21 
 
158 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 that the barbarity exercised by them in this massacre 
 was enough to make human nature shudder at the 
 bare recital. They butchered them like so many 
 dogs, caught their blood and bowels, exposed them 
 to view, and then gave the whole to a tame bear to 
 devour ; that the Cherokees had killed two Creeks, 
 wounded several, and taken two prisoners ; that the 
 Creeks threaten to retaliate, and cut them all off; 
 that the inhabitants of the territory are waiting with 
 impatience for the general government to afford them 
 succour and protection ; that treaties with the sav 
 ages will avail nothing, as what promise they make 
 to-day they will not hesitate to break to-morrow. 53 
 
 Copy of a letter from Mr. John Corbly, a Baptist Minister, to his 
 friend in Philadelphia, dated 
 
 " Muddy Creek, Penn. Sept. 1, 1792. 
 
 (i Dear Sir, 
 
 " The following are the particulars of the 
 destruction of my unfortunate family by the savages. 
 On the 10th May last, being my appointment to 
 preach at one of my meeting houses, about a mile 
 from my dwelling house, I sat out with my loving 
 wife and five children, for public worship. Not sus 
 pecting any danger, I walked behind a few rods with 
 my Bible in my hand, meditating. As I was thus 
 employed, on a sudden I was greatly alarmed by 
 the frightful shrieks of my dear family before me. 
 I immediately ran to their relief with all possible 
 speed, vainly hunting a club as I ran. When within 
 a Tew yards of them, my poor wife observing me 
 cried out to me to make my escape. At this instant 
 an Indian ran up to shoot me. I had to strip, and by 
 so doing out-ran him. My wife had an infant in her 
 arms, which the Indians killed and scalped. After 
 which they struck my wife several times, but not 
 bringing her to the ground, the Indian who attempted 
 to shoot me approached her and shot her through 
 the body. After which they scalped her ! My 
 
INDIAN WARS. 159 
 
 little son, about six years old they despatched by sink 
 ing their hatchets into his brains ! My little daugh 
 ter, four years old, they in like manner tomahawked 
 and scalped ! My eldest daughter attempted an 
 escape by concealing herself in a hollow tree about 
 six rods from the fatal scene of action. Observing 
 the Indians retiring, as she supposed, she deliberately 
 crept from the place of her concealment, when one 
 of the Indians, who yet remained on the ground, 
 espying her, ran up to her, and with his tomahawk 
 knocked her down and scalped her. But, blessed 
 be God, she yet survives, as does her little sister 
 whom the savages in like manner tomahawked and 
 scalped. They are mangled to a shocking degree, 
 but the doctors think there are some hopes of their 
 recovery. 
 
 " When I supposed the Indians gone I returned to 
 see what had become of my unfortunate family, 
 whom, alas, I found in the situation above described. 
 No one, my dear friend, can form a true conception 
 of my feelings at this moment. A view of a scene 
 so shocking to humanity quite overcome me. I faint 
 ed, and was unconsciously borne off by a friend, who 
 at that instant arrived to my relief. 
 
 *' Thus, dear sir, have I given you a faithful though 
 a short narrative of the fatal catastrophe ; amidst 
 which my life is spared, but for what purpose the 
 Great JEHOVAH best knows. Oh, may I spend it to 
 the praise and glory of his grace, who worketh all 
 things after the council of his own will. The gov 
 ernment of the world and the churdh is in his hands. 
 I conclude with wishing you every blessing, and sub 
 scribe myself your affectionate though afflicted friend 
 .an unworthy brother in the gospel ministry. 
 
 "JOHN CORBLY." 
 
 On the 27th September, 1792, as five gentlemen 
 (Messrs. Jacobus Taller, Isaac Arnold, James Stew 
 art, Daniel Barclay, and Isaac Van Alstync,) were 
 
160 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 on their way to Detroit, at a place called the Burdle, 
 on Lake Erie, they were suddenly attacked by four 
 Mahagon or Delaware Indians, armed with muskets 
 and tomahawks, who fired on them and killed Mr. 
 Taller and Mr. Arnold. They then rushed on with 
 their tomahawks. One attacked Mr. Arnold who, 
 after a smart struggle, in which he received several 
 wounds in his head disengaged himself, and having a 
 musket at the instant presented him by Mr. Stewart, 
 snapped at the Indian, who immediately thereupon 
 with the three others fled to the woods. As soon as 
 they had disappeared, Mr. Arnold and his compan 
 ions hastened to the shore of the lake, in which they 
 launched their batteau, but when about thirty rods 
 from the shore, they were hailed by Mr. Van Afetyne, 
 who during the bloody contest had secreted himself 
 in the bushes. He begged of his companions to re 
 turn and take him on board, on which Mr. Arnold 
 requested him to proceed a few rods down the lake 
 to a point of land, where he could more conveniently 
 take him in. Mr. Van Alstyne, it was supposed, 
 misunderstanding his friend proceeded directly up 
 the lake, to the very spot where the Indians were 
 then assembled, who with their tomahawks instantly 
 despatched him ; after which they followed the two 
 survivors in an old canoe, two or three miles down 
 the lake, but being unable to overtake .them they dis 
 continued the pursuit. 
 
 Copy of a letter from a Gentleman in Marietta, to his friend in 
 Washington, dated 
 
 " Marietta, March 4, 1793. 
 
 " About two weeks since two brothers by the 
 name of Johnston, one 12 the other 9 years of age, 
 were playing on the western bank of Short Creek, 
 about 12 miles from this, skipping stones in the wa 
 ter. At a distance they discovered two men, who 
 appeared to be settlers, being dressed with coats and 
 
INDIAN WARS. 161 
 
 hats. These men, to amuse and deceive the children, 
 engaged in the same sport advancing towards the boys 
 till by degrees they got so near that the children dis 
 covered them to be Indians ; but it was then too late 
 to make their escape. The Indians seized and carried 
 them six miles into the woods, where they made a fire 
 and took up their lodgings for the night. Their 
 rifles and tomahahawks they rested against a tree, and 
 then laid down, each Indian with a boy on his arm. 
 The children as may be supposed kept awake. The 
 eldest began to move, and finding his Indian sound 
 asleep, by degrees disengaged himself and went to 
 the fire, which had then got low, and stired it up ; 
 the Indian not waking, he whispered to his brother, 
 who likewise crept away, and both of them went to 
 the fire. 
 
 " The oldest boy then observed to his brother, 
 " I think we can kill these Indians, and get rid of 
 them." The youngest agreed in the proposal of 
 attempting it. The oldest then took one of the 
 rifles, and placed the muzzle, which he rested on a 
 small stick, that he found for the purpose, close to 
 the head of one of the Indians, and committing the 
 execution of this part of the business to his brother, 
 ordered him to pull the trigger at the moment he 
 saw him strike the other Indian with one of the 
 tomahawks. The oldest gave the signal ! The 
 youngest pulled the trigger. The rifle shot away the 
 lower part of the Indian's face, and left him senseless; 
 he then told his brother to lay on, for he had done 
 -the deed for his ; after which he snatched up the 
 gun and ran. The boy with the tomahawk gave the 
 stroke with the wrong end. The Indian started on 
 his seat. The boy found the mistake, and turning 
 the tomahawk in his hand, gave him another blow 
 which brought him to the ground. He repeated his 
 strokes until he had despatched him, and then made 
 the best of his way after his brother. When the 
 boys had found the path which they recollected to 
 have travelled before, the oldest fixed his hat on a 
 
162 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 bush, as a directory to find the scene of action the 
 next day. The tomahawked Indian was found near 
 the place where the boys had left him. The other 
 was not there ; but was tracked by his blood, and 
 although so weakened by his wounds that he could 
 not raise his rifle to fire at the pursuers, they suffered 
 him to escape ; but it is supposed he must have died 
 of his wounds. These two Indians were sent out to 
 reconnoitre the best place for an attack, which was 
 to have been made by a body of warriors, waiting in 
 the neighbourhood." 
 
 Copy of a letter from Col. Robertson, to Gen. Washington, dated 
 
 "Nashville, February 1, 1798. 
 
 " Sir By accounts received from the Chickasaw 
 nation of Indians, we are informed that at a grand 
 council of their warriors, it was unanimously deter 
 mined to commence active operations against the 
 whites. The Cherokees they expect will join them. 
 The white inhabitants in this quarter are drawing 
 together, and are doing every thing possible for their 
 defence, but I fear without some timely assistance 
 we shall all fall a sacrifice to the wanton barbarity 
 of our savage foes, who we expect are now on their 
 way to this place to the number of 1000. Major 
 Hall and his eldest son fell a sacrifice to their fury 
 two days ago, near Bedole's Lick. They have killed 
 about 24 persons in the course of a few months in 
 this settlement, besides a great number more near it. 
 
 " From Burke county we learn, that on the llth 
 instant two men, a woman and her infant daughter, 
 were scalped at Williams's Swamp, on the Ogechc 
 river, by a party of Indians. The little girl, to deter 
 them from their cruel design, held out a bottle of 
 honey, telling them it was rum, begging them in the 
 mean time to spare her life. They told her they did 
 not want rum, but her hair ! They knocked her down 
 
INDIAN WARS. . 163 
 
 and scalped her, but we are happy to learn she is in a 
 fair way of recovery. 
 
 IC By a letter from Kentucky I am informed that the 
 Indians have done more mischief in that state the 
 present year than for at least four years past Scarce 
 a boat can pass below Limestone but what is attacked 
 by them. Six or seven have been captured, some 
 with very valuable lading. By a prisoner who es 
 caped from them a short time since, we were informed 
 that the Indians have procured a boat, or rather a 
 kind of floating battery, with the sides built high and 
 rendered bullet proof. This boat is stationed near 
 the mouth of the Great Miami. They a few days 
 since captured a boat in which were a Capt, Ashley 
 and his family. A son of the captain, having been 
 very spirited in the opposition, the savages immedi 
 ately put him to death, cut out his heart, and broiled 
 it, which they afterwards devoured in the presence of 
 the unhappy father, who has since made his escape." 
 
 Copy of a letter from Gen. Clark to his Excellency the Governor 
 ot the Stale of Georgia, dated 
 
 11 Long Creek, Sept. 24, 1793. 
 
 " Sir I had certain information that a man was 
 killed on the 14th near Greensborough, by a party of 
 six or seven Indians ; and that on the 16th Col. 
 Barber, with a small party was waylaid by 50 or 6<$ 
 Indians, by whom three of his party were killed. 
 This, together with a variety of other accounts 
 equally alarming, determined me to raise what men I 
 could in the course of 24 hours, and march with them- 
 to protect the frontiers; in which space of time % I 
 collected 164 men, chiefly volunteers, and proceeded' 
 to the place where Col. Barber had been attacked, 
 where I found the bodies of the three men mentioned 
 above, mangled in a shocking manner, and after I had 
 buried them, proceeded on the trail of the murder 
 ers as far as the south fork of the Oakmulglee, where 
 finding I had no chance of overtaking them, \L left it 
 
11- INDIAN WARS. 
 
 and went up said river, until I met with a fresh trail 
 of Indians coming in towards our frontier settlements. 
 I immediately turned and followed this trail until the 
 morning of the 21st, between 11 and 12 o'clock, 
 when I came up with them. They had just crossed 
 a branch, called Jack's Creek, through a thick cane 
 brake, and were encamped and cooking on an emi 
 nence. My force then consisted of 130 men, 30 hav 
 ing been sent back on account of their horses having 
 been tired and lost. I drew up my men in three 
 divisions, the right commanded by Colonel Free 
 man and Major Clark, who were ordered to jfurround 
 and charge the Indians, which they did with such 
 dexterity and spirit that they immediately drove 
 them from their encampment back into the cane 
 brake, where, finding it impossible for them to es 
 cape they obstinately returned our fire until half past 
 four o'clock, when they ceased, except now and then 
 a shot. 
 
 " During the latter part of the action they seized 
 every opportunity of escaping by small parties, leav 
 ing the rest to shift for themselves. About sun-set, 
 I thought it most advisable to draw off, as the men 
 had suffered for want of provisions nearly two days, 
 and for want of water during the action, but more 
 particularly to take care of the wounded, which 
 amounted to eleven ; and six killed. From every 
 circumstance I am certain there were not less than 
 25 Indians killed, and probably double that number 
 wounded. In short they were totally defeated, with 
 the loss of their provisions, clothing, &c. consisting 
 of the following articles : 4 muskets, 32 brass-kettles, 
 and 100 large packs, containing blankets, match-coats, 
 boots, moccasons, tomahawks, pipes, upwards of 100 
 halters and bridles, &c. from all of which I judge 
 their number was fully equal to ours. Col. Freeman 
 and Major Clarke distinguished themselves, and from 
 the spirit and bravery with which the whole of my 
 little party acted during the action, 1 do not believe 
 that had we m<-t them in the open woods we should 
 
 
IDIAN WARS. 165 
 
 / 
 
 have been more than five minutes in destroying 
 them all. 
 
 4 'While I was on this excursion two skirmishes 
 happened near Greensborough, in one of whicJi one 
 man was wounded, and in the other six stand of 
 arms were lost, being guarded by only two men, 
 while the rest of the party were gathering fodder. 
 
 "I am, Sir, with the utmost respect, your Excel 
 lency's most obedient, and very humble servant, 
 
 "B. CLARKE, Brig. Gen. 
 
 " His Ex. GEORGE MATTHEWS, Governor of Georgia." 
 
 Copy of a letter from an officer in the service of the United 
 States to his friend in New York, dated 
 
 " Buffalo Creek, Sept. 27, 1793. 
 
 " I left fort Franklin the 3d instant, and arrived 
 here the llth in the evening, at the house of Mr. 
 Winney, who informs me that upwards of 4000 
 hostile Indians were now assembled at the Mi 
 ami villages, and that their number was daily in- 
 creasing. Captain Powell and several other gen- 
 llemen of the British army, dined with me yester 
 day, and from their conversation I am perfectly 
 convinced that the Indians are supported by the 
 British in the war against us. Indeed, Captain 
 Powell told me, that all the intentions of the Indians 
 was well known to them, and the Indians were 
 their allies, and of course they must support them. 
 He also informed me that ten scouts of the hostile In 
 dians were then out to strike on the frontiers, and 
 that they would soon strike the Six Nations- 
 Some of the chiefs of the hostile Indians passed 
 here about five days ago on their way to Canada, 
 but what their business is I cannot learn. 53 
 22 
 
CHAP. XII. 
 
 DEFEAT OP THE INDIANS BY GEN. WAYNE. 
 GEN. WAYNE TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. 
 
 " Sir It is with infinite pleasure that I an 
 nounce to you the brilliant success of the federal 
 army under my command, in a general action with 
 the combined force of the hostile Indians, and a 
 considerable number of the volunteers and militia 
 of Detroit, on the 29th of August, 1794, on the 
 banks of the Miamis, in the vicinity of the British 
 post and garrison at the foot of the Rapids. 
 
 u The army advanced at Roach de Bout on the 
 15th, and on the 19th we were employed in making 
 a temporary post for the reception of our stores and 
 baggage, and in reconnoitering the position of the en 
 emy, who were encamped behind a thick bushy wood 
 and the British fort. 
 
 "At 8 o'clock on the morning of the 20th, the 
 army again advanced in columns agreeably to the 
 standing order of the march ; the legion on the 
 right, its right flank covered .by the Miamis ; one 
 brigade of mounted volunteers on the left under 
 Brig. Gen. Todd, and the other in the rear under 
 Brig. Gen. Berbee. A select battallion of mount 
 ed volunteers moved in front of the legation com 
 manded by Major Price, who was directed to keep 
 sufficiently advanced and to give timely notice for 
 the troops to form in case of action, it being yet 
 undetermined whether the Indians would decide for 
 peace or war. 
 
 "After advancing about five miles, Major Price's 
 
INDIAN WARS. 167 
 
 corps received so severe a fire from the enemy, 
 who were secreted in the woods and high grass, 
 as to compell them to retreat. 
 
 " The legion was immediately formed in two 
 lines, principally in a close thick wood which ex 
 tended for miles on our left, and for a very consider 
 able distance in front, the ground being cover 
 ed with old fallen timber, probably occasioned 
 by a tornado, which rendered it impracticable for 
 the cavalry to act with effect, and afforded the en 
 emy the most favorable covert for their mode of 
 warfare. The savages were formed in three lines 
 within supporting distance of each other, and ex 
 tending for near two miles at right angles with 
 the river. I soon discovered from the weight of 
 the fire and extent of their lines, that the enemy 
 were in full force in front, in possession of their 
 favorite ground, and endeavouring to turn our left 
 flank. I therefore gave orders for the second line 
 to advance to support the first, and directed Major 
 General Scott to gain and turn the right flank of 
 the savages, with the whole of the mounted volun 
 teers by a circuitous route. At the same time 
 I ordered the front line to advance and charge 
 with trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from their 
 covert at the point of the bayonet, and when up 
 to deliver a close and well directed fire on their 
 backs, followed by a brisk charge so as not to give 
 them time to load again, or to form their lines. 
 I also ordered Capt. M. Campbell, who command 
 ed the legionary cavalry, to turn the left flank of 
 the enemy next the river, and which afforded a fa 
 vorable field for that corps to act in. All these 
 orders were obeyed with spirit and promptitude ; 
 but such was the impetuosity of the charge by the 
 first line of infantry, that the Indians and Can- 
 dian militia and volunteers were drove from all their 
 coverts in so short a time, that although every pos 
 sible exertion was used by the officers of the se- 
 
168 
 
 INDIAN \TAliS. 
 
 cond line of the legion, and by Gens. Scott, Wood 
 and Barabee, of the mounted volunteers, to gain 
 their proper positions, but part of each could get up 
 in season to participate in the action, the enemy being 
 drove in the course of one hour more than two miles 
 through the thick woods already mentioned, by less 
 than one half their number. 
 
 c From every account the enemy amounted to 
 000 combatants. The troops actually engaged 
 against them were short of 900. This horde of 
 savages, with their allies, abandoned themselves 
 to flight and dispersed with terror and dismay, 
 leaving our victorious army in full and quiet pos 
 session of the field of battle, which terminated un 
 der the influence of the guns of the British gar 
 rison. 
 
 "The bravery and conduct of every officer belong 
 ing to the army.,from the generals down to the ensigns,, 
 merit my approbation, 
 
 " Lieut. Covington. upon whom the command 
 of the cavalry devolved, (Capt. Campbell being 
 killed) cut down two savages with his own hand, 
 and Lieut. Webb one, in turning the enemy's 
 left flank. 
 
 <c The wounds received by Captains Slough, 
 Prior, Van Renselaer and Rawlins, and Lieuts. 
 M'Kenny and Smith, bear honorable testimony of 
 their bravery and conduct. In fact every officer 
 and soldier who had an opportunity to come into 
 action, displayed that true bravery which always 
 ensure success. And here permit me to declare, 
 that I have never discovered more true spirit and 
 anxiety for action than appeared to pervade the 
 whole of the mounted volunteers ; and I am well 
 persuaded, that, had the enemy maintained their 
 favourite ground for one half hour longer, they 
 would have most severely felt the prowess of that 
 corps. 
 
 "But whilst I pay this just tribute to the living, 
 
INDIAN WARS. 169 
 
 I must not neglect the gallant dead, among whom 
 we have to lament the early death of those worthy 
 and brave officers, Capt. Campbell and Lieut. 
 Towles, who fell in the first charge. 
 
 " The loss of the enemy was more than double 
 to that of the federal army. The woods were 
 strewed for a considerable distance with dead bo 
 dies of- Indians and their white auxiliaries, the lat 
 ter armed with British muskets and bayonets. We 
 remained three days and nights on the banks of 
 the Miami, in front of the field of battle, during 
 which time all the houses and cornfields were con 
 sumed and destroyed for a considerable distance a- 
 bove and below the garrison, among which were 
 the houses, stores and property of Col. M'Kee, the 
 British Indian agent and principal stimulator of 
 the war now existing between the United States and 
 the savages. 
 
 cf The army returned to head quarters on the 
 27th, by easy marches, laying waste the villages 
 and cornfields for about fifty miles on each of the 
 Miamis. It is not improbable but that the enemy 
 may make one desperate effort against the army, 
 as it is said a reinforcement was hourly expected 
 at fort Miamis from Niagara, as well as numerous 
 tribes of Indians living on the margins and islands 
 of' the lakes. This is an event rather to be wished 
 for than dreaded, whilst the army remains in 
 force, their numbers will only tend to confuse the 
 savages, and the victory will be the more complete 
 and decisive, and which may eventually insure a per 
 manent and happy peace. 
 
 " The following is a return of the killed, wound 
 ed and missing of the federal army, in the late ac 
 tion, to wit : 
 
 " Killed, 1 Captain, 1 Lieut. 3 Sergeants, 28 
 privates. Total 33. 
 
 "Wounded, 4 Captains, 2 Lieutenants, 1 Ensign, 
 4 Sergeants, 3 Corporals, 2 Musicians, S5 privates. 
 Total 100. 
 
170 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 "I have the honour to be, your most obedient and 
 very humble servant. 
 
 "ANTHONY WAYNE. 
 
 "To the Secretary of War." 
 
 The following circumstances which took place 
 previous to, and during Gen. Wayne's engagement, 
 are worthy of record. 
 
 At the instant Capt. Campbell was attempting to 
 turn the left flank of the enemy, three of them plung 
 ed into the river. Two friendly negroes bein gon 
 the opposite side, and observing the Indians making 
 for the shore, they placed themselves on the bank 
 behind a log, and as soon as the Indians approach 
 ed within shot, one of the negroes fired and killed 
 one of the Indians, the other two got hold of 
 him to drag him out, when the other negro fired 
 and killed another ; the remaining Indian got hold 
 of both the dead to pull them ashore, when the negro 
 who killed the first having again re-loaded, fired 
 and killed the third, and they all floated down 
 the river. 
 
 Another circumstance is also related, viz. A 
 soldier, soon after the conclusion of the ac 
 tion, proceeding some distance from the camp, 
 met an Indian ; they attacked each other, the sol 
 dier with his bayonet, and the Indian with his 
 tomahawk. Some of the soldiers passing by that 
 way two days after, found them both dead, the 
 soldier with his bayonet in the body of the Indian, 
 and the Indian with his tomahawk in the soldier's 
 head. 
 
 The following circumstances took place previous 
 to the action : A Mr. Wells, who, when very 
 young, was taken prisoner by the Indians; and had 
 resided several years among them, had made 
 his escape and was employed by General Wayne as 
 a spy. The day before the action he was taken 
 by the Indians, who determined to put him to 
 death. Finding it impossible to escape, he informed 
 
INDIAN WARS. 171 
 
 them that Gen. Wayne had not 500 men under his 
 command, and did not expect an attack. On hearing 
 this, the Indians attacked Gen. Wayne with a confi 
 dence inspired by their supposed superiority of num 
 bers and were repulsed as before mentioned. After 
 the action, Major Campbell, in whose custody the 
 Indians had left Wells, inquired his motives for de 
 ceiving them ; he answered, " for the good of my 
 country." For this heroic action he was unfeelingly 
 delivered to the Indians, in whose hands it is supposed 
 he experienced every torture that savage barbarity 
 could invent or inflict. The circumstances respect 
 ing Mr. Wells were related by a British drummer, 
 who deserted from the fort to Gen. Wayne. 
 
 A council of Indians was held a few days after their 
 defeat by Gen. Wayne, in which British agents en 
 deavoured to persuade them to risk another action ; 
 but this they refused to do, expressing a willingness 
 to bury the bloody hatchet and return to their homes. 
 Their loss they declared to be 200, and that their 
 whole force at the commencement of the action a- 
 mounted to 1500 Indians and 80 Canadians. The 
 body of the collector of Niagara was found among 
 the slain. 
 
 'But so long as the savages are furnished with all the 
 necessary warlike stores, by foreign emisaries and 
 traders at Detroit, we have no reason to suppose that 
 they will be much disposed to maintain a long peace 
 with the Americans. 
 
 The latter ought certainly to take immediate pos 
 session of posts that were ceded to them more than 
 eight years since. Until this is done the frontiers of 
 the Western States cannot rest in security, although 
 formidable armies may be sent against the Indians ; 
 indeed so long as these garrisons afford them an as- 
 sylum and succour an all occasions. 
 
CHAP. XIII. 
 
 cov. HARRISON'S ENGAGEMENT WITH THE 
 
 SAVAGES ON THE WABASH. 
 
 We should have been extremely happy to have 
 closed the list of savage barbarities with the last 
 chapter ; but, after a cessation of hostilities on their 
 part of more than 16 years ; we find them once more 
 collecting in a formidable body on our frontiers, 
 and (instigated by a blood-thirsty savage of the 
 Shawanoe tribe, termed " the Prophet," commen 
 cing an unprovoked attack on the American troops 
 stationed thereon. 
 
 The conduct of the Wabash Indians becoming 
 suspicious to our government, in consequence of 
 their many thievish excursions and hasty prepara 
 tions for an offensive attack, Gov. Harrison, with 
 2000 men, (350 regulars and the remainder mili 
 tia) were ordered to proceed from the neighbour 
 hood of Vincennes to the line, and demand of the 
 Prophet the object of his real intentions. Tfoe 
 troops commenced their march on the 26th Sep 
 tember, and nothing important occurred until their 
 arrival on the line, where they remained near a 
 month, and built a strong fort, which in honour to 
 the commander in chief, was called fort Harrison. 
 The Indians in a friendly manner almost every day 
 visited the camp, and held councils with the Gov 
 ernor, but would not accede to his terms^ which 
 were, that their leader (the Prophet) should give 
 up the property stolen from the Americans ; and 
 send all their warriors to their different tribes ; the 
 Governor therefore determined on attacking 
 them. On the 29th October, 1811, the troops 
 left fort Harrison and took up their line of march 
 for the Prophet's town, where they arrived on the 
 6th November. When within about half a mile 
 
INDIAN WARS. i 73 
 
 the town, the troops formed the line of battle, 
 which the Indians perceiving, sent three of their 
 chiefs with a flag of truce, begging that their lives 
 might be saved, pledging themselves that they would 
 not take up the tomakawk against the troops, and that 
 if they would encamp near the town, in the morn 
 ing they would come to such terms as the governor* 
 should propose. This lulled the troops into security, 
 and they encamped about half a mile back of the 
 town. Fifteen minutes before five o 5 elock the next 
 morning, the savages commenced a furious attack on 
 the left flank of the troops, but not a single gun was 
 fired by the sentinels or the guard in that direction, 
 nor did they make the least resistance, but abandoned 
 their office and fled into camp ; and the first notice 
 which the troops of that flank had of the danger was 
 from the yells of the savages within a short distance 
 of the line ; but even under those circumstances, the 
 men were not wanting to themselves or to the occa 
 sion. Such of them as were awake, or were easily 
 awakened, seized their arms and took their stations ; 
 others which were more tardy, had to contend with 
 the enemy in the doors of their tents. The storm 
 first fell upon Captain Barton's company of the 4th. 
 U. S. regiment, and Captain Geiger's company of 
 mounted riflemen, which formed the left angle of the 
 rear line. The fire upon these was excessively se 
 vere, and they suffered considerably before relief 
 could be brought to them. Some few Indians pass 
 ed into the encampment near the angle, and one or 
 two penetrated to some distance before they were 
 killed. 
 
 Under all these discouraging circumstances, the 
 troops (nineteen twentieths of whom had never been 
 in action before) behaved in a manner that can never 
 be too much applauded. They took their places 
 without noise and with less confusion than could have 
 been expected from veterans placed in a similar situ- 
 tion. As soon as the governor could mount his horse 
 he rode to the angle that was attacked. He found 
 23 
 
174 INDIAN WARS, 
 
 that Barton's company had suffered severely, and the 
 left of Gciger's entirely broken. He immediately or 
 dered Cook's company and the late Captain Went- 
 worth's, under Lieut. Peters, to be brought up from 
 the centre of the rear line, where the ground was 
 much more defensible, and formed across the angle 
 in support of Barton and Geiger's. His attention 
 was there engaged by a heavy firing upon the left of 
 the front line, where were stationed the small compa 
 ny of the United States riflemen (then however arm 
 ed with muskets) and the companies of Baen, Snell- 
 ing and Prescott, of the 4th regiment. He found Ma 
 jor Daviess forming the dragoons in the rear of those 
 companies, and understanding that the heaviest part 
 of the enemy's fire proceeded from some trees about 
 }5 or 20 paces in front of those companies, he direct 
 ed the Major to dislodge them with a part of the 
 Dragoons. Unfortunately the Major's gallantry de 
 termined him to execute the order with a smaller 
 force than was sufficient, which enabled the enemy to 
 avoid him in front and attack his flanks. The Major 
 was mortally wounded, and his party driven back. 
 The Indians were however immediately and gallantly 
 disloged from their advantageous position by Capt. 
 Snelling at the head of his company. In the course 
 of a few minutes after the commencement of the at 
 tack, the fire extended along the left flank and part 
 of the rear line. Upcn Spencer's mounted riflemen, 
 and the right of Warwick's company, which was 
 posted on the right of the rear line, it was excessively 
 severe. Capt. Spencer and his first and second Lieu 
 tenants were killed, and Capt, Warwick was mortally 
 "Wounded. These companies, however, still bravely 
 maintained their posts, but Spencer had suffered so 
 severely, and having oiiginally too much ground to 
 occupy, the commander reinforced him with Robb's 
 company of riflemen which had been driven., or by 
 mistake ordered from their position on the left flank 
 towards the centre of the camp, and filled the va 
 cancy that had been occupied by Robb, with Pres- 
 
INDIAN WARS. 175 
 
 cott's company of the 4th United States rsgiraent. 
 His great object was to keep the lines entire, to pre 
 vent the enemy from breaking into the camp until 
 day-light, which should enable them to make a gen 
 eral and effectual charge. With- this view he had 
 reinforced every part of the line that had suffered 
 much ; and as soon as the approach of morning dis 
 covered itself, he withdrew from the front line, Sneli- 
 ing, Poesy (under Lieut. AlbrightJ and Scott's com 
 panies, and from the rear line Wilson and Norris's 
 companies, and drew them upon the left flank ; at 
 the same time ordered Cook and Baen's companies, 
 the former from the rear and the latter from the front 
 line, to reinforce the right flank ; foreseeing that at 
 these points the enemy would make their last efforts. 
 Major Wells, who commanded on the left flank, not 
 knowing his intentions precisely, had taken the com 
 mand of these companies, had charged the enemy be 
 fore he had formed the body of dragoons, with which 
 he meant to support the infantry ; a small detachment 
 of these were ready, and proved amply sufficient for 
 the purpose ; the Indians were thrown into confu 
 sion and driven by the infantry at the point of the 
 bayonet, and the dragoons pursued and forced them 
 into a marsh, where they could not be followed. 
 Capt. Cook and Lieut. Larrabee had marched their 
 companies to the right flank, had formed them under 
 the fire of the enemy, and being then joined by the 
 riflemen of that flank, they charged the Indians, kill 
 ed a number, and put the rest to a precipitate flight. 
 
 The action was maintained with the greatest obsti 
 nacy and perseverence by both parties. The Indians 
 manifested a ferocity quite uncommon even with them. 
 To their savage fury our troops opposed that cool and 
 deliberate valour which is characteristic of the Chris 
 tian soldier. 
 
 Capt. Spencer was wounded in the head. He ex 
 horted his men to fight valiently. He was shot 
 through both thighs, and fell, still continuing to en 
 courage them. He was raised up, and received a 
 ball through his body, which put an immediate end to 
 
176 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 his existence. Captain Warwick was shot immedi 
 ately through the body. Being taken to the surgery 
 to be dressed as soon as it was over (being a man of 
 great bodily vigour and still able to walk) he insisted 
 upon going back to head his company, although it 
 was evident that he had but a few hours to live. 
 
 There were about 179 of the troops killed and 
 wounded. It is supposed the enemy were about 
 700 strong, and that they had lost about 400 in the en 
 gagement. The day succeeding the action, the troops 
 set fire to their town, and destroyed every thing valu 
 able, and the morning ensuing struck their tents and 
 commenced their march for Vincennes, where they 
 arrived in safety after a most fatiguing campaign of 55 
 days, and marching the distance of 320 miles. 
 
 The following is a list of the killed and wounded of 
 the army in the engagement. 
 
 Killed, 1 Aid-de-camp, 1 Captain, 2 Subalterns, 1 
 Sergeant, 2 Corporals, 30 privates. 
 
 Wounded, since dead, 1 Major, 2 Captains, 22 pri 
 vates, 
 
 Wounded, 2 Lieut. Colonels, 1 Surgeon's mate, 2 
 Captains, 3 Subalterns, 9 Sergeants, 5 Corporals, 1 
 Musician, 102 privates. 
 
 Total killed and wounded, 1S8. 
 
 Names of Officers killed and wounded, as per general 
 
 return. 
 
 General Staff; Killed, Col. Abraham Owens, Aid 
 de-Camp to the Commander in Chief. 
 
 Field and Staff : Wounded, Lieut. Col. Joseph 
 Bartholomews, commanding Indiana militia ; Lieut. 
 Col. Luke Decker, of do ; Major Joseph H. Daviess 
 since dead, commanding a squadron of dragoons ; Dr. 
 Edward Scull, of the Indiana militia ; Adjutant James 
 Hunter, of mounted riflemen. 
 
 United States Infantry including the late Captain 
 Whitney's rifle company : Wounded Capt. W. C. 
 Baen, acting Major, since dead ; Lieut. George P. 
 Peters, Lieut Geo. Gooding, Ensign Henry Burch- 
 stead. 
 
INDIA!* WARS. 177 
 
 Colonel Decker's detachment of Indiana militia : 
 Wounded, Captain Jacob Warrick, since dead. 
 
 Major Redman's detachment of Indiana militia : 
 Wounded, Captain John Norris. 
 
 Major Wells's detachment of mounted riflemen : 
 Wounded, Captain Frederick Guiger, 
 
 Captain Spencer's company, including Lieut. Ber 
 ry's detachment of mounted riflemen : Killed, Capt. 
 Spier Spencer ; First Lieut. Richard M^Manan, Lt 
 Thomas Berry. 
 
 Copy of a letter from Gov, Harrison to the Hon. 
 Secretary of War, dated 
 
 Vincennes, Dee. 14, 1811. 
 
 Sir, I have the honour to inform you that two 
 principal Chiefs of the Kickapoo of the prairie arrived 
 here bearing a flag, on the evening before last. They 
 informed that they came in consequence of a message 
 from the Chief of that part of the Kickapoos which 
 had joined the Prophet, requiring them to do so, and 
 that the said chief is to be here in a day or two. The 
 account which they gave of the late confederacy un 
 der the prophet is as follows. 
 
 " The Prophet with his Showanoes is at a small 
 Huron village about 12 miles from his former resi 
 dence, on this side the Wabash, where also are 12 
 or 15 Hurons. The Kickapoos are encamped near 
 the Tippicanoe. The Powtawsiomies have scattered 
 and gone to different villages of that tribe. The 
 Winebagoes had all set out on their return to their 
 own country, excepting one chief and nine men who 
 remained at their formed village. The latter had at 
 tended Tecumseh in his tour to the southward, and 
 had only returned to the Prophet's town the day be 
 fore the action. The Prophet had sent a message to 
 the Kickapoos of the praire, to request that he might 
 be permitted to retire to their town. This was possi- 
 tively refused, and a warning sent to him not to come 
 
178 
 
 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 there. He then sent to request that four of his men 
 might attend the Kickapoo chief here. This was al 
 so refused. 
 
 " These chiefs say on the whole, that all the tribes 
 who lost warriors in the late action attribute their 
 misfortunes to the Prophet alone ; that they constantly 
 reproach him with their misfortunes, and threaten 
 him witlf death ; that they are all desirous of making 
 their peace with the United States; that the Prophet ; s 
 followers were fully impressed with a belief that they 
 could defeat as with ease ; that it was their intention 
 to have attacked us at Fort Harrison if we had gone 
 higher ; that the attack made on our sentinels at fort 
 Harrison was intended to shut the door against the 
 accommodation ; that the Winnebagoes had 40 war 
 riors killed in the action, and the Kickapoos 11, and 
 10 wounded ; that they have never heard how m?.ny 
 Pottawatomies and other tribes were killed ; that the 
 Pottawatomie chief left by me on the battle ground is 
 since dead of his wounds, but that he faithfully deliv 
 ered my speech to the ditferent tribes, and warmly 
 urged them to abandon the Prophet and submit to my 
 terms. 
 
 t; I cannot say, Sir, how much of the above may be 
 depended on. I believe, however that the statement 
 made by the chief is generally correct, particularly 
 with regard to the present disposition of the Indians. 
 It. is certain that our frontiers have never enjoyed 
 more profound tranquillity than at this time. Before 
 the expedition not a fortnight passed over without 
 some vexatious depredation being committed. The 
 Kickapoo chiefs certainly tell an untruth, when they 
 say that there were but 11 of this tribe killed and 10 
 wounded. It is impossible to believe that fewer were 
 wounded than killed. They acknowledge, however, 
 that the Indians have never sustained so severe a de 
 feat since their acquaintance with the white people. 
 I have the honour to be, 4* c - 
 
 WM. HENRY HARRISON. 
 
 u Hon. Wm. Eustis, Secretary of War. 
 
CHAP XIV. 
 
 ENGAGEMENT WITH THE INDIANS DURING THE 
 LATE WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 In the course of the late war which prevailed be 
 tween America and Great Britain, the latter having 
 engaged many of the savages in her cause. Gen. Har 
 rison (who was appointed to the command of the vol. 
 unteers and drafted militia of Ohio, &c.) held a coun 
 cil with a number of Indian Chiefs, who had profess 
 ed neutral sentiments, to whom he made three propo 
 sitions ; " To take up arms in behalf of the United 
 States to remove within the lines and remain neu 
 tral or to go to the enefriy and seek their protec\ 
 tion." After a short consultation many of them ac 
 cepted the first, and made preparations to accompany 
 him in the invasion of Canada. The hostile Indians, 
 however, continued to make inroads into the settle 
 ments and committed frequent barbarities. 
 
 The first of September, 1812, a considerable body 
 of British and Indians proceeded from Fort Maiden 
 to lay waste the frontiers of Ohio. A principal object 
 appears to have been the capture of Fort Wayne. 
 They burnt several valuable buildings, and killed 
 many of the inhabitants ; among whom was a brother 
 of Gov. Meigs. 
 
 On the 8th November, a detachment of 700 %men 
 commanded by Col. Campbell, left Franklinton on an 
 expedition against the Miami Indians residing at the 
 head of the Wabash. On the 17th December, they 
 reached one of their villages, killed 8 warriors and 
 took 36 prisoners. They set fire to the village, and 
 encamped a few miles therefrom. A little before the 
 break of day, they were attacked by the exasperated 
 savages in their camp, shouting and yelling horribly, 
 
ISO INDIAN WARS. 
 
 The Americans sustained the attack until day-light 
 when the Indians were charged and dispersped with 
 the loss of 35 killed. The loss of the American 
 troops was 8 killed and 29 wounded. 
 
 On the 14th January, 1812, Col. Lewis was des 
 patched to attack a large body of Indians encamped 
 near the river Raisin. On the 18th the attack com 
 menced ; on the first onset the savages raised their 
 accustomed yell, but the noise w r as drowned in the re 
 turning shots of their dauntless assailants. They 
 advanced boldly to the charge, and drove them in all 
 directions. On the first fire 16 of the Indians fell. 
 About 4O were killed. Col. Lewis's party lost 12 
 killed and 52 wounded. 
 
 On the 18th, Gen. Winchester proceeded with are* 
 inforcement of 800 men to the village of Frenchton . 
 On the 22d they were attacked by a combined force 
 of the enemy under command of Tecumseh and Proc 
 tor. The American troops were in a moment ready 
 for the reception of the enemy. The right wing sus 
 tained the attack for about 30 minutes, when, over 
 powered by numbers, they retreated over the river, 
 and were met by a large body of Indians. The 
 troops finding their retreat cut off, resolved to sell 
 their lives as dear as possible, and fought with des 
 peration ; but few of these brave fellows, however es 
 caped the tomahawk. The left wing with equal 
 bravery maintained their ground within their pickets. 
 The Indians and regulars made three different charges 
 upon them, but the troops, with the most determined 
 bravery and presence of mind, reserved their fire un 
 til the enemy advanced within point blank shot ; they 
 then opened a most galling fire upon them, and mowed 
 down their ranks until they were compelled to retreat 
 in confusion. The Americans lost nearly 400 men in 
 killed and wounded and missing, The courage of 
 brave men was never more severely tested. The par 
 ty that sought a retreat at the commencement of the 
 action, were closely pursued, surrounded and literally 
 cut to pieces by the savages. Not one escaped the 
 scalping knife. 
 
INDIAN WARS. 181 
 
 On the 30th of January Gen. Harrison despatched 
 Capt. Lamor, Doct. JVPKeenhan and a Frenchman 
 with a flag of truce to Maiden. They encamped 
 the first night near the rapids, and hoisted the white 
 flag ; but this was not respected. The Indians 
 fired upon them while asleep, killed Lamor, wounded 
 Doctor M'Keenhan and took him and the French 
 man prisoners. 
 
 Gen. Harrison received information that a large 
 body of Indians were collected at Presque Isle, near 
 the Miami, on the 9th February, proceeded with a 
 detachment to attack them. The enemy fled on 
 the approach of the troops, which pursued them al 
 most to the river Raisin, but without being enabled 
 to overtake them. Such was their desire to come up 
 with the foe that they marched 60 miles in J24 hours. 
 
 The hostile Indians continued to make inroads 
 into the settlements and committed many murders. 
 An event took place, however, that served in some 
 measure to check the audacity of the Indians. As 
 Col. Ball, with a small squadron, was descending the 
 Sandusky, the foremost of his party were fired upon 
 by a band of 18 or 20 Indians, who had placed 
 themselves in ambush for the purpose of intercepting 
 the mail carrier. The colonel instantly charged upon 
 them and drove them from their hiding place. The 
 ground was favorable for cavalry, and the savages 
 finding neither mercy nor the possibility of escape, 
 whooped and shouted horribly, and fought despe-^ 
 rately, till they were all to a man cut to pieces. Col. 
 Ball was twice dismounted, and opposed in personal 
 contest to an Indian of gigantic stature. It was a 
 desperate and doubtful struggle ; life was at stake ; 
 both exerted to the utmost. An officer rode up and 
 rescued the colonel by shooting the Indian through 
 the head. Not an Indian after this ventured to cross 
 the Sandusky in quest of plunder. 
 
 On the first day of August Gen. Proctor appeared 
 with 500 regulars and about 800 Indians of the 
 most ferocious kind, before fort Stephenson, 20 miles 
 24 
 
182 INDIAN WARS, 
 
 above the mouth of the river Sandusky. There 
 were not more than 133 effective men in the garri 
 son, and the works covered one acre of the ground. 
 The object of the enemy was to make such a dispo 
 sition of his forces as to prevent the escape of the 
 garrison, provided they should attempt it. A messen 
 ger was then sent to demand the surrender of the 
 fort. He was met by Ensign Shipp, to whom the 
 messenger observed that General Proctor had a con 
 siderable body of regular troops, and a great many 
 Indians, whom it was impossible to control, and if 
 the fort was taken by force, he must expect that the 
 mildest instruments made use of would be the toma 
 hawk and scalping knife ! Shipp replied, that it was 
 the commander's intention to defend the garrison or 
 be buried in it, and that they might do their worst. 
 The messenger startled at the reply of Shipp, again 
 addressed him : c * You are a fine young man, I pity 
 your situation, for God's sake surrender, and prevent 
 the dreadful slaughter which must inevitably follow 
 resistance!" The gallant Shipp turned from him 
 with indignation, and was immediately seized by a 
 frightful looking savage, who attempted to wrest his 
 sword from him, but the Ensign was fortunately too 
 quick for him, and buried the blade to the hilt in his 
 body, and succeeded in reaching the fort in safety. 
 The attack now commenced. About 4 P. M. all the 
 enemy's guns were concentrated against the north 
 western angle of the fort, for the purpose of making 
 a breach. To counteract the effect of their fire, the 
 commander caused that point to be strengthened by 
 means of bags of flour, sand, and other materials, in 
 such manner that the balls of the enemy did but lit 
 tle injury. But the enemy supposed that their fire 
 had sufficienty shattered the pickets, advanced to 
 the number of 600 to storm the place; the Indians 
 shouting in their usual manner. As soon as the ditch 
 was pretty well filled with the copper-coloured assail 
 ants, the commander of the fort ordered a six pound 
 er, which had been masked in the block-house, to be 
 
INDIAN WARS. 183 
 
 discharged. It had been loaded with a double 
 charge of musket balls and slugs. The piece com 
 pletely raked the ditch from end to end. The yell 
 of the savages was at this instant horrible. The 
 first fire levelled the one half in death ; the second 
 and third either killed or wounded all except eleven, 
 who were covered by the dead bodies. The Amer 
 icans had but one killed and seven slightly wounded. 
 Early the ensuing morning the few regulars arid In 
 dians that survived, retreated down the river, aban 
 doning all their baggage. 
 
 While Proctor was investing Fort Stephenson, 
 Tecumseh, with a band of 2000 warriors and British 
 troops, approached fort Meigs, but was soon driven 
 therefrom. 
 
 It was the general opinion of the inhabitants that 
 there were 1500 Indian warriors under Marpot and 
 Split-Log (Indian chiefs) lurking in the woods be 
 tween the rivers Rouge and Huron of Lake St. Clair. 
 
 On the 2d October arrangements .were made for 
 pursuing the retreating enemy up the Thames. The 
 army was put in motion on the morning of the 4th. 
 Gen. Harrison accompanied Col. Johnson, and was 
 followed by Gov. Shelby with the Infantry. Having 
 passed the ground where the enemy had encamped 
 the night before, the General directed the advance 
 of Col. Johnson's regiment to accelerate their march, 
 for the purpose of ascertaining the distance of the 
 enemy. 
 
 The troops had now advanced within three miles of 
 the Moravian town, and within one mile of the enemy. 
 Across a narrow strip of land near an Indian village, 
 the enemy were drawn up in a line of battle to pre 
 vent the advance of the American troops. The 
 British troops amounted to 600 ; the Indians to more 
 than 1200. About 150 regulars, under Col, Ball, 
 were ordered to advance and amuse the enemy, 
 and should a favourable opportunity present, to seize 
 his cannon. A small party of friendly Indians were 
 directed to move under the bank. The regiment of 
 Col. Johnson was drawn up in close column, with its 
 
184 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 right a few yards distant from the road. General 
 Desha's division covered the left of Johnson's regi 
 ment. Gen. Cass and Commodore Perry volunteer 
 ed as aids to Gen. Harrison. 
 
 The army advanced till the mounted men received 
 the fire of the enemy, at the distance of about 200 
 yards. The charge was now beat, and in an instant 
 1000 cavalry were put in motion ; the right, led on by 
 Col. Johnson, broke through the enemy's line and 
 formed in the rear. The Indians and British were 
 appalled at so unexpected an onset. The whole was 
 the work of a moment. Indeed, had the enemy 
 shown the least disposition to resist, the greater part 
 would have been put to the sword. Never was ter 
 ror more strongly depicted in the countenance of men 
 than in those of the affrighted savages. 
 
 On the left the contest was much more serious. 
 Col. Johnson, whose regiment was there stationed, 
 received a galling fire from the Indians, who seemed 
 not disposed to give ground. The brave Colonel 
 gallantly led his men into the midst of them, and was 
 personally attacked by a chief, whom he dispatched 
 with his cutlass at the moment the former was aiming 
 a blow at him with his tomahawk. The savages, find 
 ing the fire of the troops too warm for them, fled across 
 the hills and attempted to seek shelter in a piece of 
 woods on the left, where they were closely pursued 
 by the cavalry. It was at the margin of the wood that 
 Tecumseh stationed himself, armed with a spear, 
 tomahawk, &,c. endeavouring to rally and persuade 
 his men to return to the attack. At this point a 
 considerable body of Indians had collected ; yet, re 
 gardless of danger, the heroic Johnson rushed into 
 the midst of them ; indeed so thick were they at this 
 moment that they could have easily reached him 
 with their arrows. He rode a white horse, and was 
 pointed out by Tecumseh as an officer of rank. His 
 horse was shot under him, and his clothes, saddle 
 and person pierced with bullets. At the moment his 
 horse fell, Tecumseh rushed towards him with an up 
 lifted tomahawk, to give the fatal blow ; but iri this 
 
INDIAN WARS. 185 
 
 perilous predicament his presence of mind did not 
 forsake him. He drew a pistol from his holster and 
 laid this distinguished warrior dead at his feet. He 
 could do no more. The many wounds that he had 
 received and the loss of blood deprived him of 
 strength to stand. He received five shots, three in 
 the right thigh, and two in the left arm. Fortunate 
 ly for him, at the moment of Tecumseh's fall, the 
 saVages gave way, which saved him from their toma 
 hawks. No less than 6 of Col. Johnson's men and 
 22 Indians fell within 25 yards of the spot where 
 Tecumseh was killed. (See Frontispiece.) 
 
 The Indians continued a brisk fire from the margin 
 of the wood until a fresh regiment was called into 
 action to oppose them. A company of cavalry hav 
 ing crossed the hills and gained the rear of the sava 
 ges, the route became general. The enemy fought 
 bravely, and sustained a heavy loss in killed and 
 wounded. The death of their leader Tecumseh, 
 was an irreparable loss to them. 
 
 Tecumseh was the most extraordinary Indian that 
 has ever appeared in history. He was by birth a 
 Shawanese, and would have been a great man in any 
 age or nation. Independent of the most consummate 
 courage and skill as a warrior, and the character 
 istic acuteness of his race, he was endowned by na^ 
 ture with the attributes of mind necessary for great 
 political combinations. His acute understanding, very 
 early in life, informed him that his countrymen had lost 
 their importance : that they were gradually yielding 
 to the whites, who were acquiring an imposing in 
 fluence over them. Instigated by these considera 
 tions, and, perhaps, by his natural ferosity and attach? 
 ment to war, he became a decided enemy to the 
 whites, and imbibed an invincible determination (he 
 surrendered it with his life) to regain for his country 
 the proud independence he supposed she had lost. 
 For a number of years he was foremost in every act 
 of hostility committed against those he conceived the 
 oppressors of his countrymen, and was equally re* 
 
186 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 raarkable for intrepidity as skill, in many combats 
 that took place under his banner. Aware, at length 
 of the extent, number and power of the United 
 States, he became fully convinced of the futility of 
 any single nation of red men attempting to cope with 
 them. He formed, therefore, the grand scheme of 
 uniting all the tribes east of the Mississippi into 
 hostility against the United States. This was a field 
 worth of his great and enterprizing genius. He com 
 menced in the year 1809 ; and in the execution of 
 his project he displayed an unequalled adroitness, 
 eloquence and courage. He insinuated himself into 
 every tribe from Michilimackinack to Georgia, and 
 was invariably successful in his attempts to bring 
 them over to his views. He played upon all their 
 feelings, but principally upon their superstition, and 
 sometimes assumed the character of a prophet, and 
 carried with him & red stick, to which he attached 
 certain mystical properties, and the acceptance of 
 which was considered as the joining of his party ; 
 hence the name of Red Sticks, applied to all Indians 
 hostile to the United States. Unfortunately for Te- 
 cumseh, but happily for the United States, was it, 
 that before his plan had become matured, before his 
 arrangements for general hostility were perfected, 
 before in fact he had bronght into the field any of 
 his forces, his brother made a premature attack upon 
 the forces of the United States under the command of 
 Gen. Harrison, in the summer of 1811, at Tippeca- 
 noe, in which he suffered a signal defeat. 
 
 This disaster marred the prospects of the gallant 
 Tecumseh ; his own soul was unshaken ; but it damp 
 ed the ardour of his associates ; and although many 
 continued firm in their warlike attitude, nor shrunk 
 from a contest that had commenced with defeat,all the 
 efforts of Tecumseh were unavailing to supply the links 
 thus broke in his chain of operations. The war against 
 England, declared soon after this event by the Unit 
 ed States, opened new views to the talents of Te 
 cumseh. His merits were duly appreciated by the 
 
INDIAN WARS. 187 
 
 British government, and they made him a brigadier 
 general in their service. At the head of his formida 
 ble warriors he more than once turned the scale of 
 victory against the Americans, and laid down his life 
 for the cause he had espoused. 
 
 The day after the battle, the American troops 
 took possession of the Moravian town, where they 
 found great quantities of such provision as were very 
 acceptable to the troops. Among the trophies of 
 the day, captured from the British, were six brass 
 field pieces, that had been surrendered by Hull ; on 
 two of which was the motto, u Surrendered by 
 Burgoyne at Saratoga! 5 ' The town was found desert 
 ed and so panic struck were some of the squaws in 
 their flight, that they are said to have thrown their 
 papooses into the river, to prevent their being butch 
 ered by the Americans. The Indians who inhabited 
 this town had been very active in committing depre 
 dations upon the frontiers, massacreing the inhabit 
 ants, &,c. for which reason the town was destroyed 
 by the troops previous to their leaving it. 
 
 Soon after the return of Gen. Harrison to Detroit, 
 the Ottawas ; Chippewas, Pattawattomies, Miamies 
 and Kickapoos, proposed a suspension of hostilities, 
 and agreed to "take hold of the same tomahawk 
 with the Americans, and to strike all who were or 
 might be enemies of the United States." They of 
 fered their women and children as hostages. Walk- 
 in- the- water, a distinguished Chief, who had taken 
 an active part in the late engagement, waited upon 
 the General in person to implore peace. The white 
 flag which -he bore in his hand attracted a great 
 crowd, who were struck with admiration at the firm 
 ness with which this distinguished warrior passed 
 through the ranks of the American troops, whom he 
 so gallantly opposed but a few days before ; yet his 
 adverse fortune was calculated to depress his spirits 
 and produce humility. Almost all the other chiefs 
 had been killed or had surrendered themselves prison- 
 ers,and he was without the means of living or resisting. 
 
CHAP. XV. 
 
 CREEK WAR, MASSACRE AT FORT MINS, BATTLE 
 AT TALLUSHATCHES, TALLEDEGA, &C. 
 
 The enemy, apparently disposed to enlist the sav 
 ages in the war, at its commencement, despatched 
 messengers to several of the Indian tribes in the Mis 
 sissippi Territory, distinguished by the names of 
 Creeks, Choctaws and Chickasaws, to persuade them 
 to take a part with them in their contest with the 
 United States. The most friendly relations had 
 subsisted between these tribes and the United States 
 for many years : and the latter, dictated by a gene 
 rous policy, had been successful in their endeavours 
 to introduce among them the improvements of civil 
 ized society. But so ardent is the propensity of the 
 Indian character for war, that many were induced to 
 commit the most wanton and unprovoked acts of 
 barbarity upon the Americans. 
 
 The most experienced and well disposed chiefs, 
 aware of the evils a war with the United States must 
 produce upon the tribe, made use of their best en 
 deavours to suppress their acts of cruelty ; but those 
 determined on war were not disposed to listen to the 
 dictates of discretion or wisdom, and commenced 
 open hostilities against the United States by one of 
 the most bloody massacres recorded in Indian history. 
 The particulars of the bloody transaction are copied 
 from a letter of Judge Toulman, dated September 
 7th, 1813. 
 
 " The dreadful catastrophe which we have been 
 some time anticipating has at length taken place. 
 The Indians have broken in upon us, in numbers and 
 
 
INDIAN WARS. 189 
 
 fury unexampled. Our settlement is overrun, and our 
 country I fear, is on the eve of being depopulated. 
 The accounts which we received, led us to expect an 
 attack about the full moon of August; and it was known 
 at Pensacola, when the ammunition was given to the 
 Indians who were to be the leaders of the respective 
 parties destined to attack the different parts of our 
 settlement. The attempt made to deprive them of 
 their ammunition, issued by the Spaniards on the rec 
 ommendation of a Brittish general on their way from 
 Pensacola, and in which it was said the Indians lost 
 more than 20 men, although only one third of our 
 people stood their ground, it is highly probable in 
 some measure retarded their operations ; and the 
 steady succession of rairi contributed to produce the 
 same effect. Had their attempt been conducted with 
 more judgment and supported with more vigor, there 
 would have been an end, for a time, of Indian warfare. 
 In consequence of the delay, our citizens began to grow 
 careless and confident ; and so several families who 
 had removed from Tensaw to fort Stoddert, return 
 ed again and fell a sacrifice to the merciless savages, 
 " Our whole plan of defence was erroneous. It 
 was adopted by the citizens under an imperfect view 
 of their danger, from the best accounts which I can 
 obtain. I suppose that there must have been 20 forts 
 erected on the two sides of the river between fort 
 Stoddert ancl the upper settlements, a distance of 
 about 70 miles., which in a country so thinly settled 
 as ours, could not be obtained, even if they had 
 been better constructed. About the 20th of August 
 intelligence was communicated to us by the Choctaw 
 Indians, that in 8 or 10 days an attack would be made 
 by distinct bodies of Creeks on M in' s - fort in the Ten- 
 saw settlement, which is on the east side of Alabama, 
 nearly opposite to fort Stoddert ; on the forts in the 
 forks of Tombigby and Alabama ; on Easely's fort, 
 near the Choctaw line on the Tombigby, and finally 
 on the fort and United State's trading house at H. 
 Hopkin's. A very valuable officer, Major Beasely, of 
 25 
 
190 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 the Mississippi Territory volunteer", Commanded at 
 fort Min's. About a mile or two from it was another 
 fort at Pierce's mill ; and a few miles below that 
 place, at another mill, a small party of soldiers was al 
 so stationed. Mins, however, where were the great 
 est number of families and property collected, seems 
 to have been the sole object of attack in that quarter. 
 " A few days before the attack, some negroes of 
 Mr. M'Girt, who lived in that part of the Creek ter 
 ritory, which is inhabited by half breeds, had been 
 sent up to Alabama to his plantation for corn ; three 
 of them were taken by a party of Indians. One es 
 caped and brought down news of the approach of the 
 Indians. The officer gave 'but little credit to him ; 
 but they made some further preparation to receive 
 the enemy. On the next day Mr. James Cornels, a 
 half breed, and some white men, who had been out on 
 the battle ground, and discovered the trail of a 
 considerable body of Indians going towards Mr. M'- 
 Girt's, came to the fort and informed the commanding 
 officer'of the discovery. Though their report did not 
 appear to receive full credit it occasioned great exer 
 tions; and on Saturday and Sunday considerable work 
 was done to put the fort in a state of defence. On 
 Sunday morning three negroes were sent out to attend 
 the cattle, who soon returned with an account that 
 they had seen 20 Indians. Scouts were sent out to 
 ascertain the truth of the report. They returned and 
 declared they could see no signs of Indians.- One 
 of the negroes belonging to Mr. Randon was whipped 
 for bringing what they deemed a false report. He 
 was sent out again on Moiiday, and saw a body of In 
 dians approaching ; but afraid of being whipped, he 
 did not return to Mins but to Pierce's fort ; but be 
 fore his story could be communicated, the attack was 
 made. The commanding officer called upon Mr. 
 Fletcher, who owned another of the negroes, to whip 
 him also. He belived the boy and resisted two or 
 three applications ; but at length they had him ac 
 tually brought out for the purpose, when the Indians 
 
INDIAN WARS. 191 
 
 appeared in view of the fort. The gate was open. 
 The Indians had to come through an open field 150 
 yards wide, before they could reach the fort, and yet 
 they were within thirty steps of the fort at 1 1 in the 
 morning, before they were noticed. The sentry then 
 gave the cry of 'Indians !' and they immediately set up 
 a most terrible war-hoop and rushed into the gate 
 with inconceivable rapidity, and got within it before 
 the people of the fort had an opportunity of shutting it. 
 This decided their fate. Major Beasely was shot 
 through the body near the gate. He c ailed to the men 
 to take care of the ammunition and to retreat to the 
 house. He went himself to a kitchen where it is sup 
 posed he must have been burnt. 
 
 "The fort was originally square. Major Beasely 
 had it enlarged, by extending the lines of the two sides 
 about 50 feet, and putting up a new side into which 
 the gate was removed. The old line of pickets stood 
 and the Indians, upon rushing into the gate, obtained 
 possession of this additional part and through the 
 port holes of the old line of pickets fired on the people 
 who held the interior. On the opposite side of the 
 fort, an offsett, or bastion was made round the back 
 gate, which being open on the out side was also taken 
 possession of by the Indians, who with axes that 
 lay scatered about, immediately began to cut down 
 the gate. There was a large body of Indians, though 
 they probably did not exceed 400. Our people 
 seemed to sustain tii3 attack With undaunted spirit. 
 They took possession of the port holes in the other 
 lines of the fort, and fired on the Indians who re 
 mained in the field. Some of the Indians got on the 
 block-house, atone of the corners ; but after much fir 
 ing upon the people they were disloged. They suc 
 ceeded, however, in setting fire to a house near the 
 pickets from which it was communicated to the kitch 
 en and from thence to the main dwelling house. They 
 attempted to do it by burning arrows, but failed. 
 When the people in the fort saw the Indians retained 
 full possession of the outer court, and the gate con- 
 
192 INDIAN WARS, 
 
 tinned open, that our men fell very fast, and that 
 their houses were in flames, they began to despond. 
 Some determined to cut their way through the pick 
 ets and escape. Of the whole number of white men 
 and half- breeds in the fort, it is supposed that not 
 more than 25 or 30 escaped, and of these many were 
 wounded. The rest and almost all the women and 
 children fell a sacrifice either to the arms of the In 
 dians or to the flames. The battle terminated about 
 an hour before sun-set. 
 
 "The information was thus far given me by a 
 person of character and credibility, who was present 
 during the whole scene, and who escaped through the 
 opening made in .the pickets. The women and chil 
 dren took refuge in an upper story of the dwelling 
 house ; and it is said that the Indians when the build 
 ings were in flames danced round them with savage 
 delight. The helpless victims perished in the flames. 
 It is also reported, that when the buildings were 
 burning and the few who remained were exposed to 
 the fire of the enemy,they collected many of the guns 
 of the deceased and threw both them and the re 
 maining stock of ammunition into the flames, to pre 
 vent their becoming subservient in the hands of the 
 Indians, to the destruction of their fellow citizens. 
 jSurely this was an instance of determined resolution 
 and benevolent foresight of which there are not many 
 examples. 
 
 "But notwithstanding the bravery #f our fellow cit 
 izens, the Indians carried all before them and murder 
 ed the armed and the helpless without discrimination. 
 Our loss is 7 commissioned officers and about 100 non 
 commisioned officers and privates, of the first regi 
 ment of the Mississippi Territory volunteers. There 
 were about 24 families of men women and children in 
 the fort, of whom almost all have perished, amounting 
 to 160 souls. I reckon however, among them about 
 six families of half breeds, and seven Indians. There 
 were also about 106 negroes of whom a large pro 
 portion were killed. The half breeds have uniformly 
 
INDIAN WARS. 193 
 
 done themselves honour, and those who survived will 
 afford great assistance in the prosecution of the war. 
 Some of the "most respectable among them were at 
 Pierce 5 s fort and are ready, with all their dexterity 
 and all their courage, to avenge the death of their 
 friends, and the destruction of their property. It was 
 principally through them that we learnt that the real 
 object of the Indians in obtaining ammunition at Pen- 
 sacola, was to make immediate war upon the white 
 people, and that the idea entertained in the eastern 
 part of the Creek nation, that it was only a second 
 ary and remote object, was not founded in fact, and 
 was probably suggested for the purpose of putting us 
 off our guard, and keeping out of sight the real inten 
 tion of their revolt against the constituted authorities 
 of their nation," 
 
 BATTLE AT T ALLUSH ATC HES, 
 
 On the 1st of November Gen. Jackson, receiving 
 information thai a considerable number of hostile 
 Creeks were embodied at Tallushatches, he detached 
 Gen. John Coffee with a number of men' to attack and 
 destroy the place, which he completely effected. The 
 following is Gen. Coffee's official report to General 
 Jackson, of the expedition. 
 
 " Pussuant to your order of the 2d, I detached from 
 my brigade of cavalry and mounted riflemen 900 men 
 and officers, and proceeded directly to the Tallushat 
 ches towns, crossed Coosey river at the Fish-Dam 
 ford, 3 or 4 miles above this place. I arrived within 
 one and a half miles of the town on the morning of the 
 3d, at which place I divided my detachment into two 
 columns, the right composed of the cavalry command 
 ed by Col. Allcorn, to cross over a large creek that lay 
 between us and the town ; the left column was of the 
 mounted rifllemen under the command of Col. Cannon, 
 with whom I marched myself. Col. Allcorn was or 
 dered to march upon the right and encircle one half 
 
19-1 INDIAN WAIIS. 
 
 of the town, and at a the same time the left \vould form 
 a half circle on the left, and unite the head of the 
 columns in front of the town, all of which was perform 
 ed as I could wish. When I arrived withi. half a 
 mile of the town, the drums of the enemy began to 
 beat, mingled with their savage yells, preparing for 
 action. It was an hour after sun-rise when the action 
 was brought on by Capt. Hammond and Lieut. Patter 
 son's companies, who had gone on within the circle 
 of alignment for the purpose of drawing out the ene 
 my from their buildings, which had the most happy 
 effect. As soon as Capt. Hammond exhibited his 
 front in view of the town, which stood in wood land, 
 and gave a few scattering shot, the enemy formed and 
 made a violent charge on him ; he gave way as they 
 advanced, until they met our right column, which 
 gave them a general fire and then charged ; this 
 changed the direction of the charge completely. The 
 enemy retreated, firing, until they got around and in 
 their buildings, where they made all the resistance 
 that an overpowered soldiery possibly could do; they 
 fought >as long as one existed, but their destruction 
 was very soon completed ; our men rushed up to the 
 doors of the houses, and in a few minutes killed the 
 last warrior of them. The enemy fought with sav- 
 age^fury and met death with all its horrors without 
 shrinking or complaining, not one asked to be spared, 
 but fought as long as they could stand or sit. In con 
 sequence of their flying to their houses and mixing 
 with the families, our men, in killing the males with 
 out intention killed and wounded a few of the squaws 
 and children, which was regretted by every officer 
 and soldier of the detatchment but it could not be 
 avoided. 
 
 "The number of the enemy killed was ISO that 
 were counted, and a number of others that were kill 
 ed in the weeds and not found. I think the calculation 
 a reasonable one to say 200 of them were killed and 
 81 prisoners of women and children were taken. Not 
 
 
IDIAN WARS. 
 
 one of the warriors escaped to carry the news, a cir 
 cumstance hitherto unknown. 
 
 tC Ilost five men killed and forty wounded, none 
 mortally, the greater part slightly, a number with ar 
 rows ; two of the men killed was with arrows ; this 
 appears to form a very principal part of the enemy's 
 arms for warfare ; every mau having a bow with a 
 bundle of arrows ; which is used after the first fire 
 with the gun until a leisure time for loading offers. 
 
 'It is with pleasure I say that our men acted with 
 deliberation and firmness ; notwithstanding our num 
 bers were far superior to that of the enemy, it was a 
 circumstance to us unknown, and from the parade of 
 the enemy, we had every reason to suppose them our 
 equals in number, but there appeared no visible traces 
 of alarm in any ; but on the contrary, all appeared 
 cool and determined, and no doubt when they face a 
 foe];of their own or of a superior number, they will 
 show the same courage as on this occasion." 
 
 BATTLE OF TALLEDEGA. 
 
 Gen. Jackson receiving information on the 7th No 
 vember that a party of friendly Creeks at the fort at 
 Talledega, were threatened with an attack from a 
 considerable body of hostile Creeks, marched to their 
 relief in the evening. At 4t o'clock in the morning of 
 the 9th, he fell in with the enemy within a quarter of 
 a mile from the fort, and after a short action succeeded 
 in dispersing them with great slaughter. 
 
 The following is- an extract from the general's of 
 ficial letter^ giving the particulars of the battle. 
 
 4 'At sun-rise we came within half a mile of them, 
 and having formed my men, I moved oa in battle 
 order. The infantry were in three lines . the militia 
 on the left and vulunteers on the right. The caval 
 ry formed the extreme wings ; and were ordered to 
 advance in a curve, keeping their rear connected with 
 the advance of their infantry lines, and enclosed the en- 
 
196 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 cmy in a circle. The advanced guard whom I sent 
 forward to bring on the engagement, met the attack 
 of the enemy with great intrepidity; and having pour 
 ed upon them four or five very gallant rounds, fell 
 back as they had been previously ordered to the main 
 army. The enemy pursued, and the front line was 
 now ordered to advance and meet them ; but owing 
 to some misunderstanding, a few companies of militia, 
 who composed a part of it commenced a retreat. At 
 this moment a corps of cavalry commanded by Lieut. 
 Dyer, which I had kept as a reserve, was ordered to 
 dismount and fill up the vacancy occasioned by the 
 retreat. This order was executed with a great deal 
 of promptitude and effect. 
 
 "The militia, seeing this, speedily rallied, and the 
 fire became general along the first line, and on that 
 part of the wings which was contiguous. The enemy 
 unable to stand it, began to retreat, but were met at 
 every turn and pursued in every direction. The right 
 wing chased them with a most destructive fire to the 
 mountains, a distance of about three miles; and had I 
 not been compelled by the faux pas of the militia in 
 the onset of the battle, to dismount my reserve,! believe 
 not a man of them would have escaped. The victory 
 however, was very decisive; 290 of the enemy were 
 left dead, and there can be no doubt but. many more 
 were killed who were not found. Wherever they ran 
 they left behind traces of blood ; and I believe that 
 very few will return to their villages in as sound con 
 dition as they left them. I was compelled to return to 
 this place to protect the sick and wounded, and get my 
 baggage. In the engagement we lost 15 killed and 
 15 wouned, two of whom have since died. All the 
 officers acted with the utmost bravery, and so did all 
 the privates, except that part of the militia who re 
 treated at the commencement of the battle ; and they 
 hastened to atone for their error. Taking the whole 
 together they have realized the high expectations I 
 had formed of them, and have fairly entitled them 
 selves to the gratitude of their country." 
 
 
INDIAN WARS. 197 
 
 BATTLE AT HILUBEE TOWNS. 
 
 On the llth November a detatchment of the Ten 
 nessee rnilitia, under Gen. White, was sent against 
 the Hillibee towns, for the purpose of punishing the 
 hostile Creeks in that quarter. Gen. White's official 
 letter to Major Gen. Coeke, giving a detailed account 
 of the expedition, is as follows: 
 
 " Under your order of the llth November, I im 
 mediately marched with the mounted infantry under 
 the immediate command of Major Porter, and a few 
 of the Cherokee Indians under the command of Col. 
 Morgan, with very short rations only. We continued 
 our march to little Oakfuskie, when we fell in with 
 and captured five hostile Creek warriors, supposed to 
 be spies. Finding no other Indians at that place, we 
 burned the town, which consisted of 30 houses. We 
 then proceeded to a town called Genalga, and burned 
 the same, consisting of 93 houses. Thence we proceed 
 ed to Nitty Chapota, consisting of about 25 houses, 
 which I considered it most prudent not to destroy, as 
 it might possibly be of use at some future period. 
 Thence we marched to the Hillibee town, consisting 
 of about 20 houses, adjoining which was Grayston's 
 farm ; previous, to our arrival at that place, I was 
 advised that a part of the hostile Creeks were assem 
 bled there. Having marched within six or seven 
 miles of it on the 17th, I dismounted a part of the 
 force under my command, and sent them under the 
 command of Col. Burch, with the Cherokees under 
 the command of Col. Morgan, in advance, to surround 
 the town in the night, and make the attack at day 
 light on the 18th. Owing to the darkness of the 
 night, the town was not reached until after day-light; 
 but so complete was the surprise, that we succeeded 
 in surrounding the town, and killing and capturing al 
 most, if not entirely, the whole of the hostile Creeks 
 assembled there, consisting of about 310 ; of which 
 number about 60 warriors were killed on the spot, 
 and the remainder made prisoners. Before the close 
 
198 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 of the engagement my whole force was up and ready 
 for action, had it become necessary; but owing to the 
 want of knowledge on the part of the Indians, of our 
 approach, they were entirely killed and taken before 
 they could prepare for any effectual defence. We 
 lost not one drop of blood in accomplishing this en 
 terprise. We destroyed this village, and in obedience 
 to your orders, commenced our march for this post, 
 which we were unable to reach until yesterday. I 
 estimate the distance from this to Grayston's farm at 
 about 100 miles. The ground over which we trav 
 elled is so rough and hilly as to render a passage 
 very difficult. Many defiles it was impossible to pass 
 in safety, without the greatest precaution. For a 
 part of the time the weather was so very wet, being 
 encumbered with prisoners, and the troops and their 
 horses having to subsist in a very great degree upon 
 such supplies as we could procure in the nation, ren 
 dered our march more tardy than it otherwise would 
 have been. 
 
 " The troops under my command have visited the 
 heart of that section of the Creek nation where the 
 Red Sticks were first distributed. 
 
 "In justice to this gallant band, I am proud to state 
 that the whole of the officers and men under the 
 command of Col. Burch performed their duty cheer 
 fully and without complaint ; that from the cool 
 orderly and prompt manner in which Major Porter, 
 and the cavalry under his command, formed and con 
 ducted themselves in every case of alarm, I had the 
 highest confidence in them. Col. Morgan and the 
 Cherokees under his command, gave undeniable evi 
 dence that they merit the employ of their govern 
 ment. In short, the whole detachment under my 
 command conducted in such a manner as to enable 
 me to assure you that they are capable of performing 
 any thing to which the Same number of men are equal. 
 4 It gives me pleasure to add, that Mr. M'Corry, 
 who acted as my aid in this expedition, rendered ser 
 vices that to me were indispensable, to his country 
 vgry usef'% and to himself highly honourable. " 
 
CHAP. XYL 
 
 GREEK WAR CONTINUED, BATTLE AT ANTOSSB, 
 ATTACK UPON CAMP DEFIANCE. 
 
 The Georgia militia under Gen. Floyd, on the 
 25th November, succeeded in defeating a large body 
 of hostile Creeks at Antosse. The following is Gen. 
 Floyd's official letter to Gen, Pinckney, detailing 
 the particulars of the battle. 
 
 " Having received information that numbers of 
 those hostile Indians were assembled at Antosse, a 
 town on the northern bank of Tallapoosa, about 
 18 miles from the hickory ground, and 20 above the 
 junction of that river with the Coosa, I proceeded to 
 it with 950 of the Georgia militia, accompanied by be 
 tween 3 and 400 friendly Indians. Having encamped 
 within 9 or 10 miles of the point of destination the 
 preceding evening, we resumed the march a few 
 minutes before one, on the morning of the 29th, and 
 at half past six were formed for action in front of the 
 town. 
 
 ^ Booth's battalion composed the right column, 
 and marched from its centre. Watson's battalion 
 composed the left, and marched from its right ; 
 Adams' riffle company, and Merriwhether's under 
 Lieut. Hendon, were on the flanks ; Capt. Thomas 9 
 artillery marched in front of the right column in the 
 road. 
 
 u It was my intention to have completely surround 
 ed the -enemy, by applying the right wing of my 
 force on Canlebee creek, at the mouth of which I 
 was informed the town stood, and resting the left on 
 the bank below the town ; but to our surprise, as 
 
200 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 day dawned we perceived a second town about 500 
 yards below that which we had first viewed, and 
 were preparing to attack. The plan was immedi 
 ately changed ; three companies of infantry on the left 
 were wheeled to the left into echellon, and were ad 
 vanced to the low town, accompanied by Merri- 
 whether's rifle company, and two troops of light 
 dragoons under the command of Captains Irwin and 
 Steel. 
 
 "The residue of the force approached the upper 
 town, and the battle soon became general. The In 
 dians presented themselves at every point and fought 
 with the desperate bravery of real fanatics. The 
 well directed fire, however, of the artillery, added to 
 the charge of the bayonet, soon forced them to take 
 refuge in the out-houses, thickets and copses in the 
 rear of the town ; many it is believed concealed 
 themselves in caves previously formed for the pur 
 pose of secure retreat, in the high bluff of the river, 
 which was thickly covered with reed and brushwood. 
 The Indians of the friendly party, who accompanied 
 us on the expedition, were divided into four com 
 panies, and placed under the command of leaders 
 of their own selection. They were- by engagement 
 entered into the day previous, to have crossed the 
 river above the town and been posted on the oppo 
 site shore during the action, for the purpose of firing 
 upon such of the enemy as might attempt to escape, 
 or keep in check any reinforcement which might 
 probably be thrown in from the neighboring towns. ; 
 but owing to the difficulty of the ford, the coldness 
 of the weather, and the lateness of the hour, this ar 
 rangement failed, and their leaders were directed 
 to cross Canlebee creek and occupy that flank, to 
 prevent escapes from the Tallisee town. Some 
 time after the action commenced, our red friends 
 thronged in disorder in the rear of our lines. The 
 'Cowetaws under M'Intosh, and the Tookabatchians 
 under Mad-Dog's Son, fell into our tlanks,aDd fought 
 with an intrepidity worthy of any troops. 
 
INDIAN WARS. 201 
 
 Ci At nine o'clock the enemy were completely driven 
 from the plain, and the houses of both towns wrap 
 ped in flames. As we were then 60 miles from any 
 depot of provisions, and our five days rations pretty 
 much reduced, in the heart of our enemy's country, 
 which in a few moments could have poured from its 
 numerous towns hosts of its fiercest warriors ; as 
 soon as the dead and wounded were disposed [of, I 
 ordered the place to be abandoned, and the troops to 
 commence their march to Geatahouche. 
 
 "It is difficult to determine the strength of the en 
 emy, but from the information of some of the chiefs, 
 which it is said can be relied on, there were assem 
 bled at Antosse warriors from eight towns for its de 
 fence, it being their beloved ground, on which they 
 proclaimed no white man could approach without in 
 evitable destruction. It is difficult to give a precise 
 account of the loss of the enemy ; but from the num 
 ber which were lying scattered over the field, togeth 
 er with those destroyed in the towns, and the many 
 slain on the banks of the river, which respectable 
 officers affirm they saw lying in heaps at the waters 
 edge, where they had been precipitated by their sur 
 viving friends, their loss in killed, independent of 
 their wounded, must have been at least 200 ; among 
 whom are the Antosse and Tallissee kings ; and from 
 the circumstance their making no efforts to|molest 
 our return, probably greater. The number of build 
 ings burnt, some of a superior order for the dwelling 
 of savages, and filled with valuable articles, is sup 
 posed to be 400. 
 
 " Adjutant General Newman rendered important 
 services during the action, by his cool and deliberate 
 courage. My aid, Maj. Crawford, discharged with 
 promptitude the duties of a brave and meritorious 
 officer. Maj. Pace, who acted as field aid, also dis 
 tinguished himself. Both these gentlemen had their 
 horses shot under them, and the latter lost his. Dr. 
 Williamson, hospital Surgeon, and Dr. Clopton, were 
 
202 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 prompt and attentive in discharge of their duty to 
 wards the wounded during the action, 
 
 44 Maj. Freeman, at the head of Irwin's troop of 
 cavalry and part of Steel's made a furious and suc 
 cessful charge upon a large body of Indians, sabred 
 several, and completely defeated them. Capt. 
 Thomas and his company, Capt. Adams and Lieut. 
 Hendon's rifle companies killed a great many Indians 
 and deserve particular praise. Capt. Barton's compa 
 ny were in the hottest of the battle, and fought like 
 soldiers. Capts. Myrick, Wells, Little, King, Broad- 
 nax, Cleveland, Cunningham and Lee, with their 
 companies distinguished themselves, Brigade Ma 
 jor Sharkleford was of great service in bringing the 
 troops into action, and Adjutant Broadnax and Ma 
 jor Montgomery, who acted as assistant adjutants, 
 showed great courage. Major Booth used his best 
 endeavour in bringing his battalion to action, and Maj. 
 Watson's battalion acted with considerable spirit. 
 Irwin, Patterson and Steele's troop of cavalry, when 
 ever an opportunity presented, charged with success. 
 Lieut. Strong had his horse shot and narrowly escap 
 ed, and quarter master Tennot displayed the great 
 est heroism, and miraculously escaped, though badly 
 wounded, after having his horse shot from under him; 
 the topographical engineer was vigilant in his endea 
 vours to render service. 
 
 11 The troops deserve the highest praise for their 
 fortitude in enduring hunger, cold and fatigue without 
 a murmur, having marched 120 miles in seven days. 
 
 "The friendly Indians lost several killed and woun 
 ded, the number not exactly known. 
 
 ATTACK ON CAMP DEFIANCE. 
 
 Gen. Floyd was attacked by a large body of hostile 
 Creeks in his encampment, 48 miles west of Cola- 
 hoochie, on the 27th January ; but succeeded in re 
 pelling them after a very bloody conflict. The par 
 ticulars are contained in the following letter of the 
 
INDIAN WARS. 203 
 
 general to Major Gen. Pinckney, dated on the day of 
 the engagement. 
 
 "This morning, at 20 minutes past 5 o'clock a very 
 Targe body of hostile Indians made a desperate attack 
 upon the army under tny command. They stole up 
 on our sentinels, fired on them ? and with great 
 ferosity rushed upon our line. In twenty minutes 
 the action became general, and our front, right and 
 left flanks were closely pressed, but the braveland 
 gallant conduct of the field and line officers, and the 
 firmness of our men, repelled them at every point. 
 
 " The steady firmness and incessant fire of Capt. 
 Thomas' artillery, and Capt.Adams'riflemen, preserv 
 ed our front lines. Both of these companies suffered 
 greatly. The enemy rushed within 30 yards of the ar 
 tillery, and Capt. Broadnax w T ho commanded one of the 
 piquet guards, maintained his post with great bravery 
 until the enemy gained his rear, and then cut his way 
 through them to the army. On this occasion, Tim- 
 poche Barnard, a half-breed, at the head of the 
 Uchtes, distinguished himself, and contributed to the 
 retreat of the piquet guard : the other friendly In 
 dians took refuge in our lines and remained inac 
 tive, with the exception of a few who joined our 
 ranks. As soon as it become light enough to distin 
 guish objects, I ordered Majors Watson and Free 
 man's battalions, to wheel at right angles with Majors 
 Booth and Cleveland's battalions, which formed the 
 right wing, to prepare for the charge. Capt. Duke 
 Hamilton's cavalry, which had reached me but the day 
 before, was ordered to form in the rear of the right 
 wing, to act as circumstances should dictate. The 
 order for the charge was promptly obeyed, and the 
 enemy fled in every direction before the bayonet. 
 The signal was given for the charge of the cavalry, 
 who pursued and sabred 15 of the. enemy, and left 37 
 dead on the field. From the effusion of blood, and 
 the number of head dresses and war clubs found in 
 various directions, their loss must have been consider 
 able, independent of their wounded. 
 
204 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 <C I directed the friendly Indians, with Merriwethcr 
 and Ford's rifle companies, accompanied by Cap 
 tain Hamilton's troop, to pursue them through Can- 
 lebes swamp where they were trailed by their blood,' 
 but they succeeded in overtaking but one of the woun 
 ded. 
 
 " Col. Newman received three balls in the com 
 mencement of the action which deprives me of the ser 
 vices of that gallant and useful officer. The assistant 
 Adjutant General Hardin was indefatigable in the 
 discharge of his duty, and rendered important ser 
 vices; his horse was wounded under him. The whole 
 of the Staff was prompt, and discharged their duty 
 with courage and fidelity. Their vigilance, and the 
 intrepidity and firmness of the men, meet my approba 
 tion, and deserve the praise of their country. 
 
 '* My aid-de-camp, in executing ray orders, had his 
 horse killed under him Gen. Lee and Maj. Pace, 
 who acted as additional aids, rendered me essential 
 services, with honour to themselves and usefulness to 
 the cause in which they had embarked. Four wag 
 gon horses, and several others were killed, and two 
 of the artillery horses wounded. While I deplore 
 the loss sustained on this occasion, I have the conso 
 lation to know that the men whom I have the honour 
 to command have done their duty." 
 
 EXPEDITION TO THE BEND OF THE TALLAPOOSA. 
 
 On the 14th January, Gen. Jackson having been 
 reinforced by about 800 volunteers, commenced his 
 march in quest of the enemy upon the Tallapoosa 
 river. The objects and particulars of the expedition 
 are disclosed in the following letter from Gen. Jack 
 son to Maj. Gen. Pinckney : 
 
 " Head-Quarters, Fort Strother, Jan. 29. 
 
 u Sir I had the honour of informing you in a let 
 ter of the 31st ult. forwarded by Mr. M'Candles, 
 (express) of an excursion I contemplated making still 
 
INDIAN WARS. 205 
 
 further into the enemy's country, with the new rais 
 ed volunteers from Tennessee. I had ordered those 
 troops to form a junction with me on the 10th instant; 
 but they did not arrive until the 14th. Their number, 
 including officers, was about 800; and on the 15th, I 
 marched them across the river, to graze their horses. 
 On the next day, I followed with the remainder of my 
 force consisting of the artillery company, with one 6 
 pounder ; one company of infantry, of 48 men; two 
 companies of spies, commanded by Captains Gordon 
 and Russell, of about 30 men each; and a company of 
 volunteer officers headed by Gen. Coffee, who had 
 been abandoned by his men, and who still remained 
 in the field, awaiting the order of the government ; 
 making my force, exclusive of Indians, 930. 
 
 tc The motives which influenced me to penetrate 
 still farther into the enemy's country, with this force, 
 were many, and urgent. The term of service of the 
 new raised volunteers, was short, and a considerable 
 part of it was expired ; they were expensive to the 
 government, and were full of ardour to meet the ene 
 my. The ill effects of keeping soldiers of this de 
 scription long stationary and idle, I had been made 
 to feel but too sensibly already. Other causes con 
 curred to make such a movement not only justifiable, 
 but absolutely necessary. I had received a letter 
 from Capt. M 5 Alpin, of the 5th inst. who commanded 
 at Fort Armstrong, in the absence of Col. Snodgrass, 
 informing me that 14 or 15 towns of the enemy, situ 
 ated on Tallapoosa, were about uniting their forces 
 and attacking that place, which had been left in a 
 very feeble state of defence. You had in your letter 
 of the 24th ult. informed me that Gen. Floyd was 
 about to make a movement to the Tallapoosa, near its 
 junction with the Coose ; and in the same letter had 
 recommended temporary excursions against such of 
 the enemy's towns or settlements, as might be within 
 striking distance, as well to prevent my men from be- 
 21 
 
INDIAN WARS. 
 
 coming discontented, as to harras the enemy. Youl 
 ideas corresponded exactly with my own, and, I was 
 happy in the opportunity of keeping my men engaged 
 distressing the enemy, and at the same time making a 
 diversion to facilitate the operations of Gen. Floyd. 
 
 "Determined by these, and other considerations, I 
 took up the line of march on the 17th inst. and on the 
 night of the 18th encamped at Talledega fort, where 
 I was joined by between two and three hundred 
 friendly Indians ; sixty five of whom, were Chero- 
 kees, the balance Creeks. Here I received your letter 
 of the 9th inst. stating that Gen. Floyd was expected 
 to make a movement from Cowetau the next day, and 
 that in 18 days thereafter he could establish a firm 
 position at Tutkabotchee; and also a letter from Col. 
 Snodgrass, who had returned to Fort Armstrong, in 
 forming me that an attack was intended soon to be 
 made by 900 of the enemy. If I could have hesita 
 ted before, I could now hesitate no longer. I resolved 
 to lose no time in meeting this force, which was un 
 derstood to have been collected from New Yorcau, 
 Oakfuskee and Ufauley towns, and were concentrated 
 in the bend of the Tallapoosa, near the mouth of the 
 creek called Emuckfau, on an island below New 
 Yorcau. 
 
 *'On the morning of the 29th, your letter of the 10th 
 instant, forwarded by Mr. M'Candles, reached meat 
 the Hillibee Tillage, situated about 12 miles from 
 Emuckfau. Here I began to perceive very plainly 
 how little knowledge my spies had of the country, of 
 the situation of the enemy, or of the distance I was 
 from them. The insubordination of the new troops, 
 and the want of skill in most of their officers, also be 
 come more and more apparent. But their ardour to 
 meet the enemy was not diminished ; and I had a 
 sure reliance upon the guards, a company of old vol 
 unteer officers, and upon the spies, in all 125. My 
 wishes and duty remained united, and I was dtter- 
 
 
INDIAN WARS. 507 
 
 mined to effect, if possible, the objects for which the 
 excursion had been principally undertaken. 
 
 u On the morning of the 21st, I marched from Eno- 
 tachopee, as direct as I could for the bend of the Tal- 
 lapoosa, and about 2 o'clock, P. M. my spies having 
 discovered two of the enemy, endeavoured to catch 
 them but failed. In the evening, I fell in upon a 
 large trail, which led to a new road, much beaten and 
 lately travelled. Knowing that I must have arrived 
 within the neighbourhood of a strong force, and it be 
 ing late in the day, I determined to encamp, and re 
 connoitre the country in the night. I chose the best 
 site the country would admit, encamped in a hollow 
 square, sent out my spies and pickets, doubled my 
 sentinels, and made the necessary arrangements before 
 dark, for a night attack. About 10 o'clock at night, 
 one of the pickets fired at three of the enemy, and 
 killed one, but he was not found until the next day. 
 At 11 o'clock, the spies whom I had sent out returned 
 with the information, that there was a large encamp 
 ment of Indians at the distance of about three miles, 
 who from their whooping and dancing, seemed to be 
 apprised of our approach. One of these spies, an In 
 dian in whom I had great confidence, assured me that 
 they were carrying off their women and children and 
 that the warriors would either make their escape, or 
 attack me before day. Being prepared at all points, 
 nothing remained to be done but await their approach, 
 if they meditate an attack, or to be in readiness, if 
 they did not, to pursue and attack them at day-light. 
 While we were in this state of readiness, the enemy, 
 about6 o'clock in the morning, commenced a vigorous 
 attack on my left flank, which was vigorously met. 
 The action continued to rage on my left flank, and on 
 the left of my rear for about half an hour. The brave 
 Gen. Coffee, with Col. Sittler the Adjutant General, 
 and Col. Carroll, the Inspector Gen. at the moment 
 the firing commenced, mounted their horses, and re 
 paired to the line, encouraging and animating the men 
 t the performance of their duty. As soon as it be- 
 
208 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 come light enough to pursue, the left wing having sus 
 tained the heat of the action, and being somewhat 
 Weakened, was reinforced by Capt. FerrilPs company 
 of infantry, and was ordered and led to the charge by 
 Gen, Coffee, who was well supported by Col. Higgins 
 and the Inspector General, and by all the officers and 
 privates who composed that line. The enemy was 
 completely routed at every point, and the friendly In 
 dians joining in the pursuit, they were chased about 
 two miles with great slaughter. 
 
 " The chase being over, I immediately detatched 
 Gen. Coffee with 400 men and all the Indian force, to 
 burn their encampment; but it was said by some to be 
 fortified. I ordered him in that event, not to attack 
 it until the artillery could be sent forward to reduce 
 it. On viewing the encampment and its strength, the 
 General thought it most prudent to return to my en 
 campment, and guard the artillery thither. The wis 
 dom of this step was soon discovered. In half an 
 hour after his return to camp, a considerable force of 
 the enemy made its appearance on my right flank, and 
 commenced a brisk fire on a party of men who had 
 been on a picket guard the night before and were then 
 in search of the Indians they had fired upon, some of 
 whom they believed had been killed. Gen. Coffee im- 
 'mediately requested me to let him take 200 men and 
 turn their left flank, which I accordingly ordered; but 
 through some mistake, which I did not then observe, 
 not more than 54 followed him among whom were the 
 old volunteer officers. With these, however, he im 
 mediately commenced an attack on the left flank of 
 the enemy; at which time I ordered 200 of the friend 
 ly Indians to fall in upon the right flank of the ne- 
 my and co-operate with the General. This order 
 was promptly obeyed, and in the moment of its exe 
 cution what I expected was realized. The enemy 
 had intended to attack on the right, as a feint, and ex 
 pecting me to direct all my attention thither, meant 
 to attack me again with their main force on the left 
 -flank, which they hoped to find weakened and in dis- 
 
INDIAN WARS. 209 
 
 order ; but they were disappointed. I had ordered 
 the left flank to remain firm to its place, and the mo 
 ment the alarm gun was heard in that quarter, I re 
 paired thither, and ordered Capt. Ferrill with part of 
 my reserve to support it. The whole line met the 
 approach of the enemy with astonishing intrepidity 
 and having given a few fires, they forthwith charged 
 with great vigour. The effect was immediate and in 
 evitable. The enemy fled with great precipitation,and 
 were pursued to a considerable distance by the left 
 flank and the friendly Indians, with a galling and de 
 structive fire. Col. Carroll, who ordered the charge, 
 led on the pursuit, and Col. Higgins and his regi 
 ment again distinguished themselves. 
 
 ^ In the mean time, Gen. Coffee was contending 
 with a superior force of the enemy. The Indians 
 whom I had ordered to his support, and who had set 
 out for the purpose, hearing the firing on the left, had 
 returned to that quarter, and W 7 hen the enemy were 
 routed there, entered into the chase . That being now 
 over, I forthwith ordered Jim Fife, who was one of 
 the principal commanders of the friendly Creeks, with 
 100 of his warriors, to execute my first order. As 
 soon as he reached Gen. Coffee, the charge was made 
 and the enemy routed. They were pursued about 
 three miles, and 45 of them slain, who were found. 
 Gen. Coffee was wounded in the body, and his Aid- 
 de-camp, A. Donaldson, killed, together with three 
 others. Having brought in and buried the dead, and 
 dressed the wounded, I ordered my camp to be forti 
 fied, to be better prepared to repel any attack 
 which might be made in the night ; determining to 
 commence a return march to fort Strother the follow 
 ing day. Many causes concurred to make such a 
 measure necessary; as I had not set out prepared, or 
 with a view to make a permanent establishment, I 
 considered it worse than useless to advance and de 
 stroy an empty encampment. 
 
 "I had indeed hoped to have met the enemy there 
 but having met and beat them a little sooner, I did 
 
210 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 not think it necessary or prudent to proceed any fur 
 ther; not necessary, because I had accomplished all I 
 could expect to effect by marching to their encamp 
 ment; and because if it was necessary to contend with 
 and weaken their forces still farther, this object would 
 inspire them to pursue me; not prudent, because of the 
 number of my wounded ; of the reinforcement from 
 below, which the enemy might be expected to receive; 
 of the starving condition of my horses, they having 
 had neither corn nor cane for two days and nights; of 
 the scarcity of supplies for my men, the Indians who 
 had joined me at Talledega having drawn none, and 
 being wholly destitute ; and because, if the enemy 
 pursued me as it was likely they would, the diversion 
 in favour of General Floyd would be the more com 
 plete and effectual. Influenced by these considera 
 tions, I commenced my return march at half past ten 
 on the twenty third, and was fortunate enough to reach 
 Enotochopco before night, having passed without in 
 terruption a dangerous defile, occasioned by a hurri 
 cane. I again fortified my camp, and having another 
 defile to pass in the morning, across a deep creek and 
 between two hills, which I had viewed with attention 
 as I passed on, and where I expected I might be at 
 tacked, I determined to pass it at another point, and 
 gave directions to my guide and fatigue men accord 
 ingly. My expectation of an attack in the morning 
 was increased by the signs of the night, and with it 
 my caution. Before I removed the wounded from the 
 interior of my camp, I had my front and rear guards 
 formed as well as my right and left columns, and 
 moved off my centre in regular order, leading down a 
 handsome ridge to Enotachopco creek, at a point 
 where it was clear of reed, except immediately on its 
 margin. I had previously issued a general order, 
 pointing out the manner in which the men should be 
 formed in the event of an attack on the front or rear, 
 or on the flanks, and had particularly cautioned the 
 officers to halt and form accordingly, the instant the 
 word should be given. 
 
INDIAN WARS. 211 
 
 4 'The front guard had passed with part of the flank 
 columns, the wounded were over, and the artillery ir 
 the act of entering the creek, when an alarm gun was 
 heard in the rear. I heard it without surprise and 
 even with pleasure, calculating with the utmost con 
 fidence on the firmness of my troops, from the manner 
 in which I had seen them act on the twenty-second. 
 I had placed Col. Carroll at the head of the centre 
 column of the rear guard ; its right column was com 
 manded by Col. Stump. Having chosen the ground 
 I expected there to have entirely cut off the enemy, 
 by wheeling the right and left columns on their piv 
 ots, recrossing the creek above and below, and falling 
 in upon their flanks and rear. But to my astonish 
 ment and mortification, when the word was given by 
 Colonel Carroll to halt and form, and a few guns had 
 been fired, I beheld the right and left columns of the 
 rear guard precipitately give way. This shameful 
 retreat was disastrous in the extreme; it drew along 
 with it the greater part of the centre column, leaving 
 not more than 25 men, who being formed by Col. 
 Carroll, maintained their ground as long as it was 
 possible to maintain it, and it brought consternation 
 and confusion into the centre of the army; a conster 
 nation which was not easily removed, and a confusion 
 which could not soon be restored to order. There was 
 then left to repulse the enemy, the few who remained 
 of the rear guard, the artillery company, and captain 
 Russell's company of spies. They however realized 
 and exceeded my highest expectations. Lieut. Arm 
 strong, who commanded the artillery company in the 
 absence of Capt. Deadriok, (confined by sickness,) or 
 dered them to form and advance to the top of the hill, 
 while he and a few others dragged up the 6 pounder. 
 Never was more bravery displayed than on this oc- 
 easion. Amid the most galling fire from the enemy, 
 more than ten times their number, they ascended the 
 hill and maintained the*r position until their piece was 
 hauled up, when, having levelled it ? they poured upon 
 
212 INDIAN WARS, 
 
 the enemy a fire of grape ; reloaded and fired again, 
 charged and repulsed them. 
 
 Cc The most deliberate bravery was displayed by 
 Constantine Perkins and Craven Jackson, of the ar 
 tillery, acting as gunners. In the hurry of the mo 
 ment, in separating the gun from the limbers, the 
 rammer and the picker of the cannon were left tied to 
 the limber. No sooner was this discovered, than Jack 
 son, amidst the fire of the enemy, pulled out the ram 
 rod of his musket and used it as a picker, primed with 
 a catridge and fired the cannon. Perkins, having 
 pulled off his bayonet, used his musquet as a rammer, 
 drove down the cartridge; and Jackson using his for 
 mer plan, again discharged her. The brave Lieuten 
 ant Armstrong, just after the first fire of the cannon, 
 with Capt Hamilton, of east Tennessee, Bradford and 
 M'Govock, all fell, the Lieutenant exclaiming as he 
 lay, 'my brave fellows, some of you may fall, but you 
 must save the cannon. 5 About this time, a number 
 crossed the creek and entered into the chase. The 
 brave Capt. Gordon, of the spies, who had rushed 
 from the front, endeavoured to turn the left flank of 
 the enemy, in which he partially succeeded, and Col. 
 Carrol, Col. Higgins, and Captains Elliot and Pip 
 kins, pursued the enemy for more than two miles who 
 fled in consternation, throwing away their packs, and 
 leaving 26 of their warriors dead on the field. This 
 last defeat was decisive and we were no more dis 
 turbed by their yells. I should do injustice to my 
 feelings, if I ommitted to mention the venerable Judge 
 Cocke, at the age of 65, entered into the engagement, 
 continued the pursuit of the enemy with youthful ar 
 dour, and saved the life of a fellow soldier, by killing 
 his savage antagonist. 
 
 "Our loss in this affair, was 18 killed and wound 
 ed; among the former was the brave Capt. Hamilton, 
 from east Tennessee, who had, with his aged father, 
 and two other of his company, after the period of his 
 engagement had expired, volunteered his services for 
 
INBIAN WARS. 213 
 
 for this excursion, and attatched himself to the artil 
 lery company. No man ever fought more bravely or 
 died more gloriously ; and by his side fell with equal 
 bravery and glory, Bird Evans, of the same company. 
 Capt. Quarles who commanded the centre column of 
 the rear guard, prefering death to the abandonment 
 of his post, having taken a firm stand in which he 
 was followed by 25 of his men, received a wound in 
 his head, of which he since died. 
 
 " In these several engagements, our loss was 20 
 killed and 75 wounded, 4 of whom have since died. 
 The loss of the enemy cannot be accurately ascertain 
 ed: 180 : of their warriors were found dead ; but this 
 must fall considerably short of the number really kill* 
 ed. Their wounded can only be guessed at. 
 
 u Had it not been for the unfortunate retreat of the 
 rear guard, in the affair of the 24th inst. I think I 
 could safely have said, that no army of militia ever 
 acted with more cool and deliberate bravery ; undis 
 ciplined and unexperienced as they were, their con 
 duct in the several engagements of the 22d, could not 
 have been surpassed by regulars. No men ever met 
 the approach of the enemy with more intrepidity, or 
 repulsed them with more energy. On the 24th, after 
 the retreat of the rear guard, they seemed to have lost 
 all their collectedness, and were more difficult to be 
 restored to order than any troops I have ever seen* 
 But this was no doubt in a great measure, or alto 
 gether owing to that very retreat, and ought rather 
 to be ascribed to the want of conduct in many of their 
 officers, than to only cowardice in the men, who, on_ 
 every occasion, have manifested a willingness to pep 
 form their duty as far as they knew it. 
 
 "All the effects which were designed to be produ^ 
 ced by this excursion, it is believed have been accom 
 plished. If an attack was meditated against fort 
 Armstrong, that has been prevented. If Gen. Floyd 
 is operating on the east side of the Tallapoosa, as I 
 suppose him to be, a most fortunate diversion has been 
 made in his favour. The number of the enemy has 
 28 
 
514 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 been diminished, and the confidence they may have 
 derived from the delays I have been made to experi 
 ence, has been destroyed. Discontent has been kept 
 out of my army, while the troops who would have 
 been exposed to it, have been beneficially employed. 
 The enemy's country has been explored, and a road 
 cut to the point where their force will probably be 
 concentrated, when they shall be driven from the 
 country below. But in a report of this kind, and to 
 you who will immediately perceive them, it is not ne 
 cessary to state the happy consequences which may 
 be expected to result from this excursion. Unless I 
 am greatly mistaken, it will be found to have hasten 
 ed the termination of the Creek war, more than any 
 measure I could have taken with the troops under my 
 command." 
 
CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 CONCLUSION OF THE GREEK WAR, BRILLIANT VIC 
 TORY AT THE BEND OF THE TALLAPOOSA, &,C. 
 
 General Jackson, determined on the extermina 
 tion of the Creeks for their atrocious conduct, on the 
 10th of March, 1814, penetrated as far as the bend of 
 the Tallapoosa, where a most decisive victory was 
 obtained, and the destruction of the nation nearly ac 
 complished. The following is Gen. Jackson- s official 
 account of the brilliant achievement, in a letter to 
 his Excellency Governor Blount. 
 
 "Fort Williams, March 31, 1814. 
 
 *' Sir I have just returned from the expedition 
 which I advised you in my last I was about to make, 
 and the good fortune which attended it. 
 
 " I took up the line of march from this place on 
 the morning of the 21st inst. and having opened a 
 passage of 52 miles over the ridges which divide the 
 waters of the two rivers, I reached the bend of the 
 Tallapoosa three miles beyond where I had the en 
 gagement of the 22A of January, and at the southern 
 extremity of New Youea, on the morning of the 27th. 
 This bend resen?bles in a curvature that of a horse 
 shoe, and is thence called by that name among the 
 whites. Nature furnishes few stations so eligible 
 for defence, and barbarians have never rendered one 
 more secure by art. Across the neck of the bend 
 which leads into it from the north, they had erected a 
 breast- work of the greatest compactness and strength, 
 eight feet high, and prepared with double port-holes, 
 very artfully arranged. The figure of this wall mani 
 fested no less skill in the projection of it, without be 
 ing exposed to a double and cross fire from the enemy 
 who lay in perfect security behind it. The area of 
 
216 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 this peninsula, thus bounded by the breast-work, in 
 cludes, I conjecture, eighty or an hundred acres. 
 
 " In this bend, the warriors from Ockfuska, Oake- 
 hagu, New Youca, Hillabeea, the Fish Ponds, and 
 Kufatua towns, apprised of our approach, had collect 
 ed their strength. The exact number cannot be as 
 certained ; but it is said by the prisoners we have 
 taken, to have been a thousand. It is certain they 
 were very numerous, and that relying with the utmost 
 confidence upon their strength, their situation, and the 
 assurances of their prophets, they calculated on re 
 pulsing us with great ease. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 27th, having encamp 
 ed the preceding night at the distar.ee of five miles 
 from them, I detailed Gen Coffee with the mounted 
 men and nearly the whole of the Indian force to cross 
 the river at a foid about three miles below their en 
 campment, and to surround the bend in such a man 
 ner that none of them should escape by attempting to 
 cross the river. With the remainder of the forces I 
 proceeded along the point of land which leads to the 
 front of their breast-work; and at half past 10 o'clock 
 A. M. I had planted my artillery on a small emi 
 nence, distant from its nearest point about 83 yards, 
 and from its farthest about 250 ; from whence I imme 
 diately opened a brisk fire upon its centre. With the 
 musketry and rifles I kept up a galling fire \vherever 
 the enemy showed themselves behind therr works, or 
 ventured to approach them. This was continued with 
 occasional intermissions for about two hours, when 
 Capt Russell's company of spies, and a party of the 
 Cherokees, headed by their gallant chieftain, Col. 
 Richard Brown, and conducted by the brave Colonel 
 Morgan, crossed over to the peninsula in canoes, and 
 set fire to a few of their buildings there situated. 
 They then advanced with great gallantry towards the 
 breast-work, and commenced firing upon the enemy 
 who lay behind it. 
 
 " Finding that this force, notwithstanding the de 
 termination that they displayed was wholly insufficient 
 
INDIAN WARS. 211 
 
 to dislodge the enemy, and that Gen. Coffee had se 
 cured the opposite banks of the river, I now deter 
 mined on taking possession of their works by storm. 
 IN ever were men better disposed for such an under 
 taking than those by whom it was to be effected. 
 They had entreated to be led to the charge with the 
 most pressing importunity, and received the order 
 which was now given, with the strongest demonstra 
 tions of joy. The effect was such as this temper of 
 mind foretold. The regular troops, led on by their 
 intrepid and skilful commanders, Col. Williams and 
 Major Montgomery, were presently in possession of 
 the nearer side of the breast-work ; and the militia 
 accompanied them in the charge with a vivacity and 
 firmness which could not have been exceeded, and has 
 seldom been equalled by troops of any description. A 
 few companies of Gen. Dougherty's brigade on the 
 right, were led on with gallantry by that distinguished 
 officer, Col. Russell the advance guard by the Adju 
 tant General, Col. Siller, and the left extremity of 
 the line by Capt. Gordon, of the Spies, and Captain 
 M' Murray, of Gen. Johnson's brigade, of West 
 Tennessee militia. 
 
 fct Having maintained for a few minutes a very ob 
 stinate contest, musket to musket, through the port 
 holes in which many of the balls were welded to the 
 bayonets of muskets, our troops succeeded in gaining 
 possession of the opposite side of the works. The 
 event could no longer be doubtful. The enemy, al 
 though many of them fought to the last, with that 
 kind of bravery which desperation inspires, were at 
 length entirely routed and cut to pieces. The whole 
 margin of the river which surrounds the peninsula was 
 strewed with the slain. Five hundred and fifty-seven 
 were found by officers of great respectability; whom 
 1 ordered to cou/it them ; besides a great number 
 who were thrown into the river, or killed in attempt 
 ing to pass it, by Gen. Coffee's men, stationed on the 
 opposite banks. Captain Hammonds, who with his 
 
215 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 company of spies occupied a favourable position oppo 
 site the upper extremity of the breast-work, did great 
 execution; and so did Lieut. Bean, who had been or 
 dered by Gen. Coffee to take possession of a small 
 island pointing to the lower extremity. 
 
 "Both officers and men, who had the best opportu 
 nities of judging, believe the loss of the enemy in kill 
 ed, not far short of 800 ; and if their number was 
 great as it is represented to have been by the prison 
 ers, and as it is believed to have been by Col. Carroll 
 and others, who had a fair view of them as they ad 
 vanced to the breast- works, their loss must even have 
 been more considerable; as it is quite certain that not 
 more than twenty can have escaped. Among the 
 dead was found their famous prophet Monahell, shot 
 in the mouth by a grape shot, as if Heaven designed 
 to chastise his impostures by an appropriate punish 
 ment. Two other prophets were also killed; leaving 
 no others, as I can learn, on the Tallapoosa. I la 
 ment that two or three women and children were kill 
 ed by accident. I do not know the exact number of 
 prisoners taken, but it must exceed 300 ; all women 
 and children except three. 
 
 " The battle may be said to have continued with 
 severity for about five hours ; but the firing and 
 slaughter continued until it was suspended by the 
 darkness of the night. The next morning it was re 
 sumed, and 16 of the enemy slain, who had conceal 
 ed themselves under the banks. Our loss was 26 
 white men killed, and 107 wounded ; Cherokees, IS 
 killed and 36 wounded ; friendly Creeks, 5 killed 
 and 11 wounded. 
 
 " The loss of Col. Williams' regiment of regulars 
 is 17 killed and 55 wounded ; three of whom have 
 since died. Among the former were Major Montgo 
 mery, Lieut. Somerville and Lieut. Moulton, who 
 fell in the charge which was made on the works. 
 No men* ever acted more gallantly, or fell more glori 
 ously. 
 
INDIAN WARS. 219 
 
 u In a few days I shall take up the line of march 
 for the Hickory ground, and have every thing to hope 
 from such troops. 
 
 ^'Enclosed I send you Gen. Coffee's original report. 
 
 "I have the honour to be, with great respect, your 
 obedient humble servant, 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. Gen." 
 
 Report from Gen. Coffee to Gen. Jackson, dated 
 
 April 1, 
 
 <4 Sir Agreeably to your order of the 27th ult. I 
 took up the line of march at half past 6 o'clock, A.M. 
 of the same day, with a detachment of 700 cavalry 
 and mounted gunmen, and about 600 Indians, 500* 
 of which were Cherokees, and the balance friendly 
 Creeks. I crossed the Tallapoosa river at the little 
 island ford, about three miles below the bend, in 
 which the enemy had concentrated ; and then turned 
 up the river, bearing away from its cliffs. When with 
 in half a mile of the village the savage yell was rais 
 ed by the enemy, and I suppose they had discovered 
 and were about to attack me. I immediately drew 
 up my forces in line of battle in an open, hilly wood- 
 land, and in that position moved on towards the yell 
 ing of the enemy. Previous to this, I had ordered 
 the Indians, on our approach to the bend of the river, 
 to advance secretly and take possession of the bank of 
 the river, and prevent the enemy from crossing on the 
 approach of our army in their front. When within a 
 quarter of a mile of the river, firing of our cannon 
 commenced, when the Indians with me immediately 
 rushed forward with great impetuosity to the river 
 bank. My line was halted and put in order of battle 
 expecting an attack on our rear from Oakfuskee vil 
 lage, which lay down the river, about eight miles be 
 low us. The firing of our cannon and small arms in a 
 short time became general and heavy, which animated 
 our Indians, and seeing about 100 of the warriors and 
 all the squaws and children of the enemy running 
 about among the huts of the village, which was open 
 
220 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 to our view, they could no longer remain silent spec 
 tators, while some kept up a fire across the river, 
 (which is about 120 yards wide) to prevent the ene 
 my's approach to the bank. Others plunged into the 
 water and swam the river for canoes that lay at the 
 other shore in considerable numbers, and brought 
 themjover; in which crafts a number of them embark 
 ed, and landed on the bend with the enemy. Col. 
 Gideon Morgan, who commanded the Cherokees ; 
 Capt. Geer and Capt. William Russell, with a part of 
 his company of spies, were among the first that cross 
 ed the river. From the huts up the river bank, to the 
 fortified works from which they were lighting, they 
 pursued and continued to annoy, during the whole 
 action. This movement of our Indian forces left the 
 river bank unguarded, and made it necessary that I 
 should send a party of my line to take possession of 
 the river bank. I accordingly ordered about one third 
 of the men to be posted around the bend of the river 
 bank, while the balance remained in line, to protect 
 our rear. I ordered Lieut. Bean to take possession 
 of the island below, with 49 men, to prevent the ene 
 my's taking refuge there, which was executed with 
 promptitude, and which had a very happy effect. 
 From the report' of my officers, as well as from my 
 own observation, I feel warranted in saying that from 
 250 to 300 of the enemy were buried under water, 
 and were numbered with the dead that were found." 
 
 TERMINATION OF HOSTILITIES WITH THE CREEKS. 
 
 The brilliant and decisive victories obtained by 
 Gen. Jackson and his brave men, over the Creeks, in 
 duced many of those who survived, to surrender and 
 sue for peace. A. few of them however, otherwise 
 disposed, fled toward Pensacola, before the arrival of 
 the General at Tallapoosa. Of these few, notice will 
 be taken in the succeeding chapter. Many of the 
 runaway negroes, who were captured at Fort Mim? 5 
 
 
INDIAN WAIIS. 
 
 were restored to their masters, and an unfortunate 
 white female captive, Polly Jones, who with her two 
 children had been taken prisoners by the Indians, 
 were released and restored to their friends. The 
 Tallapoosa and Tostahatchee kings were taken pris 
 oners, as was Peter M'Quin, a distinguished chief, but 
 he unfortunately afterwards made his escape. Hillin- 
 hagee, their great prophet, fled with the fugitives to 
 wards Pensacola. Weatherford their speaker, and 
 who through the war had been one of the most, ac 
 tive and enterprising chiefs, conceiving it in vain any 
 longer to resist, and being informed that Gen. Jackson 
 intended, if he could take him, to put him to death, 
 he was advised by his friends, as his warriors were al 
 most all slain, as his country was ruined, and his 
 escape almost impracticable, to surrender himself 
 to the General ; that it was useless to attempt further 
 resistance ; and this was the only means by .which 
 his life could be saved. Weatherford determined 
 so to do, and presented himself to Gen. Jackson at 
 his quarters, by whom it was demanded of him who 
 he was, and how he came there. He replied, " my 
 name is Weatherford, one of the Chiefs of th6 Red 
 sticks. I have fought you till my warriors- are all 
 slain. If I had warriors I would fight you still ; but 
 I have none. My country is overrun, and my soldiers 
 are fallen. Here am in your power; do with me as 
 you please ; only recollect that I am a soldier ! " The 
 patriotic speech of this distinguished chief had its de 
 sired effect. Gen Jackson declined to consider him 
 even a prisoner of war. Weatherford, although as 
 bold and intrepid as a lion, had been many times de 
 feated by his enemies. In 1813 a formidable body of 
 volunteers from the Mississippi Territory, who had 
 been raised for the express purpsse of protecting the 
 defenceless inhabitants on the frontiers, marched un 
 der command of Gen. Claiborne, against some of 
 the towns inhabited by the hostile Creeks on the Ala 
 bama river. A detachment of the troops under com 
 mand of Col. Carson, on approaching a town called 
 29 
 
222 INDIAN WAltS. 
 
 Eccanacliaca, was suddenly and vigorously attacked 
 by the enemy. Weatherford commanded the Indians 
 and fought with his usual bravery. He was, however, 
 routed and completely defeated by the detachment, 
 before the remainder of the troops had time to arrive. 
 The enemy threw away their arms and fled in every 
 direction. Thirty were killed and double that num 
 ber probably wounded. Col. Garson lost but one 
 killed, and five wounded. A pursuit was ordered, but 
 with very little success. A large quantity of provis 
 ions and other valuable property was found in their 
 town, which the Indians in their precipitate flight 
 were obliged to leave behind, and which with their 
 houses (200 in number) were destroyed. After the 
 commencement of hostilities,- -the town was rebuilt> 
 and was established as a place of security for the 
 Creeks of several of the adjacent villages. It was 
 Weatherford's place of residence In this house was 
 founds letter from the Governor of Pensacola to the 
 Creeks, expressing the friendship which the Spaniards 
 entertained for them, and the hostility of the former 
 towards "the Americans. 
 
 Gen. Jackson, after having made known to the sur 
 viving Creeks the terms upon which he was author 
 ized to make peace, in the latter part of April with 
 drew his forces from the Creek country. The terms 
 offered them were ; That the United States were to 
 retain as much of the conquered territory as would 
 idemnify them for the expenses of the war, and as a 
 retribution for the injuries sustained by its citizens, and 
 such of the Creeks as had remained on friendly terms 
 with them during the war. The United States were 
 to establish whatever military posts and trading 
 houses they should think proper, and to have the free 
 navigation of the rivers and water courses throughout 
 the Creek country. The Creeks were to surrender 
 their prophets, and other chiefs who remained, or 
 who should thereafter prove sensible to the interest 
 and welfare of the States. The Tollissee king of 
 whom we have made frequent ment\on ; and who was 
 
 
INDIAN WARS. 223 
 
 supposed to have been killed in one of Gen. Floyd's 
 engagements with the Creaks, surrendered himself a 
 prisoner to the Americans. He ws upwards of a 
 hundred years of age, with a head as white as snow, 
 and had been regarded by the enemy as a very great 
 prophet. The friendly Greeks viewed him as their 
 most inveterate enemy, and although nearly bent 
 double with age, they were anxious to put him to 
 death, and would have done so had it not been for 
 tfce interposition of the American officers. 
 
CHAP. XIX. 
 
 SEMINOLE WAR, PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS, &C. 
 
 The Crook war happily terminating in the spring of 
 1814, and a treaty of peace having been mutually con 
 cluded upon between the surviving chiefs of that na 
 tion and commissioners appointed on the part of the 
 United States, but little opposition was then appre 
 hended from the fugitives who had fled towards Pen- 
 sacola, and who remained hostile to the interest of the 
 Americans. But contrary to the expectations of our 
 government, it was soon after discovered that these 
 Indians had sought refuge among the different savage 
 tribes living within and on the borders of the Floridas, 
 denominated Seminole Indians, who it was suspected 
 cherished feelings of hostility to the United States. 
 This fact having been ascertained, the executive de 
 partment of the government deemed it necessary, for 
 the security of the frontier, to establish a line of forts 
 near the southern boundary of the United States, and 
 occupy those fortifications with portions of the reg 
 ular forces, and by this means peace was maintained 
 with the Indians until the spring or summer of 1S17, 
 when the regular forces were withdrawn from the 
 posts on the Georgia frontier, and concentrated at fort 
 Montgomery, OH the Alabama river, a considerable 
 distance west of the Georgia line. But it seems that 
 .about this time a border war-fare was commenced be 
 tween the Seminole Indians and the frontier inhabi 
 tants of Georgia. Many horrid barbarities are said 
 to have been perpetrated by the former; some of which 
 it may not be improper here to mention. The house 
 of a Mr. Garrett, residing near the boundary of 
 Wayne county, was attacked by a party of Indians 
 during his absence. They shot Mrs. Garrett in 
 two places, and despatched her by stabbing and 
 scalping. ^Her two children, one about three years 
 
INDIAN WARS. 225 
 
 and the other two months old were also murdered, 
 and the eldest scalped. The house was then plun 
 dered of every article of value, and set on fire ! A 
 boat soon after ascending the Alabama river, con 
 taining thirty men, seven women and four small chil 
 dren was captured by the Indjans. Six of the men 
 escaped, one woman taken captive and the remainder 
 inhumanly butchered. The children were taken by 
 the leg and their brains dashed out against the 
 boat ! ! 
 
 Duncan M'Krimmon, (a resident of Milledgeville,a 
 Georgia militia man, stationed at fort Gadsden) being 
 out one morning on a fishing excursion, in attempting 
 to return missed his way, and was several days lost 
 in the surrounding wilderness. After wandering about 
 in various directions he was espied and captured by a 
 party, of hostile Indians, headed by the well known 
 prophet Francis. The Indians having obtained the 
 satisfaction they wanted respecting the determination 
 of government, the position of the American army, 
 &c. they began to prepare for the intended sacrifice. 
 M'Krimmon was bound to a stake, and the ruthless 
 savages having shaved his head and reduced his body 
 to a state of nudity, formed themselves into a circle 
 and danced round him some hours, yelling most hor 
 ribly. The youngest daughter of the prophet, about 
 fifteen years of age, remained sad and silent the whole 
 time. She participated not in the general joy, but 
 was evidently, even to the affrighted prisoner, much 
 pained at the savage scene she was compelled to wit 
 ness. When the burning torches were about to be 
 applied to the faggots which encompassed the prison 
 er, and the fatal tomahawk was raised to terminate 
 forever his mortal existence, JVIilly Francis, (for that 
 was her name) like an angel of mercy, placed herself 
 between it and death, resolutely bidding the astonished 
 .executioner, if he thirsted for human blood, to shed 
 hers ; being determined, she said, not to survive the 
 prisoner's death. A momentary pause was produced 
 by this enexpected occurrence, and she took advant- 
 
2S6 INDIAN WARS, 
 
 age of the circumstance to implore'upon her knees the 
 pity of her ferocious father, who finally yielded to her 
 wishes; with the intention, however, it is suspected, 
 .of murdering them both, if he could not sell M'Krim- 
 mon to the Spaniards; which was luckily effected a few 
 days after at St. Marks, for seven gallons and a half 
 of rum. As long as APKrimmon remained a prisoner 
 his benefactress continued to show him acts of kind 
 ness. The fortune of war has since placed her, as we 
 shall hereafter have occasion to notice, in the power 
 of the white people, being compelled, with a number 
 of others of her tribe who were in a starving condition 
 to surrender themselves prisoners. As soon as r this 
 fact was known to M'Krimmon, in manifestation of a 
 due sense of the obligation which he owed to the wo 
 man who saved his life, at the hazard of her own, he 
 sought her to alleviate her misfortune, and to offer fc her 
 marriage; but Milly would not consent to become his 
 wife as a consideration of having saved his life, de 
 claring that she did no more than her duty and that 
 her intercessions were the same as they would ever 
 have been on similar occasions. 
 
 But to return. In these frequent outrages commit 
 ted upon the frontiers, it was somewhat difficult to de 
 termine who were the first aggressors, or on whom 
 the. greatest injuries were inflicted. Gen. Gaines, 
 however, demanded a surrender of the Indians, who 
 had committed depredations on the frontier of Geor 
 gia. With this demand they refused to comply, alleg 
 ing that the first and greatest aggressions had been 
 mads by the white men. 
 
 In consequence of this refusal G en. f Gaines was 
 authorized by the Secretary of war, at his discretion, 
 to remove the Indians still remaining on the lands 
 ceded to the United States by the treaty made with 
 the Creeks, In so doing he was told that it might be 
 proper to retain some of them as hostages, until re 
 paration was made for depredations committed by the 
 Indians. In pursuance of this discretionary authority 
 :.Qen. Gaines ordered a detatchment of near 300 men, 
 
INDIAN WARS. 
 
 221 
 
 under the commannd of Major Triggs, to surround and 
 take an Indian village called Fowl Town, about 14 
 miles from fort Scott, and near the Florida line. The 
 detachment arrived at Fowl Town in the night, and 
 the Indians, taking the alarm, and flying to an adjacent 
 swamp were fired on by the detachment, when one 
 man and one woman were killed and two Indians made 
 prisoners. The detachment returned to fort Scott. 
 A day or two afterwards, as stated by Capt. M'ln- 
 tosh, who was of the party, about the same number of 
 troops paid a second visit to the same village, for the? 
 purpose of obtaining property. While loading their 
 wagons with corn, and collecting horses and cattle, 
 they were fired on by the Indians, and a skirmish en 
 sued, in which a small loss was sustained on both sides. 
 It was stated by Capt. Youug the typographical en 
 gineer, that this town contained 45 Indian Warriors^- 
 besides women and children. 
 
 From this time the war became more serious. The' 
 Indians in considerable numbers were embodied, and 
 open attack was made on fort Scott. Gen. Gaines 
 with about 600 regular soldiers, was confined to the* 
 garrison. In this state of things, information having- 
 been communicated to the War Department, Gen. 
 Jackson was ordered to take the field. He was put 
 in command of the regular and militia force, amount 
 ing to 1800 men, provided for that service ; and di 
 rected, if he should consider the force provided in-" 
 sufficient to beat the enemy (whose force was esti 
 mated by Gen. Gaines at 2800 strong) to call on the' 
 Governors of the adjoining states for such portions of 
 the militia as he might think requisite. On the re 
 ceipt of this order Gen. Jackson, instead of observing 
 the orders of the Department of War, by calling on' 
 the Governor of Tennessee, then in Nashville, near 
 the place of his residence, chose to appeal (to use his 
 own expressions) to the patriotism of the West Ten- 
 nesseans, who had served under him in the last war. 
 One thousand mounted gun-men, and two companies 
 of what were called life-guards, with the utmost alac- 
 
$23 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 rity, volunteered their services from the states of Ten 
 nessee and Kentucky, and repaired to his standard. 
 Officers were appointed to command this corps by the 
 General himself, or by other persons, acting under his 
 authority. Thus organized, they were mustered into 
 the service of the United States. 
 
 About the time Gen. Jackson was organizing this 
 detachment of volunteers, in the state of Tennessee, or 
 previous thereto, Gen. Gaines was likewise employed 
 in raising forces among the Creek Indians. There 
 was this difference in the two cases, Gen. Jackson 
 raised his army in disregard of positive orders ; Gen. 
 Gaines, without orders, took upon himself the author 
 ity of raising an army of at least 1600 Creek Indians, 
 appointing their officers, with a Brigadier General 
 at their head^ and likewise mustering this force into 
 the service of the United States. 
 
 It appears that Gen. Jackson advanced into Florida 
 with a force of 1800 men, composed of regulars, vol 
 unteers, and the Georgia militia ; and afterwards, on 
 the 1st day of April, was joined by Gen. iVPIntosh and 
 his Brigade of 1600 Indians, who had been previously 
 Organized by Gen. Gaines. Opposed to whom, it ap 
 pears, from the report of Capt Young, topographical 
 engineer and other evidence, the whole forces of the 
 fugitive Seminole Indians and runaway negroes, had 
 they all been embodied, could not have exceeded 900 
 or 1000 men, and at no time did half that number 
 present themselves to oppose his march. Of course 
 little or no resistance was made. 
 
 The Miskasmusky towns were first taken and 
 destroyed. The army marched upon St. Marks, a 
 feeble Spanish garrison, which surrendered without 
 firing a gun, and was then occupied as an American 
 post, the Spanish commandant having first by hum 
 ble entreaties, and then by a timid protest, endeav 
 oured to avert the measure. Here Alexander Ar- 
 burthnot was found, taken prisoner, and put in con- 
 ffnement, for the purpose, as it was stated by Gen. 
 Jackson, "of collecting evidence to establish his 
 
INDIAN WARS. 229 
 
 guilt ; and here also were taken two Indian chiefs, 
 one of whom pretended to possess the spirit of 
 prophecy ; they were hung without trial and with 
 out ceremony. Francis, who by the entreaties of 
 his daughter, was persuaded to spare the life of 
 IVPKrimmon, a captive, was the prophet above allud 
 ed to. 
 
 This being done, and St. Marks garrisoned with 
 American troops, the army pursued their march 
 eastward to Suwaney river on which they found a 
 large Indian village, which was consumed, and tHe 
 Indians and negroes were dispersed ; after which the 
 army returned to St. Marks, bringing with them 
 Robert C. Arnbrister, who had been taken prisoner 
 on their march to Suwaney. 
 
 During the halt of the army for a few days at St. 
 Marks, a general court martial was called ; Arburth- 
 not was arrainged, found guilty, sentenced to suffer 
 death and was hung. 
 
 Ambrister was tried in like manner, found guilty, 
 and sentenced to whipping and confinement. Gen. 
 Jackson annulled the sentence, and ordered him to be 
 shot, and this order was executed. 
 
 Without additional preliminary remarks we shall 
 now proceed to furnish our readers with such official 
 accounts of the commencement and progress of the 
 war with the Seminoles, as have been communicated 
 to government, by the commanding officers. 
 
 WAR DEPARTMENT TO MAJOR GENERAL GAINBS* 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM GEORGE GRAHAM, ACTING 
 SECRETARY OF WAR, TO GEN. GAINES, OCT. -30, 1817. 
 
 " I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of 
 your letter of the 1st. inst. covering a copy of the re 
 ply which was made by ten of the Seminole towns 5 
 to the demand made by you on them, for the surren 
 der of the murderers of some of our citizens. 
 
 u The papers have been submitted to the Presi- 
 dentj and I am instructed by him to inform you, that 
 30 
 
230 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 he approves of the movement of the troops from 
 fort Montgomery to fort Scott. The appearance of 
 this additional force, he flatters himself, will at least 
 have the effect of restraining the Seminoles from com 
 mitting further depredations, and perhaps of induc 
 ing them to make reparation for the murders which 
 they have committed. Should they, however, perse 
 vere in their refusal to make such reparation, it is 
 the wish of the President that you should not, on that 
 account, pass the line, and make an attack upon them 
 within the limits of Florida, until you shall have re 
 ceived further instructions from this Department. 
 You are authorized to remove the Indians still re 
 maining on the lands ceded by the treaty made by 
 Gen. Jackson with the Greeks ; and in doing so, it 
 may be proper to retain some of them as hostages, 
 until reparation may have been made for the depre 
 dations which have been committed. On this sub 
 ject, however, as well as the manner of removing 
 them, you will exercise your discretion. M'Intosh 
 and the other chiefs of the Creek nation, who were 
 here some time since, expressed then, deciedly, 
 their unwillingness to permit any of the hostile In 
 dians to return to their .nation. 
 
 " P. S. The authority to remove the Indians will, 
 of course not extend to those Indians and their fam 
 ilies, who have claims to reservations of land under 
 the treaty." 
 
 Copy of another letter from the same to the same, dated 
 December?, 1817. 
 
 Sir Your letter of the 9th ult. advising of the 
 call on the Governor of Georgia, to assemble the 
 auxiliary force, which had been previously required 
 by you at fort Hawkins, on the t>th ultimo, has been 
 received. 
 
 " It is hoped that the letter addressed to you from 
 this department on the 30th October, will have been 
 received ; and that you will confine your operations 
 
WARS. 
 
 to the objects stated in that communication, and to 
 such a disposition of the rugular force under your 
 command as will deter the Seminole Indians from 
 making further depredations on the frontiers of 
 Georgia. 
 
 " The state of our negotiation with Spain, and the 
 temper manifested by the principal European powers, 
 make it impolitic, in the opinion of the President, to 
 move a force at this time into the Spanish posses 
 sions, for the mere purpose of chastising the Semi- 
 noles for depredations which have heretofore been 
 committed by them." 
 
 GEN. E. P. GAINES, TO THE WAR DEPARTMENT. 
 
 < ( Head-Quarters, Fort Scott, Dec. 1. 1817. 
 
 "Sir I had the honour to receive, on the 26th 
 ultimo, your communication of the 30th October. I 
 am very happy to find that the President approves of 
 my movement, but I much regret that his just expec 
 tations, as to the effect there was reason to be 
 lieve would be produced on the minds of the Indians 
 by this movement, have not been realized. I am 
 now quite convinced that the hostility of these In 
 dians is, and has long since been of so deep a charac 
 ter as to leave no ground to calculate upon tranquillity, 
 or the future security of our frontier settlements, until 
 the towns south and east of this place shall receive 
 a signal proof of our ability and willingness to retal 
 iate for every outrage. It is now my painful duty to 
 report an affair of a more serious nature than has 
 heretofore occurred, and which leaves no doubt of 
 the necessity of an immediate application of force, 
 and active measures on our part. A large party of 
 Seminole Indians, on the 30th ult. formed an ambus 
 cade upon the Appalochicola river, a mile below the 
 junction ,of the Flint and Chatahooehie, attacked one 
 of our boats ascending near the shore, and killed, 
 wounded and took the greater part of the detach- 
 
232 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 ment consisting of 40 men, commanded by Lieut, R. 
 W. Scott, of the 7th infantry. There were also on 
 board, killed or taken, 7 women, the wives of soldiers. 
 Six men' of the detachment only escaped, four of 
 whom were wounded. They report that the strength 
 of the current at that point of attack had obliged the 
 Lieutenant to keep his boat near the shore ; that the 
 Indians had formed along the bank of the river, and 
 were not discovered until their fire had commenced ; 
 in the first volley of which Lieut. Scott and his most 
 valuable men fell. 
 
 " The Lieutenant and his party had been sent 
 from this place, some days before, to assist Major 
 Muhlenberg in ascending the river with three vessels 
 laden with military stores, brought from Montgomery 
 and Mobile. The Major, instead of retaining the 
 party to assist him, as I had advised, retained only 
 about 20 men, and in their place put a like number 
 of sick, with the women and regimental clothing. 
 The boat, thus laden, was detached alone for this 
 place. It is due to Major Muhlenberg, to observe, that 
 at the time he detached the boat, I have reason to be 
 lieve he was not apprized of any recent hostilities 
 having taken place in this quarter. It appears, how 
 ever, from Lieutenant Scott's letter received about 
 the hour in which he was attacked, that he had been 
 warned of the danger. Upon the receipt of this let 
 ter I had two boats fitted out with covers avid port 
 holes, for defence, and detached Capt. Clinch with 
 an officer and 40 men with an order to secure the 
 movement of Lieut. Scott, and then to assist Major 
 Muhlenberg. 
 
 " The detachment embarked late in the evening of 
 the 30th, and must have passed the scene of action 
 below at night, and some hours after the affair ter 
 minated. I have not yet heard from Capt. Clinch 
 under Major Muhlenberg with another boat, secured 
 against the enemy's fire. He will, therefore, move 
 up with safety, keeping near the middle of the river. 
 J shall moreover take a position, with my principal 
 
INDIAN WARS. 233 
 
 force, at the junction of the river, near the line, and 
 shall attack any vessel that may attempt to intercept 
 our vessel and supplies below, as I feel persuaded 
 the order of the President prohibiting an attack up 
 on the Indians below the line, has reference to the 
 past and not to the present or future outrages, such 
 as shall place our troops strictly within the pale of 
 natural law, where self-defence is sanctioned by the 
 privilege of self-preservation. The wounded men 
 who made their escape, concur in their opinion, that 
 they had seen upwards of 500 hostile Indian warriors 
 at different places below the point ; of the force en* 
 gaged, they differ in opinion, but all agree that the 
 number was very considerable, extending about 150 
 yards along the shore, in the edge of a swamp or 
 thick woods. I am assured by the friendly chiefs, 
 that the hostile warriors of every town upon the 
 Chatahoochie prepared canoes, and pushed off down 
 the river to join the Seminoles, as soon as the ac 
 count of my movement from the Alabama reached 
 them. 
 
 " The Indians now remaining upon the Chatahoo- 
 chie, I have reason to believe, are well disposed. 
 One of the new settlers, however, has recently been 
 killed, but it has been clearly proved, that the mur 
 derer had belonged to the hostile party. The 
 friendly chiefs in the neighborhood, when apprised 
 of the murder, assembled a party, and sent in pursuit 
 of the offender, and followed him to Flint river on the 
 route to Mickasukee, whither he escaped. Onishajo 
 and several other friendly chiefs, have offered me 
 their services, with their warriors, to go against the 
 Seminoles. I have promised to give them notice of 
 the time that may be fixed for my departure, and 
 then to accept their services. The enclosure No. 1, 
 contains the substance of what I have said to the 
 chiefs who have visited me, several of whom reside 
 south of the Spanish line, and west of Appalachicola 
 river. It was expected by the chiefs that I should 
 communicate to them my views and wishes. I felt 
 
334 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 authorised to say but little, and, I deemed it necessa 
 ry in what I should say to endeavor to counteract the 
 erroneous impressions by which they have been mis 
 led by pretended British agents. 
 
 " I hope the President will see, in what I have said, 
 nothing to disapprove. I feel persuaded a report of 
 the various talks which I received from the chiefs, 
 would show the propriety of what I have said to 
 them. Such a report I have not a moments time now 
 to make. The Indians are at this moment firing at 
 our camp from the opposite side of the river. 
 
 "I have the honor to be, most respectfully, your 
 most obedient humble servant. 
 
 EDMUND P. GA1NES. 
 
 11 Major Gen. by Brevet commanding. 
 ' To the Hon. Secretary of War, Washington City. 
 
 No. 1. (Enclosed in the above.) 
 "Chiefs and warriors The President of the 
 "United States has been informed of the murders and 
 thefts committed by the hostile Indians, who have 
 been required to deliver up the murderers of our 
 citizens, and the stolen property ; but they refused 
 to deliver either. They have had a council at 
 'Mickasukee, in which they have determined upon 
 war. They have been at war against helpless wo 
 men and children, let them now calculate upon fight 
 ing men. We have long known that we had enemies 
 east of the river ; we likewise know we have some 
 friends; but they are so mixed together that we 
 .cannot always distinguish the one from the other. 
 The President wishes to do justice to his red friends 
 and to separate the bad from the good. Those who 
 have taken up arms against him, and such as have 
 listened to the bad talks of the people beyond the sea, 
 must go to Mickousukee, or Suwaney, where we wish 
 to find them together. But all those who were our 
 friends in the war will sit at their homes in peace. 
 We will pay them for what meat they have to sell 
 us. We will be their friends, and when they arc 
 
INDIAN WAttS. 233 
 
 hungry we will give them meat. The hostile party 
 pretend to calculate upon help from the Britisli ; 
 they may as well look for soldiers from the moon to 
 help them. Their warriors were beaten, and driven 
 from our country by American troops. The English 
 are not able to help themselves ; how then should 
 they help the old " Red Sticks," whom they have 
 joined by pretended friendship." 
 
 Extract of a letter from the same to the same, dated Head Q,uar. 
 ters Fort Hawkins, Dec. 16, 1817. 
 
 Sir I arrived at this place the day before yester 
 day morning. In the afternoon of the same day I 
 received the detachment of Georgia militia, under 
 the command of Brigadier General Glascock. They 
 look well, and are ready to march ; but the inatten 
 tion on the part of the contractor's agent to the 
 requisitions for a supply of rations, will, I apprehend, 
 according to custom, delay the movement of the mili 
 tia, until some part of the frontier settlements suffer 
 by the Indians, who I have no doubt, will detach 
 considerable parties, for this purpose, as soon as they 
 find themselves unable to succeed in any attempt 
 against the regular troops at fort Scott ; and I think 
 it cannot be long before they are convinced of this. 
 But although I consider the regular troops secure in 
 the situation they occupy, yet I am satisfied their 
 numbers will not warrant their being detached, or 
 leaving their places of defence, except to a very small 
 extent. 
 
 "I have just now received Mr Graham's letter of 
 the 2d insU The views of the President, so far as 
 may depend on me, shall be scrupulously observed. 
 I should instantly discharge the Georgia militia, were 
 I not strongly impressed with a belief that such a 
 step would hazzard the safety of the frontier settle 
 ments. The Seminole Indians, however strange and 
 absurd it may appear to those who understand little 
 of their real character and extreme ignorance, enter- 
 
236 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 tain a notion that they cannot be beaten by our troops. 
 They confidently assert, that we have never beaten 
 them, or any of their people, except when we have 
 been assisted by the " red people." 
 
 " This will appear the less extraordinary, when it 
 is recollected that they have little or no means of 
 knowing the strength and resources of our country ; 
 they have not travelled through it ; they read nei 
 ther books nor newspapers, nor have they oppor 
 tunities of conversing with persons able to inform 
 them. 
 
 " I feel warranted, from all I know of the savages, 
 in saying, they do not believe we can beat them. 
 
 " This error of theirs has led them from time to 
 time, for many years past, to massacre our frontier 
 citizens, often the unoffending and helpless mother 
 and babes. I felt myself fully authorised to adopt 
 the only measures which long experience has proved 
 to be fully adequate, to put a stop to these outrages. 
 I was pleased with the prospect of being instru 
 mental in effecting an object of so much importance 
 to our exposed frontier settlements, and which I felt 
 and still feel pursuaded, would in the end benefit the 
 Indians. 
 
 14 The steps I have taken are known to the depart 
 ment of war. You can more readily conceive, than 
 1 describe, the mortification and disappointment I 
 have experienced in being compelled to suspend or 
 abandon my measures, at a moment when the loss of 
 Lieut. Scott and his party had given the enemy an 
 occasion for triumph, and a certain prospect of in 
 creasing his strength, by enlisting against us all who 
 had before wavered or hesitated. 
 
 44 Permit me then to repeat my request that I may 
 be permitted to return. 
 
 44 There is little reason to apprehend that we shall 
 find it necessary to follow the Indians beyond the na 
 tional boundary. They are now to be found in very 
 considerable parties on our side of the line. 
 
INDIAN WARS. 237 
 
 " I have not a doubt of the necessity of sending to 
 Flint river, by way of Hartford, the detachment of 
 militia under Gen. Glascock. 
 
 6i My endeavours to put the detachment in motion 
 will delay my own movement until the 7th inst. at 
 which time I shall resume my march to Point Peter. 
 
 " An opinion prevails among the well informed of 
 this part of the country (who have by some means 
 unknown to me been advised of our intention to take 
 Amelia island) that our troops there will meet with 
 no opposition. Should this be the case, I shall return 
 to fort Scott without delay. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 "EDMUND P. GATNES, Maj. Gen. Comd, 
 " Hon. J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War." 
 
 Copy of a letter from J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of war, to Gen. 
 Gaines, dated Dec. 16, 1817. 
 
 "Sir On the receipt of this letter, should the 
 Seminole Indians still refuse to make reparations for 
 their outrages and depredations on the citizens of the 
 United States, it is the wish of the President, that 
 you consider yourself at liberty to march across the 
 Florida line, and to attack them within its limits, 
 should it be found necessary, unless they should shel 
 ter themselves under a Spanish fort. In the last event, 
 you will immediately notify this department. 
 
 " I have, &,c. &/c. 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM THE SECRETARY 
 
 OF WAR, TO (5EN. JACKSON, DATED 
 
 " Department of War, Dec. 26, 1817. 
 
 " Sir You will repair with as little delay as prac 
 ticable, to fort Scott, and assume the immediate com 
 mand of the forces in that section of the southern 
 division. 
 
 " The increasing display of hostile intentions by the 
 Seminole Indians may render it necessary to concen 
 trate all the contiguous and disposable force of your 
 31 
 
338 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 division, upon that quarter. The regular force now 
 there is about 800 strong, and 1000 militia of the state 
 of Georgia are called into service. Gen. Gaines esti 
 mates the strength of the Indians at 2700.' Should 
 you be of opinion that our numbers are too small to 
 beat the enemy, you will call on the executives of the 
 adjacent states for such an additional militia force as 
 you may deem requisite. 
 
 Gen. Gaines had been ordered early in last month 
 to repair to Amelia island. It is presumed that he 
 has, therefore,relinquished the command at fort Scott. 
 Subsequent orders have been given to Gen. Gaines, 
 (copies of which will be furnished you,) advising him 
 that you would be directed to take command, and di 
 recting him to re-assume, should he deem the public 
 interest to require it, the command at foit Scott, un 
 til you should arrive there. If, however, the genera- 
 should have progressed to Florida, before the subsel 
 quent orders may have reached him, he was instruct 
 ed to penetrate to the Seminole towns, through the 
 Floridas, provided the s rength of his command at 
 Amelia would justify his engaging in offensive oper 
 ations. 
 
 " With this view, you may be prepared to concen 
 trate your forces and to adopt the necessary meas 
 ures, to terminate a conflict, which it has been the 
 desire of the President, from considerations of human 
 ity; to avoid, but which is now made necessary by 
 their settled hostility. 
 
 " With great respect, &c. J. C. CALHOUN. 
 
 ' Maj. Gen. Andrew Jackson, comdg. southern division." 
 
 MAJ. GEN. JACKSON TO THE WAR DEPARTMENT. 
 
 " H. Q. Division of the South, Nashville, Jan. 20, 1818. 
 
 Sir In a communication to you of the 12th inst. 
 I acknowledged the receipt of your order of the 20th 
 ult. and advised you of the appeal I had made to the 
 patriotism of the West Tennesseeans. Yesterday the 
 officers who had so gallantly headed the Tennessee 
 mounted volunteers during the Creek campaigns, met 
 
ItfDIAH WARS. 339 
 
 me at this place, and gave every assurance of their 
 ability to assemble two regiments of mounted gun 
 men, by the 31st inst. at any designated point within 
 the western part of the state. I have ordered them 
 to rendezvous at Fayetville, and as many as may ap 
 pear on the 31st inst. or the first of February, to be 
 mustered and received into service for six months, 
 (if not sooner discharged,) by my Inspector General. 
 The contractor has instructions to issue to these 
 troops 20 days rations and every measure has been 
 adopted to facilitate their march, via Fort Jackson, by 
 the most direct practicable route to fort Scott. These 
 troops will be well supplied as far as fort Jackson, 
 and there the necessary provisions may be obtained, 
 and packed to answer their immediate wants until 
 they are intercepted by supplies from below. Maj; 
 Fanning has been despacthed to fort Hawkins, to 
 purchase and forward on these supplies to the most 
 convenient point of interception. 
 
 With respect, &c. 
 
 "ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. Gen. com." 
 " Hon. J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War." 
 
 SECRETARY OF WAR TO GEN. JACKSON, 
 
 Extracts of a letter from J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, to 
 Maj. Gen. Andrew Jackson, dated 
 
 January 24, 1S1B. 
 
 " Your letters of the 12th and 13th inst are re 
 ceived. The measures you have taken to bring an 
 efficient force into the field, are approbated ; and 
 a confident hope is entertained, , that a speedy and 
 successful termination of the Indian war -will follow 
 your exertions." 
 
 Extract of a letter from J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of war, to Maj. 
 Gen. Andrew Jackson, dated 
 
 " Department of War, Feb. 6, 1818. 
 
 " I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of 
 your letter of the 20th ult. and .to acquaint you with 
 
 
246) INDIAN WABS. 
 
 the entire approbation of Jthe President, of all f the 
 measures which you have adopted to terminate the 
 rupture with the Indians. The honour of our arms, 
 as well as the interest of our country, requires that it 
 should be as speedily terminated as practicable ; and 
 the confidence reposed in your skill and promptitude 
 assures us that peace will be restored on such condi 
 tions as will make it honourable and permanent." 
 
 GEN. JACKSON TO THE SECRETARY OF' WAR. 
 
 u Fort Gadsden, east bank of the Appalachicola > 
 river, formerly Negro fort, March 20, 1818. $ 
 
 "Sir At 7 o'clock, P. M. on the 9th inst. I reach 
 ed fort Scott, with the brigade of Georgia militia, 
 900 bayonets strong, and some of the friendly Creeks 
 who had joined me on my march a few days before, 
 where finding but one quart of corn per man, and a 
 few poor cattle, which added to the live pork I 
 brought with me, would give us three days rations of 
 meat,. determined me at once to use this small sup 
 ply to the best advantage. Accordingly, having been 
 advised by Col. Gibson, Quarter-Master-Genera], 
 that he would sail from IMew-Orleans on the 12th of 
 February, with supplies ; and being also advised that 
 two sloopG with provisions were in the bay, and an 
 officer had been despatched from fort Scott in a large 
 keel boat to bring up a part of their loading, and 
 deeming that the preservation of the supplies would 
 be to preserve the army, and enable me to prosecute 
 the campaign, I assumed the command on the morn 
 ing of the 10th, ordered the live stock to be slaugh 
 tered and issued to the troops, with one quart of corn 
 to each man, and the line of march to be taken up 
 at 12 meridian. Having to cross the Flint river, 
 which was very high, combined with some neglect in 
 returning the boats during a very dark night, I was 
 unable to move from the opposite bank until 8 o'clock 
 on the morning of the llth, when I took up my line 
 
 
INDIAN WARS. 24sl 
 
 i 
 
 of march down the east bank of the river for this 
 place, touching the river as often as practical)! 1 , look 
 ing for the provision boat which was ascending, and 
 which I was fortunate enough to meet on the 13th, 
 when I ordered an extra ration to the troops, they 
 not having received a full one of meal or flour since 
 their arrival at fort Early. 
 
 "On that day my patroles captured three prisoners 
 and found some hidden corn. On the morning of the 
 14th I ordered the boat down the river to this place, 
 whilst I descended by land, and reached here with 
 out interruption on the 16th. The eligibility of this 
 spot as a depot determined me, and I immediately 
 directed my aid de-camp, Lieut. Gadsden, of the en 
 gineer corps, to furnish a plan for, and superintend 
 the erection of a fortification. His talents and inde 
 fatigable zeal displayed in the execution of this order, 
 induced me to name it fort Gadsden ; to which he is 
 justly entitled. 
 
 " From information received from Pensacola and 
 New-Orleans, I have no doubt but that St. Marks is 
 in possession of the Indians. The governor of Pen 
 sacola informed Capt. Call, of the 1st infantry, (now 
 here) that the Indians had demanded arms, ammuni 
 tion and provisions, or the possession of the garrison 
 of St. Marks of the commandant, and that he presumed 
 possession would be given from inability to defend it. 
 The Spanish government is bound by treaty to keep 
 the indians at peace with us. They have acknowl 
 edged their incompetency to do this, and are conse 
 quently bound by the law of nations to yield us all 
 facilities to reduce them. Under this consideration, 
 should I be able, I shall take possession of the gar 
 rison as a depot for my supplies, should it be found 
 in the hands of the Spaniards, they having supplied 
 the Indians; but if in the hands of the enemy, 1 will 
 possess it for the benefit of the United States, as a 
 necessary position for me to hold, to give peace and 
 security to this frontier, and put a final end to Indian 
 warfare in the south. 
 
242 UTDIAB WARS. 
 
 "Finding it very difficult to supply for" 
 on the Caneucho, by land, I have ordered the sup 
 plies for that garrison by water, and written to the 
 governor of Pensacola, that if ho interrupts them 
 during the present Indian war, I shall view it as aid 
 ing our eoerny, and treat it as an act of hostility, and 
 stated to him the propriety under existiii^ circum 
 stances of his affording all facilities to put clown their 
 own as well as our enemies, and that our government, 
 while negotiating can take the subject under consid 
 eration, but, in the meantime, our provisions must 
 pass to fort Crawford by water without interruption. 
 
 " In mine, of the 26th ultimo, from fi.rt Karly, I 
 stated that despatches, received by Gen. Gaines on 
 the 19th inst. from the commanding officer at fort 
 Scott, induced him to set out that nigh for fort Scott 
 to prevent its abandonment, &c. In his passage clown 
 the Flint river he was shipwrecked, by which he lost 
 his assistant adjutant-general, Major C. \N right, and 
 two soldiers drowned. The General reached me 
 six days after, nearly exhausted by hunger and cold, 
 having lost his baggage and clothing and being com 
 pelled to wander in the woods four and a half days 
 without any thing to subsist on, or any clothing ex 
 cept a pair of pantaloons. I am happy to have it in 
 my power to say, that he is now with me at the head 
 of his brigade in good health. 
 
 "ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. Gen. comd'g. 
 
 < C P. S. General M'Intosh, commanding the friendly 
 Creeks, who had been ordered to reconnoitre the 
 right bank of the Appalachicola, reported to me on 
 the 19th, that he had captured, without the fire of a 
 gun, 190 women and children, and 53 warriors of 
 the Ked Ground Chief's party, with their cattle and 
 supplies. The chief and 20 warriors made their es 
 cape on horseback. Ten of the warriors, attempting 
 to escape alter they had surrendered, were killed by 
 the general. A. J." 
 
IKDIA5 WARS. 243 
 
 ADJUTANT GEN. BUTLER TO THE SEC. OF WAR. 
 
 14 Head-Quarters, Division of the South, } 
 Adjutant G neral's Office. F - (j-dsden, > 
 Appalchicjla river, Ma/ 3, 1218. J 
 
 4 * Sir I have the honour to report, that the army 
 under the immediate command of Maj. Gen. Andrew 
 Jackson, took up the line of march on tie 26th day 
 of March last, with eight days rations, and lay in ad*- 
 vance of this post about six miles on the 29th, at 
 Ochloehaway river, when 19 canoes were made, and 
 the principal part of the army crossed by 8 o'clock, 
 P. Si. Major Twiggs was detached with one com 
 pany and about 200 warriors, with orders to advance 
 on an Indian village called Tallahasse, and surprise it 
 at day-break. On his near approach he dispatched 
 a party to ascertain its situation, who reported it 
 evacuated some days before. On the morning of the 
 31st he entered the village, having previously sent 
 out parties to reconnoitre : two of the enemy were 
 made prisoners, one of whom made his escape from 
 the Indians before he was brought into camp. The 
 army passed the village about 12 o'clock, and en 
 camped near Mickausky, when intelligence was re 
 ceived of the approach of a detachment of mounted 
 volunteers, from Tennessee, under the command of 
 Lieut. Col. Elliot, near 400 strong. On the morning 
 of the 1st of April, the army formed and halted until 
 their arrival, when they were ordered to form the 
 advance of each flank, with Captains Russell and 
 Evan ? s companies as spies, with Captain John Gor 
 don. The army now advanced within one mile and 
 a half of Kinghajah town, when a number of Indians 
 were discovered bearding cattle in the margin of a 
 large pocd. The General ordered the right and 
 left columns to advance, with a view of cutting off 
 their retreat, and the same time instructed the ad 
 vance light company under Major Muhlenberg, the 
 guard, Major Nicks', together with small companies 
 composing his life guard, under Captains Dunlap 
 
544 INDIAN WAR*. 
 
 and Crittenden to advance in support of the spies, in 
 the event of a general engagement. The spy com 
 panies commenced the attack, and a brisk running 
 fire was kept up on both sides for some minutes, 
 when the enemy divided, the spy companies pursuing 
 those on the right, and Lieut. Col. Elliot, having 
 turned their flank, became generally engaged, and 
 bore them over to the left column, under the command 
 of Lieut. Col. Mitchell, within half gun-shot of each 
 other, when they were assailed by both flanks and 
 would all have fallen, had not the volunteers taken 
 up the impression (from the similiarity of dress) that 
 some of the friendly warriors had reached in pursuit 
 of the enemy, which occasioned the firing to cease 
 for a short time, when a number made good their 
 retreat into the swamp Captain Critttenden's com 
 pany being on horse back, was unable to reach 
 the head of Lieut Col. Elliot's column, when they 
 dismounted and operated against the enemy. Major 
 Muhlenburg's company, the advance guard and Cap 
 tain Dunlap's company, being on foot was not able 
 to reach the scene of action in time. The right col 
 umn of Georgia militia on nearing the pond filed 
 round it, and Col. King, with his regiment, was 
 ordered to advance through it to support the column 
 of horse, should it be found necessary ; which was 
 executed by the Colonel with great promptitude. 
 The conduct of the officers and soldiers engaged on 
 this occasion, was in ovory respect praiseworthy. 
 Our loss was one man of Captain Andrew's company 
 killed, and four of Capt. Evan's company of Ten 
 nessee volunteers wounded. The reports give 15 
 killed and several wounded of the enemy, and four 
 women prisoners, from whom we learned that 300 
 warriors had advanced from the town to aid those 
 engaged, and on seeing the advance of an army, fled 
 precipitately. The army now advanced upon thr 
 town which was found deserted ; and on reaching the 
 square discovered a red pole planted at the council 
 house, on which was suspended about 50 fresh scalps 
 taken from the heads of extreme age, down to the 
 
INDIAN WARS. 
 
 tender infant, of both sexes, and in an adjacent house, 
 those of near 300 men, which bore the appearance of 
 having been the barbarous trophies of settled hostility 
 for three or four years past. 
 
 u The army continued the pursuit to a large pond 
 of water, which is eight mile in length, varying in 
 width from 600 to 4000 yards, and from two to five 
 feet deep ; through which the army passed, when 
 the approach of night induced the commanding gen^ 
 eral to draw off his troops. On the succeeding 
 morning brevet Maj. Gen. E. P. Gaines, with a large 
 command, was ordered to pass the lake or pond, and 
 attack the other towns ; but which he found aban 
 doned by the enemy. The red pole was again found 
 planted in the square of Fowl Town, barbarously 
 decorated with human scalps, of both sexes, taken 
 within the last six months from the heads of our un 
 fortunate citizens. Gen. M'Intosh, who was with 
 Gen. Gaines, routed a small party of savages near 
 Fowl Town, killed one negro and took three prison 
 ers, on one of whom was found the coat of James 
 Champion, of C'apt. Cumming's company, 4th regi 
 ment of infantry, who was killed by the Indians on 
 board of one of our boats descending the river to the 
 relief of Major Muhlenberg ; this coat with nearly all 
 Capt. Cumming's company's clothing was lost on 
 board of Lieut. Scott's boat when he and his party 
 were massacred on the 30th of November last. The 
 pocket book of Mr Leigh, who was murdered at 
 Ceder Creek on the 21st January last, was found in 
 Kinghajah's town, containing several letters address 
 ed to the deceased., and one to General Glascock. 
 About 1000 head of cattle fell into our hands, many 
 of which were recognized by the Georgia militia, as 
 having brands and marks of their citizens. Near 
 3000 bushels of corn were found, with other articles 
 useful to the army. Upwards of 300 houses were 
 consumed, leaving a tract of fertile country in ruin ; 
 where these wretches might have lived in plenty, 
 but for the vile machinations of foreign traders, if not 
 32 
 
246 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 agents. The army remained at this point until the 
 morning of the 5th, when the march was resumed 
 for St. Marks, before which it arrived on the evening 
 of the 6th ; and, after communicating with the com 
 manding officer, took possession of that fortress on 
 the following morning, Capt. M'Keever of the navy, 
 having sailed for St. Marks with some vessels con 
 taining supplies for the army, was fortunate enough 
 to entice on board his vessel in the river, Francis 
 or Hillishajo, and Homathlamico, hostile chiefs of the 
 Creek nation, and whose settled hostility have been 
 severely felt by our citizens. The commanding Gen 
 eral had them brought on shore, and ordered them to 
 be hung, as an example to deter others from exciting 
 these deluded wretches to future scenes of butchery. 
 A man by the name of A. Arbuthnot was also taken 
 on the arrival of the army, and placed in close con 
 finement. 
 
 " The troops having again received eight days 
 rations, and a garrison detached for fort St. Marks, 
 the army marched on c *e 9th of April, destined for 
 Suwaney. On the morning of the 12th the officer of 
 the day reported, that the sentinels had heard the 
 lowing of cattle and barking of dogs during the night ; 
 from which the General was induced to send a runner 
 to General M'Intosh, who encamped a short distance 
 in the rear of the army, with instructions to have the 
 country examined. In the mean time, the army mov 
 ed slowly in advance. General M'Intosh despatched 
 Major Kanard, with a party, who returned to him a 
 runner, reporting the discovery of a hostile party too 
 strong for his little band of warriors. M'Intosh 
 moved against them with his whole force, and a small 
 detachment of different companies of the Tennessee 
 volunteers, under Colonels Dyer and Williamson, 
 (they havi-ng joined the army on the evening of the 
 10th) and, on hearing the report of Major Kanard, 
 formed themselves into a company under Captain 
 Bell, who was with them, and moved to attack the 
 enemy, whom they found near a large swamp, en- 
 
INDIAN WARS. 347 
 
 deavouring to move off. A spirited engagement en 
 sued, which resulted in the death of 37, and 6 men 
 and ,98 women and children prisoners ; and our loss 
 three killed and four wounded of the friendly Indians. 
 The only woman out of seven, whose life was spared 
 at the massacre of Lieut. Scott, was here re-captured 
 by Major Kanard. Gen. M'Intosh individually kill 
 ed three of the enemy and captured one. The little 
 band of Tennessee volunteers acted on this occasion 
 as becomes their character. At the commencement 
 of the action the army was halted, and a runner des 
 patched to inform Gen. M'Intosh that any aid he 
 might deem necessary would be afforded, and that 
 the army would remain until his arrival, which was 
 not until we encamped for the night 
 
 " The enemy abandoned a number of horses, hogs, 
 corn, and about 600 head of cattle. The army mov 
 ed on the morning of the 13th, and on the succeed 
 ing day our spies surprised a camp, consisting of two 
 men, a woman and two children. Oe of the men 
 was killed ; the others, with a small boy, slightly 
 wounded ; and the woman unfortunately, not being 
 distinguished in the swamp received a:\vound, of which 
 she died. 
 
 "At 3 o'clock, P. M. on the 9th, the army arrived 
 .at a large pond, within 6 miles of Bowlegs 5 town, 
 on Suwaney river, where a few Indians, well 
 mounted, discovered our advance. An attempt was 
 made to overtake them ; but the enfeebled state of 
 our horses rendered it impracticable. Under these 
 circumstances, the General deemed it advisable to 
 make the town by a forced march, not allowing the 
 .enemy time to cross the river, and destroy their sup 
 plies. The manner of attack having been previously 
 arranged, the army moved rapidly, until arriving near 
 a thick wood which flanks the town, when the troops 
 changed position, conformably to previous orders, 
 and moved forward. The left fiank, composed of 
 Col. Williamson's regiment of Tennessee volunteers, 
 at the head of which a force of Indians warriors 
 
&4S INDIAN WARS. 
 
 under Col. Kanard, soon came in contact with and 
 warmly engaged the Indians and negroes, whilst 
 the right flank, composed of Col. Dyer's regiment of 
 Tennessee volunteers, with a like force of warriors 
 under Gen. M'Intosh, advanced near the river, to 
 prevent the enemy from crossing. The centre 
 advanced in excellent order, and under the expecta 
 tions of having to combat with the strength of these 
 towns, and the fugitives from Mickausky ; but on 
 reaching Bowlegs 9 Town found it abandoned. The 
 left flank, from the nature of the ground they had to 
 traverse, and Col. Kanard not adhering to the route 
 designated, drove the Indians and negroes, about 300, 
 into the river, before the right flank could occupy the 
 desired position. 
 
 " The reports give 11 killed and 3 prisoners on the 
 field, and it is believed many were killed and drown 
 ed in swimming the river, it being nearly 300 yards 
 wide. Col. Kanard had 13 wounded, one dangerous 
 ly. About 2,700 bushels of corn were obtained in the 
 towns and neighbouring swamps, and nearly 90 head 
 of cattle and a number of horses. Our sentinels on 
 the night of the 17th, took prisoners two white men 
 f Ambrister and Cook) and one negro, who had just 
 returned from Arbuthnot's vessel at the mouth of 
 Suwaney. From the latter we obtained a letter 
 written by A. Arbuthnot to his son, in which he enu 
 merates the army of the U. States, under the Gener 
 al's command, and requests him to inform his friend 
 Bowlegs, that resistance would be fruitless against 
 such an overwhelming force, and to make over the 
 river with all despatch ; admonishing his SOB, at the 
 same time to remove and secrete every thing that 
 could be removed. From Cook we learned, that 
 this was read to the negroes and Indians, when they 
 immediately commenced crossing their families, and 
 had just finished as we entered their towns. Upwards 
 of 300 houses were here consumed, the most of which 
 were well built, and somewhat regular, extending 
 .near three miles up the riv^er. On the morning of 
 
INDIAN WARS. 249 
 
 ths 18th Gen. Gaincs was ordered, with a select com 
 mand, and a number of warriors under Gen. M'Inlosh 
 to cross the Suwaney river, in pursuit of the enemy, 
 but found, on advancing about 6 miles, that they 
 were dispersed in every direction, from the numerous 
 trails, and too far advanced to overtake them, his com 
 mand being short of supplies. 
 
 u A detachment of warriors having advanced some 
 distance, fell in with a small party of the enemy, killed 
 three warriors, took some women and children, and 
 negroes. On the same morning Lieut. James Gads- 
 den, Aid-de-Camp to the commanding General, de 
 scended the Suwaney river to its mouth with Cpatain 
 Dunlap's and a few of Capt. Crittenden's companies 
 of the life-guard and a small detachment of the regu 
 lars, and captured without difficulty the schooner of 
 A. Arbuthnot, which had brought supplies of powder 
 and lead to the Indians and negroes, settled at Suwa 
 ney. This vessel afforded the means of transporting 
 our sick back to St. Marks. 
 
 On the evening of the 20th, Gen. Glascock was 
 ordered at his request, to march his brigade by 
 Mickausky to Hartford, in Georgia, and Captain Bell 
 ordered to muster those out of service, and the army 
 moved about three quarters of a mile preparatory to 
 its return. On the 20th Gen. M'Intosh was order 
 ed to proceed direct to fort Scott on Flint river, and 
 order furnished him to the commanding officer to mus 
 ter his warriors out of service. 
 
 " The army reached fort St. Marks on the 25th, 
 having marched 2S miles on that day ; and we were 
 agreeably surprised in finding that Lieut. Gadsden 
 had arrived in safety that evening, from the mouth of 
 the Suwaney. On the 26th a special court was or 
 dered, for the trial of A. Arbuthnot and Robert C. 
 Ambrister, which court, on the documents and evi 
 dence adduced, sentenced the first to be hung, and 
 the latter to be shot. They were accordingly exe 
 cuted on the morning of the 29th. The army moved 
 and encamped in the evening of the 28th, and arrived 
 
250 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 at fort Gadsden on the 2d inst. The General having 
 previously detached a garrison of 200 men, under the 
 command of brevet Major Fanning, to occupy fort 
 St. Marks. I have only to add, that this army has 
 borne hardships and privations to a great extent, in a 
 manner becoming soldiers and citizens of a nation 
 proud of their liberties. 
 
 " And have the honor to be, very respectfully, your 
 most obedient servant. 
 
 ROBERT BUTLER, Adj. Gen. 
 
 BRIG. GEN. DANIEL PARKER, Adj. and IflSp. Gen. 
 
 General Jackson in a letter to the Secretary of 
 War, stating his reasons for having demanded from 
 /the Spanish Commandant the surrender of fort St. 
 Marks, concludes thus ; * c It could not be maintained 
 by the Spanish force garrisoning it. The Indians 
 .and negroes viewed it as an asylum if driven from 
 the towns, and were preparing to occupy it, in this 
 event. It wag necessary to anticipate their move 
 ments, independent of the position being deemed 
 -essential as a depot on which the success. of my fu 
 ture opperations measurably depended. In the spirit 
 of friendship I, therefore, ^demanded its surrender 
 to the army of the United States until the close of 
 the Seminole war. The Spanish commandant re 
 quired time to reflect : it was granted ; and a negoti 
 ation ensued, and an effort was made to protract it to 
 an unwarrantable length. In the conversation be 
 tween my Aid-de-carnp, Lieut. Gadsden, and the 
 Spanish commandant, circumstances transpired con 
 vincing him of a disposition to favor the Indians, and 
 having taken an active part in aiding and abetting 
 them in this war. I hesitated, therefore, no longer ; 
 and, as I could not be received in friendship, I enter 
 ed the fort by violence. Two light companies of the 
 7th regiment of infantry, arid one of the 4th, under the 
 command of Major Twiggs, were ordered to advance,, 
 lower the Spanish colors and hoist the star-spangled 
 banner on the ramparts ef fort St. Marks. The 
 
INDIAN WARS. 251 
 
 order was executed promptly. No resistance 
 attempted on the part of the Spanish garrison, 
 
 "In fort St Marks aninmate in the family of the* 
 Spanish commandant, an Englishman, by the name 
 of Arbuthnot was found. Unable satisfactorily to ex 
 plain the object of his visiting this country, and there- 
 being a combination of circumstances to justify a sus 
 picion that his views were not honest, he was order 
 ed into close confinement. On the capture of his 
 schooner near the mouth of Suwaney river by my 
 Aid-de-camp, Lieut. Gadsden, papers were found on 
 board unveiling his corrupt transations, as well as 
 those of Captain Ambrister, late of the British colo 
 nial marine corps, taken as a prisoner near Bowlegs r 
 town. These individuals were tried under my orders j 
 by a special court of select officers, legally convicted 
 as exciters of this savage and negro war, legally con 
 demned, and most justly punished for their iniquities. 
 
 " Previous to my leaving fort Gadsden I had oc 
 casion to address a communication to the Governor 
 of Pensacola, on the subject of permitting supplies to- 
 pass up the Escambia river to fort Crawford. This 
 letter with another from St Marks on the subject of 
 some United States clothing, shipped in a vessel in 
 the employ of the Spanish Government, to that post r 
 I now enclose with his reply. The Governor of 
 Pensacola refusing my demand cannot but be viewed 
 as evincing an hostile feeling on his part, particular 
 ly in connexion with some circumstances reported to 
 me from the most unquestionable authority. It has 
 been stated that the Indians at war with the United 
 States, have free access into Pensacola ; that they 
 are kept advised from that quarter, of all our move 
 ments ; that they are supplied from thence with am- 
 unition and munitions of war ; and that they are 
 now collecting in a large body, to the number of 4 or 
 500 warriors, in that city. That inroads from thence 
 have been lately made on the Alabama ; in one of 
 which 18 settlers fell by the tomahawk. These 
 statements compel me to make a movement to the 
 
252 INDIAN WARS. 
 
 west of the Appalachicola, and, should they prove 
 correct, Pcnsacola must be occupied with an Amer 
 ican force ; the Governor treated according to his 
 deserts, or as policy may dictate. I shall leave strong 
 garrisons in forts St. Marks, Gadsden and Scott, and 
 in Pensacola, should it become necessary to possess 
 it. It becomes my duty to state it, as my confirmed 
 opinion, that so long as Spain has not the power or 
 will to enforce the treaties by which she is solemnly 
 bound to preserve the Indians within her territory, 
 at peace with the United States, no security can be 
 given to our southern frontier, without occupying a 
 chain of posts along the sea shore. The moment 
 the American army retires from Florida, the war 
 hatchet will be again raised, and the same scenes of 
 indiscriminate massacre with which our frontier set 
 tlers have been visited, will be repeated. So long 
 as the Indians within the territory of Spain are ex 
 posed to the delusions of false prophets and poison of 
 foreign intrigue ; so long as they can receive ammu 
 nition, munitions of war, &,c. from pretended traders 
 and Spanish commandants, it will be impossible to 
 restrain their outrages. The burning of their towns, 
 the destroying of their stock and provisions, will pro 
 duce very little else but temporary embarrasments. 
 Re-supplied by Spanish authorities, they may con 
 centrate and disperse at will, and keep up a lasting 
 predatory warfare against the frontiers of tho United 
 States, as expensive to our government as harass 
 ing to our troops. The savages, therefore, must be 
 made dependant upon us, and cannot be kept at 
 peace without being persuaded of the certainty of 
 chastisement being inflicted on the commission of the 
 least offence. I trust, therefore, that the measures 
 which have been pursued will meet the approba 
 tion of the President of the United States. They 
 have been adopted in pursuance of your instructions, 
 and under a firm conviction that they alone were cal 
 culated to insure " peace and security to the southern 
 frontier of Georgia." 
 
INDIAN WARS. 253- 
 
 tc The Army will move on the 7th from hence, cross 
 ing the Appalachicola river, at the Ochessee bluff, 
 about 49 miles above this. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. Gen. Corivg. 
 <k llon.' J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War." 
 
 The following extract of a letter from Gen. Jack 
 son to the Secretary of War, dated fort Montgomery, 
 June 2, will acquaint the reader with his reasons as 
 therein stated, for having penetrated so far, and ta 
 ken forcible possession of Pensacola. 
 
 " On the 10th of May my army crossed the river 
 at the Ochessee village, and after a fatiguing, tedious 
 and circuitous march of 12 days, misled by the ignor 
 ance of our pilots, and exposed to the severest priva 
 tions, we finally reached and effected a passage over 
 the Escandria. On my march on the 23d of May ,a pro 
 test from the Governor of Pensacola was delivered to 
 me by a Spanish officer, remonstrating in warm terms 
 against my proceedings, and ordering me and my 
 force instantly to quit the territory of his Catholic Ma 
 jesty, with a threat to apply force in the event of a non- 
 compliance. This was so open an indication of a hos 
 tile feeling on his part, after having been early and 
 well advised of the objects of my operations, that I 
 'hesitated no longer on the measures to be adopted. 
 I marched for and entered Pensacola with only the 
 show of resistance, on the 24th of May. The Gov 
 ernor had previously fled to the Carlos de Barran 
 cas where it is said he resolved upon a most despe 
 rate resistance. The peaceable surrender of the 
 Fort at the Barrancas was denied. I marched for 
 and invested it on the evening of the 25th of May, 
 and on the same night pushed reconnoitering par 
 ties under its very guns. On the morning of the 
 26th a military reconnoisance was taken and on the 
 same night a lodgement was made, under a fire 
 from the Spanish garrison, by Capt. Gadsden of the 
 engineers, aided by Captains Call and Young, on a 
 commanding position within 385 yards of the Span 
 ish works, and a nine pounder mounted. A how- 
 33 
 
WA 
 
 lflL 
 
 iizer battery was simultaneously established on the 
 capitol and within 750 yards of the fort. At day 
 light on the 27th, the Spanish garrison opened their 
 artillery on our batteries ; a parley was sounded, a 
 flag sent in, and the surrender of fort Carlos de Bar 
 rancas again de-manded ; the favorable positions ob 
 tained were pointed out, and the inutility of resis 
 tance urged. Anxious to avoid an open contest, 
 and to save the effusion of blood, the same terms 
 previously offered were again tendered. These 
 were rejected and offensive operations re-commenc 
 ed. A spirited and well directed fire was kept up 
 the greater part of the morning, and at intervals 
 during the afternoon. In the evening a flag was sent 
 % from the Spanish Commandant, offering to capitulate 
 and a suspension of hostilities were grafted until eight 
 o'clock the next day, when articles of capitulation 
 were signed and agreed to. The terms are more fa 
 vorable than a conquered enemy would have meri 
 ted ; but, under the peculiar circumstances of the 
 case, my object obtained, there was no motive for 
 wounding the feelings of those whose military pride 
 x or honor had prompted to the resistance made. The 
 articles, with but one condition, amount to the com 
 plete Session to the United States of that portion of 
 the Floridas, hitherto tinder the government of Don 
 Jose Masot. 
 
 " The Seminole war may now be considered at a 
 close, tranquillity again restored to the southern fron 
 tier of the United States, and, as long as a cordon of 
 military posts is maintained along the gulf of Mexico, 
 America has nothing to apprehend from either for 
 eign or Indian hostilities. Indeed, Sir, to attempt to 
 fortify or protect an imaginary line, or to suppose that 
 a frontier on the 31st degree of lattitude, in a wilder 
 ness, can be secured by a coridor of military posts, 
 whilst the Spanish authorities were not maintained in 
 the Floridas, and that the country lay open to the use 
 and excitement of any enemy, is visionary in the ex 
 treme. Oa the immutable principle, therefore, of