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 -3»:
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 SKETCH 
 
 OF THI 
 
 POLITICAL STATE OF EUROPE, 
 
 AT THK 
 
 BEGINNING OF FEBRUART, 
 1805. 
 
 By WILLIAM HUNTER, Es<i. 
 
 AUTHOR OF THE 
 
 « VINDICATION OF THE CAUSE OF GREAT BRITAIN," 
 AND OTHER POLITICAL TRACTS. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 tJlINTES fOR JOHN STOCKDALE, PICCADILLY. 
 
 1805. 
 
 [Price Four Shillings.] 
 
 9 82 $
 
 T. Giliet, Printer, Crovm-court, Fleet-street.
 
 
 -^ 
 
 
 SKETCH, 
 
 >. "T^ UROPE, in the whole courle of its hiftory, 
 ^ r^ has not been placed in a more extraordinary 
 S or critical pofition than that which it actually 
 prefents. Its firft rife, its overthrow, and its re- 
 eftablifliment ; the gradual advances of the arts 
 and fciences towards perfection ; their decay, and 
 temporary lofs ; their fubfequent revival, and 
 oo progreflive improvement j have all been recorded 
 ^ and explained. Thefe various changes were pro- 
 % duced, in the firft inftance, by the fpontaneous 
 Qc exertions of the human mind ; which, when not 
 "^ oppofed by infurmountable obftacles, proceeds in 
 the career of invention, difcovery, ind refinement: 
 in the fecond, by the ruinous influence of riches 
 and luxury ; which, in proportion as they were 
 indulged in, rendered mankind unfit for defence 
 againft the attacks of a hardy and innumerable 
 c3 race of barbarians, who had been irvited to the 
 Q claim by the certamty of the poffeflion : in the 
 ^ third, by the kindling remains of former know- 
 
 A 2 ledge
 
 ledge operating On the rude manners of the new 
 fettlers, reclaiming them by degrees from their 
 uninformed modes of life, and imbuing them 
 with a tinckure of thofe arts which were calcu- 
 lated to place an additional value on their acqui- 
 litioRS# 
 
 Thefe caufes and thefe effeds are, however, 
 fufficiently apparent j andean be traced, with faci- 
 lity, through the entire range of their operations. 
 Long before thefe favage hordes iffued from their 
 faftnefles in the north, the civilized parts of 
 Europe had been rapidly declinirj; in all thofe 
 virtues which had occafioned their profperity. 
 Liberty had been fupplanted by defpotifm ; 
 knowledge had been overwhelmed by ignorance. 
 Kg impulfe of public energy or affection remained. 
 Men no longer felt themfelves concerned for the 
 prefervation of a government from which they 
 derived no perfonal advantage ; and which, whilft 
 it exifted, only reproached them with degrading 
 recolle6lions of paft times. The true principles 
 of polity and jurifprudence were already aban- 
 doned. Political inftitutions, which, among the an- 
 cients, had once been fo keen an object of refearch, 
 had loft all intereft in the eyes of the multitude. 
 Succeisful ufurpation had ftified the voice of 
 inquiry. The opulent were immerfed in the moft 
 effeminate luxuries j the poor were funk in the 
 
 cxtremeft
 
 5 
 
 extremeft Indigence ; a general diflblutlon of man- 
 ners and morals prevailed ; and all thofe objects 
 which are moft captivating and beneficial to a 
 well-regulated fociety were flripped of their at- 
 tractions and their value. 
 
 After a lapfe of ages, Europe began to recover 
 from the effecls of its fubjugation, and to affume 
 2 totally diftincl character. The fierce maxims of 
 its conquerors imperceptibly yielded to the infi- 
 nuating perfuafion of a milder fyfi:em. The 
 knowledge of the older inhabitants engrafted 
 itfelf on the unpolillied manners and violent 
 paffions of its invaders ; who, by degrees, per- 
 ceived the utility, and fubmitted to the operation, 
 of many of their wifer inftitutions. The feudal 
 fyftem, which had been founded by the northern 
 conquerors, dividing the executive power among 
 the landholders of a country, their turbulent and 
 haughty fpirit was perpetually involving them in 
 petty wars. Out of thefe domeftic broils arofe 
 the civil inftltution of Knight-errantry ;* whofe 
 generous object being to protect the perfecutcd 
 and defcncelefs, evidently tended to foften and 
 reform the ferocious manners of the age. The 
 expaniion of the Chriitian religion was alfo 
 producing moft beneficial effects. It infufed the 
 
 * Knight-crr.jntry arose in Spain about the year 1072. 
 
 iufticr
 
 juftice and benignity of its precepts into the 
 hardened and untutored heart ; and created a love 
 of equity, an obedience to law, and a temper of 
 moderation. Even that powerful direction which 
 it gave to the human mind when the population 
 of Chriftendom engaged in their military expe- 
 ditions for the recovery of the Holy Land, al- 
 though attended in many refpecls with the moll 
 difaftrous calamities, — yet, by uniting m.en in one 
 common caufe where the motive was glory, 
 honour, and fame, in oppofition to worldly in- 
 tereft, it diffufed an heroic and fecial fpirit, and 
 generated thofe fentiments of courtefy, magna- 
 nimity, and geneious valour, for which that 
 chivalrous age was fo Angularly confpicuous. The 
 GTufades were alfo productive of commercial effects 
 which were highly advantageous to the induftry 
 and manners of thofe times. They laid the foun- 
 dation of the greatnefs of the Venetians, the 
 Genpefe, and the Pifans ; whofe flourifhing trade 
 to India through the ports of the Red Sea, re- 
 ftored to Europe the arts and luxuries of the 
 Eaft. Commercial communities, leagues, and 
 corporations, were gradually formed, and gave 
 birth to thofe municipal regulations which after- 
 wards fo elTentially affifted in paving the way to 
 pivil liberty. The accidental difcovery of the 
 Pandects of Juflinian about the fame time, was 
 
 another
 
 7 
 
 another moft fortunate event. They immediately 
 engaged the eager attention of the learned. Juri- 
 dical fcience became a favourite ftudy j and, in lefs 
 than twenty years, public leclures on civil law 
 were delivered at the chief univerfities of Eu- 
 rope. 
 
 The numerous corruptions, the fuperftition, and 
 fanaticifm, which were afterwards mingled with 
 the difpenfations of the Gofpel, and which had 
 been fu fuccefsfully cultivated by the Church of 
 Rome, were very near once more involving man- 
 kind in all their former mifery. The ufurpations 
 of the prieflhood had, indeed, been long extend- 
 ing in every direction, and at laft reached a moft 
 pernicious and alarming excefs. In pofTeinon of 
 all the learning of the times, their artifices and 
 frauds eafily impofed on the weaknefs and fears 
 of an ignorant and credulous age. Their delign 
 was to exonerate the whole body of the clergy 
 from the civil jurifdiclion, and to eftabilQi an 
 irrefiftible power on the ruins of regal rights. Gre- 
 gory VII., and many of his ambitious fucceflbrs, 
 iffued their anathemas in the boldeft language of 
 denunciation and defiance. They provided fanc- 
 tuaries againft the civil power. They excommu- 
 nicated and depofed princes at pleafure ; and the 
 proudeft potentates were frequently obliged to 
 humiliate thcmfelvcs at the feet of thefc arrogant 
 
 priclls.
 
 priefts. As, however, men became more en- 
 lightened, the odious vices, the grofs impoftures, 
 and the enormous abufcs, of the Church of Rome 
 attracted their notice, and called forth the fpirit 
 of animadverfion and reformation. Wickliffe in 
 England, and his difcipies John Hufs and Jerome 
 of Prague in Bohemia, had the merit of taking 
 the lead in this bold undertaking. At length 
 arofe Luther : whofe daring genius and acute 
 underftanding fo fuccefsfully inveighed againft 
 the fcandalous vices and ufurpations of the See 
 of Rome, that he ftiook the whole fabric to its 
 foundations ; and, in lefs than thirty years, fepa- 
 rated the half of Chriftendom from its fpiritual 
 dominion. 
 
 What had eminently conduced to this happy 
 emancipation was the advancement of letters and 
 the arts. Towards the end of the thirteenth cen- 
 tury, a tafte for painting, architecture, and fculpture, 
 began to revive in Italy. Thefe purfuits gave an ele- 
 gant turn to the occupations of the mind ; and, in 
 the fucceeding century, to the fuccefsful cultiva- 
 tion of higher attainments. The difcovery of the 
 properties of nitre had occalioned a complete re- 
 volution in the military art ; and the invention 
 of paper and the mariner's compafs, and laftly of 
 printing, fecured the triumphs of the underftand- 
 ing. Civil and rchgious vv^arsjand other public cala- 
 
 mities^
 
 9 
 
 mities, retarded the progrefs of thefe happy 
 events ; but they at length yielded to a more juft 
 and a more rational fyftem. 
 
 The difcoveries of the fifteenth and fixteenth 
 centuries, by the Portuguefe and Spaniards, 
 opened a vaft field for fpeculation.* They 
 gave a fredi fpur to the efforts of human in- 
 duftry, and the inquiries of the human under- 
 ftanding. Commerce, which, from its confined 
 itate, had hardly attracted the notice of a w^arlike 
 age, began to awaken the minds of princes to a 
 perception of their true interefts. Other fources 
 of power were difcovered befides thofe of military 
 force. The moil fatal errors, both in government 
 and religion, were gradually fubfiding. A ufeful 
 and modeft defire of inveftigation was reclaiming 
 the world from many of its groffeft abfurdities, 
 and diifufing through life a fpirit of charity and 
 toleration which was produftive of the happieft 
 effecbs. More enlightened principles of policy 
 arofe, and governments, were at length convinced 
 that they could be more beneficially employed than 
 in acls of vs'ar. The energies and induftry of 
 mankind kept pace ; and, mutually aflifting each 
 
 * The difcovery of the palT.ige to India by the Cape of 
 Good Hope, transferred the hiciative commerce of tha.t pro- 
 du<flive coimtry from the Aralw to the Europeans. 
 
 B other,
 
 lO 
 
 ether, frefli objecls of fpeculation and inquiry, 
 and unexplored fources of profperity and wealth, 
 were continually expanding. The fphere of ex? 
 ertion was extended to a new world. The trea- 
 fures and productions of the weftern hemifphere 
 were transferred to Europe. What was at firft a 
 fuperfluity, foon became a want; and thefe wants, 
 being regularly fupplied, were paid for by the pro- 
 ductive labour of the countries to which they 
 were fent. Every ftate of Europe felt the benefit 
 of the change, and the improvement was regular 
 and progrefiive. 
 
 About the middle of tlie fcventeenth century, 
 the advantage of thofe maxims which had grown 
 out of a more liberal fyftem of civil and com- 
 mercial policy, had produced a decilive effect. 
 Europe, in the preceding century, had undergone 
 a vifible change. In France and England, Francis 
 and Henry, thofe rival princes in gallantry, had in- 
 troduced at tlieir courts the female fex; who, by a 
 iefs reftrained intercourfe with fociety, polilhed 
 the manners, and gave to the fofter pailions a re- 
 fmement and delicacy which had been before un- 
 felt. In Italy, fociety was in a high flate of per- 
 fection. It far outftripped the other parts of 
 Europe in elegant literature, and every work of 
 J:aflc. Even the abftruicil fcicnces were cultivated 
 
 with
 
 II 
 
 with fuccefs, and the fydem of Copernicus Was 
 confirmed by the experiments of Galileo. 
 
 The polemical writers of the feventeentli cen- 
 tury called forth all the intellecflual vigour of 
 the age ; and fpiritual defpotifm was at laft fub- 
 dued by religious toleration. Germany, which 
 had been defolated by a thirty years' war, waS 
 reftored to tranquillity by the peace of Wcftpha- 
 lia, which in a manner terminated the religious 
 difputes of Europe. From that epoch every be- 
 nefit that could be expelled to refult from the 
 experience and expanfion of the human mind, ap- 
 peared to be approaching towards its confumma- 
 tion. The tumults of war feemed to be at length 
 yielding to the avocations of peace ; the principles 
 of internal Icgiflation and federative union were 
 better undcrftood ; controvcrfy was carried on 
 lefs from the defire of contention than the eager- 
 nefs of inveftigation, and the love of truth ; and 
 the prejudices between the inhabitants of different 
 countries were giving way to a fcnfc of recipro- 
 cal advantage. A general good-will, obtaining 
 among the iiulivldiials of different ftates, was 
 pointing out tlie modes of mutual afliilance ; 
 and, wliilll it linked them in a clofer union, 
 was awakening them to the contemplation and 
 purfutt of their genuine intcrefts. The happi- 
 Kcfs and virtue of mankind were in-crcafing with 
 B 2 their
 
 12 
 
 their knowledge. Even war was dlvefted of half 
 its inconveniences and terrors. The public law of 
 Europe had been gradually tending to perfe<5lion. 
 The learning and difcrimination of Grotius had 
 produced their full efifed. Prefcription had au- 
 thorized maxims which were calculated to prc- 
 fcrve, in the midft of the moft furious hoftility, 
 many of the bleflings of civilized life. Common 
 confcnt had erected a tribunal to which there was 
 an appeal, and by which a rule of juftice was pre- 
 ferved amidft the moll violent extravagances of 
 revenge. A prifoner was invefted with certain 
 civil rights ; and a vanquiflied enemy, who was 
 entitled to the charity of a chriftian, frequently 
 experienced the folicitude of a friend. If death 
 were inflicted, it was from neceility ; and mercy, 
 when flic could fpare with fafcty, was fure to in- 
 terpofe with fuccefs. Law, in moft inftances, 
 triumphed over force ; and the greateft miferies 
 and misfortunes of life were tempered by the 
 dictates of humanity, the rules of juftice, or the 
 conclufions of reafon. 
 
 Such was the promifing ftate of fociety in 
 Europe half a century ago: when a band of atheifts, 
 freethinkers, voluptuaries, and political enthu- 
 fiafts, fprang up, to produce a total cliangc in 
 public opinion ; and, by their pernicious but 
 alluring doclrines, to polfon the aiTcctions, fubvcrt 
 
 tlie
 
 13 
 
 the judgment, fliake the belief, and corrupt the 
 morality, of mankind. Thefe dangerous but infi- 
 nuating opinions had been long fecretly under- 
 mining the foundefl principles and the wifeft inftl* 
 tutions. They ftruck at the root of the oldeft 
 eftabllflied maxims, and were particularly levelled 
 at fubordination throughout every clafs of fociety. 
 The people were called upon every where to vin- 
 dicate their natural rights. Ideas of equal power 
 and equal property were induftriouily circulated; 
 and were reprefented with all thofe arts which 
 were hkely to imprefs, not only the juftice, but the 
 facility, of the acquifition. The fafcinating nature 
 of the aflertion produced an inftantaneous con- 
 viction on the fanguine hopes of the multitude. 
 They imagined that all thefe wild fpeculations 
 were to be carried into practical effeft. Strongly 
 as they were addrelTed to the fenfes, and applying 
 through the neareft channels to the heart, they 
 were adopted with that enthufiaftic zeal which a 
 fcntiment of injury, added to a hope of revenge, 
 is calculated to infpire. All the wrongs which had 
 been fuff'ered, all the oppreflion which had been 
 endured, were to be Inftantly redrefTcd ; and thofe 
 wlio had been cxcrcifing "the infolencc of pride, 
 and the tyranny of power, were to be brought 
 down to the common ftandard. 
 
 It is not furprifmg that fuch promifcs fliould be 
 
 readily
 
 14 
 
 readily harboured in the breaft. They produced 
 the fame effect on the moral world, which an 
 infectious fever produces on the animal world, 
 when the malignancy of the diforder, being aflifted 
 by the ftate of the atmofpheric air, becomes at 
 once epidemic. The rapidity of the infection left 
 no time for experiment ; and, before the remedy 
 could be prepared, the difeafe was incurable. No 
 phrenzy fince the crufades has taken fo faft a 
 poffeflion of the human mind. Deftruction was 
 the main purport ; and the means recommended 
 being phyfical ftrength, the infurrection was uni- 
 verfal. 
 
 The advances which Europe had previoufly 
 made, contributed, in one fenfe, to its downfal. 
 Men perceived advantages which they wiflied to 
 poffefs, and they imagined that the wifh and the 
 polTellion were identified. The general dilTcmina' 
 tion of knowledge ; the claims of the governed on 
 one fide ; the concefllons of governments on the 
 other ; gave rife to the moft perilous difcufllons. 
 TJiefe difpofitions in oppofmg parries impreflbd the 
 people with accurate notions of their power. I'he 
 moment tlie idea was formed, they aimed at tlie 
 realization ; and that perfection wliich was placed 
 in diftant perl'pcclive, they were determined at 
 once to reach. 
 
 Thefe fentimcnts, bv nnticipcitins; the natural 
 
 prop:rcrs
 
 15 
 
 progrefs of events, were calculated to confound 
 the wifeft fchemes, and to diiconcert the moft 
 falutary meafures. But fo it was. The previous 
 fyftems of fomc of the leading powers of Europe 
 had, indeed, very much conduced to difpofe man- 
 kind for the adoption of thefc dangerous and in- 
 congruous experiments. Tiicir principles of po- 
 lity had, in a few ftriking inftances, deviated from 
 every rule of tolerance or juftice. They had fo 
 frequently adled on that mod atrocious of all 
 maxims, that power is right ; that a degree of 
 difguft had been created, which rendered the feel- 
 ings of mankind highly fufceptible of refentment 
 and greedy for revenge. The operation of par- 
 tial laws and partial taxation ; the domineering 
 haughtinefs of the nobles ; a total difregard of 
 the rights and comforts of the lower claiTes ; . ir- 
 remediable confufion in finance ; an idea of fe- 
 curity at home, refulting from a conviction in 
 the ftrength of long praclifed and unreliiled 
 abufes ; the violence and opprelHon which were 
 extended to foreign ftates ; thefc various mifdeeds 
 had gradually opened the eyes, even of the 
 unreflecting, to the views of fovcreigns, and, 
 in a few glaring inftances, had drawn afide the 
 veil which conceals the occult operations of ca- 
 bipcts. Their foibles, their meanncflbs, and their 
 
 vices.
 
 i6 
 
 vices, were betrayed to the grofs perceptions of 
 the vulgar. Men began to argue, not only from 
 fpeculation, but from what was an object of fenfe, 
 and to difcover that rank alone does not confer 
 either intelligence or virtue. In many countries, 
 whilft the great were fecure in their privileges, 
 the purfes of the people had been drained, not for 
 the promotion of national advantage, but for the 
 profecution of injurious ambition or private re- 
 venge, or in the maintenance of idle luxury and 
 vitious diffipation. The infolence of power rioted 
 in the violation of law, and the fplendour of a 
 court was paramount to the happinefs of a people. 
 The afliftance which France impoliticly gave 
 to rebellious America, accelerated her own 
 downfall. The feeds of infurreclion which 
 were there fo fuccefsfully cultivated, were, on 
 the return of peace, tranfplanted to a more 
 luxuriant foil. That fame temper, inftigated by 
 other circumftances, difplayed itfelf among her 
 own people, and at length convinced the govern- 
 ment of the foolifh eagernefs with which it had 
 embarked in that defperate though fuccefsful con- 
 teft. America gained her independence : France 
 loll her crown ; and not only involved herfelf, 
 but a great part of Europe, in fcenes of mifery and 
 ,<lefolation, which, after a fucceflion of fixteen years, 
 
 are
 
 »7 
 
 are Hill, I fear, diftantly removed from their ter- 
 mination. 
 
 The object of France was the deftruclion of Bri- 
 tain. But fo Ihort-fighted were her politicians, 
 that, although they fucceeded in the immediate 
 plan of their operations, the refult has turned 
 out, ruin to her, and increafed profperity to us. 
 The reparation of America from this country may 
 be confidered as the epoch of our greatnefs. It 
 relieved us from a dead weight which cramped all 
 our energies, and impeded all our exertions. We 
 efcaped the territorial expence, and fecured the 
 commercial benefits. Freed from the burden 
 and the anxiety occafioned by thofe vaft colo- 
 nies, that attention and wealth which they re- 
 quired were thrown into more productive chan- 
 nels, and, enabling us to turn our views to more 
 valuable confiderations, we availed ourfelves o£ 
 our intrinfic advantages. 
 
 A revolution in another part of Europe, which 
 had been alfo long preparing, and was deeply con- 
 certed, excited, at theti ne, as mvh nftonifliment, 
 and more indignation thaiv that ./ . .li was draw- 
 ing towards its accomplifliment in r.uicc. Whilic 
 the French had been breaking their chains from 
 falfc notions of freedom, three of the leadintr 
 fovereigns of Europe had been flrengthening thjir 
 power by purfuing a more guilty, becaufe a more 
 
 C mautred
 
 featured and lefs hazardous courfe. That fcan- 
 dalous league, which, at the inftigation of Ruflia, 
 had been formed to deprive an ancient and refpec- 
 table kingdom of its exiftence, from no other 
 motive but the love of dominion, backed by 
 ftrcngth, and oppofed by weaknefs, was an event 
 which, by being arranged with fo much fe- 
 crecy, and accompliflied with fo much facility, 
 proved the depravity of cabinets, and the flexible 
 degeneracy of the age. To fave Poland no effort 
 was made. One man, indeed, whofe name has 
 been immortalized by thcfplendourof the attempt, 
 though deficient in thofe commanding talents 
 which were likely to infure fuccefs, did, for a mo- 
 ment, rally the broken and aftoniffied fpirits of his 
 countrymen. But the memory of Kofciulko was 
 doomed to furvive the independence of his coun- 
 try. Without union at home, or political influ- 
 ence abroad, it was totally unable to ftcm the tor- 
 rent that aflailed it. Ruflia, Auftria, and Pruflla, 
 fuddenly developed their views, and, attacking it 
 at the fame moment at various points, it was at 
 once proftrate at their feet. Thus was one of the 
 oldefl: kingdoms of Europe, without a flruggle, 
 expunged from its map, and its political exiftence 
 completely extinguiflied. This indefenfible acl of 
 partition will, however, as long as hiftorical juf- 
 tice dares blame tyrannical perfldy, be arraigned. 
 
 They
 
 19 
 
 They have loft, in the opinion of the world, more, 
 perhaps, than they ha\re gained in territory ; and, 
 as opinion is frequently /)oxcvr, it is very pofhble that 
 they may one day have to repent this grofs viola- 
 tion of every maxim of moral or political juftice. 
 Such acts live long in the feelings of a people. 
 
 Much as Jofeph II. had refifted the invitation to 
 become a party to the divifion of Poland, having 
 fo eafily fucceeded, he moft readily entered into 
 a fecond plan with Ruffia, for the difmemberment- 
 of Turkey. This would alfo have been accom- 
 plifhed, had not the jealoufy of England, Pruflia, 
 and Sweden, interpofed. But fo fuccefsfully did 
 this federation operate againft the views of the 
 two imperial houfes, that they were not only com- 
 pelled to defift from the completion of their pro- 
 ject, but to reftore the conqucfts which they had 
 made. Jofeph delivered up every thing: Catharine 
 retained Oczakow. 
 
 The downfall of the moft ancient monarchy in 
 Kuropc, which had, for near fourteen hundred 
 yean;, acled a confpicuous part under an illuftrious 
 line of princes, and which, for near eight hundred 
 yc:u-s, in one dynafty,had been tranfmitted in regu- 
 lar and i^hiioft undifturbed fucceillon, v/as deftined 
 Speedily to enfue thefe plots of fovereigns. TJic 
 I'rcnch revolution, as I have already obferved, had 
 been long preparing, but the fliock came before 
 
 C 2 it
 
 20 
 
 It was cxpeded. Voltaire, Rouffeau, d*Alembert, 
 and a few others of the leading lights of the new 
 philofophy, had been, for thirty years before it hap- 
 pened, moft induftrioufly employed. They were 
 the chief pioneers, who, with the inftruments of 
 infidelity, ridicule, and falfe eloquence, had been 
 carrying on their mifchievous deiigns, and 
 had too fuccefsfully ftriven to undermine re- 
 ligious faith, moral rectitude, and political and 
 civil fubordination. They feemed to move all 
 former maxims from their centre ; to difturb the 
 very conlHtution of nature. The confufion of 
 chaos appeared to be again reftored, and every 
 thing to refolve itfelf into its elementary princi- 
 ples. It is not however my bufinefs to trace here, 
 even an outline of that dreadful convulfion which 
 is ftill frefh in our minds, and which, in its fatal 
 progrefs, has been productive of a greater intenfity 
 and variety of raifery than was ever before inflicl- 
 cd by the hand of man on fuffcring humanity. I 
 fhall not dwell on this afflicting fubjecl, but pro- 
 ceed to the main purport of this work, and en- 
 deavour to trace a fhort, but I hope diftinct, fketch 
 of the poHtical fituation, and probable views, of 
 the chief ftates of Europe. 
 
 I fhall begin with the German ftates, and pro- 
 ceed in regular progredion, as they prefent thcm- 
 felves according to their different ranks. 
 
 Among
 
 21 
 
 Among tliefe, Auftria {till poffeffes the fuperio- 
 rlty. How long flie may retain it, muft depend 
 entirely on her own conduct, and the political con- 
 nexions which flie may form. The ancient federa- 
 tive fyftem of Europe, which watched with fuch a 
 jealous eye over the political balance, has been to- 
 tally diiTolved by the French revolution. In former 
 times, when France paffed her boundaries, the 
 intervention of Auftria, or PrufTia, or England, 
 could oblige her to return. But thefe wife maxims, 
 which fo long prefer ved the equilibrium, have been 
 incautioufly abandoned, and powerful muft now 
 be the union which fliall be able to reftore it. 
 
 Though others have failed in their duty, Auf- 
 tria has hitherto fuftained a great part. That \vhich 
 is to come '^for the fcene is not yet over) may be 
 more eventful as circumftances may arife, and 
 Ihe may be a chief inftrument in refcuing Europe 
 from her degradation, or in fealing her flavery 
 and her fliame. 
 
 It appears to be a notion ftrongly prevalent in 
 this country, that Auftria, difgufted with her bad 
 fuccefs, and exhaufted by the efforts wiiich (he has 
 alrciidy put forth, will rclinquifh her former viev.s, 
 and yield to the preponderating influence of France. 
 Such a meafure, if iidopted, would give a fatal 
 blow to her power, and, finally, to her indepen- 
 dence. The enmity of France may be alarming ; but 
 
 her
 
 22 
 
 her frlendlliip is mortal. Whilfl; flic is an enemy, 
 we are at leaft preparedto counteract her,by know- 
 ing what we have to expect. But, unreftrained 
 as flie is in her conduct towards others, by any 
 principle of juftice or good faith, an alliance is the 
 inevitable forerunner of ruin. Whilft her profef- 
 fions are lulling fufpicion, or difavowing aclivity, 
 flie purines her plans without interruption or rilk; 
 and, when we are leaft aware of our impotency, 
 we fmd ourfelves enthralled. The fuppofition, 
 that things which have come to pafs could never 
 have happened, has already enflavcd a great por- 
 tion of Europe. 
 
 I cannot, however, bring myfelf to believe that 
 Auftfia, after the experience which flie has had, 
 will fubfcribe to fuch an extreme acl of folly. Al- 
 though (lie may, for the prefent, be dehrous of 
 Handing aloof from action till fhe has, in fomc 
 degree, repaired her finances, and recruited her 
 ftrength, fhe furely will never allow herfelf to de- 
 part fo totally from all prudence and all fafcty as to 
 form an alliance with France. There is, indeed, but 
 one ground of conjecture on which fuch a fuppo- 
 fition can reft, which is, the rooted jealoufy that 
 fubfifts betv/een the houfes of Auftria and Bran- 
 denburgh; a feeling which arofe out of the mutual 
 injuricia of the feven years war, and which the long- 
 period of time, that has ftncc elapfed, has not been 
 
 able
 
 23 
 
 able to moderate. That this enmity, founded on 
 rivallliip and jealoufy of preponderance, fhould 
 Ir.ive prevailed in its fullcft extent, whilft thefc 
 two powers were waging a fierce war, wlilch was 
 aggravated by every fenfe of injury and motive of 
 revenge, was a natural confequence : that it fliould 
 have continued to exift from the mere recollection 
 of thefc events working on national feelings, whilft 
 the dominion of France was confined within its an- 
 cient limits, and they had little to apprehend but 
 from the exertions of each other, is alfo eafy to 
 conceive : but that it fhould flill operate, in all its 
 force, after it was morally, certain, that the in- 
 creafed means of a common enemy were aiming 
 to accomplifh their mutual deflruction, and that 
 fo dire a misfortune was only to be averted by a 
 rcfolute and prompt determination to unite in 
 reliftancc, is a conduct which muft be allowed to 
 be at complete variance with every principle of 
 wifdom, prudence, or fafety. 
 
 11ns illiberal fenfe of wrong and feeling of rc- 
 fentment have hitherto triumphed over every pru- 
 dential arrangement. They have been carried to 
 an abfurd length, and have been attended with 
 confcquences which have gone nigli to fubvert 
 the religion, the public la^v, and even the oldeft 
 thrones of Chriflendom. It is, however, to be 
 hoped, that thefe dcftrudive diilenlions will, be- 
 fore
 
 24 
 
 fore it is too late, yield to a fenfc of common 
 fafetyj and that fuch puerile morives of alienation 
 will give way to more powerful calls. France, 
 indeed, is now become an armed nation, a com- 
 plete military power, whofe political exiftence de- 
 pends on the fuccefs of her arms. She attacks all 
 her neighbours by turns, and maintains her ufur- 
 pations by lithe contributions which flie exacts. 
 What then but a general league can effectually 
 repel and confine thefe irruptions, which threaten 
 by turns the exiftence of every continental govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Auftria, although (he, In many refpecls, fuffered 
 very ferioully during her late conteft with France, 
 aJfo evinced her ability to contend ; fince, after 
 maintaining her ground for eight years with 
 varied fuccefs, it was one fatal and unaccountable 
 battle, loft by cafualty, after it had been gained by 
 blows, which drove her from the field. 
 
 The battle of Marengo, both as it ftands alone, 
 and in its confequences, is certainly one of the 
 moft extraordinary occurrences in hiftory. After 
 a long and defperate ftruggle, the main army of 
 the French was totally defeated, and Bonaparte, 
 who commanded on that occafion, had actually 
 fealed his difpatch, whi ;■' contained the news of 
 his overthrow. The Auftrians were, in full fecu- 
 rity, repofing on the field of contention from the 
 
 fatigues
 
 «5 
 
 fatigues of flaughter, and contemplating the laurcli 
 of victory. At this moment DelTaix, by a forced 
 march, arrived with a body of 1 0,000 men. With- 
 out fuffering his foldiers to halt, he renewed the 
 conflid, and the wreath was torn from the vi<5l:or*s 
 brow. The Auftrians were panic ftruck; they fled 
 in every direction, or laid down their arms ; and 
 fubmitted to be conducted as prifoners by thofc 
 very foldiers whom they had, a few hours before, 
 vanquiftied. Deffaix fell, like Wolfe, in the very lap 
 of victory, and like Wolfe, the knowledge of his 
 fuccefs diverted of its poignancy the blow which 
 terminated his exiftence. Bonaparte furvived to 
 reap the benefits of this fudden turn of fortune. 
 The Auftrians furrendered their conquefts with a 
 rapidity which has no parallel in the modern hif- 
 tory of Europe; and, after having recovered from 
 France, \nfix months^ what France had gained, in 
 thofe quarters, in fix years , they may be faid to 
 have loft it back in one day» The peace between 
 the two powers, which followed fhortly after, 
 was the confequence of this fignal defeat. 
 
 That accommodation, however, is declaratory 
 of the opinion which France had formed, as 
 well as Auftria herfelf, of the remaining energies 
 of that powerful ftate. It fliews that they were 
 both aware that ftie was far from being fubdued; 
 but that fhe had a warlike people and imm^nfe 
 
 D rcfourceg
 
 t6 
 
 rtfources ftill in rcferve. It proved, on the part 
 of Auftria, that^ after along and violent ftrugglc, 
 in which many diftrids of her dominion had been 
 materially injured, flie judged it prudent to yield 
 to the wiflies of a loyal people who were delirous 
 of peace. It proved, on the part of France, her 
 readinefs of availing herfelf of her temporary fuc- 
 ccfs, and of concluding, on favourable terms, a 
 conteft from which fhe had feverely fufFered. It 
 alfo proved her fear of uniting, and exafperating, 
 the fcattered opinions of the Emperor's fubjeds, 
 by pufliing them to extremities ; and, above all, 
 her eagernefs to be releafed from oppofition and 
 embarraffment on the continent, that {he might 
 concentrate her ftrength, and purfue, with better 
 hope of fuccefs, her implacable hatred to Britain. 
 
 Since this period, however, circumftances have 
 undergone a moft material alteration. England 
 continues as fhe was, fcorning the threats of her 
 antagonift, and repofing, with confident fecurity, 
 under the fliield of freedom, on the unfhaken foun- 
 dations of public and private virtue. But France 
 is become to the continent a much more dangerous 
 foe. The fame inclination to deftroy the indepen- 
 dence of Europe that ever exifted ftill exifts : her 
 means are alarmingly increafed. Thofe means, 
 potent as they are, may be ftill defeated by active 
 and well judged meafures j but woe to the conti- 
 
 nent.
 
 ncnt, if it do not foon Ihake off its flumbers, and 
 concert fome fchemc of common defence, worthy 
 of the prize which may be forfeited or fecured I 
 
 Auftria, although ihe was humiliated, was not 
 effentially weakened, in point of phylical ftrength 
 or geographical pohtion, by the events of the lall 
 war. The Low Countries, it is true, were fevered 
 from her domination ; but it muft at the fame 
 time be recollected, that, whilft they acknow- 
 ledged her fovereignty, they were a perpetual 
 fource of uneafinefs, and a frequent caufe of con- 
 tention, which tended not only to difhirb the 
 councils, but to confume the ftrength, of their 
 poffeflbr. The reforming hand of Jofeph had oc- 
 cafioned a complete alienation of the affedlons of 
 his fubje£ls in that quarter, which no fubfequent 
 meafures of conciliation could remove. The 
 diftance alfo which feparated them from the 
 other hereditary dominions of the emperor, ren- 
 dered the adminiftration of them more expenlive, 
 more precarious, and lefs ufeful. Thefe, with his 
 former Italian dominions, he has loft ; but he has 
 received in exchange a country, which, if pro- 
 perly managed, is likely to turn to a more profit- 
 able account. 
 
 By the accefllon of the Venetian territory, 
 whilft his dominions are nearly as cxtenfive, they 
 are more compact, which is a confideration of no 
 
 D 2 fmall
 
 fin all importance. The fertility, population, and 
 induflry of the Low Countries were, no doubt, 
 very confpicuous ; but they were fo frequently 
 ruined by the operations of hoftile armies, and 
 their difaffection to the Emperor*s government 
 was fo unequivocal, that it becomes a very dubi- 
 ous point whether he was either enriched or 
 ftrengthened by the inheritance.* But the Ve- 
 netian territory, difencumbered of thefe manifeft 
 drawbacks, is likely to yield confiderable advan- 
 
 ♦ I am only here arguing againft the value of the Nether- 
 lands, as the Emperor is perfonally concerned as fovereign of 
 his hereditary ftates, not at all wifliing to diminifh their im- 
 portance as a rampart for the protedion of the north of Ger- 
 many. They have always been confidered, and have alvi'ays 
 proved, a very ufeful barrier againft the invalion of Germany 
 by France. Whilft the French armies were employed in 
 fubduing them, which generally coft them one or two cam- 
 paigns, the ftates of Germany had time to affemblc their 
 troops, and concert their plans of operation. In the hands 
 of the King of Pruffla, both in his individual capacity and ais 
 a member of the empire, they would be a moft valuable ac- 
 quifition. In the hands ©f France, they are a moft perilous 
 one. Germany, is, indeed, at prefent completely expofed to 
 the defigns of its aspiring neighbour. The whole line of 
 frontier, which was formerly its fecurity, is quite broken down. 
 The Low Countries, Holland, the tradt of land between the 
 Rhine and the ancient boundary of France, with Switzerland, 
 have all fallen before the fortunes of France. The keys of 
 Italy Ihe alfo holds. ■ 
 
 tages»
 
 29 
 
 tagcs. He Is now in pofTeffion of a ftate, which, 
 {landing alone, has made an illuftrious figure in 
 arms, in commerce, and in arts ; and, although 
 its former fplendour can never be revived, its 
 refources are ftill abundant, and may be again 
 called forth with profitable effed. He has alfo 
 acquired a maritime pofition,* which, as an outlet 
 to the numerous produdions of his hereditary 
 dominions, by extending his commercial inter- 
 courfe and means, may be an important fource of 
 future revenue and ftrength. 
 
 Auftria, fince the peace, has been active in in- 
 ternal arrangements, and has been carefully trea- 
 furing up the means of future annoyance. The 
 minute and fteady attention which has been lately 
 beftowed on the organization of the troops, the 
 regulation of the finances, and the improvement 
 of the revenue by the impofition of judicious 
 taxes, has helped to remove many great obftacles 
 which before ftiackled her efforts, and has placed 
 her in a progrefllve ftate of preparation for the 
 renewal of hoftilities. One alteration alfo in the 
 adminiftration of her government, from which, 
 in any future conteft, fhe will derive an incalcu- 
 lable advantage, is the fuppreffion of the Aulic 
 
 f Auftria has already a few frigates, and a fleet of corvettes, 
 mounting from twelve to eighteen guns. 
 
 council
 
 30 
 
 council of war, by whole impolitic interference 
 all the operations of her generals, in former times, 
 were ferioufiy impeded. It was indeed the ab- 
 furd powers entvufled to this body which, in 
 many inftances, were the vifible caiife of thofc 
 reverfes which attended ihe AuRrian arms. The 
 wifdom of councils may ftill repair her mis- 
 fortunes. The Archduke Charles, one of the 
 greateft heroes and acuteft minds of the age, 
 has now acquired a complete afcendancy. The 
 faction, which, for fo long a time, fuccefsfully op- 
 pofed him, and thwarted all his defigns, has been 
 difpcrfed : and as no man better underllands 
 the interefts of his country, or is likely to be m.orc 
 zealous in promoting them, it is not to be fup- 
 pofcd that he can feel any difpofition to form a 
 clofe connexion with the government of France. 
 From fuch a connexion his generous and gallant 
 fpirit mull naturally revolt, as well from the re- 
 collection of paft injuries as the apprchenfion of 
 immediate and remote confequences. 
 
 The Emperor's affumption of his new title is a 
 puerile piece of parade, which might as well have 
 been let alone, of little confequencc to himfelf, of 
 no confequence to any one elfe. But if he be 
 defirous of prefcrving his old title, and the real 
 Iplendour and digaity, and high rank, which are 
 attdchcd to it, and which are confecrated by the 
 
 revolution
 
 3^ 
 revolution of ages, there is apparently but one 
 polllble mode of infuring fuccefs — that is, moft 
 cautioufly to avoid any intimate interconrfe with 
 France ; to preferve, with firmnefs and modera- 
 tion, his remaining rights ; to rcfift, in the outfet, 
 every encroachment or infult; and to embrace the 
 firft favourable opportunity of reducing the power 
 of a rcftlefs and intolerant neighbour, and of re- 
 taliating the wrongs which he has already en- 
 dured. 
 
 Auftria, although £he have fenfibly declined in 
 confequencc, yet from the extent, population, 
 and fertihty of her hereditary dominions, ilie ft ill 
 poffeffes that weight which muft ever command 
 a preponderating influence in the affairs of Ger- 
 many. The natural and artificial ftrength of the 
 country j the number, difcipline, and gallantry of 
 the troops ; the riches, variety, and fruitfulnefs 
 of the foil ; the induftry and fobriety of the in- 
 habitants ; and, above all, their attachment to 
 their rulers : all combine to uphold this truly 
 imperial houfe. If it make a proper and politic 
 ufe of the means with which Providence has cn- 
 trufted It, it may ftill triumph over the new dy- 
 nafly. If it fall, it muft confpire againft its own 
 cxiftence ; or, if not a principal, mufl at leaft be 
 an acccflary to the crime. Mod active and lire- 
 nuoui ou'Ait it therefore to be in curbingr the 
 
 po^^'t-,r
 
 3* 
 power of France, which can only be efFe(^ualIy 
 done by a reftoration of the federal union of 
 Europe. 
 
 The policy which Pruflia is bound to purfue is 
 fully as evident; and although flie has, for 
 many years paft, been eftranged from her true 
 interefts, it is natural to fuppofc, as the defigns 
 and difpolitions of France become more palpable, 
 that ftie will at laft adopt that line of conduct 
 which can alone impart efilcacy to her flrength, 
 or {lability to her independence. Pruffia has, 
 hitherto, fallen into a moft fatal miftake ; and to 
 her blind and narrow views are to be attributed 
 moft of the difafters which, for the laft fifteen 
 years, have afflicled and defolated Europe. Had 
 fhe been faithful to her alliances, the arrogance of 
 France would have been long lince chaftifed, and 
 her power reprefied : and Europe, inftead of be- 
 ing at the outfet of another war, might have been 
 promoting the happinefs of her inhabitants in the 
 bofom of tranquillity. The line of conduct which 
 it behoved Pruflia to perfift in, at the breaking 
 out of the French revolution, had flie confulted 
 her dignity, her welfare, or her fame, never, in 
 my mind, admitted of a queftion. It was, I 
 thought, moft diftindly defined ; but whatever 
 doubts the circumftances of thofe times might have 
 occafioned, they muft be totally diflipated now. 
 
 Pruflia^
 
 33 
 
 Pniffia, at the commencement* of the laft cen- 
 tury, compared with its prefent greatnefs, was a 
 puny ftate. Her aggrandifement was the work of 
 one man. The fplendid talents of Frederic the lid. 
 raifed her, in one reign, from the rank of a fe- 
 condary to a firft rate power. The fafety of Ger- 
 many and the peace of Europe feemed to require 
 the change. An equipoife was created in the 
 north of Germany, capable of curbing the fuperi- 
 ority of Auftria in the fouth. In another point of 
 view, Pruflla formed a kind of balance between 
 Auftria, Ruffia, and France, and, according to the 
 defigns of either of thefe kingdoms, could throw 
 the weight of her power and influence into the 
 oppofite fcale. 
 
 The great Frederic, after refcuing his hereditary 
 dominions from deftrudion, ftrengthened them 
 by valuable acquifitions. He proved the refourcea 
 of his mind both as a foldier and a ftatef- 
 man, not only by the defeat of a moft powerful 
 combination, but by a formal and final annexation 
 of conquered territory. The fortune of war was 
 fucceeded by a long peace, during which his phi- 
 lofophic mind was unremittingly occupied in de- 
 veloping the charader, and calling forth the re- 
 iburces, of hks newly acquired ftates. At the clofe 
 of his illuftrious reign, his kingdom was in full 
 poirefiion of all the glory, refpcd, and ftrength, 
 
 E which
 
 34 
 wfeicll |roft 0ut p£ the variety, magnitude, ^nd 
 f0Tt^fizt0 jfl«e o( kis fplendid achievements. Thef^ 
 l4v&i:^ag«g went pn improving till the epoch of 
 the French revolution, at which tim€ the grandeuf 
 pf Pruffia fcemed to be confummated, and every 
 fiiitc w^s lopipAg up to her a« the arbiter of Hu^ 
 
 l^ew countries have been placed in fo favourable 
 ;^ pofition for perpetuating their own glory, and 
 conferring lafting benefits on the human race, as 
 was at the difpofal of PruiSa when that unfortu^ 
 l^ate rebellion firft broke out. It recurred, indeed, 
 ever and over again, in the courfe of the fucceed- 
 ing war ; and why flie neglected to avail herfelf 
 of her high fortune will ever fet at defiance the 
 moib natural conclufiionB of reafon. She might 
 jftot only have redeemed Holland, without ri&, 
 |rom the hands of the French ; but, by giving a 
 d«ciilve check in other parts to the republican 
 tVlSRSy (ke might have put an effectual end to that 
 grdwjngvigpurat which flie muft at this moment 
 fecretly tremble. It is true that flie has remained 
 at peace, ^nd has added to her dominions and her 
 trcafure. But are thofe foldiers, whom Ihe has 
 been obliged to Support, {o able, or fo willing, to 
 contend againft the power of France as they were 
 ten ywars back ; and cannot thofe very dominions 
 wthich Fi-aftce has procured for her, if unaflifted 
 
 by
 
 it 
 
 by other powers, be wrefted from her, wkh the 
 fame facility, by France. 
 
 The ftrength of a country does not always iil- 
 creafe with extenfion of territory. When it docs 
 not feel itfelf equal to the defence of its own in- 
 dependence, it fignifies little what it pofleflcs. 
 PruiTia, a few years back, might have commanded 
 her own terms. She is now, in a great degree, 
 at the mercy of France. France may have been 
 inftrumental in procuring her nominal advantages, 
 but Ihe has been fapping the foundations of her 
 real grandeur. With fo many cogent motives of 
 aftivc interference which have prefented them- 
 felves to Pruflia for many years back, one is 
 at a lofs to account for her total ina^ion. It 
 is an aberration from found policy for which 
 we fliall in vain endeavour to find even a 
 plaufible excufe. We can only, I fear, attribute 
 it to a fordid love of money, a ruinous luft of 
 empire, a narrow jealoufy of a once rival ftate, or 
 an inglorious defire of repofe : or elfe to an un- 
 worthy ambition of acquiring territory of which 
 the legal pofleflbrs were fcandaloufly defpoiled, 
 and which fhe could only have obtained by con* 
 defcending to be the abject inftrument of a go- 
 vernment which fhe mufl abhor. The Pruf- 
 flans have, however, been juftly difappointed 
 in their views, and they muft now be convinced 
 
 E 2 thae
 
 3* 
 thtt they hare been contributing to the elevation 
 of a moft formidable neighbour, whofe dcfign is 
 eventually to facrifice them with the reft of Eu- 
 rope. The republican rage has, in the mean time, 
 been brought to a clofe ; but its power remains -, 
 and, by being concentrated in one man, is pro- 
 portionably to be dreaded, France is now where 
 it was the ambition of Louis the XlVth to place 
 her. She has broken diown all the old fences 
 which confined her, and is grafping, with fome 
 hope of fuccefs, at univerfal empire.* 
 
 What has happened in France, refpeding the 
 late, change in its government, might have been 
 eafily forefeen. It has been the natural termina- 
 tion of its popular excefles. The French, in the 
 very outfet of their revolution, demonftrated the 
 abfolute neceffity of reftraint. They proved that 
 they had not attained that degree of civilization 
 which is compatible with the enjoyment of liber- 
 ty, and which renders men capable of living un- 
 der a free government. The advantages of the 
 people were foon difmiffed from the thoughts of 
 the ruling departments of the ftate, and a conteft 
 for fuperiority among fadions was all that re- 
 mained. In this fluctuating ftate of things, it was 
 very apparent that ftruggles would be endlefs, till 
 
 * Prussia, after all, can never suffer Holland to be defini- 
 tiTely annexed to France. It is the chief prote(5lion of the 
 north of Germany.
 
 '17 
 
 fome one arofe whofe fortune, whofs gerjius, 
 or whofe power, was fufficient to lilence the 
 claims, and fupprcfs the exertions, of his competi- 
 tors. This change <^ould be nothing lefs than 
 the re-eft ablifhment of irreliftiblc defpotifm. It 
 was alfo very evident that France, in her revolu- 
 tionary ftate, and cut off as fiie was from all thofe 
 regular fupplies which, under the old conftitution, 
 poured in from the flourifhing condition of her 
 manufaclures, and of her foreign and colonial 
 trade, could not maintain her numerous armies, 
 and provide for the enormous exigencies of her 
 government, but by forced loans and ruinous im- 
 ports at home, and the plunder of contiguous 
 ftates. In this manner has Ihe been proceeding 
 for the laft fifteen years, and as one country has 
 been exhaufted, another has become her prey. 
 Friend or foe has been treated with the fame in- 
 exorable rigour. Where the power of exadion 
 has exifted, there alfo has been the inclination ; 
 and no fpot, which has allured by its abundance 
 or weakncfs, has been fparedby the claims of juf- 
 tice or the petitions of humility. 
 
 Thcfe fyftematic and unprovoked a(5ls of ag- 
 greflion would have been fufEcient, one fhould 
 have imagined, in their infancy, to have awakened 
 the fears of independent ftates, and aroufcd the 
 determination of vigorous refiftance. But, no 1
 
 58 
 they tho'Ught It fifidre prudent to futjmit wittolft 
 contention, than to incur the rilk of being com- 
 pelled to fubmit after contention. When great 
 efforts are requifite, we are apt to poftpone tliem, 
 and to leave things to chance. Thus did this 
 unmanly and fluggifh feeling prevail j and fo far 
 from having difarmed any powers of deftruclion, 
 they have added to thofe which previoufly exifted, 
 that of contempt. 
 
 France has all along betrayed her intermediate 
 intentions, and her ultimate defigns. She now 
 ads even a lefs myfterious part, and, from a greater 
 fenfe of fecurity, proclaims to the world the full 
 fcope of her ambition. This may be ftill refifted ; 
 but, if deferred much longer, refiftance may be 
 vain. The military ftrength of France continues 
 to increafcj and feems to identify itfelf, more and 
 more every day, with her political exiftence. Her 
 naval and commercial confequence being loft, the 
 application of her means is directed to that one 
 point. But that a power may be more eafily re- 
 pelled when weak and disjointed, than when firm 
 and confolidated, requires no ingenuity of reafon- 
 ing to prove; and why Fruffia did not rather 
 take advantage of her decilive fuperiority at a 
 former period, than wait till the moment when 
 the efficacy of her interference is rendered proble- 
 matical, is one of thofe occurrences in politics 
 
 which
 
 39 
 
 which it is dilUcult to account for. If the Kkig 
 of Pruflia had not, in the firft inftance, with- 
 drawn from his alliance againft France ; or if he 
 had, in the year 1799, aflifted our troops with 
 twenty thoufand men in Holland ; or if, at a fub- 
 fcquent period, he had added his weight in Italy 
 to that qf Auftria and Ruflia, what innumerable 
 evils might have been averted ! That horrible 
 revolution, which no man of feeling can contem- 
 plate without execration, might, at anyone of thefe 
 jun^hires, have been crufhed ; and thofe coun- 
 tries which have been fince overwhelmed with 
 every kind and degree of mifery, might have 
 been fpared. What is ftill, perhaps, of greater 
 confcquence, the example of fuccefsful ufurpa- 
 tion and wickednefs which has been held up to 
 the world, would never have exifted, and mankind 
 would have continued to advance in every kind 
 of knowledge but that of crimes. Europe would 
 aHb have efcaped her prefent painful fituation, 
 and not have been fhuddering from a dread of 
 the failure of thofe means on which, at prefent, 
 her very falvation hinges. The overbearing in- 
 folence and rapacity of Bonaparte do, however, 
 apparently begin to operate on the fears of the 
 leading powers, and the palpable convidion of 
 Increafmg danger prevailing over lefs urgent con- 
 
 fiderations,
 
 4® 
 
 fiderations, their enmities may at length yield t« 
 more imperious motives. 
 
 The arreft of Sir Thomas Rumbold, an accre- 
 dited Miniiter, clothed with the facred rights and 
 privileges of his character, refiding in a foreign 
 ftate, and under the protection of a foreign court, 
 is an event which, from its immediate conftrudion, 
 and confequent application, has ftartled the whole 
 civilized world. It is one of thofe tranfaftions 
 by which every independent ftate muft feel itfelf 
 injured, and in which every independent ftate muft 
 be equally concerned. It is, in every point of view, 
 one of the moft atrocious and impudent acts that 
 was ever avowedly committed by a government, 
 and, aiming as it docs at the very foundation of 
 the public law of Europe, unlefs full reparation 
 be required, and obtained, no peaceable inter- 
 courfe between ftates can be, with fafety, in 
 future carried on. If the perfon of an Am- 
 bailadar be no longer held inviolable j if he be 
 liable to feizure and imprifonmcnt, not only 
 from the ftate where he is relident, but from the 
 forcible interference of neighbouring powers; one 
 hardly knows how any amicable communication 
 between governments can exift, or, when dif- 
 ferences arife, how harmony can bereftored. That 
 part of the public law of Europe which relates to 
 diploma ic proceedings, and which has fo mate- 
 rially conduced to moderate the paflions, diminifh 
 
 the
 
 41 
 
 the enmities, and aflimilate the intereils of na- 
 tions, would inftantly terminate. War, which 
 could fcarcely ever be obviated, mufl be condu6lcd 
 with favage and implacable fcrociLy. There would 
 be an end of all truce. No treaty could interpofe. 
 The fword would be the only tribunal to appeal 
 to, and the triumph of the conqueror would be 
 the extermination of his opponents. Anticnt 
 hiftory furniflies a few precedents of fuch tranfac- 
 tions ; but ii^the records of modern times, no 
 fuch example is to be found.* The King of PrufQa, 
 under whofe protection Sir Thomas Rumbold, as 
 Minifter to tlie Circle of Lower Saxony, was 
 placed, has indeed felt his dignity offended by this 
 glaring violation of diplomatic rights, and has, in 
 fome meafure, rcfented the affront. He difpatclicd, 
 
 * I recolledl one instance, wliich is peculiarly in point. 
 When the Lacedjcmonians, in the second year of the Pelo- 
 pfnnesian war, sent an embassy to tJie King of Persia, the 
 Ambassador, whilst in neutral territory, was seized by a 
 party oi Athenians sent for the express purpose, conveyed to 
 Atlicns, and put to death. The Athenians, however, alleged 
 in defence of such birbarous proceedings, that the Lacede- 
 monians had, the year before, forcibly seized and murdered 
 some of tlicir mercliants. lk)naparte seems to liave been 
 guided by a similar pretended spirit of retaliation, though, 
 even v,-i;iiOut tlie same grounds to supjxnt liim. At son'.c 
 iatuie period, lie may give a stronger authority to the prt- 
 ceiient, by iuUilling the latter part of it. 
 
 as
 
 4« 
 
 as it may be believed, a fpirited memorial to the 
 Cabinet of St. Cloud, which, as far as the perfonal 
 liberation of Sir Thomas was concerned, produced 
 the defired eflecl. But as far as concerns the public 
 right of nations, or the ceremonial of courts, no 
 apology appears to have been offered, nor has any 
 atonement been made. The perfon of Sir Thomas 
 Rumbold was releafed, and his papers reftored ; 
 but not till after his perfon had been feized in the 
 dead of night in a neutral ftate, tranfported thence 
 to Paris, and confined, for feveral days, in prifon^ 
 and not till after his papers had been forcibly 
 taken from his pofTeflion, broken open, ranfacked, 
 and read — Even then, it is faid, that he was only 
 liberated on certain conditions ; and that before 
 the oflicer reftored him to liberty, a folemn pro- 
 mife was exacted, exprefsly binding him down 
 never again to return to Hamburgh, or within 
 one hundred leagues of the French territory, in a 
 public capacity. I muft, however, hope, that no 
 fuch degrading flipulations were acceded to. One 
 unlawful act can never autliorife another ; nor can 
 I conceive that any Britifh Minifter, feeling himfelf 
 clothed with thofe facred rights which appertain to 
 his character, can have fo far departed from a 
 juft conception of his real c ignity as to have fub- 
 fcribed to fuch terras. This affair is, however, 
 
 not
 
 43 
 
 not yet fettled, and may ftill lead to moft im- 
 portant confequences. 
 
 The remaining flates of Germany, more efpe- 
 cially thofe which are contiguous to France, if we 
 unite them in one mafs, can fcarcely any longer 
 pretend to power or refped. So diforganifed, 
 and fo trampled upon, have they been, that their 
 very names arc nearly funk in oblivion, and un- 
 Icfs backed by the only two remaining indepen- 
 dent members of the empire, they cannot be ex- 
 peeled to form, in any fenfe, a point of refiftance. 
 Even Saxony, Bavaria, and the Palatinate, whofe 
 former hiftory has been marked by many a fplen- 
 did achievement, have no longer the courage or 
 the ability to contend. Thofe who, by being nearer, 
 are more within the grafp of i^rance, are ftill 
 more humiliated. How have they been mulcled 
 and terrified ! how have their once proud 
 princes been infulted and difgraced ! and by 
 whom ? By Bonaparte — one who but a few years 
 back would have disfigured the levee of the pet- 
 tieil of their tribe. But they are now become the 
 puppets of this man. Why, there is not a menial 
 fervant in England, who, if he had been treated 
 by his mafler with half the diilancc or contempt 
 which thefe fovercign princes have experienced 
 from Bonaparte, would not have quitted his fer- 
 vicc with difdain. It is really impoJhblc to con- 
 
 K 2 ceive
 
 44 
 
 celve how men endowed with the common 
 feelings and attributes of our nature, men too 
 who from their cradles have been accuftomed to 
 the pomp of ftate, and the exercife of power, could 
 have been brought to brook fuch arrogance with 
 fuch fubferviency. Not only to be obliged to leave 
 their dominions at the imperious fummons of tliis 
 upftart Corlican, but to dangle in his train, to 
 fhiver for hours in his anti-chambers, to croud to 
 his circle, to be fhouldered by his courtiers, and 
 to catch, with anxious look and dilfembled plea- 
 fure, a fmile or a word ! When we know that 
 all this, and much more, has happened, we feel a 
 kind of contemptuous compallion for fuch beings, 
 and totally defpair of the revival of any principle 
 of manly virtue. 
 
 In proceeding to the north of Europe, we there 
 perceive a much more flattering profpccl of vigo- 
 rous refiftance. Hope feems to rife with uncloud- 
 ed rays in that horizon, and that country whofe 
 barbarous hordes once poured deftruclion on the 
 poliflied but effeminate fouth, fccms now likely to 
 make full reparation for the dreadful calamities 
 which it formerly inflicted. To that quarter we 
 mufl now chiefly direct our views for the hrfl 
 grand effort of refiftance which may check the 
 profligate career of Bonaparte, and eventually 
 
 difengagc
 
 45 
 
 diieno-an^c the continent from his annihilatlnoj 
 grafp. 
 
 The rapid progrefs of this vaft empire towards 
 improvement is one of the furprifing events of 
 modern times. Its population, its riches, and re- 
 venue, IHll bear no proportion to its extent ; but 
 when we contemplate it at the accelTion of Peter 
 the 1st, and as it now dlfplays itfelf, we have ample 
 room for aftonifhment. 
 
 Two enterprifmg reigns, that of Peter I. who 
 may be coniidered as the founder, and that of 
 Catherine II. who m.ay be confidcred as the con- 
 firmer, of its European grandeur, were able to 
 produce thefe mighty effects ; and lefs than 
 another century m.ay raife it above every other 
 flate in Chriflendom. Diftantly removed as it at 
 prefent is from France, it is apparently Icfs inte- 
 refted than Auftria or Pruilia in the fortunes of 
 that empire ; but, extending our views to future 
 times, we may eaiily imagine them in contact. 
 
 The fuddcn dereliclion of the late Emperor of 
 Ruflia from the powerful league which had been 
 wifjly formed to arrcft the encroachments of 
 France, may, in fome meafure, be afcribed to the 
 natural in-^pctuofity of his character. It can alio 
 be accounted for on principles vvhich are not 
 much at variance with the common feelings and 
 prudential maxims of mankind. He enfT-ao-ctl In 
 
 the
 
 46 
 
 the league with full fincerity, and with a fincerity 
 founded on the ftrongeft impulfe, a thorough 
 conviAion of the danger which menaced every 
 ftate, from the profligate principles of the French 
 cabinet. Thcfe principles, which he regarded 
 with abhorrence, he was firmly fatisfied it was 
 the intereft of every well-ordered government to 
 controul, as, in proportion to their afcendancy, 
 was their own fecurity weakened. He, there- 
 fore, on becoming a party to the alliance, fent a 
 powerful aid, under the command of a fuccefsful 
 general, to co-operate with the Auflrian army. 
 The good fortune which attended their joint 
 exertions, and the rapid expulfion of the French 
 from Italy, are flill frefh in our recollection. The 
 Ruffians, who with dauntlefs hearts marched up 
 to the cannon's mouth, foon ftruck their adverfa- 
 ries with difmay. Where they attacked, they 
 ftormed ; and the decifion and rapidity of their 
 evolutions convinced their opponents that they 
 had a defperate enemy to contend with. Unac- 
 quainted with their mode of fighting, it made an 
 immediate impreffion. Alarm fpread to fuch a 
 degree through the republican ranks, that, after a 
 few encounters, it was with difficulty that they 
 could be brought tp face thefe fierce antagonills. 
 The impctuofity of the Ruffians was tempered by 
 the more deliberate movements of the Auftrians, 
 
 and
 
 47 
 
 and the outfet feemed to augur the moft flatter- 
 ing conclufion. The confederate armies were, in 
 every inftance, triumphant ; and the fuccefs might 
 have continued, had not the felfiili policy of Auf- 
 tria difappointed the hopes of Europe, and occa- 
 Honed a breach vi^ith her new ally. 
 
 The Auftrian commanders, defirous of hufband- 
 ing their troops, which had been thinned by the 
 ftrugglcs of fix or feven campaigns, contrived 
 that the Ruffians fliould be placed at the moft 
 dangerous pofts, and, on all occafions, be expofed 
 to the brunt of the enemy's attack. This circum- 
 ftance alone would not, perhaps, have been a 
 fource of dilTenfion, as, in thefe cafes, honour, 
 efpccially in romantic minds, more than counter- 
 balances lofs. But the rewards which were thus 
 valiantly and dearly purchafed were entirely ap- 
 propriated to thofe who had been leaft active in 
 their acquifition. Every ftation, as it fell, was 
 taken polTcflion of in the name of the Emperor of 
 Germany. Not a word was faid of Paul, fo that 
 his troops were treated as mere mercenaries, 
 bound to fhed their blood, but neither to partici- 
 pate in the profit nor the glory of their exertions. 
 A jealoufy was thus created between the com- 
 manders of the two armies, and, towards the 
 clofe of their brilliant campaign in Italy, tlie Ruf- 
 fians were ordered, under the command of their 
 
 viciorious-
 
 48 
 
 vi<5tonous chief, to march to the defence of 
 Switzerland. Thefe orders were complied with, 
 but Suwarrow foon found himfelf in a fituation 
 which he could not with glory maintain. Unpro- 
 vided with every neceffary appointment, deftitutc 
 of thofe arrangements which are fo eflfential to the 
 fuccefs of an army in a ftrange country, he foon 
 difcovered that he muft eventually be involved in 
 inextricable difficulties. He naturally fufpeded 
 that he w^as fent there to purfue a hopelefs conteft, 
 whilft his troops were perifliing in ufelefs toils, 
 and the laurel was witherino; on his own brow. 
 The reprefentation of thefe wrongs to his Impe- 
 rial mafter produced an effect which might have 
 been eafily forefeen on his irritable temper. He 
 became furious -, and, without feeking for explana- 
 tion or redrefs; without even confidering the ruin- 
 ous confequenccs w^hich his hafty declfion por- 
 tended to the caufe in which he had embarked, 
 he ordered his troops to return immediately 
 liome, and left the Auftrians to fight their own 
 battle. 
 
 This fudden and unlooked-for defection was a 
 lignal to the French for renovated exertion. The 
 enemy whom they mod dreaded had quitted the 
 jBeld, and thofe troops, with whom they had re- 
 peatedly fought with fuccefs, prefented a folitary 
 oppofition. They rallied every v/here; frclli levies 
 
 w'ere
 
 49 
 
 were poured in in every direction ; and in a few 
 weeks their loffes were recovered. 
 
 Paul muft have contemplated with pride a re- 
 verfe which fo clearly demonftrated the extent 
 of his power, the valour of his foldiers, and the 
 utility of his affiftance. Had his refentment flop- 
 ped there, it might have been excufable. But he 
 pufhed it beyond all limits either of juftice or 
 judgment. He not only fcceded from the alliance, 
 but former friendfhip iiiddenly converted into the 
 moft deadly hate, he was precipitated into thofe 
 meafures which were beft calculated to exprefs it. 
 The force which had been granted to the aid, 
 was now devoted to the injury, of the anti-revolu- 
 tionary caufe. He entered into a ftricl treaty of 
 alliance with France, the bad effects of which 
 were only prevented by his premature death. 
 His fortunate demife, and the glorious battle of 
 Copenhagen, brought to a fpeedy diflblution the 
 formidable northern confederacy ; formidable, as 
 it affected the liberties of the Continent ; but, as 
 I, in a former pamphlet* attempted to explain, 
 and as fubfequent events "uUy proved, as they 
 applied to Great Britain, by no means afTuming a 
 terrific afpcct. The brilliant fucccffes of this 
 
 * A View of the Political Situation of the Ncrthern Fcv.-erj^ 
 published in 1801. 
 
 G country
 
 so. 
 
 country, added to the general laflitudc and apathy 
 of Europe, led to the peace of 1 802. 
 
 That peace, which was not only degrading in 
 its terms, but impolitic in its views, was fortu- 
 nately of fliort duration. It has, indeed, been 
 attended with one ufeful confequence, which, 
 however, was neither forefeen nor aimed at by its 
 authors. It has opened the eyes of Europe, in 
 fome degree, and of this country completely, with 
 regard to the fyftematic ambition of France. It 
 has proved, in the moft indifputable way, that the 
 object of France is univerfal domination j and that 
 her efforts, whether of open violence or inlidious 
 defign, towards the accomplifhment of that aim, 
 are only to be counteracted by force. Of what 
 utility are the vigilance and addrefs of cabinets, 
 when no written inftrument is confidered as bind- 
 ing; when promifes are made only to be broken, 
 and treaties figned only to be violated, as occafion 
 may require, or intereft fuggeft ? With fuch prin- 
 ciples and views, a fyftem of plunder and defpotifm 
 can be more fecurely and fuccefsfully profecuted 
 in peace than in war. Intrigues are conducted 
 Vfc'ithout interruption ; force is applied without 
 oppofuion ; and, when the objed is effeded, wc 
 are left to wonder at our credulity. 
 
 The fhort truce, for it can hardly be denomi- 
 nated a peace, which was agreed on by England 
 
 and
 
 51- 
 
 and France, not only unfolded the defigns of Bo 
 naparte, but his mode of execution. The conti- 
 nental powers, although they have not yet declared 
 themfelves, have, no doubt, as well as England, 
 been watchful of events. Ruffia, above all, has 
 carefully treafured up in her recolle^flion the occur- 
 rences of the laft three years; and, no longer under 
 the dominion of a capricious defpot, but of a mild 
 and wife fovereign, her means will, in all proba- 
 Inlity, be as vigoroufly difplayed as her meafures 
 have been confidently adopted. To Rufiia, there- 
 fore, Europe, may principally look up, as the 
 prime mover of that fpirit of re-aclion which may 
 yet redeem her from deftrudlion, and which may 
 point out the path of glory to the ftill more po- 
 tent means of Auflria and Pruflia. 
 
 Ruflia, as a continental power, is a moft formi- 
 dable foe ; and if not of fuch importance as Auftria 
 and Pruflia, in an attack on France, it is only on 
 account of the diftance of her feparation. Her 
 troops are equally numerous, and equally valiant, 
 and, in fome refpedts, they may claim a fuperi- 
 ority. They are entirely devoted to their oihcers, 
 and poflefs both the a<^ive and paflive virtues of a 
 foldier. They can patiently wait in inaftion ; but 
 the inftant they receive their orders, nothing but 
 death can check their ardour. The command 
 and the execution are fimultaneous. 
 
 O 2 The
 
 5» 
 
 The vigour and hardinefs of their conftitutlon 
 give them another decided advantage over the 
 troops of more fouthern climes. The education 
 which they receive promotes thefe qualities, and 
 enables them to encounter, without inconveni- 
 ence, the moft fudden tranfitions of climate. A 
 Ruffian can not only exift, but retain pofleflion of 
 all his energies, while he is purfuing a mode of 
 life which would deftroy a lefs mafculine race. 
 He endures, without murmur, every privation and 
 every fatigue. Enured from his infancy to every 
 kind of hardfliip ; bred up in notions of implicit 
 fubmiffion to his fuperiors; accuftomed to fupport 
 labour, hunger, and cold, in the ordinary avoca- 
 tions of life, he never finds himfelf out of his 
 fphere, nor does he ever repine at thofe vicilhtudes 
 to which a military life is fo peculiarly expofed, 
 
 Ruflia is, on many accounts, the natural ally of 
 Britain, ^Separated as we are, by an almoft im- 
 meafurable diflance, we are connected by many 
 reciprocal ties, and our interefls in no fhape clafti. 
 The commercial intercourfe which fubfifts between 
 the two countries is highly beneficial to both. The 
 revenue of Ruffia is, indeed, principally derived 
 from its vaft concerns with Great Britain, which 
 is the chief mart that confumes her immenfe ex- 
 portations, and fpreads induflry and wealth 
 through the remoteft regions of her empire. 
 
 . It
 
 55^ 
 
 It is a great miftake to imagine that, becaufc. 
 our manufaclurers pay for the raw materials of 
 Rufha, the exchange is detrimental to the produc- 
 tive labour of that country. The facb is, Ruffia is 
 not yet in a ftate to have many manutaclures of 
 her own ; and, whilft this incapacity continues, it 
 is much better that her wants fliould be fupplied 
 from a foreign market. In this manner, flie ob- 
 tains them at the leaft poflible expence, and fo- 
 reign induftry allows domeiHc labour to purfue a 
 more advantao-eous courfe. AoTicukure mufl: 
 precede manufaclure : and whilll the capital of 
 Britain enables the Ruflian farmer to cultivate his 
 land, the articles of utility and tafte, for which his 
 produce are exchanged, gradually beget the delire 
 of imitation, and expand his mind to Iiigher at- 
 tainments. France may boall of the importance of 
 her trade with Ruilii; but when it is made known 
 that the rav/ materials purchafcd by England, 
 amount annually to near £.5,000,: o:: fterling, and 
 that thofe taken off by France, in tlie days of its 
 grcatefl commercial profperity, never exceeded 
 from 4 to £.Goo,ooc, which, hncc the revolution, 
 have dwindled to between 2 and /. ^cc,aco, the 
 fubftance of that importance completely vaniihcs. 
 Sweden, the northern neighbour of ll.urua,wili 
 apparently become an imm.ediate party to the alli- 
 ance. She m.ay, in facl, be confidercd as actually 
 embarked, and already at war with France. 'I'he 
 
 •warlike
 
 54 
 
 warlike difpofition of her inhabitants will ren- 
 der her a powerful auxiliary. The young Prince, 
 who fways the fceptre of that antient king- 
 dom, has fhewn himfelf worthy of his illuftrious 
 defcent. He has fliewn that he poffelTes virtues 
 which ennoble the proudeft blood, and adorn 
 the loftieft ftation. The fame gallant fpirit which 
 animated the breafts of his anceftors has been 
 tranfmitted, without diminution, to himfelf : a 
 legacy more valuable than the crown which he in- 
 herits. Guftavus Adolphus, in his time, flood 
 forth the advocate and champion of Europe, and 
 was a principal inftrument in diffolving a league 
 which threatened its deftruclion* Guftivus IV. 
 treading in his luminous footfteps, may alfo be an 
 inftrument, dellined at a more awful crifis to favc 
 her from a more melancholy fate. Inexperienced 
 as he is, and incompetent as his means, when mea- 
 furcd v/ith the refources of France, vilibly are, he 
 at leaft has had the merit of firft declaring his fen- 
 timents, of firft throwing down the gauntlet of 
 defiance, of firft fetting the brilliant example. 
 However he may have erred as a politician, which 
 remains to be proved, he has felt and acted with 
 the honour of a foldier, and the dignity of a king. 
 Confcious of his royal defcent, and of the glory 
 of beins: the lesritimate 2;overnor of a warlike 
 
 o o o 
 
 people, he received into his dominions, with 
 every regal honour, the rightful owner of the 
 
 French
 
 55 
 
 French throne, and has difda'mfully refufed to 
 brook the infults of an ufurper. How fuperlor, 
 in the found eftimation of mankind, muft fuch a 
 Prince be ever held to the mean objeft of French 
 idolatry. The one rifks an empire by virtues 
 which alone are worthy of preferving it : the 
 other has acquired an empire by vices by which 
 it fliould be loft. But whatever may be the def- 
 tiny of this brave and patriotic monarch, the 
 fame of worthy deeds will triumph m the grati- 
 tude ofpofterity, and whilft the memory of his 
 name fhall be attended with blefling, that of his 
 adverfary will be loaded with execration. 
 
 His dominions will, probably, be one of the firft 
 objects of attack, but he has one advantage which 
 Bonaparte can never again polTcfs, the fpirit of his 
 people in his favour : nor do I at all defpair, 
 groundlefs as the hope may appear to fome, that 
 the legions of France will be repulfed by the ener- 
 gies of the Swedes. 
 
 In our eftimate of the ftrength of this kingdom 
 in a continental war, we muft recoiled what it has 
 formerly achieved. Guftavus Vafa liberated his 
 country from the Danifh yoke. Guftavus Adol- 
 phus, the greateft captain of his age, faved the 
 liberties of Germany, and gave a ftability to the 
 proteftant faith. Charles the XII. was, for a long 
 time, the terror of Europe j and the late King 
 
 nude
 
 56 
 made the powerful Catharine tremble In her 
 capital. GuftavUs IIL however intemperate in 
 his zeal, refcued his country from Ruffian fub- 
 jedion, and, by the revolution of 1772, laid 
 the foundation of a more profperous era. Like 
 Jofeph the II. he was too precipitate in his reforms : 
 but his dominions arc at this moment deriving 
 aj'vantages from many regulations which were 
 the production of his a6live mind. Should Sweden 
 be fuccefsful in the approaching ftruggle, France 
 will flirink from. her pretenfions fafter than fiie 
 has formed- them. The abfurd notion which 
 prevails of the fuperiority of French troops 
 would inftantly vanifli, and Europe would again 
 aflert her real confequence. 
 
 Denmark, whatever her wiflies might be, would 
 be fpeedily forced into the alliance. Confidering, 
 indeed, the wrongs and infults which fhe has ex- 
 perienced, there is every reafonable ground to 
 think that flie would join it v^ith alacrity. The 
 Danes, although they have improved in internal 
 regulation and domeftic economy, have certainly 
 not the vigour which they formerly pofieffed. A 
 felfifli fpirit of intcreil and love of trade have 
 vitiated many of tJieir nobleft feelings. In point 
 of lucre they have been the m.ofl fuccefsful of all 
 the northern flatcs. By the continental wars 
 which have arifcn out of the French revclution. 
 
 thev
 
 57 
 they have been confiderable gainers. They have 
 fhared part of the fragments of the French com- 
 merce ; and a great portion of the carrying trade, 
 which was formerly fo profitable to Holland, has 
 fallen into their hands. Thus, if their arms are Icfs to 
 be dreaded, their treafury is better filled. AgainU 
 the French the Norwegians would moft readily 
 engage, and much might be expected from the 
 courage and zeal of that gallant people. It muft, 
 indeed, be an object of high importance to the 
 crown of Denmark to reduce the power of France, 
 which is become a moll troublefome and dansie- 
 rous ncicrhbour. 
 
 Turkey, whofc councils are neceffarily influ- 
 enced by thofe of St. Peterfburgh, would alfo 
 adminiftcr a powerful aid. The Mahometan 
 troops, contending alone againfl thofe of Chriften- 
 dom, have little profpect of fuccefs ; but inftru6led 
 by the ikill, and encouraged by the example of 
 Europeans, they are a formidable force. The 
 campaign of 1801 in Egypt furniflicd many il- 
 luftrations of the jufl:nefs of this remark. The 
 French, however, ftill pretend to a preponderance 
 of influence at the Porte, but facls contradict the 
 aflertion. It is not, indeed, likely that France 
 fliould at prefcnt retain at Conftantinople an af- 
 cendancy over Ruflla. DIftantly removed as 
 I'urkcy is from the former, and dependent as fhe 
 
 H is
 
 5S 
 
 is on the latter, tHe flrong feelings of intercft nst- , 
 turally point out to her that alliance which is fo 
 immediately intervowen with her fafefty. The 
 French, confined as they now are from remote 
 expeditions, are not hkely to endanger the fecnrity 
 of the Turklih empire : whereas Ruffia is at her 
 very doors, and, as well from pofitive ftrength, 
 as from the intrigues of the Greeks, and the 
 powerful fact:ion which is devoted to her in the 
 very heart of the Sultan's dominions, could fhake 
 his throne to its foundations. The mifchief of 
 Fi-ench intrigue is therefore likely to terminate 
 fpeedily at the Porte, and unlefs Le Brun makes a 
 precipitate retreat, he may very poillbly, ere long, 
 find himfelf a prifoner in the Seven Towers. 
 
 The King of Naples, weakened and degraded 
 as he has been, muft be neverthelcfs anxious to 
 contribute every thing in his power that may con- 
 duce to extricate him from his prefent embarraf- 
 fmg fituation, to reftore him to the echpfed 
 fplendour of liis rank, and to his territories, 
 over which he has lonsj; held a mere nominal 
 reifirn. 
 
 Nor will Portugal be backward, the moment 
 Ihe is encouraged by the fainteft glimmer of fuc- 
 cefs. How exukingly will {he burft afunder 
 thofe cliains which {112 has worn with indigna- 
 tion, and how joyfully will thofe taunts and in- 
 
 fults
 
 55 
 
 fairs which ftic has been compelled to tolerate 
 from the brutal Lafnes, be retaliated on the head 
 of his Corfican mafier. The Portuguefe abhor 
 both the Spaniards and the French ; the former 
 from the memory of pall domination, the 
 latter from the feelings of prefent fufi'ering. 
 They are in the fame degree attached to us. They 
 recollect the generous fupplies which w:re voted 
 by the Britifli Parliament after the dreadful earth- 
 quake of Lifbon in 1755, and the fuccours in 
 arms, ammunition, provifion, and men, which 
 we fent in 1762, and which faved them from a 
 fecond Spanifii fubjugation. The independence 
 of their country is ftill v/orthy of contention ; 
 and if once trie councils of their court coulcl 
 be invi^roratcd, and they could be brought to 
 place a proper dependence on their own ftrength, 
 the eflbrt mirht not be an ur.luccefrsiul one. 
 Portugal has, for the lail fifry year*, been chieRy 
 fupported by her connexion with Great Britaiii, 
 her (-Ideft and niofi ufelul ally. Tlie tnirie 
 which fhe carries on with us is of the moft be- 
 r.eficial kind. Wc purchafe almoft the entire 
 produce of her foil, which, if overrun by Frencli 
 troops, it will be the cruel poii'.:y of I'ranco 
 to dcfrroy, to (>ij!ige us to hive rccourfe lo lier 
 :narket for our wines, 
 
 }iven Spni:;, tliough at prefect coiiipcilcd to 
 \\z fiifle-r!^;-
 
 6o 
 
 dillemble, if a fair opportunity prefented itfelf, 
 would, in all probability, ftart up from her trance, 
 and, vindicating her wrongs, would affail that caufe 
 which file is now reluctantly doomed to afiift. 
 The Spaniards are a gallant, generous, and high- 
 minded nation ; and however the court, which 
 has long been at the mercy of a venal and aban- 
 doned faction, may be fubdued, the fpirit of the 
 people ftiil lives in the recollection of paft achive- 
 ments. 
 
 Let us now take a view of thofe unhappy coun- 
 tiics v/hich have been either formally or virtually 
 annexed to the territory of France, and over 
 which {lie holds an abfolute and undifguifcd fvvay. 
 Let us endeavour to afcertain what their real fcn- 
 timents and wiflies muft inevitably be, refpecling 
 the pretended advantage which they have gained 
 by a change of mafters. 
 
 Savoy, which, through a fuccelTion of ages, 
 fiOuriihed under its native prince5, has been 
 doomed, for the laft ten years, to groan under 
 the burden of French fervitude. The glory and 
 advantages of an independent rank loft ; the fplen- 
 dour and expenfe of a court removed; its fove- 
 reign confined to the fterile mountains of Sardi- 
 nia ; and an exile from the produclive part of his 
 hereditary dominions; wandering about a fugitive, 
 v/ithout confequence, and alnioft without fupport. 
 
 Thi^
 
 6i 
 
 This country, which held a refpeftable rank 
 among the fovereign Hates of Europe, and the 
 independence of which was of fuch importance, 
 as the chief barrier of Italy, now forms a part of 
 the French Empire. It has not only been degrad- 
 ed from its ftation, but robbed of its wealth. It 
 lias been overburdened wdth taxes, and fubjected 
 to military confcriptions and contributions, which 
 have beaten down every fence againfl: opprefTion, 
 and worn out every fmew of ftrength. Inftead 
 of a regular, lawful, and uncorrupt adminiOra- 
 tion, a fet of paupers and ruffians, in the charac- 
 ter of French acfents, have been advanced to the 
 government, whofc perpetual object has been to 
 amafs riches by any means ; and who, in the ex- 
 ercifc of their functions, have been inftigated and 
 fupportcd by the government from which they 
 are delcQ;atcd. This indeed has been the uniform 
 treatment which conquered flates have experi- 
 enced from tiie French. Their profligate policy has- 
 ever b^^cn, \\licn once they have gained a fecurc 
 fot/iin;^, to put in practice every vexatious mode 
 of proceeding, and to fkreen themfelves from the 
 penalties of refiftance by completely breaking the 
 fpirit of the people. In the application of thefc 
 ;atrocious cruelties they have unfortunately been 
 too fuccefbful. By creating jealoulies and enmi- 
 ties bctvv'ccn parties, and placing them one againft 
 
 the
 
 62 
 
 the other, they have acquired the maftery, which, 
 when once obtained, has been exerted in afts of 
 ruin. Genoa, Milan, and Tufcany, thofe once 
 fertile and fiouriliiing parts of Italy, the feat of 
 commercial opulence, ufeful induilry, and culti- 
 vated tafte, and the nurfery and repofitory of the 
 fine arts, have been treated with the fame unqua- 
 lified barbarity and fcorn. Even the papal terri- 
 torlco have not been fpared, and to fo abjecl a 
 ftate of contempt is the pope reduced, that he 
 can cnly be confidered as a machine, whofe move- 
 rneriLj Bonaparte directs. The church has been 
 made completely fubfcrvient to his views, and its 
 minitlers, throughout the extent of their domi- 
 nion, pay implicit obedience to his commands. 
 The overbearins: infolence of this man is without 
 precedent. When he adum-es power, next to the 
 p<:^ireiiion of it, his cbjecl: feems to be to niortify 
 every generous feeling, by imprefiing a conviclion 
 of the inliirniricance of thofe over whom he tvran- 
 nifes. His feizure of the nrefidcncy of the Italian 
 States was certainly one of tlic mofc infulting acls 
 that was ever committed by ai;y man who pre- 
 tended to defer to the opinion of the people, and 
 v/as a Vv'orthy prelude to thofe parts ot the drama 
 which have hnce been exhibited before the Pari- 
 fian populace. 
 
 Erabant is alfo groaning under the ponderous 
 
 weight
 
 63 
 
 weight of the fame galling and ignominious thral- 
 dom, enraged at French treachery, and panting 
 for emancipation. DifafFecled as it was, and with 
 fome caufe, to the houfe of Auftria, that dif- 
 affection has been converted into love, by the 
 iron rule of France. Its towns depopulated, its 
 plains deferted, its commerce loft, its rights 
 annulled, its people trampled on, agriculture 
 and manufaclures rapidly dechning, its taxes 
 more than quadrupled, this once flourifhing coun- 
 try no longer exhibits a femblance of its priftinc 
 greatnefs. Bruxelles once the refidence of a po- 
 lite court, the refort of the learned and the rich, 
 the centre of gaiety and the arts, is now placed 
 under the fordid and dcfpotic adminiflration of a 
 French goverror, who feels no pride in its happi- 
 nefs, no intercft in its profperity, but who, uncer- 
 tain how long his office may laft, infults with con- 
 tempt, and grinds with oppreffion. The ftreets 
 are in a manner abandoned, the principal houfes 
 are untenanted, the churches are difmantled. 
 Many of thcfe facrcd ftruclures, which were de- 
 dicated to the lervice of GoJ, arc now converted 
 into barr?.cl:s, wlierc a licer.tious foldiery hold 
 their blaOhcnious orgies, and, v/hilfi: fcoffing at 
 tlie f'.ncLuy of tlie place, niake a mockery of 
 the mifcrlcs n\' the people. 
 
 Switzerland next prefcnt.i ilf.lf, over wliofc 
 
 ruins
 
 ^4 
 
 rums no feeling or virtuous mind can dwell with- 
 out emotions of the deepeft indignation and re- 
 gret. This facred foil, which has produced fo 
 many heroes, which was the feat of limplicity 
 of manners, and unambitious happinefs, and 
 which, for centuries paft, has been one of the 
 chief nurferies of liberty, how has it been pol- 
 luted and defaced. Since the great sera of its 
 independence*, for which it fo nobly fought, it 
 has been unmolefted in the enjoyment of its 
 rights. Like the ancient Olympia, which was 
 refpected by the whole of Greece, Switzerland 
 was refpecled by the whole of Europe. It was 
 regarded as a palladium which was entitled to 
 the reverence of mankind. Surrounded as it 
 was by powerful ftates, it was held inviolable by 
 them all. With no ambition but that of remain- 
 ing as it was, its virtues, and the memory of 
 ' paft deeds, were a fufficient fafeguard. It 
 was contemplated by the philofopher and the 
 
 * Twelve men, at whose head was the immortal WiUiam 
 Tell, in 130S, liberated tlie cantons of Schweitz, Underwald, 
 and Uri, from the Austrian yoke. The only revenge which 
 they took on the Austrian governors was to conduct them to 
 the frontiers, where they administered to them an oath that 
 they would never again serve against the Flelvetian nation. 
 The other countries soon joined the confederacy, and, after a 
 long and desperate struggle against the whole power of Aus- 
 tria, they completely established their independence. 
 
 ftatefman.
 
 65 
 
 ftatefman, as a fanftuary which enclofed the 
 faireft virtues of our kind, which was the refi- 
 denceof rehgious toleration, moral rectitude, civil 
 liberty, domeftic happincfs, innocent courage, and 
 manly fimplicity. Satisfied with its own poffef- 
 fions, and feldom, in its political capacity, inter- 
 meddling with the concerns of other ftates, it 
 was an infulated fpot, where all the purpofes of 
 good government were anfwered, and none of its 
 diftra^lions felt. Abundant without fuperfluity, 
 affluent without luxury, ftrong without ambition, 
 it excited neither cupidity nor alarm, and was 
 equally difregarded by envy and fear. It was a 
 country to which the traveller, lick of the pomp, 
 the buftle, and the diflipation of other parts, could 
 retire with fatisfafticn and fafety ; and, whilft 
 refiding among its uncorrupted inhabitants, could 
 contemplate the raajeftic features of nature; and, 
 iu the midft of a vicious world, mingle with 
 the unadulterated manners of a virtuous people. 
 
 But nothing has been held facred by the French, 
 nothing has interdicted the career of their profane 
 attacks. Poverty and wealth, honour and infamy, 
 virtue and vice, have been configned to the fame 
 fate; even wcaknefs has provoked hatred, and 
 invited alTault. Where little profit was to be de- 
 rived, they have, in many inflances, confidered 
 happinefs and innocence as a reproach to their 
 
 I own
 
 66 
 
 own eharacber, and, on that account folely, have 
 doomed them to deflrudion . 
 
 Switzerland, however, prefented other allure- 
 ments. It was one of the barriers which defended 
 th,« German empire, and was confequently an ob- 
 ftacle to French ambition. But ftrongly as it is 
 fortified by nature, and valiantly as it might have 
 been defended by a gallant race of men, had her 
 population been once roufcd, fhe might have de- 
 iied the utmoft efforts of an affailant. The French 
 were aware of this, and laid their plans accord- 
 ingly. Their object, in the firfl inftance, was not 
 to beat down by violence, but to enfnare by ftra- 
 tagem. They brought all the delufions and machi- 
 nations of bafe intrigue into aclion. By threats 
 and promifes, artfully managed; by creating alarm, 
 and inftilling fufpicion, as the variation of circum- 
 ftances fuggefted ; they at length ftirred up a fpirit 
 of diffenfion and animofjty among the different 
 cantons, and among different families in the fame 
 canton. The country was thus divided againft 
 itfelf ; and, whilfl each faction was eagerly engaged 
 in the vehement profecution of their own pro- 
 jects, their minds were called off from the con- 
 templation of the- only important point. The 
 public good was loft fight of amidfl: the diftraction 
 of private pafTions ; the disjointed ftrength of the 
 confederate ftates ^vas employed in (fuelling the 
 
 quarrels
 
 quarrels of individuals ; and Infubordlnation and 
 difunion were every were triumphant. Whilft 
 thefe ruinous feuds were at their height, the 
 French, who had all along been watching for the 
 opportunity, and had been collecting troops on 
 their frontiers under pretence of guarding againft 
 any popular tumult, ftepped in, and enflaved 
 them. The abhorrence and deteftation of the 
 Swifs ag-ainft the French muft, by this time, be 
 nearly fcrewed up to a pitch of phrenzy, and 
 woe to thofe of that nation who may be found 
 there when once their refentments burft forth 
 into action. Dreadful will be the retribution of 
 that day. 
 
 But Switzerland, though it may recover its in- 
 dependence, win never again be what it was. The 
 fpirit which aiTerts and prefervcs the rights of man- 
 kind is broken by opprefllon. French vices have 
 alfo been engrafted on the limpllcity of their 
 natures, and the public flock of happinefs has 
 been for ever adulterated. That genuine love of 
 our natal foil, that purity of public virtue, 
 which are the only real fiifejuards of civil libertv, 
 have been contaminated by the deleterious prin- 
 ciples of factious demagogues and vifionary legifla- 
 tors. ^Jlic defirc of revenge and emancipation 
 may ftill beat liigli ; but ample as the facrifice 
 oflered up to the one may, at fome future period, 
 1 2 be,
 
 be, the other will never be enjoyed with that re- 
 verence for the obje<5t, or relifh for the poffefEoriy 
 which formerly obtained. 
 
 And what muft alfo be the fcnfations of Hano- 
 ver, that much-injured and enflaved country. 
 Scarcely does the page of hiftory, ample and va- 
 riegated as it is, furnifli an inftance of fuch fcan- 
 dalous perfidy, and barbarous ufage, as blacken 
 this foul tranfaclion. Torn from the protcdion 
 of a beneficent fovereign, and delivered up to the 
 avaricious cruelty of a deftroying fiend, the tran- 
 fition was no Icfs fudden than outrageous. If we 
 were to narrate the anecdotes of this unhappy 
 country, fince it has been at the difpofal of the 
 French banditti j if the crimes of thofe infernal 
 agents, who have been fent to prey upon its vitals, 
 were to be faithfully detailed j what fcenes of infa- 
 my, extortion, and brutality, would meet the eye ! 
 All the fouleft vices which human imagination can 
 conceive, or human depravity commit, mftigated 
 by all the revenge which the human heart can 
 contain, have been perpetrated in that unoffending 
 eledlorate. How the Hanoverians muft now de- 
 plore their credulity I how they muft now lament, 
 that they did not aflemble on their frontiers ta 
 refift thefe profligate invaders ! to repel them, or 
 to perifh in the attempt ! How glorious is the 
 contemplation of death when gained in one's 
 
 country's.
 
 6j 
 
 country's defence ! with what cliarms fur- 
 rounded, with what honour irradiated! Tlve: 
 commendation of the wife, the cfteera of the 
 good, the approbation of one*s own heart, the 
 brilliancy of example, the difcharge of duty, and: 
 the certainty of living in the recoUeclion of an ad- 
 miring and grateful pofterity. How truly envi- 
 able to a life which is led in fervility, and difgrace- 
 ful bondage, the opprobrium or the pity of man- 
 kind, and an object of derifion to the tyrant who 
 iflues his terrific decrees. The people of this 
 country muft be thirfting for an opportunity of 
 wiping off the ftain of difgrace,^and vindicating 
 their ancient character.* 
 
 Laft of all comes Holland to clofe this melancholy 
 lift ; a country, which, if we regard its paft fame 
 and power, we are at a lofs to conceive fo fallen* 
 What a different fpeftacle does {he prelent, fhaking 
 off the yoke of her old tyrants in the fixteenth 
 century, and in the eighteenth bending her neck to- 
 
 * In 17^7 the Hanoverians were exposed in the same man- 
 ner, though not in tJie same degree, to French tyranivy and 
 nipine. The French, after breaking die convention of Clostcr 
 Seven, insisted that the Hanoverians should deliver up their 
 arms. Roused by a sense of the indignity offered to the ho- 
 nour of a brave and warlike people, they resolved to rescue 
 their country from the degrading oppression, and the folio w- 
 rng year, under Ferdinand of Brunswick, they bravely made 
 head against tlicir conquerors, expclieJ them from the clecLo- 
 ijLic, and forced them to repass the Rhine. 
 
 to
 
 a new tyranny an hundred times more Intolerable. 
 In one inftance, we find a high-minded and gene- 
 rous people, irritated by a fenfe of wrongful op- 
 preflion, redeeming thir legitimate rights, and 
 laying the foundations of the fecurity, the happi- 
 nefs, and the profperity, of a great country: in 
 the other, the total abfence of all thefe public and 
 patriotic virtues, facrilicing that country, with all 
 its greatnefs, and happinefs, and profperity, at the 
 fhrine of depraved avarice, factious difcord, and 
 felfifh ambition. In the one inftance, feme of the 
 fir ft ftatefmen and warriors of the age (an age fer- 
 tile in eminent men) regulating, and wifely con- 
 dueling, the energies of a whole people , in the 
 other, a band of venal demagogues, reprclling their 
 feelings, and again delivering up the ftate to the 
 power of a foreign and fanguinary ufurpation. In 
 former times Holland has refifted the whole power 
 of France ; but the vigour of the people has wafted 
 itfelf in the purfuit of opulence and eafe. Since 
 ' the treaty of Utrecht, fhe has vifibly declined in 
 political confequence : ftnce her connexion with 
 revolutionary France, Ihe has been completely 
 ruined. 
 
 With a great population, long habits of in- 
 duftry, an extenlive commerce, a powerful and 
 well-appointed navy, and fome of the ftrongeft 
 fortreffes in Europe, garrifoned by well difciplined 
 
 and
 
 71 
 
 and well aflfccled troops, one fhould naturally have 
 imagined, that, in proportion as the means of de- 
 fence were poflefled, thofe means would, in fo ho- 
 nourable a caufe, have been vigoroufly employed. 
 Above all, the pride of independence, particularly 
 of that independence, which hadbeenwrefled by the 
 daring hand of patriotifm from the galling fetters 
 of tyranny ; which had been gained by a feries of 
 gallant exploits j and which had fo completely 
 proved the fuperiority of the efforts of freemen 
 oppofed to thofe of fiaves. Thefe recollections, 
 one fhould have conceived, would have imprefTed 
 them with a due fenfc of the value of their acqui- 
 fitions, and would have infpired them with the 
 fortitude that was neccflliry to fliicld it. But 
 events have fhown that the Dutch thought, and 
 felt othcrwifc. Corrupted by wealth, difunitedby 
 faction, difcouraged by fufpicion, and incenfed 
 againfl their domeflic rulers, they deemed this the 
 moment mofl fit for the exercife of private refent- 
 ment, and facrificed their country to their revenge. 
 The French, taking advantage of thefe culpable 
 and pufillanimous difpofitions, infured to them- 
 felves an eafy conqucft. They poured in their 
 troops on every fide ; the ftrongefl fortrefles were 
 furrendcred tlic moment they were fummoned ; 
 and thefe intruders, who were hailed as their 
 deliverers, have fince held over thcni an uninter- 
 rupted fwav. 
 
 But
 
 7* 
 
 '- But tlie Datch h^ve been vvofully difappointed j 
 "and, inftead of receiving at their hands the bene- 
 fits of a friend, have been treated with all the feve- 
 rity and contempt of a conquered foe. Since the 
 year 1795 they have been little more than a pro^ 
 vince of France. Their nominal independence has 
 only ferved to render their virtual fubjugation 
 more galling ; as they have fufFered all the difad- 
 vantages of French fervitude, without receiving 
 any of the benefits of French protection. They 
 have been attacked at every point j and whilft 
 we, as their declared enemies, were capturing their 
 colonial poffellions, the French, as their profeffed 
 friends, by draining them of their domeftic re- 
 fourccs|nvere inflicting a more deadly blow. Near- 
 ly the whole capital of Holland has been paid 
 into the treafury of France and they feem at 
 laft to be reduced to a ftate of abfolute deftitu- 
 tion and defpair.* They have indeed, in a great 
 
 degree, 
 
 * Van Hassclt, one of iho members of the Batavian legis- 
 lutive body, in a speech delivered on the 1st January, before 
 a secret meeting of that assembly, in consequence of an appl- 
 catinn from tlie Executive Directory for the thin:! extraordi- 
 nary contribution of one per cent, on capital,* to cover tlie ex- 
 
 pences 
 
 * One per. rent on c;q)ital is equal to twenty per cent, on income, and 
 ilus beintif the tiiird ixtraordinary contribution in one year, amuiuUi to H 
 lotal of sixty per cent. It mufl; be obferved tluit these are only the exlm- 
 srilitiary contribution'-- — the trdinary onci ;^re also jjoing' on in the wnie 
 jjropoirion.
 
 n 
 
 degree, merited their fate ; and it is to ht hoped^ 
 that their unexampled fufFerings will act as a warn- 
 ing to other ftates, and caufe them to hefitate be- 
 fore they refort to the defperate expedient of call- 
 ing in a foreign enemy for the fupprellion of do- 
 meftic broils. 
 
 With all thefe fprings of hatred and refiftance 
 In ftates which are ftill free ; in thofe which are ftill 
 nominally fo ; and in thofe which have been for- 
 merly fubjugated and annexed : let us now 
 take a furvey of the internal fituation of France 
 itfelf, and endeavour to afcertain the chances of 
 overpowering the obftacles which remain to be 
 oppofed. 
 
 I have never been one of thofe who have thought 
 that the power of France has been augmented pro- 
 portionally with the extent of its territorial ac- 
 quifitions. It is even a pofition from which I 
 
 pences of die year 1804, has circumstantially detailed the 
 complete ruin of that country, occasioned by its connexion 
 with France. It has exposed, in glaring colours, the scan- 
 dalous abuses, and corrupt and arbitrary proceedings, of 
 French administration. With what shame and regret must 
 the Dutch look back to those glorious days, when her fleets 
 were contending with those of Britain for superiority. They 
 have, however, shewn their esteem for us, in the only way in 
 which they have been able to shew it, by their generous be- 
 haviour to the British seamen who were l^ely wrecked on 
 ^.eir coast, 
 
 K widelV
 
 74 
 
 widely diflent. We muft, m cafes of this kind, 
 take into account, not only the nature of the ac- 
 quifition, but the mode of acquiring. When a 
 powerful ftate extends its rule over frefti conq- ofts, 
 or receives under its proteclion perfecuted pro- 
 vinces which flee to it for fuccour, by a mild and 
 equitable adminiftration, the aflfeclions of its new 
 fubjecls may be gained, and the tie may become 
 permanent. This muft depend on management. 
 But when we conftder the manner in which France 
 has enlarged her dominion, and the manner in 
 which it has been retained, it is totally impollible 
 that the fpirit of revolt can be reprelTed, except 
 by a ftrong military force. When this is the cafe, 
 when a country is kept poiTeffion of by the mere 
 rigour of martial law, all the advantages which 
 flow from afFeclion or union neceflarily ceafe ; 
 and although much may ftill be extorted by power, 
 yet the expences of fupporting that power abforb 
 every fuperfluity, and the natural refources and 
 regular income, which arc alone beneficially, be- 
 caufc permanently, productive, are loft. Every 
 thing is cxacied with a reluctance bordering on 
 denial, and nothing but the harflicft meafures can 
 wring from the people the contributions which 
 are required. The refources of a country fo 
 abufed, muP. neceflliiily dwindle, till atlaft the di- 
 minillied receipts of thcfc exactions are confumcd 
 
 in
 
 7S 
 
 in the expence of maintaining troops for the fup- 
 preffion of Rebellion. 
 
 If therefore we contemplate the map of Europe, 
 we fhall find that the immenfc {landing military 
 force of France, amounting to near 600,000 
 men, is fo diftribatcd over her vaft empire, in or- 
 der to keep her own fubjccts in fubmiflion, that 
 any formidable army, 'aflcmbled on any particular 
 frontier, would cxpofe the interior, from which it 
 muil partly be drawn, to the dangers of popular 
 infurrecllon and civil war. 
 
 When in facl we inveftio-ate the real fituation 
 of France, divefted of all the pomp and circum- 
 fcance of its vifible power and extent, I know of 
 no country that is more truly an object of com- 
 miferation. All that it formerly poiTcircd of merit 
 and worth ; all that claimed our rcfpe^: from 
 learning, arts, religion, or morals ; the fplcndour 
 of rank, the politcn ^fs of manners, and the rcfmc- 
 ment of taitc, have diiappcarcd ; and we now be- 
 hold a people plunged into every vice, and glory- 
 ing in every crime. Tlic inherent levity, frivolity, 
 and cruelty, of the French nation have continued 
 to exiil;, witliout being tempered or eclipfed by any 
 of thofe <ienerous fcclinfrs for wlilch men of hif>;Ii 
 dcfcent and liberal education are generally conlpl- 
 cuous. 
 
 Since, howev'er the renewal Ol war, wh:it.evci.' 
 K z in:i'yic
 
 ?6 
 
 magic may have encircled it before, the intrlndc 
 value of the chara6ler of this people is completely- 
 revealed. Any fagacity ihort of brutal can now alfo 
 decypher the character of their chief; a man who,in 
 no one inftance of his abandoned and deftruclive ca- 
 reer, can have challenged the efteem of any friend 
 to virtue or humanity. It is not becaufe Bonaparte 
 is the enemy of Britain, that Britons abhor him: it 
 is not becaufe he has raifed himfelf from a private 
 ilation to a throne that he excites our indignation : 
 but becaufe he has, in his vitious career, perpetrat- 
 ed every crime ; becaufe the fteps, by which he has 
 ascended, are polluted with infamy, and ftained 
 with blood. Who was a more bitter enemy to this 
 country than Wafliington, or who more calculated 
 to produce thofe feelings v/hich arife out of a fenfe 
 of injury, and are aggravated by a recolleclion of 
 defeat ? Yet who v/as more refpected in this coun- 
 try than Wafliington ? A proof that we have the 
 generoiity to admire and to efteem a great man, 
 however adverfe his name and exertions may have 
 been, in thofe refpccts which are moft likely to 
 wound the pride and honour of a high-fpirited 
 nation. 
 
 The fuccefsof Bonaparte has alfo been furprifing; 
 but it has only proved what has been often proved 
 before, that Providence, at times, felecls the vileft 
 inftrumcnts to fulfil its ends. That he fiiould 
 
 have
 
 n 
 
 tave readied the fummit of his hopes, by the fame 
 conducl by which hefirft introduced himfelf to no- 
 tice, is illuftrativeof the profligate confiftency of his 
 character. But he has poflibly been raifcd fo high, 
 only that his fall may be the more remarkable ; 
 and I cannot help thinking, that he is refervcd as 
 fome fignal inftance of vengeance which may be 
 held forth as a terrible example to future ufurpers. 
 His character is compounded of all that is treach- 
 erous or cruel. The great ftretch of liis mind con- 
 lilts in planning with impenetrable artifice what he 
 executes with appalling defperation. He wears 
 the mafli of hypocrify till he can caft it away with 
 effecl : he tlien impofes on the fears of thofc 
 whom he controuls, by the hardiliood of the con- 
 trivance, and the celerity of the aclion. It is thus 
 that he has freed Iilmfelf from every competitor. 
 It is thus that he overawed Sieyes, difmiffed 
 the Directory, and depofed his colleagues in the 
 confuliiiip. It is thus that he enfnared Moreau, 
 at one time the mofl: popular man in France, adored 
 by the army, refpccled by liis enemies, the mofl 
 fuccefsful general wliich the revolution had pro- 
 duced, and who is now leading a life of infignifi- 
 cance and difgrace at Cadiz, with two of Bona- 
 parte's retainers perpetually at his elbow. 
 
 I muft, ncverthclcfs, contend that Bonaparte, 
 however fuccefsful he may have been, docs not pol- 
 
 feli
 
 7« 
 
 fefs one of the diftinclive features of a truly great 
 mind. His vanity is exceilive ; his love of pomp 
 puerile ; his ambition inordinate and inconfif- 
 tent. Ke has no moderation, no c:enerolitv, no 
 command of his pailions. He is endcv^^ed neither 
 with the ccmprehenfion of the flatefman, nor the 
 detail of the fmancicr. He has neither powers 
 of eloquence, nor dignity of deportment. His 
 courage is the defperate faiiies of a maniac, and 
 his military talents have, in num.berlefs inflances, 
 been furpailed. Still people are apt to afk, how, 
 with all thefe defecis, has he been able to attain 
 his prefcnt fituation? My anfsver is, that thefe 
 verydefecls have, in no fmall degree, contributed 
 to his elevation. His perfeverance is unconquer- 
 able, his cunning: infcrutable, his aclivitv indcfa- 
 tig-able. Beinir, at the fiime time, dcilitute of 
 every virtuous principle, he has not been retarded 
 by thole rcRrainls v hich iniluence the motives, 
 and operate on the actions, of other men. Villainy 
 iiril: marked him out for diftinclion, which a 
 plaint fabferviency fecureci to him ; and that power 
 which fortune bcftowcd vras foon rendered ac« 
 ceiTary to niorc expanded views. One lituation 
 opened the road to -another. He trampled down 
 every fence that interrupted his progrefs. His 
 dark working fc;ul conduclcd him through all 
 the labyriutLs of guilt, and enabled aim to cx- 
 
 j^lorc
 
 79 
 
 plore the moft intricate mazes of wickcdnefs. It 
 led him to flop at no facrifice, to be ftartled at no 
 crime ; but, as his intercft required, to £ive, with 
 a fmilc, his moft bitter enemy, or to affaiTinate, 
 without compunction, his moil confidential friend. 
 By fuch means has he acquired the power which 
 he holds : by fuch means does he dcfign to retain 
 its pofleffion. 
 
 With omnipotent fway over a humiliated and 
 enflaved people, whofe fainteft murmurs he can 
 inftantly ftifle ; purfuing a plan of aclion which 
 profelTcdly holds in thorough fcorn all public 
 opinion; equally difregarding religion, morality, 
 or juftice, the rights of his own people, or thofe 
 of foreign ftates j furrounded by the fatellites o£ 
 his vengeance, v/lio execute, with ready obedi- 
 ence, his fanguinary decrees ; regardlefs of the 
 means ; purfuing with unalterable appetency his 
 end: and, if he but fucceed, quite indifferent 
 whether by ailiuT-nation or poifon, the fubverfion 
 of donicfuc order, or the invailon of a neutral 
 country, by the abrogation of folcmn ordinances, 
 or the prc)mrJ':;;ition of frefli mandates : — fuch a 
 man, witli fuch a force, can, within the limits of 
 hi., fyhcv'?, accompiifh any tiiin?". 
 
 But wlial: Iris lic done wh/jre he has been va- 
 liantly and cordi.il'y oppofcd ? What is become 
 of his tlircats az.iinfi: thio country ? He has, it is 
 
 true,
 
 8o 
 
 true, built his boats, and aflembled his troops. So 
 far depended on his pleafure. But here he has 
 Hopped. Has he ventured to invade our fliores ? 
 Has he forgotten his folemn pledge to come in 
 perfon to Britain ? Where is this mighty captain, 
 who was to head the celebrated battalions of 
 France, and to deliver up this ifland to pillage and 
 fiaughter ? Has his change of ftation made him 
 more prudent, and, in proportion to the elevation 
 of his rank, has he lowered the grandeur of his 
 defigns ? Does he then prefer to revel in the 
 magnificence of his ufurped office ; to riot in the 
 plunder of his new fubjeds ; and be a witnefs of 
 the fervility of their cringing adulation ; to the 
 riik of this mighty project ? Does he prefer the 
 pafling pomp and ftate of his polluted dignities, 
 the fulfome flattery of his vulgar courtiers, the 
 filent proftration of a degraded and frivolous peo- 
 ple, to the noife of camps, the dangers of battles, 
 and the hazardous inconvenience of keeping his 
 word ? He has, indeed, fo far profpered ; and 
 the object of his ambition, for which he has been 
 fo long fighing, he has at laft obtained. But with 
 the elevation of rank, has he acquired the love of 
 his people, or the refpecb of mankind ? Is the 
 pillow of ftate a pillow of rcpofc; or do the guards 
 which furround his throne, prevent him from 
 dreading the afTaffin's knife ? 
 
 With
 
 8i 
 
 With what mingled horror and difguft do we 
 turn from the fcene which Paris has lately exhi- 
 bited : that perfecuted, that infulted city, fo re- 
 cently the flaughter-houfe of royalty, the fcene 
 of mafiacre and torture ; whofe kennels were 
 lately running with blood ; whofe pavement was 
 fcattered with mangled carcafes j whofe dungeons 
 are ftill crowded \\'ith innocent viiSlims. Thefe 
 appalling recollections have been obliterated by 
 fcenes of feftive debauch and drunken exhilara- 
 tion. The buffooneries and capers of mercenaries 
 have been engaged by the government, to ex;hibit 
 their antics for the delufion and gratification of a 
 truly fwinifh multitude. And why this change, 
 ye inconfiderate and abjed people ? Becaufe a 
 tyrant has, for the lad fix years, been trampling 
 on your privileges ; becaufe, previcufly to that pe- 
 tiod, he was himfelf a- chief actor at all the dread- 
 ful maffacres which you witnelfed; becaufe he 
 afterwards, at Toulon, in Italy, and* in Egypt, 
 difplayed the moft fanguinary cruelty and the 
 mod treacherous bafenefs ; becaufe he has con- 
 fiorned you to miferles which fifty years of tran- 
 quillity and regular government will fcarcely be 
 fufEcient to repair ; becaufe, by a fyftem of un- 
 paralelled artifice and perfidy, he has at length 
 climbed up to the pinnacle of his ambition ; bc- 
 taufe he now proclaims to the world that you are 
 
 L his
 
 82 
 
 liaves, that he has fet himfelf up as an idol which 
 you are commanded to worflilp, as a mafter whom 
 you are compelled to obey. Be wife, ye frivolous 
 Parifians, feeing how ye are enthralled ! Be grate- 
 ful for the childifh paftimes which his bounty 
 deigns to grant, and which are fo compatible with 
 your einafculated minds — But venture not to re- 
 monftrate ! Be filent in your fufferings 1 The 
 acl has been your own I Talk not of politics ; 
 blame not public meafures ; find no fault with your 
 adminiflrators. Legions of fpies, informers, and 
 executioners, encompafs you j and dungeons, and 
 rackj?, and guillotines, are gaping for their vic- 
 tims! 
 
 If any ad that was ever fubmitted to human 
 contemplation be worthy of exciting the extreme 
 of ridicule, indignation, and difguft, it is the late 
 act which raifed Bonaparte to the imperial dig- 
 nity. And does this pretender imagine, that, be- 
 caufe Pope Leo lU. placed the imperial diadem on 
 the brow of Charlemagne, the fame office, per- 
 formed towards him by Pope Pius Vllth, can in 
 any degree allimilate his chara6ler with the bril- 
 liant virtues and extraordinary endowments of 
 that truly great man. In the one cafe, it was the 
 powerful head of a moft powerful church, con- 
 fecrating, through the fuperilition of mankind^ 
 the legal rights of the moft potent prince in 
 
 Chriftendom ;
 
 83 
 
 "^Chriftendom ; in the other, it is the degraded 
 -- head of a degraded church, prollituting his fmall 
 remains of dignity, by aflifting at the inaugura* 
 tion of an ufurper. And dares the wretch, who 
 is polluted with every crime which power or 
 meannefs can commit ; who has maflacred and 
 poifoned in the mafs ; or, when it better fuited 
 his purpofe, has adminiflered, without remorfe, 
 the fecret dagger and the fecret bowl ; who has 
 himfelf been the perpetrator of every blafphemy 
 and abomination ; dares he, with mockery in his 
 heart, kneel down and offer up his hollow fuppli- 
 cations to the throne of Almighty God? What 
 muft we think of the audacious impiety of fuch 
 a petition, or of the abject fervility of the chief of 
 a once mighty priefthood that could officiate at 
 fuch a ceremony ? 
 
 But can it be expeded, on any found principles 
 of human reafon or experience, that this tragical 
 farce (if I may fo exprefs myfelf) can for many 
 years endure ? I hear people quoting examples 
 from eaftern flory, or from the barbarous ages of 
 our own quarter of the globe. But where is the 
 parallel ? Will fuch precedents in any fliape ap- 
 ply to the prefent Hate of Europe ? Is it even to 
 be imagined, that a new dynafty can, in thefc 
 times, be fuccefsfully planted, and perpetuated, in 
 the very heart of Chriftendom ? And who is the 
 
 I. 2 foundet
 
 84 
 founder of this empire ; or what are his 
 claims to its pofleffion, or to the tranfmiffion 
 of it to his pofterity ? A man without rank, 
 without connexions, and, above all, without vir- 
 tue : who is an alien to the foil which he has fub- 
 jugated, and over which he would eternife his 
 fway. The throne itfelf and moft of the great 
 offices of emolument and truft filled by ftrumpets 
 and affaffins, robbers and fvvindlers, peculating 
 officers, handicraft mechanics, and confirmed va- 
 gabonds. Really, when we coniider what the 
 character and family of this m.an are, the impe- 
 rial titles, which have lately been fo laviflily con- 
 ferred, are the moft acrimonious fatire (though 
 not at all intended) on royalty and high defcent, 
 that was ever promulged to the ridicule of the 
 world. But is it to be poffibly conceived that 
 thefe tranfadions can endure ; that all the ftrong 
 prejudices of mankind in favour of old families 
 and hereditary diftinclion, are to be obliterated 
 by a defpotic decree, and to be merged in the 
 •contemiplation of all this fuftian dignity and trum- 
 pery parade ?* With all his powerful proteclion, 
 
 * Bonaparte, it is said, not satisfied with his own elevation, 
 designs to erecl two new kingdoms in Italy and Holland for 
 his two impend brother*, Prince Joseph and Prince Louis, or 
 his imperial brother-in-law, Prince Murat. 
 
 Bonaparte
 
 85 
 
 Bonaparte has fcarcely been able to perfuade a 
 fingle individual of the antient nobility of France 
 to adorn his court, a place in which their honour 
 would feel an irretrievable difgrace. A few in- 
 deed have fo diflionoured their name, but oialy 
 thofe who were already covered with contempt, 
 and ftained with every vice which avarice or im- 
 piety could commit. 
 
 I pity the feelings of thofe foreigners whofe 
 official duties oblige them to attend at thefe up-» 
 ftart levees j to obferve the ceremonial of this 
 new court j and to bow before wretches who are 
 among the moft worthlefs of mankind. If ever a 
 peace fhould be again ligned between England and 
 Bonaparte, I do finccrely hope that Englifli gentle- 
 men will a little confult their own dignity, and that 
 not one, except thofe whofe painful duty enjoins 
 it, will degrade himfelf by bending the body before 
 fuch arrogant preteniion. Thofe who, during the 
 laft peace, crouded in the Confutes train, have paid 
 fevercly for their humility or their curioiity ; nor, 
 fiiould the occalion again prefent itfelf, would the 
 Emperor treat them with greater delicacy or con- 
 defcenfion. But let us turn from this odious 
 theme, on which I have already dwelt too long, to 
 the fober contemplation of this mighty boaftcr, 
 ?ind afcertain,notwithfiandlng all his vaunts, what 
 
 he
 
 86 
 
 he has been able to effe^^, fmce the renewal of hof- 
 tilities, againft this country. 
 
 If we reduce all thefe threats to the flandard of 
 truth, what remains — Nothing — abfolutely no^ 
 thing. No one battle fought with fuccefs, no one 
 cnterprife of moment even attempted. The only 
 object which the French have achieved, was taking 
 by furprife their own fettlement of Goree, from 
 which we again expelled them in lefs than a 
 week. 
 
 They have indeed afTembled a mighty army of 
 foldierSj and a mighty fleet of boats oppolite the 
 Britifh coaft ; but which, fo far from venturing 
 to face us, they have taken fpecial care to protect 
 by every kind of fortification and entrenchment, 
 by batteries and chains in every direction, from 
 the vengeance of our attacks. Are thefe then, af- 
 ter fuch a ufe of their preparations, a people for- 
 midable to the independence of this country j a 
 people calculated to make a fearful impreffion on 
 us ; a people likely to fubdue us ? On the con- 
 trary, we are the affailants, they are the belieged, 
 We have, with our fhipping, drawn a line of cir- 
 cumvallation round their coaft ; we have block- 
 aded every harbour. Scarcely a boat can quit 
 or enter their havens without being expofed to 
 our aflaults ; and, inftead of venturing to open 
 fea, they are forced to Ikulk along the Ihore, un- 
 der
 
 8? 
 
 der the protection of their own batteries, to avoid 
 inevitable deftruclion. 
 
 What then is this boafled power of France, 
 this Leviathan which was to fwallow us up. An 
 imperious challenge was fent, which told us that 
 we could no longer contend fmgle-handcd. "We 
 threw the defiance in his teeth, and have proved 
 its falfehood. To what then is the power oi 
 France reduced ? To a conduct mofl unworthy 
 of its means, to acls of cowardly barbarity, to 
 robbery and piracy. How are its forces employed? 
 In pillaging its own fubjecls, its obedient depen- 
 dents, and its weak allies ; in laying linking go- 
 vernments under ruinous contributions ; in exer- 
 cifmg acts of petty vengeance againft petty fiates ; 
 in invading neutral territories to feizc a gallant 
 prince, who, for want of a powerful interference, 
 was bafelv ailaffinated : or a diplomatic orentle- 
 man, who, in confequence of a powerful inter- 
 ference, was as bafely delivered up. Princes, who 
 dare not rcfufe, are ordered to attend at a deo-rad- 
 ing coronation ; inilrudions are given to Ambafla- 
 dors at foreign courts, wherever it can be d(;ne 
 with fafety, to demean themfelves with fapercUi- 
 ous haughtinefs and infolent indiflerence towards 
 the fovercigns by whom tlicy are accredited ; m^em- 
 bcrs of governments which are nominally free, 
 but intrinfically dependent, are arrcfted for cxcr- 
 
 ciTinfT-
 
 cifing thofe functions which their duties enjoin j 
 and thofe left are menaced with immediate chaf^ 
 tifement, if they do not inftantly reverfe objec- 
 tionable decrees, or if they venture in future to in- 
 termeddle^ in the flighteft degree, with their own 
 alFairSk 
 
 Having therefore afccrtained the total incapa- 
 city of Bonaparte, as far as events have hitherto 
 been difclofed, to moleft this country, let us next 
 examine what we have been able to accomplifli 
 againft him. In fpite of all the idle declamation 
 which we have heard; in fpite of all the grave accu- 
 fations which have been adduced againft the ener- 
 gies of Great Britain ; by a candid ftatement of 
 facts, confidering the relative poiition of the two 
 countries, it will appear that we have no reafonablc 
 caufe to be dilTatisfied with our exertions. ' So far 
 from agreeing that nothing has been done, I am 
 willing to think, and I hope fliall be able to prove, 
 that we have done a great deal ; that, inllead of 
 having tarnillied, we have brightened the glory of 
 the nation, and that what has been already 
 achieved mav be re2;arded as the forerunner ot" 
 more (i2:nal fuccefTes. 
 
 When firft we refumed our hoftile porition,thc 
 government of the country was certainly in the 
 hands of an incompetent adminiftration, incom- 
 petent both in talent and vigour ; and, during 
 
 whofe
 
 89 
 
 wliofe rule, almoft every thing was as unwifely 
 conceived as inexpertly executed. 
 
 The peace, of Amiens, confidering the high 
 ground on which Great Britain then ftood, was, 
 perhaps, the moft galling accommodation to which 
 we ever fubmitted, calculated not only to link us 
 in the national opinion, but in the opinion of the 
 whole world. It feemed to be a confefiion, ex- 
 torted from our weaknefs, that we furrendered 
 the palm of vidory and honour to France ; and 
 that we were no longer able to cope with the 
 fuperior ftrength and fortune of her arms. We 
 111 recollecl what exhilaration it caufed at the mo- 
 ment ; what dejedlion it caufed on refledion. 
 The childifh arrogance of Bonaparte prevented 
 him, however, from taking full advantage of the 
 phlegmatic fupinenefs, or timorous precaution, of 
 the Britifli cabinet ; and the country was faved, 
 in the firft inftance, more from his irtfane precipi- 
 tation, than from its own fenfe of danger. 
 
 His reiterated and undifguifed a£ts of infolence, 
 rapacity, and contempt, roufed us at length from 
 our lethargy ; and, when the merits of the treaty 
 came to be fairly canvafTed, we difcovered how 
 miferably we had been cajoled. This treaty, which 
 had been fo lately a fubje(^ of exultation, was now 
 difapproved of in the fame proportion ; and the 
 inode in which the Chief Conful prefumed to 
 
 M di£t2ktG
 
 96 
 
 (Ji^ate that the ftipulations which it contained 
 fliouid be interpreted and executed, inflamed th« 
 indignation of every one that felt for the honour 
 pF his country. The miniftry, however, ftill con- 
 tinued to waver and protract, fearful to proceed 
 to extremities, till at laft the unanimous voice of 
 the coi^ntry demanded vengeance. 
 
 War revived, but the fmows of war were dread- 
 fully relaxed. Our navy had been difmantled, 
 pur naval ftores difpofed of, cur veteran troops 
 (difbanded, and the income tax repealed. All thefe 
 meafures h^d been precipitated for the fake of 
 tranliept popularity, or mifconceived frugality^ 
 during thirteen months of broken repofe. Bo- 
 riaparte, in the mean time, had been augmenting 
 his army, repairing his navy, and carrying on, 
 with unremitting zeal, every projeA of future an- 
 noyance. We had alfo reftored into his hands 
 nearly all the brilliant conquefts of an eight-yeara* 
 war. Nothing then cpuld well be more difliearten- 
 ing than the reduced ftate of this country when 
 Jipftilitics recommenced. : for wc had not ODlf 
 granted a ;'efpite ^o our bittereft ^^my, which he 
 J;ad moft advantagcou|;iy employed, but we had, 
 in an inverfe ratio, debilitated our own facultios 
 of offence and refiftance. 
 
 The unanimous zeal and patriotic fpirit of the 
 gov.ntry intcrpofed at this perilous crifis to refci;^ 
 
 it
 
 91 
 
 I*: from impending perdition, and the incapacity 
 of the government was fupplied and redified by 
 the loyal energies Of tlie people. One favourable 
 circumflance, as I have already obferved, and that 
 not an unimportant one, had, however, refulted 
 from the peace. It completely got rid of the old 
 grounds of the war with France^ oh which 
 (although I was perfedlly fatlsfied both as to its 
 jullice and neccflity) fuch various and oppofite 
 fentiments were entertained; It gave the people 
 an opportunity of tailing thofe imagined fweets 
 which they fbolifhly conceived muft be the confe- 
 quence of peace on any terms ; and which, on that 
 account, they had been fo clamorotis to obtain. 
 It, at the fame time, demonftrated to them the 
 error of their expeclationsi It proved tO them, in 
 the plaineft way, the ablblute iin-pojjib'illty of main- 
 taining any relations of amity or reconciliation 
 with the government of France, as it was then 
 conftitutcdj and die abfolute neceffity of again op- 
 poftng it^ to preferve their independence. The 
 fchfe of danger vibrated through every quar- 
 ter of the land. The impulfe, like the elec- 
 tric fhock, was felt fimultanpoufly. The call 
 of duty, of honour, of patriotifm, beat higli 
 in every brcail. No exertion was thought too 
 active j no privation, no facrifice, too great. 
 The olive withered in the hand which again 
 grafpcd the fword, and the youth of Britain 
 M a flocked
 
 92 
 
 flocked round the tlirone oi a patriot king* 
 They offered themfelves as an armour of -defence 
 to the wants of the ftate. Never was a purer 
 fervour, a fincercr devotion, a ftronger feeling of 
 public magnanimity teftified, than that which at 
 this critical juncture was difplayed by the volun- 
 tary effulions of this great country. It came 
 home to every Britifli bofom. It proved that the 
 old flock of Britifli virtue, which our illuftrious 
 "anceftors had engrafted on the genuine tree of 
 liberty, was neither exhaufted nor impaired j and 
 that in fpite of all the filly experiments which had 
 been made to improve or vitiate its growth, its na- 
 tive vigour had refifted the impreffion, and it ftill 
 flourifhed in full purity and health. 
 
 I have been aftoniihed at the ridicule and levity 
 with which the volunteers have frequently been 
 treated, and that amidft the graveft deliberations, 
 and by men from whom one would not have ex- 
 pected fuch fooUfli or fuch malicious irony. There 
 may be different and more eiEcient modes refpect- 
 ing their organization, but that does not in the 
 lead detract from their merit, which I muft ever 
 infift has a full claim to the gratitude of the com- 
 munity. 
 
 The want of an advantage often ftrikes the per- 
 ceptions of mankind more forcibly than its poffef- 
 fion j and the utility of a meafure is frequently 
 moft plainly demonltrated by its oppofite. For 
 
 the
 
 93 
 the fake of argument, thereforCj I will put a ca£(% 
 and fuppofe that a contrary fpirit had manifefted 
 itfelf. That this zeal, inftead of declaring iii 
 favour of the government, had declared againft 
 it. What would, under fuch circumftances, have 
 become of the commonwealth, under the guid- 
 ance of a feeble adminiftration, reduced as our 
 regular troops and militia then were ? The very 
 idea makes one ihudder through every fibre. 
 Let not then thefe worthy and ufeful citizens be 
 traduced or underrated. The very declaration 
 of their fentiments, and the alacrity with which 
 they offered their fervices, firft gave confidence to 
 the ftate ; and, in fpite of the romances or invec- 
 tives of feme, or the vulgar and abfurd fcurrility 
 of others, the country acknowledges the obli- 
 gation. Far be it from me to attempt to compare 
 them with regular, troops. They cannot be ex- 
 pected to poffefs their fcience or their fkill. But 
 ftill their immenfe numbers, animated by their 
 courage and zeal, in which they are not deficient, 
 would make great amends for defect in difci- 
 pline ; and Ihould their fervices be ever required, 
 they will not difappoint public expecl.ition. 
 
 Zeal is affuredly one of the firil qualifications 
 of a foldier; and," when it urges on a people to thr. 
 defence of their native foil, we almoft uniformly 
 find it an overmatch for every impediment. 
 
 Where
 
 y4 
 
 Where tftie patriotlfm prevails, every citizen com- 
 municates the fum of his faculties to the aggregate 
 force of the ftate. He ftiares in its dangers and 
 its fuccefs. Alnioft eVery country is equal to its 
 defence, when that defence has befen ohce firmly 
 refolved on; aiid a tiatioii of freSmeii is not to 
 be conquered by myriads of invaders. When 
 Ibldiers are Infpired by a fenfe of duty, and a ge- 
 nuine love of glory arid indSpendenee, they rea- 
 dily imbibe the difcipline of ^var, and are eafily 
 trained to the duties and hardfhips of Camps. 
 
 Thefe maxims were moft ihcontrovertibly prov- 
 ed, in antient times, by the Grecian and Roman 
 flates ; in modern times, by Switzerland and Hol- 
 land } and, in our own times, by America and 
 France. What was it in thefe countries, at all 
 thefe different eras, that infured fuccefs, but the 
 voluntary fpirit of the people ? It pre*/ailed over 
 all the regular vetefans that could be brought 
 againfl them. National fpirit and unanimity arc, 
 in faft, the ground-work of all effectual refillance. 
 Every thing elfe follows* Soldiers, fired by that 
 feeling, engage with an intrepidity which nothing 
 can daunt. As to the idea that nohe Cart be good 
 foldiers but thofe who have feeii fervice, this is a 
 propofition which every year's experience totally 
 difproves. Men frequently behave as gallantly 
 the firll time they go into adion as the mofl ve- 
 teran
 
 95 
 
 texan troops. Were it otherwife, it would confi- 
 derably diminifli the ufe and efficiency of our 
 regular army. Not being a continental power, 
 our foldiers have no.t the frequent opportunities 
 which are afforded to other foldiers of mingling 
 in battle ; yet, when they dp engage, they have 
 i'cklom been found the laft at attack, or the firft 
 at retreat. Soldiers are no doubt improved, in 
 certain rcfpc6ls, like men in other profeflions, by 
 practice. Still the foundation of a military cha- 
 ra<fl:er is courage and zeal, qualities which are the 
 effeft of nature and civil education : the refl: is 
 acquired by a very flioi't apprenticefliip. I ar/i 
 here fpeaking of foldiers, not officers-^whofe qua^ 
 lifications are infinitely more complicated, and 
 muft be the refult of genius, application, and a 
 long fource of practical and tlieoretical know- 
 ledge combined. If, therefore, our foldiers be 
 commanded by Ikilful oflicers, they may agitin be 
 viftorious, as they have often before been, the lir:S. 
 time they flcfh their fwords. I do not, therefore-, 
 as far as the fafety of the commonwealth is con- 
 cerned, look at the black fide of things — on the 
 contrary, I look at the bright fide, and fully ex- 
 pect that the wreath of conqueft and glory will 
 <:ontinue to adorn our warriors' brows. Let 
 Vs, however, as I propofcd, fee what has been 
 
 ^Ircad)'
 
 95 
 
 already done, and. on that foundation fear the 
 f;ibrie of future hope. .^> v^..,,. -. 
 
 If we have not been able to land armies on the 
 Continent of Europe j to crufli the progrefs of 
 French extortion ; and to fnatch the neighbouring 
 ilates from theii* ruinous connexion with France ; 
 as far as our power and influence extend, as far 
 as has depended on the means of this country, we 
 liave neither been idle nor unfuccefsfuL The in- 
 fluence of France on the Continent muft always 
 be greater than that of England. She is a mi- 
 Etary empire, fituated in the very centre of con- 
 tinental action. Her very pofition and popula- 
 tion muft ever rank her among the leading ftates ; 
 and, humbled as flie has been at particular periods, 
 file has always regained her equipoife. Our in- 
 fiuence is derived from lefs direft fourccs ; but, 
 on that very account, our interfei'ence muft be 
 generally ferviceable, and can never be danr^erous, 
 to the balance of power** • Throughout our hil- 
 
 tory 
 
 * Frarrce, particularly since the revolution, has Tjcen conti- 
 iiirally making a violent outcry against us as the mcr\opclizer$ 
 of the v.-QilJ ; and has been endeavouring to diveit the con- 
 tenipLii'nn cf Europe from her own anribitious projects, by ex- 
 citing'' iealousv acrainst what she is pleased to tej-m the despo- 
 tls-in of our comniercial and naval greatness. Tlicse charges, 
 uvhich, under the auspices of the French government, were ;4_ 
 fsT/ yeajs back urged by Hauterive, v.-ith some plausibility, 
 
 wert
 
 97 
 
 tory for the laft three hundred years, we have 
 feldom been oppofed to France in continental wal*, 
 but when France has been aiming at the fubver- 
 lion of the general liberties of Europe. 
 
 As however we ftand more immediately op- 
 pofed in rivality to France, we have wounded her 
 in her moft vital interefts. We have nearly anni- 
 hilated her navy and her commerce, thofe abun- 
 
 were completely exposed and refuted in Mr. Gentz's most 
 able answer. He has plainly shewn, that our commercial and 
 naval greatness, instead of being detrimental, are highly ad- 
 vantageous to Europe, as they have enabled us to keep pace 
 with the great continental powers, and frequently to interfere 
 witli success in the preservation of the political balance. That 
 balance which has been often preserved, but was never endan- 
 gered by us, continued secure till tlie continental aggrandise- 
 ment of France completely overset it. Here then, in her own 
 actual example, is a complete exposition of the futility and 
 falsehood of the charges which have been brought against us. 
 In all our political concerns, particularly for the last 150 years, 
 the grand object of all our alliances has been to sustain the 
 balance of power. France, on the contrary, has been ever 
 aiming to subvert it, and from the blindness, credulity, and 
 pusillanimity of other states, she has at length effected her de- 
 sign. Our long contest with Louis the XlVth, was to prevent 
 the junction of the French and Spanish monarchies. Our as- 
 sistance of the king of Prussia, in the seven years' war, was to 
 curb the preponderating power of Austria. In both instances 
 we assisted the weak against the strortg, and in both instances 
 were successful. 
 
 N dant
 
 98 
 
 (^ant fources of power and wealth. The very 
 remnant of her once potent marine, which, in 
 better days, was able, in feme degree, to contend 
 with the fleets of l^ritain, is, to all intents and 
 purpofes, completely ruined Ever fince Lord 
 Nelfon's decifive vi6lory, which ftruck a darrip 
 into the heart of every mariner of France, flie 
 |ias never ventured to fhow herfelf as a naval 
 power, and, indeed, for the greateft part of the 
 time, has tamely allowed herfelf to be blocked 
 up in her own ports by Britifh fquadrons. Ships 
 ihe ftill has, but in a few years more, there will 
 fcarcelybe a failor in France who has ever been at 
 fea. We have abfolutely thrown up an entrench- 
 ment round her coaft, which confines her at home, 
 and the manoeuvres of her ihips are circumfcribed 
 to her own harbours.* 
 
 But 
 
 • The Rochfort squadron, it appears, has at last made its 
 escape. About its force and destination a variety of opinions 
 is entertained. In all probability, however, it has steered 
 its course for the East Indies. Our East India fleet is on 
 the point of sailing, and they may be looking out for an 
 opportunity of retrieving, in some measure, the disgrace which 
 attended Linois. If they cruise from eighteen to twenty 
 degrees of west longitude, they will be almost certain of 
 falling in with our trade, as that is the track which our ships 
 always steer, and of which they cannot be ignorant, from 
 our nautical publications. The Bengal fleet, worth at least 
 
 I,500,C00L
 
 99 
 
 But what can be the notions o£ fallolrsj (if TuCh 
 they can be termed) whofe experience and prac- 
 tical knowledge are fo clofely tied up ? They may, 
 to be fure, as often as they pleafe, fmell their own 
 powder, and liften to the report of their own 
 guns. In their excurfions and tacks, within the 
 circumference of their own ports, they may reef 
 topfails, and lower yards, at their leifure, and, in 
 the event of fqualls or tempeftuous weather, they 
 may find foundings, and difcover good anchorage, 
 without the rilk of fliipwreck. This may be all 
 very pretty fliow, and, on the fcore of amufement, 
 may be ranked with the dances and fongs of their 
 operas, the ridiculous buffooneries of their little 
 theatres, or the gimcracks, and gewgaws, and noti- 
 fenlical and vulgar parade, of their coronations. 
 But what can be hoped for by the wildeft fpecula- 
 tors, Ihould they venture to encounter us on that 
 element which is now peculiarly our own j to 
 wage war with thofe hardy veterans who, fbr the 
 laft tv/elvc years, have been braving every dangerj 
 
 1,500,0001. is now lying at P rtsmouth, waiting for a wind, 
 and seven more large ships, for China, whose cargoes may 
 be estimated at 1, 400,0001 . are appointed to sail in March. 
 How far it may be adviseable, supposing we hear nothing of 
 the Rochtbrt squadron, to send a force sufficient for their 
 protectiun to the above particular situation, I leave to gO' 
 vcrnment to determine. 
 
 N 2 and
 
 lOO 
 
 and ploughing the main in every latitude without 
 a competitor ? We might now, with fome plea, of 
 propriety, affix Van Tromp*s broom to the maft 
 head, for we have abfolutely fwept the feas of 
 every opponent, and the Britifh flag, in every 
 quarter of the globe, rides decidedly triumphant. 
 Even our loaded merchantmen, as has been lately 
 moft proudly proved, are an overmatch for French 
 fliips of war. 
 
 No circumftance could have fo potently tended 
 to fmk the French marine into abfolute contempt 
 as the brilliant event, which, in the month of Fe- 
 bruary, 1S04, took place between the India fliip- 
 ping and the French fquadron under Linois. This 
 admiral, in the fervice of France, was abfolutely 
 beaten off, and compelled to fly before a fleet of 
 heavily laden trading fliips, of whofe failing he 
 had received intelligence ; which he had been even 
 lying wait for, to capture; which he dcfigncdly fell 
 in with ; and which was only faved by their bra- 
 very and his cowardice. If the cafe had been re- 
 verfed, the fquadron Britifli, and the merchant- 
 men French, we may, I think, venture to affert, 
 that every one would have been taken or funk. 
 
 To India and America we can turn with fatisfac- 
 tion on our military exploits. In the former coun- 
 try the French party has been completely fuffo- 
 
 cated.
 
 lOl 
 
 cated, and we have juft concluded a moft brilliant 
 war, by the deftrucbion of theMahratta confederacy. 
 We have added immenfe territories to our former 
 dominions ; and, whilft the French have been en- 
 tirely expelled, we have, by our frefli acquilitions, 
 firmly eftablifked our empire in that quarter. In 
 this fenfe only have the additional provinces which 
 we have gained been confequential. Our territo- 
 rial poiTeilions in India arc certainly a lofing con- 
 cern, but our trade is of immenfe importance ; 
 and whatever tends to its extenfion or fecurity 
 muft be regarded as a national benefit. 
 
 In the Weft Indies we have already nearly re> 
 covered by our arms what an incautious negotia- 
 tion had too eafily ceded. St. Lucia, Tobago, De- 
 merara, Surinam, Berbice, Ifliquibo, St. Pierre, 
 and Miquelon, are again ours. From St. Domingo, 
 the trade of which formerly produced to France 
 an annual profit of 3,ooo,oool. fiierling, the French 
 are finally driven, without the hope of return. 
 The miferable remnant of Rochambeau's army, 
 which failed from Europe 60,000 flirong, was 
 faved from the fury of the natives by the huma- 
 nity of the Britifti, who carried them off in their 
 fliips, and who, for this act of kindnefs, were 
 repaid by the blacked ingratitude. ToulTaint was 
 intrapped, and bafely fuffered to perifli in the dun- 
 geons of France j but DefiTalines has been more 
 
 warv .
 
 tQ2 
 
 wary. Like Bonaparte in Europe, he has been 
 alfo invefted with the purple; and in their defcent^ 
 their cruelties, and their ufurpationS;^ as well as 
 their imperial titles, they are worthy rivals. 
 
 Thus, although the coloffal fway of this Euro- 
 pean upftart be itill flourifhing on the continent of 
 Europe, from the other three quarters of the 
 globe he is literally banillied. His name and hi& 
 power are alike defpifed. They are a dead letter ; 
 and French influence is as unfelt in thofe regions, 
 as that of the petty princes of the interior of 
 Africa is unknown to us. 
 
 With all this humiliating defalcation of po- 
 litical confequence, the commerce of France is 
 alfo cxtin£l. Thofe myriads of fliips, which, 
 under the protedlion of a well-appointed and war- 
 like navy, formerly covered the feas, and crowded 
 the havens of France ; which, whilfl they fcrved 
 as an ample nurfery for feamen, were empk)yed in 
 the traniportation of the immenfe produce of her 
 colonics J which enabled her to carry on a pro- 
 digious and moil lucrative trailic to the Eaft and 
 Weil Indies, America, Africa, the Levant, the Me- 
 diterranean, the BaUic, and all the maritime ftate? 
 of Europe, bringing home raw materials for which 
 Ihc bartered the growth or the manufactures of 
 her own country, diffuling opulence and induf- 
 try, vigour and happiftefs, through every pro- 
 vince.
 
 103 
 
 vincc, are now rotting in idlenefs at home. AU 
 thefe prolific fources of profperity, and the innu- 
 merable currents which branched from them, 
 have been cut off by the interference and fuperio- 
 rity of Britain. And is this to have accomplifhed 
 nothing ? People, however, are not wanting who 
 ftill pertinacioufly maintain this folecifm — and, 
 by the promulgation of their falfe prophecies, de- 
 rived from a fpurious parentage, ftrive to generate 
 difcontent, and to throw a damp on the generous 
 ardour of the country. But it has, I hope, been 
 unanfwerably fhown, that this language, however 
 it may apply to France, is totally inapplicable to 
 Britain ; and that thefe accufations, as far as we 
 . are concerned, are as malicious as they are prepof- 
 terous and falfe. 
 
 A new enemy hasjuft entered the lift againft us, 
 and the antient connexion between France and Spain 
 has been actively revived, on, however, very diffe- 
 rent principles, and under very different aufpices, 
 from the old family compact. Unhappy Spain, 
 how muft thou feel thyfelf fallen from thine an- 
 tient grandeur, to be reduced to the pitiable ne- 
 ceffity of forming an alliance with a government 
 v/hich has cut off the elder branch of thy family 
 from one of the moft fplendid thrones in Europe, 
 and which is preparing the fame fad deftiny for 
 thee J whcfe hands are ftill red with the blood 
 
 of
 
 104 
 
 of thy neareft relatives ; and whofe mind would 
 fain embrue them in thine own ! And againft 
 what power art thou arming ? Againft the only- 
 one that has had the fortitude and generofity to 
 fight for the caufe of humanity, to withftand the 
 torrent, which, without its oppofition, would 
 have, long lince, ingulphed Europe, and have 
 overfet every throne and altar which ftill re- 
 main. 
 
 Much has been faid about the juftice, much 
 about the policy of the conduft of this country 
 towards Spain. I can perceive no intricacy what- 
 ever in the fokition of this problem ; and when 
 the queftion is difencumbered of thofe extraneous 
 appendages with which it has been furcharged, it 
 becomes fo clear, that all thofe heavy accufations, 
 which have been fo falfely and malicioufly urged 
 againft the Britilli government, inftantly fall to 
 the ground. 
 
 By the treaty of St. Ildefonfo, which was 
 figned by France and Spain in the month of 
 Auguft 1 796, an offensive and defenftve alliance 
 was mutually entered into, binding the contract- 
 ing parties, in cafe of future war, to aflift each 
 other with a certain contingent of men and fhips. 
 Thus much Spain acknowledges in her manifefto, 
 but endeavours to evade the refponlibility necef- 
 farily attaching to fuch an engagement, by declar-
 
 10$ 
 
 Ing that iiie neither provided the one nor the 
 other, but paid inftead rai equivalent in money^ 
 and thus preferved her neutrality*. 
 
 Now let us for a moment examine this curious 
 mode of reafoning. It is very evident, that, by 
 the ftipulations of the treaty alluded to, what- 
 ever the amount of the contingent might be, the 
 moment France and we became belligerents, op- 
 pofed to each other, Spain, unlefs at our requili* 
 tion {he formally and explicitly renounced her en- 
 gagement with France, became a party againft 
 us, and might fairly have been confidered and 
 treated by us as an eriemy. But let us attend to 
 the futility of the explanation. What does an 
 equivalent mean, but fomething of equal value, as 
 the very term denotes, to the party that requires 
 the fulfilment of a contract ? The French, con- 
 duced as their government has long been, ar6 
 not a people difpofed to make abatements, or to 
 flirink from a legal demand, efpecially when it is 
 due from a ftate that dreads their interference, 
 and pays an implicit obedience to their commands* 
 France, when firft {he applied to Spain, Wanted 
 neither men, nor {hips, but money — at leaft it was 
 for money that ilie was moft immediately diftreffed, 
 to meet her urgent exigencies j to continue on foot 
 
 * See the Declaration of War by Spain, dated Madridj 
 December 14-, IfiOi. 
 
 O her
 
 100 
 
 her immenfe eflablifliments*; to feed the rapacity 
 of men in power ; to defray the extravagant ex- 
 pences of an upftart court ; and to prepare for the 
 magnificence of an approaching coronation. Are 
 we then to confider this money, which, to all in- 
 tents and purpofes, was a war fubfidy j which both 
 the French and Spaniards regard as tantamount 
 to other fpecial engagements; and which the French 
 themfelves admit to be a full and ample fulfilment 
 of the term of a warhke coalition, as a totally 
 innoxious provifion ? 
 
 But this was by no means the only caufe of dif- 
 fatisfaclion and difputc. Independently of thefe 
 pecuniary fupplies, I can aver from fa6ls, fome of 
 which fell under my own obfervation, that, from 
 the moment of the renewal of hoftilities between 
 France and this country, Spain was, till within the 
 laft few months, committing direct and pofitive 
 afts of fyftematic warfare againft us ; not in a fo- 
 litary inflance, not as an exception againft a ge- 
 neral rule, but as a rule almoft without an ex- 
 ception. 
 
 It is notorious to every one, who,fince the break- 
 ing out of the prefent war, has been in the Me- 
 diterranean, or in countries adjacent to that 
 fea, that every Spanifli port, which is convenient 
 for the purpofe, has teemed with French priva- 
 teers. Thefe privateers were, in many inftanccs, 
 
 partly
 
 107 
 
 partly manned by Spaniards, Spaniards having 
 Ihares in them, and enjoyed the prote6Uon of the 
 Spanilh government. They were continually on 
 the watch in their lurking places, to which they had 
 free accels at all times, and in all ways. They were 
 fupplied with every want, whether of provifions 
 or naval (lores; and remained there any length of 
 time ; making captures indifferently on the open 
 feas or within the boundaries of neutrality, and 
 bringing in their prizes, where both fliip and 
 cargo were regularly condemned. The property 
 thus illegally feized and difpofed of, if it fuited 
 the Spanifh market, was fold there j if otherwifc, 
 it was diflributed among Spanifli coaftcrs, and 
 conveyed, under the protection of the Spanifh 
 flag, to France, or to any other more profitable 
 or commodious port. Nor was this pernicious 
 fyftem confined to Europe. In the Weft Indies it 
 was pufhed to ftill further extremities, to the great 
 annoyance and injury of our colonial trade. In the 
 ifland of Cuba, not only were prizes condemned, 
 but a French expedition was fitted out, under the 
 aufpiccs of the Spanifli governor, againft the Ba- 
 hamas, which was only abandoned in confe- 
 qucncc of the death of Noallles, the French 
 general, who had been appointed to the com- 
 mand.* Were Britifli privateers allowed to 
 
 ♦ See governor Ilalkctt's letters to lord Hobart, dated fron* 
 Iiahamas,in February and April 1804 (Nos. 26, 27, and 28, of 
 
 O 2 Uic
 
 io8 
 
 affemble in the fame manner ; to remain the 
 fame time; to difpofe of prizes in the fame 
 way J or to partake of any of the fame privi^ 
 leges ? notorioufly not ! Was not this then ano- 
 ther fliameful breach of neutrahty, and, if we had 
 chofen to make it fo, another fair caufe of war? 
 
 A third ground of war was the permiillon 
 granted by the court of Spain for the pafTage of 
 French marines and failors, through the Spanifl^ 
 territory, to man a French fquadron of fhips which 
 was lying at Ferrol, and which was then watched 
 by a Britifh fquadron of inferior force. We fuf- 
 tained a ferious injury by this pcrmiflion, as it 
 enabled the French to flrengthen their force, renr 
 dered them more equal to oppofe us, and gave 
 them a better chance of defeating our vigilance, 
 and effecting their object, which was to form a 
 junction with the Toulon fleet. Was not this 
 therefore a flagrant departure from neutrality ? 
 
 A fourth caufe of war arofe, when the French, 
 notwithfl:anding thefe fupplies, fearing ftill that 
 they might be unequal in a conteft with the fur 
 perior fl^ill and courage of Britifti failors, pre- 
 vailed on Spain to fit out her own fliips, not only in 
 Ferrol but in other ports, probably to attack the 
 Britifli fleet in conjunction with the French : at 
 
 the papers laid before Parliament on the 2nd and 4th of Fe- 
 bruary) confirming this account. 
 
 all
 
 109 
 
 all events to overawe it, and to oblige it to quit an 
 advantageous ftation. Was not this alfo a pofitive 
 breach of neutrality ?* 
 
 But all the above afls, violent and flagrant as 
 they are, were apparently only an introduftion to 
 flill more decifive meafures. By the eleventh article 
 of the treaty in queftion, in addition to the forces 
 which had been fpecially agreed on, in cafe they 
 fliould be infuiEcient, it is farther covenanted, 
 that " the two contracting powers Ihall put on 
 foot the greatcft forces they poflibly can, as well 
 by fea as by land, againft the enemy of the power 
 attacked,"! Here then is a complete end to all qua- 
 lification, and the treaty goes the whole length of 
 the moft violent ftate of hoftility in which an ene- 
 my can be placed. The tenour and fpirit of this 
 treaty are alfo peculiarly offenfive and fcandalous,as 
 they take from the parties all right of judgment 
 refpecling the juflice or legality of war. The fuc- 
 cours furnifhed are to be placed entirely at the 
 difpofal of the requiring power, without being ob- 
 liged to give any account of the motives by which 
 it may have been determined. | Is this then to be 
 regarded as a treaty indifferent or innoxious to us ? 
 
 * By referring to the papers presented to Parliament on the 
 2Uh of Jan. from Nos. 29 to 3:', both inclusive, these points 
 are sufficiently evident. 
 
 t oee Treaty of Iliefcnso. X See article 7 of the same 
 
 trt^'-tv. 
 
 We
 
 no 
 
 We muft here go a little into the principles of 
 the law of nations, as they have been authorized 
 by cuftom, and as they are fupported by the opi- 
 nions of themoft eminent jurifts. By tliis whole mafs 
 of authority, it has ever been admitted as an in- 
 controvertible doctrine, founded on natural riglit, 
 and confirmed by the uniform practice of civilized 
 governments, that any hoftile provifionagainil any 
 particular Hate challenges explanation ; and, if 
 explanation be obftinately evaded, or perempto- 
 rily refufed, notice of the confequenccs having been 
 given, is a caufe of immediate war. It certainly 
 very often has occurred, that men and money 
 both, have been furniflicd by a Ptate calling itfelf 
 neutral to a belligerent, in confequence of a previ- 
 ous, or temporary treaty ; and that this aid, fo 
 furniflied, has not led to hoftility. Switzerland, 
 lor exam[)le, and fevcral of tlic fmallcr ftates of 
 Germany have, in moft continental wars, for the 
 laft two hundred years, been more or lefs in the 
 habit of hiring out fubfidiary troops. }3ut arcwc 
 tljence to infer, that tliis practice has, by any in- 
 terpretation or conftrudion which the law of na- 
 tions will bear, been admitted as a legitimate mea- 
 furer Thbmud'becither conventional; orit has been 
 tolerated from a confidcration of the wcakncfs, or 
 ■want of politlcai importance, of the ftatefo affiil- 
 ing ; from convenience, not neccflity j from expc- 
 
 diencv.
 
 1 1 1 
 
 dlency, not right. It is very evident that a (late 
 aiding another at open war, from that moment 
 departs from its neutrahty, and expofes itfelf to 
 the plenary confequences of fuch a departure. But 
 whether the party thus injured, and againft 
 whom the aiTiftance is provided, fliall conlider the 
 aggreflion as the ground on which he fliould refift, 
 muft be entirely matter of feehng; muft depend 
 on his fcnfc of the injury and his means of chaf- 
 lifement. 
 
 The right, however, to prevent an aid fo admi- 
 niftered is incontrovertible. Were it otherwife, 
 it would long fince have been fpecifically defined 
 to what extent particular ftates might affifl each 
 other without forfeiting the rights and privileges 
 of neutrals. If fuch a line be not previoufly fet- 
 tled, where or how are the Hmitations to be 
 drawn ? If Spain, for inftancc, may, without 
 rifk or cenfure, furnifli France with fifteen fliips of 
 the line, and 24,000 troops (the number ftipulat- 
 ed), why may Ihe not, with the fame impunity, 
 furnifh thirty fail of the line and 50,000 men ; 
 and, if thefe, why not her whole military and na- 
 val force ?* But who will pretend to fay that an 
 enormous fum of money, (to the amount of many 
 
 * It has been shewn, iliai, it required, ihe was even bound 
 to go to this extent, 
 
 millions
 
 I I 2 
 
 millions fterllug*) conlidered by the contracting 
 parties as a full equivalent to the force agreed on, 
 is not to be fo regarded by us ? The propofition 
 is perfedly abfurd, and, in every point of view, 
 againft nature, reafon, and law. 
 
 If France and Spain, laying the terms of the 
 treaty before us, had, at the time of its taking 
 place, applied to us for our concurrence, and wc 
 had formally confented, then, it is evident there 
 would have been no ground of complaint. But 
 if, from the mere circumflance of fuch a treaty 
 having been acceded to, it were incumbent on 
 every ftate of Europe immediately to remonftrate, 
 and, in cafe of non-renunciation, to threaten at- 
 tack, there would be no end of cavil and difpute. 
 No particular ftate can previoully know, for cer- 
 tain, that it will be afFecled by the provifions of a 
 treaty. Before its operation can be felt, hundreds 
 of accidents may arife to feparate parties fo bound 
 down, or even to connect in alliance thofe very 
 parties to which it is apparently moft adverfe. 
 Such has been the practice and the public law of 
 Europe for centuries paft, and becaufe an infolent 
 upftart, fetting at defiance the opinions both of 
 paft and prefent ' times, has, in its moft facred 
 
 * Three millions sterling, it seems, was the sum finally 
 agreed on, considerably above a lliird of the v.-hole revenue of 
 die Spanish empire. 
 
 principles
 
 "3 
 
 principles, prcfumed to violate it, are we to be 
 guided by the varying and ambiguous rules of his 
 new code? So far, therefore, for thtjujiice of the 
 cafe — let us now advert to the policy. 
 
 In this difcufiion two queftions occur. The firfl: 
 is, whether it be our intereft to tolerate, in any 
 degree, certain illegal acts on the part of Spain, 
 "ivhich are highly advantageous to our enemies, 
 and proportionally detrimental to us, and as fucli 
 muft be confidered as an egregious infringement of 
 the radical principles of neutrality ? The fecond 
 is, to what extent it may be our intereft to per- 
 mit fuch proceedings to be carried on ? 
 
 In the firft cafe, unhappily fituated as Spain is 
 with regard to France, it is perhaps our intereft^ it 
 has certainly been our ivijh^ either to overlook, or 
 to furvey with all poflible mildnefs, particular acts 
 of aggreflion. We have not been hafty in bind- 
 ing her down to thofe flricler regulations, the 
 obfervance of which we might have felt inclined 
 to enforce, had flie been the abfolute miftrefs of 
 her own meafures, and in full exercife of her in- 
 dependence^ Under fuch unfortunate circum- 
 ftances, we may be eafily fuppofed to have ima- 
 gined, that the vftll did not accompany the deed ; 
 and that therefore, acling with reluclance, flie 
 acled in fome meafure without effect, and with as 
 little detriment to us as ihc could poilibly con- 
 P trivc.
 
 114 
 
 trlve. It muft, in fuch inftances, be regarded as 
 the preponderance of an enemy operating on the 
 means of a friend, with whom dill relldes the chief 
 difpofal of thofe means, and who, confequently, 
 will employ them as fparingly, and render them 
 as little mifchievous, as the nature of things will 
 admit. Thus unfortunately circumftanced, a ftate 
 may have fome claim to indulgence, and fuch in- 
 dulgence has, in the inflance before us, been moft 
 liberally beftowed. 
 
 I now come to the confideration of the fecond 
 queftion. 
 
 Finding that the injuries which we fuftained In 
 confequence of the conducl of Spain, by increafing, 
 became more inconvenient, we, in a political point 
 of view, were at laft reduced to a fimple arith- 
 metical calculation. It became our bufmefs to 
 afcertain what portion of this kind of hollility it 
 was wifer to bear, than by interference, or pofitive 
 controul, to run the rilk of forcing a clofer con- 
 nexion, and of throwing the aggregate means of 
 oppofition or attack into the fame fcale. 
 
 We can ealily imagine a point on which fuch a 
 queftion may balance, and the government of a 
 country hefitate which fide to prefer. But when 
 the queftion is reduced to this extreme nicety, a 
 very little additional aggrcflion muft be ncccflary 
 to fettle the doubt. England and Spain have, for 
 
 fome
 
 lie 
 
 feme time paft, been ftanding in this critical pre* 
 dicament. Since the very commencement of the 
 xvsLTj Spain, as we have fiiewn, has been committing 
 daily certain hoftlle acfts, which, on our part, 
 would have fully juftificd reprifals and war* But 
 not being delirous, on various accounts, of pufh- 
 ing her to extremities, our convenience and hu- 
 manity were coincident* We thought it both 
 more wife and more generous to tolerate a con- 
 duct which was liable to much reproach to her, 
 and attended with confiderable injury to us, rather 
 than that her entire refources fhould be thrown in- 
 to the hands of France. This was a forbearance by 
 which it was natural enough for us to be actuated, 
 whilft governed by a policy which was under the 
 influence of great delicacy and moderation, and 
 equally removed from the incitements of refent- 
 ment or revenge : and this was the line of con- 
 duct which we adopted. But when we plainly 
 perceived that fhe was forming a clofer alliance, 
 and entering into ftronger engagements, with 
 France ; that flie was not only furniftiing a ftipu- 
 lated or a temporary fum, but that the total pro* 
 duce of her mines was tranfmitted almoft un- 
 touched to the treafury of France ; that the 
 number of French privateers in Spanifli ports, 
 which not only met jyith a fafe afylum, but were 
 fitted out with every convenience with tlic con- 
 
 P 2 fent
 
 ii6 
 
 fent of the Spanifli government, was daily increaf- 
 ing; that the Spanifti government had, at the 
 requi£tion of France, granted an unmolefted paf- 
 fage to French troops through the Spanifli ter- 
 ritories, for the purpofe of annoying us ; that 
 under various pretences, but with the greateft ac- 
 tivity, fhe was carrying on confiderable armaments 
 in thofe ports which were beft adapted to injure 
 us, and moft likely to create fufpicion and give 
 umbrage; that, on our prefenting remonftrance on 
 remonftrance, all fatisfaclory explanation was 
 either evaded or poftponed; that on being warned, 
 over and over again, of the inevitable confequences 
 of thefe equivocations, the fame fyftcm was more 
 or lefs perfevered in ; it furely was high time for ui 
 to feel fome alarm, to fufpect an alienated or hof- 
 tile mind, to infift on immediate explanation, and, 
 on that being refufed, to quit our fyflem of mo- 
 deration, to refume thofe rights which we had 
 long allowed to fleep, but had never relinquiflied, 
 and to retaliate by open war. This was what we 
 were clearly authorized to do for our own repa- 
 ration and fecurity, and in conformity to the 
 ftricl letter of the practice and public law of the 
 civilized world. As to the mere form of pre- 
 vioufly publifliing a declaration, or recalling a 
 minifter, that is a matter o||indifFerence, and the 
 origin of wars for the hft two centuries furnifties 
 
 more
 
 more precedents againft than in favour of ttitf 
 rule.* The knowledge of our rights was matter 
 of publicity to the whole world, and Spain had 
 conveyed to her the moft explicit affurances of our 
 fixed intention, beyond a certain point of provo- 
 cation, of abiding by them.f 
 
 But mark the delicacy, and caution, and un- 
 exampled forbearance, of the Britifh government. 
 Knowing that Spain had betrayed fuch unequivo- 
 cal difpofitions in favour of France, and that, in 
 addition to thefe demonflrations, ferious arma- 
 ments of a very fufpicious nature were going for- 
 ward in her ports, at the very moment that the 
 arrival of her galleons was expelled from South 
 America, which we were aware, if war were pre- 
 meditated, would enable her to carry it on with 
 redoubled vigour; mark, I fay, the delicacy, the 
 caution, and the unexampled forbearance, of 
 Britain, in her endeavours to fecure herfelf with 
 as little injury to Spain as pofTible. That we did 
 not wifh to go to war with Spain in the firft in- 
 ftance is very evident from the mildnefs and 
 patience with which we overlooked her numerous 
 aggreflions ; that we flill wifhed to avoid it if 
 
 * Mr. Ward, In his very able pamphlet, has clearly proved 
 these points from historical facts. 
 
 t See the papers laid before Parliament, passim. 
 
 polTiblc,
 
 n8 
 
 poiTiblci in the prefcnt inftance, is as evident ftotti 
 the gentlenefs with which we inflicted corrective 
 admonition. Finding that Spain drove to per- 
 plex us by evading our inquiries^ and that Ihe 
 refufed all direct explanation refpecting her con- 
 nexion with France, ftill anxious to fpare her, and 
 to avoid meafures of actual hoftility, orders were 
 difpatched to our fquadrons, cruizing off Ferol 
 and Cadiz, to prevent any Spanifli fhips of war 
 from leaving their ports, to intercept any treafure 
 fliips which might fall in their way, and to detain 
 them till certain doubtful points were cleared up; 
 but not to detain any other defcription of Spanilli 
 homeward-bound fhips of war, and by no means 
 to moleft the Spanifh trade.* This furely could 
 only be intended as a meafure of precaution, as it 
 was very far within the limits of what we might, 
 not only with juftice, but with advantage and fe- 
 curlty, have enforced. 
 
 What then is the reafon of all this clamour and 
 outcry which have been raifed againft this mea- 
 fure ? Is it becaufe it has been too fevere, or too 
 lenient ? Let us go a little way back, and fee what 
 have been the fentimcnts of other politicians, and 
 the fcnfe of the nation, in parallel cafes, in other 
 times? Did not the late Lord Chatham, that 
 
 * See No. 28 of tlie papers presented to Parliament on the 
 4th of Januarj. 
 
 eminent
 
 119 
 
 eminent and patriotic ftatefman, throw up his feat 
 in the cabinet on being oppofed in a queftion 
 fomething fimilar, but of infinitely more intricacy 
 and delicacy than this ? Was not Lord North 
 univerfally condemned, and even threatened with 
 impeachment, for his culpable negledt in allowing 
 the French, Dutch, and Spaniards, whilil mak- 
 ing pacific profeflions, to carry on their arma- 
 ments without remonftrance, and to fail without 
 explanation ? Was not Mr. Addington highly 
 blamed, by a powerful party of the prefent day, 
 for not declaring war at once with Spain the mo- 
 ment that we were at war with France, knowing 
 the connexion which fubfifted between the two 
 countries, the abfolute dependence, fince the year 
 1795, of Spain on France, and the confequence 
 which, fooner or later, would be the inevitable 
 refult ? Have not the Spaniards themfelves, within 
 the laft four-and-twenty years, on queftions of an 
 hundred times lefs provocation, importance, and 
 embarrafimcnt, furniflied two cafes dlreclly in 
 point, in the difputes which arofe relative to the 
 Falkland Iflands and Nootka Sound? The grounds 
 are, in fact, incontrovertible 11 's to rights The 
 exercife of that right, therefore, became a fimplc 
 ciucftion of difcrction and expediency. The go- 
 vernment, after what had palfcd, had full hberty 
 to proceed to ajiy cxtrcuiitic^i of legitimate war, 
 
 and
 
 120 
 
 and what fell fliort of that exerclfe of power was 
 matter of condefcenfion, compaflion, and for- 
 bearance, on their part. 
 
 Ufing thus their difcretion, the orders refpecl- 
 ing the detention of the regifter fhips were tranf- 
 mitted to our fquadrons on the Spanifh coaft. 
 The four frigates which were cruizing off Cadiz 
 fell in, on the 5th of October, a few leagues from 
 Cape St. Mary, with four fliips that came under 
 the denomination dcfcribed. The captains of 
 courfe did their duty, but defirous of complying 
 'with their orders with all poflible lenity, having 
 acquainted the Spanifh commanders with their 
 objed, they ufcd every argument which they 
 could fuggeft to induce them quietly to fubmit. 
 They told them that the two countries were not 
 yet at war ; that the matters in difpute might yet 
 be accommodated ; that their orders were only a 
 jneafure of precaution j and endeavoured to im- 
 prefs them with a convidion of the defperatc 
 folly of contending with fo fuperior a force. This 
 converfation Lifted for near an hour before a fmglc 
 gun was fired, but to no purpofe. The Spaniards, 
 when they foun.d that they could not evade the 
 blow, thought that their honour required that 
 they ihould not furrender without defence. One 
 cannot fmd fault with their feehngs. Our own 
 officers would have acted in the fame manner, 
 
 and
 
 121 
 
 and had It not been for the lamentable accident 
 Nvliich happened to the Mercedes, tlic mifchief 
 done, compared with the object at flake, would 
 not have been conliderable. But does the blow- 
 ing up of tlie Mercedes in the leaft affect the merits 
 of thequeftion ? It was a moft unfortunate event, 
 which we moft fincerely deplore, but which arofc 
 entirely from tlic careleffncis and confufion which 
 prevailed among her own crew.* It was a dif- 
 ufter that could not have been forefeen, and that 
 certainly could never have been intended. Are 
 we then to be reproached with this fatal and me- 
 lancholy cataftrophe ? It can only be regarded as 
 one of thofe contingencies in human affairs, which 
 is a fubject of grief, but not of condenmation, 
 and on account of whicli no more blame or re- 
 fponfibility attaches to us tium if it had never 
 Siappened. Every exertion was made by our 
 boats to fave the lives of the iurvivors, and every 
 relief that could be provided, under fuch aflllctin;^ 
 circumftances, was molt cheerfully and humanely 
 adminiftercd. 
 
 It is an accident, hosvcvcr, which has been 
 made a haiulle of, botli by tlie Spaniih govern- 
 ment, and by the eneinlcs of our own goverr- 
 
 * Sr.cli w.is llic confuliiiii on hfKird fonie of tlie Sp.iiiiih 
 {hipb, that, (.luriiu;^ the :u^t;()n, ihcy tiicJ U'Vt'ial Ijio.idliJis 
 
 () ment.
 
 i22 
 
 inefit, with as much virulence and indecency is if 
 the inftruclions forwarded to our commanders 
 had fpecifically required the cxploiion, and were 
 confequently anfwerable for the event. But furely 
 nothing can be more unjuft or more abfurd than 
 thefe allegations. As well might the government 
 be arraigned for any other pofiible misfortune 
 which may arife in the execution of general or- 
 ders. This meafurc was decided on, as the leall 
 harfh. Merchant fliips, and even fliips of war, 
 were flill allowed to pafs, and thefe treafure fhips, 
 which belonged to the government, were only 
 detained as a fecurity for the conduct of Spain, 
 under very lufpicious appearances : at a time too 
 v/hen, without fcruple, we might have made them 
 legal captures J and have extended the fame fe- 
 verity to every other defcripdon of Spanish pro- 
 perty* 
 
 Had the court of Spain explained its proceed- 
 ings to our fatisfaction, thefe fhips would have 
 been immediately reflored, with every polTiblc 
 compenfation for the injury which they have fuf- 
 tained ; and if they had been finally forfeited in 
 confequence of their own foolifh perverfenefs, or 
 lamentable imbecility, the fault is theirs, not ours. 
 We fland completely exonerated.* The lot of 
 
 * Every point of tliis queTtion ha?;, at len;^th, been moil 
 imply difcuired ni both houfcs of Pdiliiiincut, and al! tlie 
 
 ariruiueiits
 
 113 
 
 Spain is indeed deplorable. Oppofed by an open, 
 but honourable, foe, and in league with a fecret, 
 but ilill more formidable, one ; ailiiled by pefil- 
 lence, famine, and rebellion ; commencing a war 
 with a revenue not adequate to the exigencies of her 
 tlomefcic government in peaceable times ; her 
 doom feems fail approaching ; and unlefs the mag- 
 nanimous cuorts of a ftill warlike and high- 
 minded, but opprefTed and impoverifhed people, 
 -can curb domeific treachery and intrigue, fliake 
 off the fliackles of treacherous fricndfliip, and con- 
 ciliate the cfteem and goodwill of that power 
 which has flill the capacity and the inclination to 
 aflbrd her fubftantial affiftance, her fate is fealed, 
 and her monarchy obliterated. Would that I 
 could conjure up that nice perception of honour, 
 that noble feeling of national pride, that lofty fpirit 
 of independence, which has lately beenfo infidioully 
 invoked!* Would that the heroic mind of her 
 old hereditary nobility could be, at this exigent 
 moment, revived ; that mind which, in ancient 
 and better times, impregnated a whole nation, 
 and whofe impulfe gave birth to thofe mighty 
 ■elTorts which refcued Europe from a fecond 
 barbarian fubjugation, and fecured the triumph 
 
 arguments wliicli have been adduced on either fide linvc 
 
 ••ndcd to confirm the oj)inion which 1 h.kd originally formed. 
 
 • See the Prince of Pe^fce's nianileiio. 
 
 Q 2 of
 
 124 
 
 of the crofs over the religion of Mahomet. How, 
 ufefully, how honoui ably, might this feeling be 
 noM'- employed. The modern Saracens are as 
 fatal as thofe of old, and the religion, the civil 
 conftitution, and the political independence of 
 the comimiinity are threr.tened with a more de- 
 folating yoke. Should this latent fpirit rekindle, 
 and urge on the nobles to an alTumption of thofe 
 virtues which formerly fo ftrongly characterifed 
 them, one of their firft meafures would be to 
 drive from the councils of their king an infolent 
 upftart, who is univerfally dctefted and defpifed, 
 whofe limilar unlooked-for elevation (lamps him 
 the venal tool of Buonaparte, and who is laying 
 them proltrate before their bitterell enemy. 
 
 A war with Spain is almoil always a popular 
 war, particularly v.ith our navy, as little is to be 
 apprehended from her exertions, and a rich har- 
 veft is generally to be fecured in prizes. In this 
 view, therefore, it \\'ill give additional vigour to 
 our vigilance, and enterprife. 
 
 About the conduct of the v/ar, various opinions 
 v/ill no doubt be entertained. x\s an object of 
 attack the Spanilli pofidlions in South xVmerica 
 feem to offer an alluring bait. The cxpulfion of 
 the Spaniards from that continent might no doubt 
 be ealily efTccted. Their military force is fmalh 
 The remembrance of pail, and the prcfl'urc of pre- 
 
 fcnt
 
 125 
 
 fcnt wrongs, arc rankling in the breads of the na- 
 tivcs. ; and the recorded misfortunes of Monte- 
 zuma and Atahualpa are blended with the tor- 
 tures of an inquiiitorial government. Still, with 
 uli thcfe aids, we fhould, I think, act more pru- 
 dently in leaving them to the natural courfe of fe- 
 paration, which, without our interference, will, in 
 all probability, fooner or later, take place between, 
 them and the mother country. We fliould pur- 
 fuc a wifer plan, by imitating the example of 
 Drake, Anfon, Vernon, Pococke, and Rodney, and 
 confining our hoilile defigns in thofe quarters to 
 occafional attacks on the Havannah, Vera Cruz, 
 and Carthagcna, on their general commerce, and 
 to the interruption of the register fliips on their 
 voyage home. Any attempt to difpoffefs the Spa- 
 niards of their American empire, with the view of 
 retaining a permanent polTeffion, would certainly, 
 in fome refpects, be a hazardous, and in others, 
 might prove a very pernicious, meafure. We 
 fliould. indifputably, endeavour to prevent it from 
 falling under the domination of France ; but of 
 this there is little rilk. The ceflion of Louifiana 
 has powerfully conduced to fecure the mines of 
 J^otoil and Peru from French cupidity. In the 
 liands of the Spanifli they are become, as flir as 
 their invigorating powers arc concerned, a harm- 
 lefs poffcflion, adminiftcring to her exigencies 
 
 without
 
 126 
 
 without rendering her ftrengtii formidable. Our 
 <L)vvn colonies are alfo fufficiently extenfive, and 
 the invafion of thefe fettlements might involve us 
 in fatal difputes with America, vi'hofe jealoufie* 
 would naturally be excited by feeing an active, 
 powerful, and enterprifing people eftabliflied in the 
 vicinity of her fouthern frontier. 
 
 I fliall now take a curfory view of our domeilic 
 hiftory, with which I fliall conclude this work. 
 
 In fpite of this protracted war, for the few 
 months of anxious repofe which intervened are 
 hardly to be taken into account, this country may 
 ftill be confidered in a flourifliing condition. 
 Convinced as we are of the abfolute neceility of 
 patience and vigour, we contemplate our fituation 
 with thofe c^^nerous feelincrs which determine us 
 to facrifice every feemingly prefent advantage, in 
 defence of lafting and more important future be- 
 nefits. We feel that we are fighting for our in- 
 dependence, and our exiftcnce as a nation. Thofe 
 inconveniences, therefore, which are the obvious 
 and unavoidable refult of this important ftruggle, 
 are cheerfully fubmitted to ; and the patriotifm of 
 the people keeps pace with the necefhtics of the 
 tim.es. Some, however, there are who are bent 
 on complaint, and whofe murmurs, with what 
 motives it is not difficult to divine, are induftri- 
 oufly circulated through the land. Incrcafmg 
 
 exigencies.
 
 127 
 
 exi'^cncles with exhaufted refourccs, the ufual 
 buo-bears to terrify weak minds, are tricked out 
 in every fliape, and rendered more ludicrous by 
 the glaring patchwork which envelopes them. But 
 thofe Vv'ho difmifs luch counterfeit appearances, 
 the creation of perverted or difeafed fancies, and 
 difdain to be milled by the fweeping reports of 
 the diiiiflectcd, the falfehoods of the fiictious, or 
 the mifreprefentations of tlie dcfigning, miay ftill 
 contemplate the real vigour and rcfources of their 
 country with confidence and confolation. 
 
 It is, no doubt, the nature of war to increafe 
 the expenditure of the government, and to divert 
 many of the ufual fources of profperity and wealth. 
 into unprofitable channels. This is an evil infc- 
 parable from thj conllitution of hostile prepara- 
 tions. But when we arc arc^uincr this wei^'hiy 
 qucftion, we muft inveftigatc it in all its bearings, 
 prefent as well as future, inherent as well as inci- 
 dental. We muft Ijalancc the pofitivc aiid rela- 
 tive incuml)r:inccs ao-ainfc the probabJe and con- 
 tingent evils. 
 
 If war were a mere nvattcr of clioicc, tlie world 
 M'ould, in all lihclIho(3(l, rcniain at eternal peace. 
 But as it arlfcs out of t!ie pallions and conlliding 
 interefts of mankind, and is freti'aently occafioned 
 l)y the pride and ambition, or by the arbitrary or 
 ijilidinus dLfi'.ni; of otli- rs. wc muft confidcr, 
 
 wli ether
 
 128 
 
 whether it be better to furrender at once, or, by 
 incurring temporary penalties and inconveniences, 
 to fecure permanent and ineflimable bleffings. 
 This then is our precife predicament. We wifli 
 for peace ; but, unlefs we can enjoy it with honour 
 and fecurity, we prefer war. Nor is it requifite 
 to appeal to the heated imaginations of mankind 
 to procure this fufFrage. It is a queftion of fober 
 reafon and common fenfe, which at once comes 
 home to the heart of every honeil man, and to 
 which, as foon as the propofition is propounded, 
 he affents. 
 
 Being thus necelTarily engaged in war, not for 
 conqueft but for prefervation ; not for ambition 
 but for honour ; our motives are as juft as the 
 caufe is fanclified. We have been abfolutcly forced 
 into this unfortunate ftate by a profligate and 
 perfidious foe, who, to gratify inordinate ambi- 
 tion, revenge, and other bafc pafTions, has long 
 been feeking to reduce us to a level with the 
 powers that he has already enchained. We muft, 
 therefore, patiently endure what we cannot avert; 
 and, attributing all our fufferings to him, we muil 
 flrive to devife means, which, by reducing his 
 power, will humble his pretenfions, and eventually 
 lead to his ccnfuiion and ruin. And in this con- 
 teft we muft not deceive ourfelves. AVc muft not 
 expect that it will be of fhort duration. Wc muft 
 
 V.oar
 
 bear in mind that we have to wreftle with no 
 common enemy ; but with one who has raifed 
 himfeif by the blackeft crimes and the bafeft fubter- 
 fuges to the place which he has ufurped, and 
 which he can only hope to preferve by a repetition 
 of the fame flagitious a<5ls. It has, neverthelefs, 
 hitherto been moft fatisfadorily proved, notwith- 
 ftanding his threats, his inclinations, and his means, 
 that to attack us is beyond the audacity of his 
 daring, or the boundaries of his power. 
 
 If, therefore, it be his defign to ftand merely on 
 the defenfive, and to convert the war into a war 
 of finance, fo that it is to be finally decided by 
 the ftouteft purfe, it is at leaft fair to conjedure, 
 that we, who are bleffed with the moil abundant 
 refources, fhall be able to hold out the longeft. 
 
 I have already fhewn that the foreign trade of 
 Francejs totally at a ftand ; that feveral of thofe 
 rich and flourifhing colonies, which filled with their 
 produce many hundred fail of ihips, arc irrecover- 
 ably loft ; and that the interior trade and manu- 
 factures, which formerly afforded another very 
 material branch of revenue, are in a moft miferable 
 and mutilated ftate. With thefe ferious defalca- 
 tions, the difburfements muft be increafed in a 
 tenfold proportion. The vaft eftabllfliments which 
 are kept on foot ; the excefTive profufion and 
 prodigality which pervade every department ; the 
 R fyftem
 
 I30 
 
 fyflem which Is invariably adopted by men who 
 fill the higheft offices, of amafling enormous 
 wealth by peculating on the public ; the largeffes 
 diftributed to the troops, who are kept together 
 by thefe wafteful indulgences, and not by a fenfe 
 of J difcipline, duty, or affeftion ; and the lavifh 
 luxury of a mufhroom court, which is aiming to 
 bribe the people to allegiance by the coflly tinfel 
 of public fliows : all thefc extravagances abforb 
 the refources of a ftate. 
 
 "When fuch ftatements are made, people na- 
 turally afk, — if they be true ? They naturally en- 
 quire, how things can go on at all which are con- 
 duced on fuch principles, and which muft be 
 radically tending to their own ruin ? But that 
 fuch is the cafe there can be no doubt. They have 
 hitherto efcaped their own deftruclion by the 
 dcftrudtion of others. If we look at the defolate, 
 impoverifhed, and exhaufted condition of fome of 
 the moll fertile and fiourifliing regions of the con- 
 tinent, the myftery is unravelled. A man, with a 
 rental of five thoufand a year, can contrive to fpend 
 ten thoufand a year for fourteen years to come. So 
 it has been with fpendthrift France : intereft and 
 principal have been confumed. When this flock 
 was exhaufLed, the wealth of individuals was ap- 
 propriated to the fame ufe which fhe had before 
 made of the wealth of the nation ; and, when this 
 
 fund
 
 J3« 
 
 fund failed, flie had recourfe to the fame arbitrary 
 meafures in dependent and foreign flates. Plunder, 
 by loans, by forced contributions, and by more 
 violent robbery, has been extorted from all ranks, 
 in all proportions, and in every way. France her- 
 felf, and every country within her devouring 
 grafp, have been drained of their wealth and their 
 produce in aid of her boundlefs profufion. 
 The ftate purveyors fweep indifcriminately into 
 their treafuries every thing that the prying eye of 
 examination, or the grofs voracity of appetite, can 
 detect; and when affairs can no longer go on 
 even in this way, a bankruptcy is declared; the 
 old fcore is wiped off; a new fet of books is pur- 
 chafed; and the accounts are begun anew. The 
 capital of Holland, within the lafl twelve years, 
 has been completely exhaufled, and, wherever 
 the French have been mafters, the fame outrageous 
 exadtion has been pradifed. The point of the 
 bayOnet, which is on all occalions prefented, fub- 
 dues the feeble voice of complaint, and fortunate 
 is the trembling fuppliant who, having murmured, 
 efcapes with life. But this fyftem of terror and 
 injuftice, however it may flifle the voice, cannot 
 be perfifted in, without making that kind of deep 
 and durable imprcflion on the feelings of the fuf- 
 fererSj which is fufHcient to fliake, and, in due 
 time, to iubvcrt, the mofl formidable dcfpotif'm 
 
 R 2 that
 
 1X2 
 
 that fuccefsful tyranny ever eftablifhcd. This pe- 
 riod, which has already been far too much pro- 
 longed, may be ftill deferred, but that it will 
 arrive the moment there is a well grounded hope 
 of fuccefs, I am firmly convinced. 
 
 Whilft, however, the defpot of France preferves 
 his ill-gotten power by fuch coniiftent means, how 
 fatisfaclory is it to refle<5b that the Britiih govern- 
 ment has been able to put forth an energy, more 
 than capable of counteracting all his infidious 
 machinations and ambitious projects againft this 
 country; and that this important object has been 
 effected without departing from the principles of 
 the conftitution, or deviating from any of the re- 
 gular and ufual modes of providing for the exigen- 
 cies of the ftate! Our taxes are great, but they 
 are impofed, through the Parliament, by the voice 
 of the people, and happily the increafing wealth 
 of the community enables us to fupport them with- 
 out much diftreffing incoavenience. 
 
 In this country the public fpirit and cheerful 
 alacrity of the inhabitants are ten times more pro- 
 ductive than all the fummary and vexatious pro- 
 cedures to which defpotifm can rcfort. Two exu- 
 berant fprings, which have totally failed in France, 
 have united to produce thefe favourable dif- 
 pofitions in the Britilli people, and to furnifh thefe 
 inexhauftiblc means to die Britilh government. 
 
 A free
 
 A free people identify tliemfelves with the go- 
 vernment of which they are an eiTential and vital 
 part. They are anxious to fupport thofe laws from 
 which their happinefs, their profperity, their free- 
 dom, and their ftrength principally flow. The good 
 faith with w^hich the government acquit themfelves 
 of their engagements, alfo creates an unbounded 
 confidence with monied men ; and whilil it proves 
 the unfhaken (lability of their means, furniflies a 
 rapid provifion to their wants. The punftuality 
 with which the dividends on the national debt are 
 paid ; the profperous ftate of that debt from the 
 increafing operation of the finking fund ; the high 
 price of the ftocks; and the flourifhing condition of 
 our manufactures and commerce ; thefe all com- 
 bine moft powerfully to make us look at our 
 finances without the flightefl feehng of difmay. 
 
 Notvvithfi:anding all the efforts, all the arts, and 
 all the malignity of our enemy, who has been 
 long buoyed up with the expectation that our re- 
 fources would fail, [the duration of the conteft, in- 
 ftead of augmenting our fears, has only confirmed 
 our opinion of their fecurity. Particular branches 
 of commerce, particular branches of m.anufafture, 
 have, no doubt, met with interruption. We muft 
 not, however, in any national computation, look 
 to particuLuliics, but to the fum total. Particular 
 dcfcrlptious of Individuals may fuller from the 
 
 wifell
 
 154 
 
 wifeft political inftitutions, but that furcly can btf 
 no argument againft fuch cftablifhments. With 
 an enlightened government, the convenience and 
 profperity of the great body of the nation muft 
 be the only objed of folicitude, and to that object 
 every ether conlideration muft yield. We muft, 
 therefore, in commerce, as well as in every thing 
 elfe, be guided by the aggregate amount ; and, in 
 this refearch, if wc confult the books at the 
 cuftom-houfe and the excife-office, we Ihall have 
 no reafon for lamentation.'* Fluctuations will 
 arife in the moft tranquil times : thefe will be in- 
 creafed by a ftate of hoftility ; but, notwithftand- 
 ing the clamours of particular people, there 
 can be no polTible doubt that the trade of this 
 country has been conftderably extended by the 
 ftrange circumftances of this extraordinary war ; 
 and for this evident reafon : — France and Holland, 
 two of the leading commercial ftates of Europe, 
 and our principal rivals, have been totally ex- 
 cluded from this profitable fphere of action ; and 
 thofc immenfe concerns, which were formerly 
 
 * \Vh:it can be a stronger proof of this thin those stupendous 
 works which have been- undertaken by the commercial mem- 
 bers of the community, for the reception ol' their shipping 
 from the different quarters of the globe? On the London 
 Docks alone, upwards of 1jjOO,0001. has been already ex- 
 pended. 
 
 tranfaclcd
 
 ^35 
 
 tranfaclcd by them, have fallen, in a great meafure, 
 into our hands. A confiderable portion of this 
 increafcd trade, we fhall, no doubt, again lofe, 
 whenever Europe fhall be fortunately rc-eftablilli- 
 ed on its antient equilibrium. We fliall, how- 
 ever, in that cafe, gain advantages in another way, 
 of ten times more importance than any which can 
 accrue from the profits of this accidental com- 
 merce ; becaufe we fhall then purfue what na- 
 turally belongs to our induftry, our power, and 
 our wealth, in the bofom of peace. Thus, I am 
 not attempting to counterbalance the advantages 
 derived from war by thofe derived from peace, 
 which, in every point of view, are of infinitely 
 more value ; I am only aiming to fhew, how for- 
 tunate it is for us that, whilft we are involved in 
 hoftilities, which no prudence could have avoided, 
 we fhould be furnilhed with fuch additional re- 
 fources to enable us to carry them on. 
 
 Bonaparte may fulminate his anathemas; he may 
 decree reftraints, and interdict all commercial com- 
 munity with Great Britain and her dependencies; 
 but I am fatisfied that this fliort-fighted policy will 
 recoil upon himfdf. It is decidedly an advan- 
 tage to a country that thofe commodities, which 
 are become effcntial to its wants, fliould be fup- 
 plied from that fource at which they can be pro- 
 cured on the mpft favorable terms. Britifli goods 
 
 have
 
 136 
 
 have not been received at the foreign markets of 
 Europe from compulfion or from favour, but from 
 intereft. This preference has been occafioned by 
 the expertnefs of the workmanfhip, and the cheap- 
 nefs of the price, in which other nations have been 
 but faint competitors. If they were to attempt to 
 manufacture the fame articles themfelves, not only 
 would the quality be ten times worfe, but the 
 price would be ten times dearer to the confumer. 
 It would rcfemble a perfon, who, difdaining to 
 profit by the advantages which refult from the di- 
 viiion of labour, fliould refolve to make every 
 thing which he^ required, through all its ftages, 
 with his own hands. It is, therefore, evident that 
 the wealth and labour of the country fo difpofed 
 would be unprolitably employed, in the exad pro- 
 portion of the difference in quahty and price. 
 The balance would be a clear lofs. There are, in- 
 deed, fo many channels for the application of hu- 
 man induftry, invention, and fpeculation, that 
 thofe purfuits which are moil congenial to the na- 
 tural inclinations or prejudices of the people, are 
 almoft always moft beneficial to the ftate. Our 
 fuperiority has been the growth of ages, and is to 
 be attributed to a cliffufive combination of cir- 
 cumftances, among which, our geographical por- 
 tion, our great capitals, our fuperior induftry, our 
 exoerience, our addrefs, the ftability of our mer- 
 
 chanta.
 
 i37 
 chants, and the national honour, are the moft pro- 
 minent. It may in time be conteflcd, or fupplant- 
 ed, by the exertions of other ftates. But things of 
 this nature can never be forced with advantage: 
 they muft be allowed to take their courfe. Bri- 
 tifti goods, therefore, in fpite of the ordinances of 
 Bonaparte, will continue to find their way to the 
 great marts of Europe ; and what contraband is 
 unable to effect, will be covered by other lefs dire(5t 
 arts, at which the government, however vigilant 
 or peremptory it may pretend to be, will, in the 
 end, be compelled to connive. It is thus evidently 
 more for his intereft to allow the receipt of the 
 regular duties, which, by a fair and open trade, 
 would flow into his treafury, than to provide for 
 his wants by arming the rapacious hand of vio- 
 lence, or by vexatious regulations, to induce clan- 
 dcftine modes of fupply, by which the revenue is 
 injured, and the profperity of the community moft 
 eflentially deteriorated. 
 
 But although the means of this country be fo 
 abundant, it is to be hoped that fome benefit will 
 accrue from pail experience ; and that its ample 
 rcfources will be managed with that judicious fru- 
 gality, which can alone remove all doubt of their 
 duration, and make the people fatisfied under their 
 incrcafing burdens. I beheve that great and bene- 
 ficial reforms are ftill to be made in many of the 
 
 S chief
 
 '38 
 
 chief departments of the flate, andj little as I ap- 
 proved of Lord St. Vincent's general adminiftra- 
 tion, whilft he prefided at the Admiralty, I think 
 that he has deferved well of his country (although 
 the mode might have been more conciliating) for 
 that fpirit of inveftigation into enormous abufes 
 which he introduced, and which, I hope, with an 
 impartial and moderate fpirit, will be faithfully 
 perfcvered in. 
 
 The navy of Britain is fcertainly on a proud foot- 
 ing, and is fail recovering from the effecls of thofe 
 unwifc and parfimonious regulations, which were 
 adopted by the late board of Admiralty, and 
 which, had tliey been perfifted in, would have 
 gone, even by this time, very far towards its ruin. 
 But the error has been perceived, and has luckily 
 been abandoned in time. Our dock-yards are 
 again repleniflied, and u'e fhall at leaft have fome 
 new fhips to fupply the place of the old, as they 
 meet with accidents, or, by age, are rendered un- 
 fit for fervice.* In fuch a country as this, which 
 
 owes 
 
 * It appears from the report made to the Admh-alty In 
 1 793, that the growth of timber has been very much neg- 
 lected, and that it is fiiiling fast in this country. This is to be 
 highly lamented, as no country produces liner timber for the 
 construction of ships of war. I have been informed, that 
 fifty acres of land at fort}- trees an acre, and two loads of tim- 
 ber
 
 ^39 
 
 owes fo much to its naval fuperiority, other facri- 
 fices mud be fubordinate. It never can anlwcr 
 fuddenly to recede from the grand and Hberal 
 fcale on which that noble eftablifliment has been 
 long conducted. We fhould find our artificers 
 flocking to other countries for employment ; the 
 trade in naval (lores would get into other hands ; 
 and, in the courfe of years, other navies more nu- 
 merous and better appointed than our own, would 
 be fpringing up. For thefe cogent and palpable 
 reafons, wc fliould never fuffer ourfelves to relax 
 in thofe meafures which are calculated to infure 
 the pre-eminent profperity of this great national 
 bulwark. We muft not, prefuming on the low 
 Hate to which the naval force of other countries 
 is reduced, allow our own to decay : for it is to 
 the peculiar attention which has been befl:owed 
 on it, and the magnificent plan on which it has 
 been conducted, that its prefent grandeur is to be 
 entirely afcribcd. It has extended our dominion 
 
 ber from each tree, are necessary to build a seventy-four. At 
 this rate, to build our present navy, which consists of about 
 600,000 tons of shipping, would require near 20,000 acres of 
 Viood of from 100 to IK) years' growth. There was, I think, for- 
 merly a regulation in France, obliging every person who cut 
 down a full-grown tree, to plant three. This regulation 
 might, with modifications, be beneficially pursued in some 
 particular districts of this country. 
 
 S 3 and
 
 14^ 
 
 and our fame, ; and it is the pride and fccurity 
 which we repofe in its power, that have induced 
 us to contribute fo cheerfully to its fupport. The 
 inftant the cultivation of it is ncglccled, it will 
 begin to wither, and our feelings fubfiding with 
 the motives which feed them, may not be fo eafily 
 revived. Our ftock of fliips, and flock of ftorcs, 
 muft, therefore, be unremittingly kept up j for it 
 is only by preferving our navy where it is, that we 
 can hope to retain that decifive fuperiority which 
 places in our hands the dcftinies of half the 
 globe. 
 
 With one hundred and eighty flilps of the line ; 
 with frigates and fmaller vcilels in proportion j 
 with i2o,oco failors diftinguifhed nolefs for their 
 gallantry than their fkill, and conimandedby offi- 
 cers every way worthy of fuch a command ; all 
 that can be accompliflied by men with fuch a for- 
 midable force at their difpofal, may be confident- 
 ly expecled. There is no entcrprife however 
 daring, no fcrvice however tedious, no exploit 
 however hazardous, that is not embarked in with 
 alacrity, by the courage, the patience, and the ac- 
 tivity, of thefe intrepid guardians of their country. 
 In every climate, in every zone, the Britifli flag is 
 triumphant j in every conflict it is victorious ; in 
 almoil every undertaking it is fucccfsful. Even 
 our privateers and merchantmen feem to be emu- 
 latin cr
 
 »4I 
 
 latmg in deeds of valour and exertion otir fliips 
 of war , and to feel all the pride which attaches 
 to the name of a Britifh failor. Whilft, however, 
 I beftow this praife, and feel this confidence, I mull 
 fubmit to the confideration of more competent 
 judges, a point of (bme importance, and which ap- 
 pears to me to have been imprudently yielded to. 
 Thinking as I do, that the glory and power of 
 this great country, and its profperity in every 
 ihapc, are fo intimately blended with the decided 
 fuperiority of our marine, I am clearly of opinion, 
 that we cannot be too jealous of teaching other 
 maritime ftates to rival us in this refpecl. Our 
 uncontefted pre-eminence has arifen out of a long 
 feries of practical regulations, which have taken 
 advantage of the inftinclive propenlities of the 
 people. Our infular fituation, and our vafl 
 colonial pofTeflions in remote quarters of the 
 globe, have naturally created a predilection for 
 nautical and commercial concerns ; and the 
 experience, which has been thus acquired, has 
 been directed and improved by education. The 
 duties which are performed in a Britifh fhip of 
 war J the high ftate of difcipline and order which 
 prevail; the pun(5tuality, precifion, and expertncfs, 
 with which every thing is conducted ; have given 
 a peculiar character to Britilh failors, and, com- 
 bined with natural aptitude, have rendered them, 
 
 what
 
 142 
 
 what they indifputably are, fuperior to any failors 
 that ever exifted. 
 
 On thefe principles I object moft decidedly to 
 that peFmiihon which was granted, about eighteen 
 months ago, of permitting Ruffia to diftribute 
 three hundred boys, who had been felected and 
 previoufly prepared by the government of that 
 empire, in the quality of midfhipmen, on board 
 the Britifh fleets. Thefe boys have been admitted, 
 in my opinion moll injudicioufly, to ferve in our 
 navy at the period of life at which our own mid- 
 fhipm.en ufually begin their career ; and having 
 been picked out of numbers on account of their 
 iuperior intelhgence and fprightlinefs,it is very evi- 
 dent that they are likely to derive every advantage 
 from their apprenticefhip, which could be hoped 
 for from the fame number of Britifh boys fo 
 chofen. They muft inevitably be familiarifed 
 i\ith the whole ground-work and fyftem of na- 
 val tactics as they are praclifed in the Britifh 
 r.avy. This fcience and ikill they will carry with 
 them into their own country, where they will 
 probably, in the courfe of years, fill important fta- 
 tions, and lay the foundation of a Ruflian navy 
 which, at fome future period, may rival ours. 
 The period vv'hcn this may happen is no doubt 
 remote; yet this is the furcfl mode of leflcning 
 that diftance of time, and I think pofterity will 
 
 OVi'C
 
 M3 
 
 owe little thanks to that forciight or prudencs 
 which has fo impolitically conceded, and which, 
 carried to a greater extent, may be productive of 
 very ferious mifchicf. Having however permit- 
 ted them to enter, this is certainly not the mo- 
 ment to difmifs them ; but I cannot help blaming 
 that kind of remiffnefs which could be induced to 
 confent to fuch a propofal, and I fincerely hope 
 that the number may, on no account, be aug- 
 mented. There are alfo a few regulations which 
 might, I think, be attended with beneficial effects, 
 and which, as I am on the fubjecl, I fhall take 
 the liberty of mentioning. 
 
 In every King's fhip, at leaft of, and above, the 
 rate of a frigate, there fhould certainly be a fchool- 
 mafter to keep the youngfters a given portion of 
 the day at ftudy; to inftrudl them in the elements 
 of navigation and aftronomy ; and to watch over 
 their conduct and affiduity in every thing which 
 concerns naval fcience and difcipline. This pro- 
 vince, with an additional falary, might be allotted 
 to the mailers, who are entitled to more encou- 
 ragement than they receive. According to the pre- 
 fent rules of the navy they are precluded from all 
 chance of promotion, which not only operates as 
 a ftrong drawback on exertion, but excludes from 
 this branch of the fervice many of thofe who arc 
 bcft qualified to difcharge its (iurics. Hence it frc- 
 
 qiu^ntly
 
 i44 
 
 quentiy occurs, that thefe men who fhoald be, 
 both pradically and theoretically, perfons of the 
 greateft knowledge and experience, are very de- 
 ficient in thefe qualifications ; and, when an in- 
 tricate cafe urifes, they are puzzled how to acl. If 
 thefe obftacles were removed, the falary augment- 
 ed, and the fair chance of preferment held 
 out, this very important poft would, no doubt, 
 be more ably filled. 
 
 The pay of the furgeons and furgeons* mates 
 fhould alfo be increafed,* fo as to induce men of 
 eminent fcientific refearch, and great practical 
 Ikill, to engage themfelves. Many of this defcrip- 
 tion there certainly are j but thefe, it muft be 
 owned, are not fufficiently rewarded, and thofe 
 who are without thefe requifites, the fooner they 
 are difmiffed the better. Men who gallantly ex- 
 pofe their lives in the fervice of the ilate are en- 
 titled to every care and comfort which money can 
 provide. The fldary of this indifpenfable appoint- 
 ment ftiould therefore be ample, and no one 
 Ihould be fufFered to obtain it without having re- 
 ceived a regular education, and having undergone 
 a ftrict examination. 
 
 To thefe alterations another of great utility 
 
 * I understand that an order has been lately given to this 
 
 might
 
 *45 
 mlg] it be added; which is, that each fuipfliould, at 
 the expence of government, be furniflicd with 
 every necefliiry nautical inftrument, and a com- 
 plete fet of charts. This laft defideratum is 
 an objeft of confiderable importance, as, by the 
 prefent regulations, every captain being obhgcd 
 to purchafe his own charts, a fliip, in general, is 
 only provided with thofe wliich are necelTary for 
 the particular flation on which flie happens to be 
 employed. Very few Englifli charts are laid down 
 with accuracy, fo that he is obliged to have re- 
 courfe to foreign ones, which are purchafed at a 
 confiderable expence, and which, although pro- 
 cured for the ncccITary fervice of his country, if 
 landed in England, are liable to a heavy duty. 
 He, therefore, docs with as few as he can. 
 But fhould any fcaled orders arrive (a cafe 
 continually occurring) which are to be opened 
 in a certain latitude, it is not unlikely that he 
 fhould be fent unawares to a place wliich he never 
 before vifited, and vvith which no one in the 
 fhip has the flightcfl acquaintance. He is thus 
 reduced to the necefiity of confulting fome gene- 
 ral work, where coafts, if they be noticed at all, 
 are laid down wiili the greateft ilovenlinefs, by 
 which he is expofed to ferious inconvenience and 
 rifk. How much wlfcr would it be, and how much 
 more worthy of the grandeur of our naval ella- 
 
 T liUfliment,
 
 146' 
 
 blifliment, if proper charts, according to regular 
 and well-authenticated furveys, were collecled and 
 publilhed, under the aufpices of government — ac- 
 cording to our own furveys when they could be 
 relied on, and according to thofe of other coun- 
 tries when they were afcertained to be more accu- 
 rate. Of thefe every fliip of war, liable to be fent 
 on diftant expeditions, fhould he provided with a 
 complete fet, for which the captain might be made 
 refponfible. In this office might be alfo treafured 
 up . every kind of information, concerning fur- 
 veys of coafts and harbours, plans of fortifications, 
 and various other fubjecls, of which thofe that it 
 was not deemed neceffary to bind up with the 
 general Atlas, might be always in readinefs, fo as 
 to be forwarded with the orders for any fecret ex- 
 pedition : a plan which, if properly methodifed, 
 would be attended with very evident and mate- 
 rial advantage. 
 
 There is another appointment which I muft con- 
 fefs I fliould rejoice to fee take place, which is that of 
 a chaplain to every fhip of and above the rate of a 
 frigate. Great as the levity and the dilTipation of 
 the age are, it is univerfally acknowledged, that 
 we are entirely dcpicndent on the Supreme Being ; 
 and if prayers to the Deity be of importance on 
 fiiore, they can be divefted of none of that im- 
 portance at fea. It were, tjicrcforc, much to be 
 
 wlflied.
 
 U7 
 
 wifhcd, that divine fervice were regularly and 
 folemnly performed on board of fliip every Sun- 
 day morning (unlefs prevented by urgent duty) 
 by an ordained prieft. Being entirely at the mer- 
 cy of the great Author of Nature, both as indivi- 
 duals and a nation, it furely behoves us, in every 
 point of view, whether as an example or an acl of 
 more immediate concern, to habituate ourfelves 
 to exprefs our gratitude for thofe fignal favours 
 which in his bounty he has conferred, and to im- 
 plore, with fervour and humility, his continued 
 protection. The additional expence of thefe va- 
 rious arrangements would be trifling ; they would 
 make a provifion for many worthy and ufeful 
 members of focicty ; and the country might be 
 expected to reap from them very eiTential be- 
 nefits. 
 
 Refpecling the diftributioi: and force of our 
 inips I fliall alfo beg leave to make a few 
 remarks. 
 
 'ilic fyftcm of blockading our enemy's ports, 
 allhougli it have been fo pertinacioufly perfifted 
 in, docs not fccm to meet with the approbation of 
 tlic moft intelligent naval oflicers. Nor, indeed, 
 has it been attended with any advantage, at all 
 anfwcrable to the exorbitant expence which it 
 occafions, and to the more dcftruclivc wear 
 and tear, and frequent accidents which are in- 
 
 T 2 curred.
 
 I4S 
 
 curred. But it feems to be, in fomc meafurej 
 the deftiny of official orders to acl in extremes, 
 and, as a punifhment for Lord Bridport's inacti- 
 vity. Admiral Cornwallis is kept continually at 
 fea. Now it muft ftrike every reafonable man, 
 that a medium between thefe two oppofite modes 
 is the fafeft and the beft. If it were meant as an 
 experiment to fliew the French what Britifh fiiilors 
 could do, and to prove to them, that in defpight 
 of the elements, wc could confine them to their 
 ports throughout the year, that experiment has 
 been fully made, and that proof fully given. 
 But when we find that we are cxnofed to perpe- 
 tual hazards, and to gales of wind, which, from the 
 Ikill and experience of our failors, we ride out, 
 but which no Ikill or experience can prevent from 
 doing very ferious damage, and that no particular 
 object is gained by it, I cannot difcover on what 
 principles of wifdom it fliould be pcrfcvcred in. 
 Would it not be much more judicious, to keep a 
 few frigates and lighter velTels cruizing ofl" Breft, 
 and the other principal French harbours, as a 
 Iquadron of obfervation, whilft our Channel fleet 
 Vw'as Ivins: at anchor at fbme convenient place of 
 rendezvous ? not, however, inaclive ; but, as the 
 weather and feafon favoured them, putting to 
 fea, and occafionally fhewing themfelves before 
 the enemy's ports. Every good purpofe during the 
 
 tern-
 
 149 
 
 tempeftuous months of the year might be thus an- 
 fweredj and thofe ferious accidents which are fo 
 often crippHng our fined fliips might be in a great 
 mcafure avoided. Thofe fruitlefs attacks on the 
 BouloG:ne flotilla it would furelv alfo be much 
 wifer totally to abandon. It has been fully proved, 
 that it is not in our power to do it any eileccual mif- 
 chief, as long as it continues in harbour, or lies 
 under the protection of the land batteries. "Why 
 then expofe our men by attempting what it is be- 
 yond the faculties of men to fucceed in? On thefc 
 occafions we generally lofe thofe who are moft va- 
 luable to the fervicc. 
 
 Numerous as our fhips of war arc, there is one 
 defcription of veffels in which wc arc deficient, and 
 which yet might be frequently moit advantage- 
 oufly employed. Imeangunboats. Onourowncoafl 
 they would be very convenient, v/hethcr as wea- 
 pons of defence or attack, and, at many of our 
 military pofts, particularly at Gibraltar, they 
 might be moft ufefully difpofcd of. In calm 
 wealiicr, by coming to clofe quarters, and get- 
 ting bciow the bearing of heavy guns, they may 
 be a dreadful annoyance to large fliips. Tliis was 
 feveral times experienced during the laft war, par- 
 ticularly in tlic gallant action fi)ught by Sir James 
 Saumarez in Algcfiras bay; on v/hich occafioi:, had 
 wc alfo polfclkd gun boats, a great p:irt of the 
 
 mifcliicf
 
 J5- 
 
 miicliicf which happened might have been ealily 
 prevented. In attacking privateers in ports, and 
 tutting out merchantmen, thefe veffels are alfo al- 
 ways found handy and ferviceable* 
 
 Our army is every day getting on a more re- 
 lpecl:able footing, and that military weaknefs 
 which was occalioned, immediately after the late 
 peace, by a too precipitate difmiffal of many of 
 our beft troops, is rapidly difappearing. The re- 
 gular army and the militia have, witliin the laft 
 fix m.onths, been conlidcrably flrengthened, and 
 the numerous volunteer and fcnciblc reo-iments 
 have m^adc great progrcfs in expcrtncfs and difci- 
 plinc.* Sonic of the moft palpable objections to 
 the original mode of railing men have been re- 
 moved, and thofe obvious ones which ftili remain 
 will, no doubt, undercro a revifion. The laft bill 
 has, however, I underiland, fallen very Hiort of 
 its object, and to create at once a regular eilicient 
 force, it will probably be deemed neceiLiry to re- 
 duce the militia, and, by a fmail bounty, endea- 
 
 > It appears that the reguhir force of tliis empire, includ- 
 iT.-s; guards and garrisons, amounts to 14-3, ;)S0; the enibcdieJ 
 militia and fencible infantry to 103,328; the foreign corps to 
 f753(S() ; the forces in Ijidia to 2[),l 15 ; and in our plantations 
 to 46,9,32, and our volunteers to 32,",000 effect ive men,'Jl(),rK>0 
 of wb.orr; have been inspected and reported fit for service ; 
 n;aking altogetlicr a military force of (),5f",T9! n-,cr.. Our s:u- 
 Lors and niarhies amount to 1 './.'•/''lOO n:ori%
 
 vcur to induce the fupernumerarics to enter into 
 the regiments of the line. Limited periods of fervice 
 would alfo, I am convinced, be a powerful incen- 
 tive to enlift ; and this engagement might be To 
 arranged, that few men, worth prcfcrving, would 
 be loll to the (late. If, for example, a certain 
 bounty were offered fufficient to difpofe a man to 
 enter for the term of feven or ten years, at the ex- 
 piration of t\\'o, thofe men whofe engagement you 
 might Vvilh to prolong beyond the fpccified period, 
 might be, in general, perfuaded for a trifling con- 
 fideration, to extend it to the original term. B} 
 this mode a vaft fum of m.oney would be faved to 
 the ftate ; the foldiers would be more attached to 
 the fervice ; and the army would conhft of none 
 but effeclive men. A few eftabliflimcnts, hmilar to 
 that at Chclfea, by which boys, if fo difpofed, arc 
 brought up to the military profcfiion, would en- 
 able the government, in fome degree, to draw 
 from a fund Vvithout impoveriHiing tlie popula- 
 tion; and would afford an afylum to many who arc 
 bred up to a life of infamy, and who, inllead ci 
 committing depredations on the public, would be 
 contributing to its protection and fupport. 
 
 From tlic above ftatemcnts it appears, that the 
 fituation of tliis country is, on the whole, highU 
 profperous, and that its profperily h not derived 
 from an) faclitious fourccs, but iVom folid, inl.c- 
 
 rcr.i.
 
 i-eiit, and permanent caufes. Commerce, whicll 
 conduces more than any other purfuit to thewealth^ 
 the happlnefs, and induftry, of a people, has only 
 been made fubordinate to our naval greatnefs, by 
 which the ftrcngth, ncceffary for the prefervation 
 of thofe advantages, is provided.* Intercft is ren- 
 dered fubfervicnt to independence, wealth to 
 glory. This feems to be the line of policy which 
 is beft calculated to perpetuate the grandeur of this 
 country, and it is likely to be adhered to, as it 
 tprings out of our national genius and character. 
 The fuperiority of the Carthaginians as a commer- 
 cial people, enabled them to contend fo long 
 againft the Romans ; tlie fuperiority of the Greeks 
 as a naval people, enabled them to triumph over 
 the Perlians. In Great Britain both thefe advan- 
 tages are miofl: happily blended. The martial ta- 
 lents of its inhabitants have not been impaired by 
 their commercial fuccefs. If the querdon were 
 
 • Our navigation act, waica has been, at dilTcrent times, £0 
 bitterly inveiglied against, however it may have laid tlie foun- 
 dation of our naval greatness, was not instrumental in extend- 
 ing onr commerce, on wliicli it even operated as a restraint. 
 Nor did any of the commercial states of turope suiTer froia 
 it except the Dutch, who were, at tliat time, in pcjsscssron oi 
 almost rlie whole of the carrying trade, which to them was 
 a very lucrative branch. Being however a Lnv entirely ot ir.- 
 ternal regulation, in whichever v.;iy it may have operated, no 
 one has a right to complain. 
 
 which
 
 ^53 
 
 which fnould per'ifh, valour would reign decidedly 
 paramount. But they have been made inftrumental 
 to each other. What the one acquires, the other 
 protects ; what this defends, that rewards. It is 
 the path of induftry leading to the temple of glo- 
 ry : it is bravery fecuring the advantages which 
 riches provide. 
 
 But I have always, under the moll trying cir- 
 cumftances of this country (and ample of late 
 years have they been) repofed an unbounded con- 
 fidence in its energies, in its refources, and, above 
 all, in its patriotifm. A people who have fuch ob- 
 jects to contend for as aire entrufted to our charge, 
 and who alfo know how to appreciate them, are not 
 to be fubdued. I have, therefore, always treated 
 the idea of inv^fion, that is to liiy, of its ultimate 
 confequences, as I treat it now, with fovereign 
 contempt. I have always been firmly perfuaded> 
 that Bonaparte, notwithftanding all his boifterous 
 declarations, will not perfonally hazard the at- 
 tempt. The fpirit of the country firft deterred 
 him ; its preparations muft confirm that caution. 
 He has alfo himfelf tried the temper of our fwords, 
 and has dlfcovcred that they are fuperior to thofe 
 cither of Toledo or Damafcus. 
 
 With all this fecurity I fbonld not, however, 
 counfcl an expedition which would require the 
 long abfcncc of any large body of troops as a fuc- 
 
 I^ coil r
 
 '54 
 
 cour to a foreign ftate. On tliefe grounds I Ihould 
 ftrongly object againft a military expedition againft 
 the Spanifh poffellions in America ; and, although 
 it be pofitively infifted on by many, that a conlide- 
 rable army is immediately to be embarked for the 
 defence of Portugal, I perceive fo many powerful 
 reafons for hefitation, that I cannot bring myfelf 
 to think, that fuch a meafure will be adopted, or, 
 if adopted, that it will be wife, and for the follow- 
 ing reafons: 
 
 In the hrfl place, a deduction of 20 or 30,000 
 men from our regular army (and we could hardly 
 think of fending lefs) would very materially 
 weaken the national force; and, although the 
 country might be ftill, as I believe it would be, fafe 
 from invafion, the inconveniences attending fuch a 
 fudden diminution would, I fear, much more than 
 counterbalance any benefits which we could ration- 
 ally expect to derive. If, indeed, we were morally 
 certain, that the Portuguefe, being driven to a 
 ftate of abfolute dcfpair, were refolutely bent on 
 employing every means in defence of their national 
 independence : if we were certain that PrulTia, 
 with 20 or 30,000 men, would, at the fame time, 
 make a defcent on Holland ; that Ruffia and Swe- 
 den would pour a powerful army into Hanover 
 and Brabant ; and that Auftria would invade 
 Italy and Switzerland : we might then, amidlt 
 
 the
 
 ^55 
 
 the dIftra6lIons which thefe numerous attacks 
 would occafion to France, with certain efFed, 
 contribute our aid to Portugal. But whilft all or 
 moft of thefe points remain problematical, I can- 
 not perceive a probability of fuccefs.* Let us 
 BOt, therefore, run the riik of embarraffment, ex- 
 pence, difcomfiture, and difgrace, till we have 
 fome brighter profpect, and are perfedlly fure of 
 the grounds on which we proceed. We had, in 
 the courfe of the laft war, fome fevere Icffons on 
 this fcore, when, for want of previous intelligence, 
 well connedled difpofitions, and expected co-opera- 
 tion, we were expofed to misfortunes of a very fc- 
 rious call. 
 
 Britifh troops, led on by Britilh officers, in a 
 truly Britifli caufe, againft an equal number of 
 any other troops, we have abundance of reafon to 
 think will acquit themfelves with honour. This 
 point never was more glorioufly exemplified than 
 in the Egyptian campaign, when a more numerous 
 army of picked foldiers, in polTeilion of tlie coun- 
 try, and inured to the climate, was, in the courfe 
 of a few months, obliged to furrender to the fupe- 
 
 ♦ V.'iK'.t liappened in 17G2, cannot be quoted as aground of 
 expectation for a similar success now. The power and spirit 
 ot France were then very different. She was enp-a<red in Pieat 
 continental difficulties, and she liad, for many previous years, 
 been involved in ouecf tlie most unsuccessful v/ars vvliicli she 
 tver waged. 
 
 \] 2 rior
 
 .56 
 
 rior valour andlkill of theBritifh troops. But, when 
 their numbers are fmall compared with their allies 
 or their enemies, which muft ever be the cafe in 
 continental expeditions, the Britifh, who then 
 only aft as auxiliaries, cannot be made refponfi- 
 ble for the conduct or the fuccef* of the main ar* 
 my. If the Portuguefe be firmly refolved on their 
 defence, and aftuated by a due fenfe of honour 
 and fame, by patriotifm and public fpirit as well 
 as by a feeling of intereft, they will not be readily 
 fubjugated. Let them recollect, that towards the 
 end of the fifteenth century, they were one of 
 the moft powerful and profperous nations of Eu- 
 rope ; that the boldnefs and enterprife of their na- 
 vigators firft pointed out the track to a new world, 
 and fecured to themfelves a new empire j that, if 
 Philip II. fubdued them in 1581, in 1640 they 
 again threw off the Spanifh yoke ; and that, after 
 a ftruggle of eight- and-twenty years againft the 
 whole flrengthof the Spanifh monarchy, they firmly 
 eftablifhed the family of Braganza on their throne. 
 The advantages of their difcoveries have been loft 
 from a defect in their national character, and their 
 military virtues have long been declining from the 
 vices of their government. The materials of an 
 army are, however, full in the country. The peo- 
 ple are robuft, patient, fober, active, and brave, 
 and under proper regulations in the appointment 
 
 and
 
 ^57 
 
 and feleclion of ofEcers, their dircipline, which is at 
 prefent totally relaxed, might be reftored. When 
 therefore the Portuguefe ftiall have made the ne- 
 ceffary preparations and exertions for their own 
 defence ; when they fhall have afforded undoubt- 
 ed proofs of vigour and zeal in their own caufe ; 
 they may then be entitled to ailiftance from us. 
 But to fend to Portugal a Britifh army on the 
 mere fuppoiition that flie will ftand forth a glori- 
 ous exception to the tame fubmifiion of other parts 
 of the continent, would be a dangerous experi- 
 ment, and would be placing a confidence in her 
 inhabitants which, hitherto, has not been war- 
 ranted by facts. 
 
 The ftate of parties, even in this country, is not 
 fuch as one fhould expect, at a moment which fo 
 (Eminently challenges the action of every difinter- 
 efted virtue, and all the unanimity and vigour 
 which the diftinsfuiflied talents of its leading: 
 men might with fuch effect afford. The dilemma 
 to which many of them are at this moment 
 reduced, is a fubject on which we cannot dwell 
 with any feehng of fatisfaction, much lefs of exul- 
 tation. Love of power, and love of place, mingled 
 witli difappointed ambition, have lately, in nume- 
 rous inftanccs, moft confpicuouffy triumphed over 
 all confiffcncy of conduct, all principle of patriot- 
 ifra, and, I fear, I may add, all fcnlc of duty. 
 
 Every
 
 ■58 
 Every member of the community is interellcd 
 in the character of thofe men who take the lead 
 in public affairs. He feels himfelf, in fome mea- 
 fure, degraded by their dereliction , as it attaints 
 the opinion which he had formed of the public 
 virtue of his country. He, therefore, is inti- 
 mately concerned in the formation of political 
 parties ; and when great revolutions occur, he, 
 for the honour of the community of which he is 
 a part, is anxious to reconcile them to the princi- 
 ples of juftice and reafon. His efforts, in this in- 
 ftance, as they have unhappily been in innumerable 
 ones before, are completely ineffectual, for on none 
 of thefe grounds can we account for late occur- 
 rences. How men of fuch adverfe principles and 
 declared views, which have been adhered to with 
 every feeling of animofity for a long courfe of 
 years, as have diftinguiflied the old and the new op- 
 pofition ; men who, through the beft part of their 
 lives, have been oppofing each other with all the 
 zeal, and much of the intemperate virulence, of 
 party rage ; who, on fome occafions, have accufed 
 each other of the molt unconftitutional intentions, 
 ^nd the moft factious practices ; whofe doctrines 
 have been as effentially at variance as doctrines 
 can be, both in foundation and fuperftructure, 
 both in origin and deduction, both in argument 
 and practice ; who h.ive been diametricaUy oppo- 
 
 fitc
 
 »59 
 
 iite In all Important opinions, whether of foreign 
 or domeftic policy ; who have in no one maxim 
 agreed, in no one fentiment accorded, in no one 
 fhade of argument approximated ; who have, in 
 every point of contact, been fundamentally and 
 invariably at iffue ; fliould, in one moment, have 
 removed this immenfurable diftance, in one mo- 
 ment have levelled thcfe fecmingly irreconcileablc 
 and infuperable obftruclions, and, difmliTing even 
 the recollection of all paft diflbrences, fliould at 
 once have drawn together in one friendly knot j 
 is an event which baffles every attempt at expla- 
 nation. Nor are their previoufly violent political 
 difagreements, in any fliape, the refult of fup- 
 pofitlon ; nor can they be attributed to the va- 
 rious lights in which the agitation of political 
 queftions is frequently to be viewed. They are 
 inherent, effentlal, radical ; founded on the 
 very bafis of the human heart and mind. We 
 can neither miftake nor forget them. They 
 are all, unhappily for the parties, on record, 
 noted down in letters which no pen can erafc, 
 which no time can obliterate. Thev arc enregril- 
 tered among the reports of the pari'amentary de- 
 bates, which arc deuined to furnifli materials to 
 the future hiilorian, and on which he will, no 
 doubt, defcant with many a blufli and figh. 
 
 The political life of Mr. Fox (whicli, with all 
 Its errors, from :m admiration of hio ^ronderful 
 
 talent'-.
 
 i6o 
 
 talents, one is Inclined to inveftigate with tender- 
 nefs) has certainly furniflied a ftrong precedent 
 for fuch an union ; but that fuch men as Lord 
 Spencer, Lord Grenville, Mr. V/indham, and a 
 few others, fhould have ventured to imitate him 
 in that act, which, to ufe the mildefl language, 
 has caft a fhade over his political fame, is a fubjecl 
 of general aftonifhment and regret. In faying 
 this, I am not an enemy, by any means, to a firm, 
 patriotic, conftitutional oppofition : fo far from it, 
 that I always rsjoice when there is an enlightened 
 and refpeclable fet of men, who, from honourable 
 public principles, watch over the meafures, exa- 
 mine the motives, and controul the influence of 
 adminiftration ; warn them of their follies, de- 
 tect their errors, and call them to a fevere account 
 for a wanton mifapplication of their powers. 
 This is what every one, who properly compre- 
 hends, and lincerely loves, the fpirit of the Britifh 
 conftitution, muft ever mofl ardently delire. But 
 an oppofition actuated and governed by thefc 
 laudable, fafe, and confiflent views, will be as dif- 
 tant from faction and caprice as from tame or 
 corrupt compliance ; will refifl bad meafures, not 
 bad and good equally; will oppofe meafures 
 which have a vitious, a ruinous, or an arbitrary 
 tendency, from whatever fet of men they may 
 proceed, and not oppofe any and every meafure, 
 
 merelf
 
 t6t 
 
 merely becaufe it is introduced by Kis Majefly's 
 minifters. 
 
 When a negociation was going forward fomc 
 months ago, to bring in an adminiftration on 
 general principles, ^n which it was purpofed to 
 include men 5f all parties moft confpicuotls for 
 their abilities, defirable as fuch an obje<51: would 
 have been, could any fmcere co-operation have 
 been expelled, it is not diiEcult to imagine which 
 party would have been deftined to yield. If Mn 
 Fox had formed part of an adminiftration with 
 Mr. Pitt, it is very exndent that the former gen- 
 tleman muft, in fome meafure, have furrendered- 
 his public principles and opinions to the latter.* 
 
 And 
 
 * Lord GrenvUle in a late debate said, Why reproach me 
 with forming a connexion with Mr. Fox, whert Mr. Pitt him- 
 self, not long since, recomnieauea thnt gentleman to his Ma- 
 jesty to fill one of the mo--*- •"■^portant offices of the state ? 
 Whether Mr. Pitt followed his own judgment and inclination, 
 or the apparent wishes of the country, on this oocasicn, I shall 
 not attempt to determine : however, an insuperible objectica 
 came from a higher quarter. If this connexion had, however, 
 taken place, as far as Mr. Pitt was concerned, the dissimilitude 
 would have been very striking from that which Lord Gran- 
 ville has thought proper to form. Mr. Fox, as I have ob- 
 served, coalescing with Mr. Pitt, must have yielded to Mr. 
 Pitt's principles ; whereas Lord Grenville, by coalescing 
 with Mr. Fox, has yielded to Mr. Fox's principles, frgmwliich 
 
 he. 
 
 X
 
 l62 
 
 And for this plain reafon: becaufethe governmenL' 
 of the country could not have been conducted on 
 oppofition principles, much lefs on thofe principles 
 which have, at various times, been fanclioned and 
 profefled by Mr. Fox. Many of this juftly cele- 
 brated orator's moft remarkable fentiments and 
 declarations muft have been virtually revoked 
 and abjured, before he could have been admitted 
 into his Majefty*s councils ; and, had he been re- 
 inftated there, he, no doubt, would have ftriven 
 to atone for them, by rendering thofe fervices to 
 his country which his fplendid talents are fo well 
 fitted to confer. If, therefore, the government 
 could have been fmoothly carried on ; if union, or 
 any thing like union, in the cabinet, could have 
 been hoped for ; if party hatred and animofity 
 could have been buried in oblivion ; if the recol- 
 lection of pafl bitternefs could have been ex- 
 punged ; and all thefe tranfcendent minds could 
 have been fmcerely united for the advantage of 
 the commonwealth ; it would have been an event 
 of cordial congratulation with every one who is 
 attached to the welfare of his country. But how 
 fo many obftinate diiEculties could have been fur- 
 he, through a long course of years, completely dissented, and 
 was in the habit of representing in a most questionable 
 shape. 
 
 mounted;
 
 163 
 
 mounted ; how fo many elementary and recur- 
 ring caufes of mutual reproach and aggravation 
 could have been lilenced ; how fo many feeds 
 of difunion and irritation could have been era- 
 dicated; it is beyond the verge of imagination to 
 conceive. 
 
 This negociation having failed, and the admi- 
 niftration of the country having been conlHtuted 
 on a lefs comprehenfive, but a more congruous, 
 bans, all the feelings of the old oppofition are 
 revived, and, ftrengthened as they are by new 
 profelytes, we may expect that their opera- 
 tions will be carried on with incrcafed exertion 
 and bitternefs. The Spanifli war will, no doubt, 
 form a point of attack;* but as, on this fubjecl, 
 tlicy may cxpe<5t fome of their lefs violent fup- 
 porters to defert their ftandards, another has been 
 more peculiarly felecled as the criterion of their 
 ftrength. On this queftion they fecm determined 
 to muftcr all their forces, and to make their chief 
 ftand. And it is certainly well felecled for tlie 
 purpofe, as it is calculated, above all others, to 
 occafion warmth and diflcniion, and to embarrafs 
 his Maicfty's minifters. This queftion, which is 
 in intcrctLing to the internal government of the 
 
 ■■' On tlic discussion of this question, tlio division in tlie 
 J.ords was 36 against 11 !•, in tlic Cuninions 100" ag:iin.st .'51.3. 
 
 X 2 united
 
 164 
 
 united kingdom, and which, it is underftood, 
 will certainly be brought forward for the confi- 
 d.eration of Parliament during the prefent feffion, 
 is the emancipation of the Irifh Roman Catholics. 
 It is, however, a fiibject which, in my opinion, 
 thofe y/ho think foundly would, in thefe critical 
 times, wifh to wave, as there is none on which 
 men entertain more oppofite fentiments, or which 
 is likely to create, particularly in Ireland, greater 
 animolities and heats. 
 
 If the juftice of the caufe were merely the con- 
 fideration ; if it fimply were alked, fhould not 
 the majority of a kingdom, profeffing any parti- 
 cular faith, not only be protected in their mode of 
 worfhip, but granted every privilege and immu- 
 nity which appertain to others ; few would be in- 
 clined to anfwer in the negative. But this is far 
 from being an infulated queftion. In it are ne- 
 ceffarily involved moft grave and cogent relative 
 confiderations, which are pre-eminently adapted 
 to excite hefitation and doubt. 
 
 Juflice is of two kinds, fimple and mixed. Jn 
 the iirft inftance, as it ftands alone and uncon- 
 nected ; in the fecond, as it endangers, or trenches 
 upon, the hithertoacknowledged rights of others. 
 As it regards the firft point, it might be a very wife 
 aft of the legiflature to grant the requeft imme- 
 diately on application: as it regards the fecond, 
 
 it
 
 1 65 
 
 it becomes a cafe of moft momentous and delicate 
 deliberation ; and, according to circumftances, 
 may be the precurfor of moft beneficial or moft 
 difaflrous confequences. Jufticc, which improves 
 the condition of one fet of men without deteri- 
 orating that of another, every liberal mind, the 
 moment the appeal is m>ade, muft at once accede 
 to. But mixed juflice, which profcifes not that 
 innoxious nature, and which, by being haftily 
 liftened to, may ferioully infringe the privileges 
 and enjoyments of others, and through them may 
 lead to the public at large, cannot be inveftigated 
 with too much minutenefs. 
 
 The poiTeilion of freedom, and the abolition of 
 all thofe abufes and reftraints which are inconiift- 
 ent with the rational exercife of it, feem to be an 
 inherent right of our nature. Yet even this chief 
 inftrument of the happinefs of focial life muft 
 not be precipitantly or indifcriminately granted : 
 becaufe, if it were, it would defeat its own end, 
 and, inftead of commanding the object in view, 
 would only lead to mifcry and perplexity of every 
 dcfcription. All improvement muft be gradual. 
 People muft pafs through the hardftiips of favagc 
 life before they reach the benefits of poliflied fo- 
 cicty. Before any great change be introduced 
 among them, they muft be properly prepared for 
 its reception j otherwife, whatever may be its in- 
 
 trinfic
 
 1.66 
 
 trinfic worth, the hopes of all parties will be 
 grievoufly difappointed. If, for example, the 
 privileges of the Britifli conftitution were, from 
 a beneficent motive, bellowed on the Ruffian, the 
 Hungarian, or Polifh peafants, who, time out of 
 mind, have been croanino: under the terrors 
 and the lafh of valTalage ; although the benefit, 
 effentially, would be the greateft that could be 
 conferred, yet can the moft romantic fpeculatift 
 conceive, as it affected the lot of thefe oppreffed 
 people, that their happinefs would be in the 
 fmalleft degree advanced ? Exonerated at once, 
 and without preparation, from their fubmiffive 
 ilate, the ufe which they would inftantly make of 
 their freedom would be to fpread defolation 
 through their country. To burn and deftroy, to 
 feize property, to ranfack churches, to degrade 
 and murder their former mafters, fuch would be 
 the favage occupations of thcfe enfranchifed zea- 
 lots ; till at laft fome daring leader, bolder or 
 more fortunate than the reft, would reprefs their 
 violences by binding dou'n their paffions with 
 tlieir original chains. Such would be the certain 
 effects of iuch privileges granted under fuch cir- 
 cumftances. Indiicriminate maffacre, and pihagc, 
 and violation, would reign till things w^ere brouglit 
 back to their former ftate. Yet no one will for a 
 snoment deny, that the Britifli conftitution pof- 
 
 ieiles
 
 167 
 
 feffes innumerable advantages over a barbarous 
 feudality by which our moft natural feelings are 
 infulted, and our moft obvious rights infringed. 
 But the fact is, men muft be enlightened before 
 they can be free, otherwife thofe very paflions and 
 virtues which, when properly difciplined, are em- 
 ployed in their prefervation, blaze out in an op- 
 pofite courfe, and precipitate their deftruclion. We 
 cannot have a more convincing or tragical ex- 
 pofition in teftimony of the foundncfs of this pro- 
 portion, than what has been afforded by the 
 French revolution, which, after the entire range 
 of every crime committed in every excefs, has 
 terminated in the triumph of a more condenfed 
 tyranny. 
 
 I have deemed it neceffary to fay thus much as 
 an introduction to my view of a moft important 
 queftion ; a queftion, the agitation of which, how- 
 ever an object of fervent defire with fome, is 
 fmcerely deprecated, in the prcfent critical ftate of 
 that divided country, by many of its wifeft and 
 moft enlightened politicians. Nor ftiould the 
 Irifti themfelves, I mean thofe of them who arc 
 moft immediately concerned, prcfs it at prefent, 
 confidering the liberality with which they have 
 already been treated. 
 
 Since the commencement of his prcfent Ma- 
 jefty's reign, Immunities liavc been granted to his 
 
 Catholic
 
 i68 
 
 Catholic fubjecls in Ireland, which were certainly 
 never dreamt of previously to his acceffion. But 
 one ftep has pointed out the propriety of ano- 
 ther ; and it has only been the readinefs with 
 which their complaints have been liftened to, and 
 the facility with which their defires have been 
 complied with, which !• «ve conducted them to 
 this ultimate demand. The firft redrefs whiclv 
 was petitioned for was the toleration of their re- 
 ligion.* This was hardly expected, but, being 
 obtained, a farther wifh was exprefled, which, be- 
 ing alfo accomplifhed, created a frefh defire, and 
 fo they went on, increafing in their demands as 
 their demands were fatisfied, till they have left 
 but one reftraint unrepealed. This reftraint, 
 which, if refcinded, they aver would be the com- 
 pletion of their wufhes, is a very trifling one com- 
 pared with many which have been before an- 
 nulled, as it only excludes from a feat in Parlia- 
 ment, the higheft ranks in the army and navy, 
 .»nd about eighteen or twenty confidential offices 
 of {late. Other reftriclions affected the whole 
 
 * The system of concession to the Roman Catholics began 
 about the year 1773. Previously to that period, they laboured 
 under disabilities which placed them in a complete state of 
 vassalage. It is, however, much to be regretted that their 
 turbulence has by no means been mitigated by the favours 
 conferred on them by the legislature. 
 
 community J
 
 169 
 
 commimity, but this, in its moft enlarged opera- 
 tion, cannot be fuppofed to benefit above fifty or 
 fixty individuals out of the aggregate of the Ro- 
 man Catholics in Ireland. In one fenfe, indeed, 
 I am aware that it may be faid to concern the 
 whole body; as, if this limitation were removed, all 
 might afpire to the fituations which would be 
 thus thrown open to the ambition of all. Still 
 this is draining it to a latitude and interpretation 
 of which it will not fairlv admit. 
 
 The Roman Catholics allege, by way of fliew- 
 ing the extent of this grievance, that they con- 
 tribute to the taxes equally with his Majefty's 
 other fubjecls, without being confulted in the im- 
 pofition of them. But how many thoufands and 
 hundreds of thoufands of his majcfty's fubjeds, 
 in all parts of his empire, many of them too men 
 of confiderable property and great Hake in the 
 country, are placed in the fame predicament ? If 
 thofe who have no voice were not as well and as 
 cfiiciently reprefcntcd as thofe who have; if the 
 protection of the laws were only extended to thofe 
 who aflifted in their enaction ; or if they were ad- 
 miniftered with partiality towards any particular 
 dcfcription of people ; here would be moft ferious 
 caufc of complaint. But the Roman Catholics 
 muft know and feel, that conftitutcd as the 
 Parliament is, they pofTcfs in every rcfpecl the full 
 Y privileges
 
 privileges of Britifh fubjeds in common with 
 others, with the exception of one, which has been 
 withheld on grounds very intimately connected 
 with the fafety of the country. But conlidering 
 the extreme caution of former reigns, a caution 
 warranted by very found reafons of ftate ; con- 
 fidering the diftance and referve with which the 
 Roman Catholics of Ireland were uniformly re- 
 garded by his Majefly's prcdeceflbrs ; it muft be 
 allowed that they have received innumerable 
 bleflings from the prefent king.* The difpofition 
 to comply with their wiihes, to redrefs their 
 grievances, and to reftore them to a proper degree 
 of political conlideration in the ftate, has been moft 
 liberally demonft rated ; and if the last and, as 
 they fay, the only prayer which they have now to 
 
 * The Roman Catholics in Ireland enjoy the full and free 
 exercise of their religion, and colleges have even been founded 
 by the state for the education of their clergy; they are eligible 
 to offices, the emoluments of which do not exceed SOOl. a 
 year ; they can bear commissions in the army as high as the 
 rank of colonel ; they can practise at the bar, and sit as ma- 
 gistrates; and they are in full possession of the elective 
 franchise. All these concessions have been granted by his 
 present majesty. They are thus already in possession of every 
 civil right : they are only excluded from political power ; and 
 if we consult the authority of history, it certainly exhibits very 
 powerful reasons against blending people of all religious per- 
 suasions in the government of a country. 
 
 prefer,
 
 '71 
 
 prefer, ihould be rejeded, they are bound, from a 
 fenfe of former conceflions, to bear the difappoint- 
 ment with patience and moderation. 
 
 The difabilities under which they long laboured 
 were conlidcred, at the time at which they were 
 enforced, as eflentially ncceffary to the prefervation 
 of the government, and of the ecclefiaflical eftablifh- 
 ment of the empire ; and although, as men have 
 become more enlightened, and the church and 
 ftate have felt themfelves more fecure, many of 
 thefe impediments have been removed, yet fome 
 may ftill, even with the leaft prejudiced, be fup- 
 pofed to exift. It is, therefore, no more than 
 prudence requires, to deliberate moft maturely on 
 thefe points before they are finally repealed.* 
 
 The grand objeftion againft the wifdom of this 
 meafure is the difficulty of reconciling the tenets 
 of the Church of Rome with the fafety of the 
 Church of England, or, indeed, of the Britifh con- 
 flitution. The dodrines of that church flrike at 
 the root of many of thofe maxims which wc have 
 been accuflomed to hold facred, and are com- 
 pletely fubverfive of that mild fyftem of forbear- 
 
 • We must ever bear in mind, that the despotism of the 
 French and Spanish monarchies was, in great measure, esta* 
 blished on the ruin of the protestant cause in those countries; 
 and that the freedom of our own constitution was, in great 
 measure, derived from its success. 
 
 Y 3 ance
 
 ance and toleration for which the government and 
 prevailing religion of this country are fo eminently 
 remarkable. The fpirit of profelytifm among the 
 Roman Catholics is already fufEciently active, 
 without arming it with any additional means j 
 and, if not fo fuccefsful as formerly, that diminu- 
 tion is not to be attributed to any relaxation 
 of their zeal, but to the additional know- 
 ledge (that moft powerful enemy to bigotry) 
 which has been diftributed through all ranks and 
 clalTes of the population of moft parts of the 
 Britilh empire. Thefe improvements in educa- 
 cation have, however, by all accounts, by no 
 means kept pace among the Irifli peafants, who, 
 in many provinces, are reprefented to be ftill im- 
 merfed in the groffeft ignorance. 
 
 The northern parts of Ireland are the moft 
 orderly, the moft enlightened, the moft induftri- 
 ous, and, confequently, the moft profperous and 
 happy. But here the people are chiefly pro- 
 teftants ; which proves the fuperior influence of a 
 mild and liberal religion, over one which is cal- 
 culated to reprefs the career of improvement, to 
 engender lazincfs and vice, and to imbrute the 
 very underftanding of man. The fame diftinclion 
 may be obfcrved lo prevail in every other part of 
 Europe wliere proteitants are placed in compe- 
 tition with catholics. The tenets of the former 
 
 encourage,
 
 173 
 
 encourage, thofe of the latter confine, the energies 
 of our befl faculties. A ftate of ignorance is, in- 
 deed, mofl confonant with the views of the Ro- 
 mifli church, becaufe that ftate is beft: fuitcd for 
 the reception of thofe fupcrftitious and erroneous 
 doctrines which lay the foundation of that blind 
 attachment for which its members are fo con- 
 fpicuous. 
 
 Thefe fatal obftructions to all induftry, activity, 
 or improvement, might, no doubt, by wife and 
 wholefome regulations, be materially diminiflied. 
 The eftablifliment of fchools in different parts of 
 Ireland, fimilar to thofe founded in Scotland, 
 would powerfully conduce to the removal of many 
 of thofe prepofterous prejudices on which the Ro- 
 man Catholic faith is reared. This, I think, ihould 
 be done as a preparatory ftep to complete emanci- 
 pation. We fhould alfo endeavour to weaken 
 the influence of the priefthood over the lower 
 claffes ; an inftrumcnt wJiich is fo often made 
 ufe of as an engine of oppreflion, and which, by 
 acting on the imagination, is frequently exercifcd 
 in a manner wliich is highly detrimental to morals, 
 induftry, and happinefs. Tliis miglit be ciTccled 
 by making a national provifion for thofe wiio are 
 really neceffary for the tlilchargc of the duties ot 
 tlie Roman Catholic church. By thus granting 
 ftipcnds to tiic ofliciating members, you v.oulc!,
 
 J74 
 
 in a great degree, break up the ruinous connexion 
 which at prefent fubfifts between the priefls and 
 their followers. By rendering them dependent on 
 the government, you would in the fame propor- 
 tion attach them to it ; and what is alfo of the 
 greateft importance, you would have an opportu- 
 nity of feleding the moft enlightened and the 
 moil worthy, and of courfe, of putting a flop to 
 many of thofe baneful doctrines which are at pre- 
 fent inculcated with fuch deleterious fuccefs.* 
 
 After all, however, one great difficulty would re- 
 main to obftrud theaccomplifhmentof this final ad. 
 
 According to the conftitutional law of this em- 
 pire the king is placed, and for very wife purpofes, 
 at the head of the church and Hate. He is the 
 fountain from which all honour, and one of the 
 fountains from which all power, flow.-f- But the 
 acknowledged head of the Roman Catholic faith 
 is the Pope; a perfon from whom we have been 
 
 * The terrors of excommunication are exercised by manj 
 of these priests over the superstitious multitude with most pow- 
 erful efFe<5t. IV] any of the higher classes, indeed, are not ex- 
 empt from those foolish fears. We must recollect that it was 
 the influence of a priest, operating on the bigotry of James II. 
 which induced that monarch to break his coronation oath, by 
 which he lost his crown. 
 
 t Ic was this union of spiritual and civil power which put 
 an end to tliose dangerous disputes which were perpetually 
 arising respecting the limits of tiaese separate jurisdictions. 
 
 for
 
 175 
 for near three centuries, completely fcparated, and 
 whom, from a recollection of paft occurrences, we 
 ftill regard with enmity and dread. Yet the Ro- 
 man Catholics moft ftedfaftly and profeiTedly look 
 up to him as the chief whom they are bound to 
 fupport J who can alone confer fpiritual dignity or 
 preferment ; and alone legalize their ecclefiaftical 
 proceedings. In church affairs he holds paramount 
 jurifdidion ; he is fall confulted in ail clerical con- 
 cerns, and all their titular bifliops are ftill nomi- 
 nated by him. But how fuch a power, or fuch an 
 interference, can be fubfcribed to by the fovereign 
 and parliament of thefe realms, is difEcult to ima- 
 gine. It may, indeed, be faid,that the emancipation 
 of the Roman Catholics might be conditional, and 
 that this interference and acknowledged fupre- 
 macy of the Pope might be renounced.* This 
 might certainly, in fomc meafure, remove the 
 ftumbling-block. But will they be fatisfied 
 
 * It is said, that the parts of the consecration oath of the ca- 
 tholic bishops which are most offensive to the protestant 
 church have, on a representation to the pope, been by his order 
 expunged; and that a fresh clause has been introduced, respect- 
 ing allegiance to the crown such as was approved of by the 
 bite empress of Russia for tlie catholic prelates of her empire. 
 It is, however, difficult to comprehend the validity ot this decla- 
 ration ; when they, at the same time, contend, th;it the in- 
 fallibility of their general councils must for ever render their 
 principles immutable. 
 
 with
 
 176 
 
 with fuch a limitation ? Will they, I mean, 
 not only apparently but really be fatisfied ? This 
 point fhould be previoufly fully explained and un- 
 dcrftoodj fo as to put all future difcuffion of the* 
 queflion for ever at reft. 
 
 In our intercourfe with thefe active and afpir- 
 ing agents, we cannot proceed with too much cau- 
 tion. We muft recollect that one of the principles 
 of their creed is to millead; and that a deception 
 practifed for the advancement of their church, or the 
 diiTemination of their religion, lofes in their eyes 
 all its moral guilt. In iliort, for any crime an abfo- 
 lution is an atonement, and a plenary indulgence 
 from tlie Pope can at once whitewafli the whole 
 fecX* 
 
 ' Wliai are we to think of the pretensions of the Romish 
 church, \vhcn, even in an enlightened age, we find Leo X. 
 openly craTving on a spiritual traffic, to the total dissolution of 
 virtue, religion, and morals ? This artful pontiff, who well 
 jkne'vv how to take advantage of the stupidity and superstition 
 of mankind, published a general sale of indulgences which 
 were to operate as a complete remission of sins, and to restore 
 to the primitive purity of baptism. Stated prices were fij:cd 
 for particular crimes. The popes still claim this dispensing 
 power; and although _ no liberal or honest man would avail 
 himself of it, yet there are many wicked, artful, and designing 
 people, still left to practise on the credulity of an ignorant 
 peasantry, who may turn it, as indeed they have, to the 
 worst of purposes. 
 
 Now
 
 177 
 
 Now fuppofing all this to profper, even in a po- 
 litical point of view, the Pope being their paftoral 
 leader, and the director and guide of their con- 
 fcicnce, and, at the fame time, a mere creature and 
 inftrument in the hands of Bonaparte, one can 
 ealily imagine a good deal of embarraffment and 
 mifchief ariling out of the fubjed.* The nature 
 of the limitations muft be therefore precifely de- 
 fined, and the conditions on which emancipation 
 fiiould be confented to moft unequivocally ftated, 
 otherwife it may only be an introduclion to 
 frefli claims and pretenlions, till, at laft, the very 
 acl of fettlement itfelf is affailed. 
 
 Notwithftanding all that I have faid, I am flill 
 a friend to emancipation, but cautioufly and fea- 
 fonably conceded. Before the Irifli rebeUion, I ra- 
 ther wifhed it to take place. The horrible events 
 of thofe difgraceful times, if they have not deftroy- 
 cd my opinion as to the poHcy of granting it at 
 all^ have very much ftaggered it as to the poHcy 
 of granting it now^ A meafure of this nature, 
 v/hcn once acceded to, cannot be recalled. Al- 
 though no political incapacity fhould be continued 
 Ioniser than the necellity of the cafe requires, we arc 
 for that very reafon, before we repeal it, bound to 
 
 • The order of Jesuits, which was finally suppressed by Gan- 
 g:\iielli, lias been lately restored by the present P( pe at the 
 dciire of Bonap^trte, with what views it is easy to guess. 
 
 Z afccrtain
 
 17? 
 
 a&crtain whether the ncceflltyno longer cxift. No 
 reform fhould be matter of mere metaphyfical con- 
 jecture : we fhould, beforehand, be morally cer- 
 tain of its good effects. The catholics, in many 
 inilances, on that melancholy occafion, committed 
 the moft defperate outrages, and proved that the 
 extermination of the proteflants was not altoge- 
 ther abfent from their thoughts.* There is alfo a 
 pow^erful party among them, denominated the fe- 
 paratifts, who are difpofed to go any lengths. 
 Thefe fentiments, I am fully convinced, are far 
 from being efpoufcd by men of fenfe, charadler, 
 or weight, flill they have been expreffed by a fet 
 of mifled mifcreants of that perfuaiion, and ought 
 not only to induce caution, but to retard the ful- 
 filment of their views. That rebellion, with all 
 the barbarous enormities with which it was accom- 
 panied, has certainly difpofed me to conlider the 
 melfure in a very different light, and, warmly as 
 r might have advocated it before, I am now decid- 
 cdly of opinion, that the time is not yet come at 
 which it might be granted without rifk. The fitu- 
 ation of Ireland, notwithflanding what has been 
 advanced to the .contrary, is flill very critical, 
 
 * The massacre ef the protestar.Ls in the barn of Sculla- 
 bogue so late as the year 1798 is one of the greatest stains that 
 disfigures the history of any couuiry. 
 
 Much
 
 179 
 
 Much mlfchief is ftill carrying on.* The mineri 
 are at. work, and we muft guard againft the explo- 
 lion. Times and circumftances muft be weighed. 
 Let the deluded Irifli firft return to their duty j let 
 them firft prove that they are good and loyal fub- 
 je<5ls ; let thofe embers of fedition and rebellion 
 be firft extinct ; before they make the application ; 
 and let them have no room to fuppofe that what 
 fhould be beftowed from indulgence is extorted 
 from fear. The Irifti emancipation alfo involves 
 a queftion of much importance in this country, 
 as, on the emancipation of the Roman Catholics 
 in Ireland, thofe of England would certainly be 
 entitled to participate in the benefit. The Teft 
 Acls muft alfo be immediately repealed,! and peo- 
 
 * This is evidently the opinion of the government of this 
 country, from their having deemed it necessary to continue 
 the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland. In the 
 debate v/hich took place on that subject in the House of Com- 
 mons on the 8th of February, it was curious to hear Mr. 
 "Windham arguing against the measure ; he who, whilst in 
 administration, was so violent on the opposite side. 
 
 f The Test Act, which passed in 1673, obliges all persons, ' 
 holding any public office, to take tlie oatli of supremacy and al- 
 legiance ; to receive the sacrament according to the rites of the 
 charch of En;';land; and to abjure all belief in the doctrine of 
 transubstautiation. Tlie second Test Act, winch passed in 
 1678, declares popery idolatry, and excludes all members, 
 ■who refuse to take it, from both Iiouses of parliament. When 
 il was scT;t up to the Lords, the Duke of York made an appeal 
 
 Z 2 to
 
 i8o 
 
 pie of every religious perfualion muft be fet free. 
 Tliough the church of England be ftrongfrom its 
 purity, its liberality, and the general charader of 
 its minifters, yet much caution and enquiry are in- 
 cumbent before fuch an innovation is affented to. 
 At all events I fliould wijli the difcuffion to be poil- 
 poned till the reftoration of peace. 
 
 When that bleffing fliall arrive it is c^uite ufe- 
 lefs to furmife. I fear that it is flill very remote. 
 So many ferious caufes of lafting enmity and ex- 
 afperation have been accumulated by the govern- 
 ment of France againft this country, that fignal 
 muft be the atonement, and vaft the changes, be- 
 fore any thing like reconciliation can be hoped for. 
 There is fo much to undo before any thing can be 
 done, even as preliminary to pacification, that the 
 councils and conduct of France muft be nearly 
 revelled before we can ever again liften to propo- 
 fals, or confent to a celTation of hoPcile attack. 
 Bonaparte has, throughout his career, fet fo com- 
 pletely at defiance every prefcriptive rule of reli- 
 gion, or morals, or law, or temperance, or com- 
 mon decency, that I fhould be at a lois to define 
 
 to t'io house, and, on a motion of his own, an exception in his 
 favour was cnrrled by a niajoiity of two. This snriall mujurity 
 was a proof of the opinion of the country, and the use whicli 
 the Duke afterwards made of the indulgence I njed not state. 
 
 on
 
 i8i 
 
 on what principles of union we could be brought 
 
 to agree. 
 
 When the peace of Amiens was confented toby 
 the bUnd and yielding adminiftration of this coun- 
 try, every motive of prudence, policy, or ambi- 
 tion, which can be fuppofcd to operate on the 
 head or heart of man, feemed to enjoin, on 
 the part of the French government, the moft 
 fcrupulous obfervance of its terms ; yet Bonaparte 
 chofc to break them. Judging, from the hu- 
 miliating conditions of that treaty, and the ea- 
 gernefs with which they had been accepted, 
 that fuch a difpofition could only arife from 
 the abfolute necciiity of the cafe, he confidered us 
 as a vanquiflicd and proftratc people. He confe- 
 quently thought it no longer requilite to praclife 
 difguife, as the more openly he exprelTed his con- 
 tempt, the more likely was he, in his own opinion, 
 to maintain his fuperiority. Luckily, however, 
 in this inftance, the people and the government of 
 tliis country were at variance, and v/hat the latter 
 would pofiibly witliout a murmur have fubmitted 
 to, the frirmcr felt the necefiity of refenting. It 
 was the dccifive caft of this fcntiment wliich exo- 
 nerated the commonwealth, and firft roufcd the mi- 
 niftcrs from tlieir fiumbers. Repeated infuks and 
 menaces had fired the blood of a high fpiritcd 
 people. Thc)' felt the flain on their honour j they 
 
 felt
 
 152 
 
 felt that their independence was endangered, and 
 loudly vociferated for arms. Every incentive ftimu- 
 lated their feelings ; the actual, the retrofpeftive, 
 and the profpe<ftive view. They juftly comprehend- 
 ed the dignified part which they had to fuftain. 
 They dwelt on the feats of ancient ftory ; they re- 
 collected the power which they had juft evinced j 
 they beheld concentrated the laurels which, 
 through a long and luminous feries of ages, had 
 wreathed their warriors' brows ; they recounted 
 the victories of their anceftors, and thofe which 
 had been achieved by a living generation ; they 
 difdained the ill-merited conclufions which this 
 minion of fortune had ventured to difclofe ; and, 
 whilft they defpifed his threats, they refolved to 
 punifh his infolence. Then, and not till then, 
 war was thought of by the government. They 
 were egged on to their duty by the clamours of 
 the nation. They deemed it prudent to yield 
 to the juft indignation of an injured country ; to 
 temporize no longer 5 but to become the organ of 
 die people's voice. 
 
 If ever a war were embarked in with fear- 
 ful reluftance by a government, or unanimous 
 zeal by a people, it is this. Every pulfe beat in 
 unifon, and every heart panted for revenge. In- 
 ftead of being deterred from the laft refort of 
 power by the empty threat of invafion, it was 
 
 this
 
 183 
 
 this very threat which exafperated us to aclion. 
 The vivifying warmth of patriotifm difFufed itfelf 
 through the land, and every breaft was penetrated 
 by the genial heat. We were imprefled with the 
 neceflity of contention, and with the value of the 
 prize for which we were about to contend. We were 
 convinced that we muft either forfeit, or prefcrve, 
 the accumulated glory and bleffings of ages. All the 
 ineftimable advantages which diftinguifli this great 
 and free country, and which have grown out of 
 the prudent perfeverance and active labours of 
 many centuries, were now at (lake. We alfo an- 
 ticipated in our own ruin, the wreck of laws and 
 governments, and the total diflblution of religion, 
 morals, and fecial order, through the civilized 
 world. We felt that we alone had the firmnefs 
 to refift a confuming fire which was overfpread- 
 ing Europe, and which, in its fatal and rapid pro- 
 grefs, was fweeping away every benefit and orna- 
 ment of life. 
 
 We, therefore, fearlefs of confequences, girt on 
 the fvvord. The gauntlet was thrown down 
 in defperation : we have taken it up with com- 
 pofure. We have accepted the defiance -, but the 
 challenger has broken his appointment y and has 
 hitherto fhrunk from the field. We have faved 
 our country : he has involved his more inex- 
 tricably than ever. Moral evil is the parent of 
 
 natural
 
 i84 
 
 natural evil, and France will long have to m®»' 
 the ads of her leaders. 'tiJ ^-^ 
 
 Bonaparte has kept ailembled his troops and 
 his gun-boats in formidable array ; but, notwith- 
 ftanding his repeated declarations to Lord Whit- 
 worth, that, whatever might be the confequences, 
 he would head an invading army, their manoeu- 
 vres and operations, with their vain-glorious gene- 
 ra have been hitherto difgracefuUy confined to 
 t' . own fhores. Inllead of acling the part of 
 a rrior, he has ftrutted on the ftage, with a 
 fv. ping train, in the character of a mock Em- 
 p ; and inftead of ratifying his preteniions as 
 a nmander, has been amufing his gaping and 
 frivolous fiaves with pantomimical extravagances 
 and dumb lliow. 
 
 He has, indeed, lince his acceilion to the Impe- 
 rial dignity, by \vay of tranfmitting intelligence 
 to his faithful fubjccls, condefcended to inform 
 them of their happinels and profperity, of which 
 they, till then, poor fouls ! liad been perfedly 
 ignorant. In this view he was pleafed to deliver 
 a fpeech on the 26th of lafi; December to the Legif- 
 lativc Body j and likewifc, for a fmiilar humane 
 purpofc, to order to be read, a few days after, by 
 one of the Prefidents of the fame enlightened 
 affembly, a paper, called an eicpofition of the prefent 
 flate of France. Now whether the round affer- 
 
 tioRS
 
 185 
 
 'i which thefe ftrange documents contain be 
 ^ or falfe, as no one in France will venture to 
 contradict, or even to inveftigate tliem, all ideas 
 about their authenticity muft depend on the opi- 
 nion entertained of the veracity of their author. 
 Under a free government every meafure is can- 
 vaflcd before the experiment is made, and the 
 fpirit of enquiry is fure to detect and expofe the 
 errors which may attend it. Defpotifm, aifiv-'Ml 
 the fear and filence which furround it, purftf^va 
 different courfe. Abfurd as its a6ls or ftaterfr -'^ts 
 may be, no one will be found bold enough tc e- 
 lift the one, or to arraign the other. But whe'"^*-;!: 
 true or falfe, the flate papers in queftion mu>'^'^'3 
 regarded as a moll: curious production, and every 
 way worthy of having been manufactured by the 
 cabinet of St. Cloud. 
 
 In Bonaparte's moft gracious fpeech from the 
 throne, which he addrefles to the princes and others 
 of that augufl: alTembly, he dwells with exultation 
 on the flourifliing ftate of the finances, afTuring 
 them that no new facrifices wdll be required : 
 fa problem which remains to be dcmonftrated ;) 
 and, by way of proving his afTertion, that he has 
 no willi of cxcrcifing a domineering influence, he 
 modcftly informs them, that he is determined not 
 to reHnquifli what he has already acquired. The 
 uilv/crs or addrefles are a worthy corollary to tlie 
 ^\ n imperial
 
 i85 
 
 imperial oration, in which, they, with true French 
 audacity, impiety, and complaifance, talk of laws, 
 morals, and religion, in the fame breath, and no 
 doubt with the fiime veneration and conviction, 
 in which they mention the fcntiments of modera- 
 tion and peace which have conftantly animated 
 the moft profane, infatiable, and turbulent man 
 of the age. 
 
 The cxpofition, which may be confidered as 
 an appendix to the imperial fpeech, is a ftill 
 more extraordinary compofition. Contrary how- 
 ever to the rules which are fo flrongly re- 
 commended by Horace, it opens at once with 
 a blaze about plots, and confpiracies, to whicli 
 ilicceeds a gentle defcription of internal prof- 
 perity. Then comes the profperity of St. Do- 
 mingo (not a vrord about the new Emperor 
 Jacques, who claims fcniority to Bonaparte, ^^ 
 nor of all the outraa;e3 which make the verv 
 life-blood run cold, which have defolated tliat 
 once-iiourilliing ifiand), Martinique, and other co- 
 lonial poffeiTions. We are next told that their 
 armies are contented to remain at home; and that 
 their feamen are learning tactics in their own 
 
 •* Dessalines was crowned Emperor cf Hayti on the 13th of 
 Odlober 180i: Bonaparte was crov.'Ued at Paris on the 2J ci: 
 December follov.-ing. 
 
 portb-.
 
 187 
 
 ports. The firft acl of this dramatic exliibition 
 is doled with the account of a coiiquell (the only 
 one which France has made) over an unarmed 
 and unfufpicious people witli whom flic was at 
 profound peace, and whofe fecurity was apparent- 
 ly guarantied by the principal continental powers. 
 This tranHiction is defcantcd on with woiidcrful 
 ciTecl:. 
 
 Ihc fecond acl opens with a kind of geograplii- 
 cal dcfcription or analyfis of Europe, whicli, how- 
 ever, is rather laconically delineated. Spain, we 
 are informed, is at war — other parts are in repofc. 
 But the manner in which they arc alluded to, is a 
 fort of barometer to Bonaparte's own {cnflitions, 
 and enables us to form a tolerably correcl judgment 
 of the actual relations vvliich tlicy bear to France. 
 
 The Italian and Helvcrian republics, the crea- 
 tion of his own pov/cr, are moft liviflily pane- 
 gyrized. The Bata\'i:m republic, which is not fo 
 imm.xliatcly tlic oflspring of his fancy, and Vvlnch 
 is at Lift beainninG: to flicw fom.e f^jirit of difcon- 
 tent and refiPLancc, is as feverely reprimanded, 
 'i'jie Emperor of Germany is not rccognifcd by 
 tliat prou'.l title ; but, in order to rendci* 
 liim i'econdary to Bonaparte, is termed tlie 
 J jT.pcror of Auftria ; and, wliilfl an attempt Ij 
 made to degrade him from his poli-ical coiife- 
 (|u:ncc by dcta'Jiing him from all controul 
 A a 2 o\'er
 
 iS8 
 
 over the Germanic Body as their fuprcme chief, 
 he is modeftly counfelled to purfue his com- 
 mercial arrangements. The Hates of Germany, 
 feparated from their Emperor, are to prefcrv.e 
 their friendly relations with France. The empe- 
 ror of RulTia is alfo advifed to follow his plans 
 of trade, and to improve the internal economy of 
 his extenfive dominions. The inevitable ruin of 
 Turkey, now no longer an ally of France, is con- 
 fidently predicted. The Kings of Pruffia and 
 Denmark are coldly praifed, and, as for poor 
 Sweden and Naples, they are not even noticed. 
 
 From this abridged hiftory, frivolous and con- 
 temptible as it may appear in the outline, we can 
 very plainly gather that Bonaparte is lofmg his in- 
 fluence on the continent, and with his influence 
 his temper. The rage and childifh petulance of 
 his character are continually predominant, and as 
 he fpeaks with fcverity, or with favour, or with 
 indifference, of a power, we can pretty nearly 
 trace the degree of political intimacy or alienation 
 which exifts between that power and France. 
 Thus it is eafy to perceive, that Pruflia and Den- 
 mark have given offence j that Rufiia and Turkey 
 are forming alliances elfewhere ; that Auftria is 
 indifpofed ; that t!ie ftates of Germany are fuf- 
 pectcd ; and'tr.ai Naples and Sweden arc lioftile. 
 Of his appendages, that Italy and Switzerland 
 
 are.
 
 189 
 
 are, for the prefent, quiet ; but that Holland is 
 difpofed to revolt. The peroration, which has 
 a fympathetic connexion with the exordium, con- 
 cludes with a threat againft England, but rather 
 lefs rudely delivered than that of laft year (no 
 doubt from his high rank in the faftiionable 
 world, and the additional polifli of his auditory) 
 and an affurance that France will accept of no 
 conditions but thofe of the treaty of Amiens. 
 Thcfc declarations, like his boafts of invalion, are 
 recorded fentiments j and, like them, will in all 
 probability be renounced. Bonaparte is fo much in 
 the habit of breaking his promifcs, and of flying 
 from his engagements, that his declaration, as a 
 declaration, is of little importance. He will eafily 
 be able to accommodate it to his intereft, and we 
 {hall, I truft, be careful to make him lower his 
 tone.* 
 
 To 
 
 * On the 4tli of February hist a second kind of exposition, 
 or report, was made by order of Bonaparte to the Conserva- 
 tive Senate by Talleyrand — to the Lcgishitive Body by 
 Segur, and to tlie Tribunate by St. Jean d'Angcly. The 
 two first were pompous but rather moderate ; but as for the 
 List, it would be difficult to crov/d more nonsense, more false- 
 hood, more profaneness, more vulgar abuse, or more tulsome 
 flattery, into a smaller compass. I'alleyrand says, that a tea 
 year-,' state (;f dcliy v/ould of all micnaccs be tlie most teiri- 
 blc to us — It wculd certainly be the most convenient for them. 
 
 Segur,
 
 190 
 
 To prove Indeed, in the outfct, his utter in- 
 coniiftency, a few days after this pompous ftate- 
 ment is delivered, he fends a mdi'enger to Eng- 
 land with overtures of peace. Wluit, fo foon ! 
 even before his hiftorical, or dramatical, or bibu- 
 lous compofition, can be circulated through his 
 own dominions. It muil be ov/ned that his pro- 
 ductions will not {land the teft of criticifm. They 
 are governed by no rules : — All the unities of 
 Ariftotle are departed from j there is neither be- 
 ginning, middle, nor end. But I fuppofe the 
 lire of srcnius is intended to make aniends for the 
 wild eccentricities and puerile irregularities with 
 which they abound. But what, in foberncfs, or in 
 common fenfe, are we to think of all thefe g-'arinj^ 
 abfurdities and contradictions ? The fvvord in 
 one liand, the olive in the other ; the fmlle of 
 treachery on one cheek, the frown of defiance on 
 the other ; excommunicatioiis and anathemas, 
 
 Segur, although he asserts tl-iat: France c-'iidcsccnds not to re- 
 turn invective, says, a littlo lower dov.-n, that we are tliC eter- 
 nal enemy of the liberty of" tlie seas and the traiinuillity of 
 nations — and St. Je.m d'Angely, arnoncr oti:cr sagacious dis- 
 coveries, iniornis the Tribunate, tliat France has already ovcr- 
 corae three out of tour of the chances vchicii obstructed licr 
 views. The three ovcrccn:ic are the a.,se:nb:y of her ships, 
 her flotilla, and her men — the fourth, which renniins to bi 
 cvarccnie^ is the bi'vaslon. 
 
 )rol'c.tions
 
 191 
 
 proFciTions of hiendlliip and looks of partiaiitj", 
 ail huddled together, not ofiered ::s altern;\tivcs, 
 but prcfented ut the iame moment. 
 
 And can this man pollibly imagine, even in tlie 
 mod furious paroxifms of his infanity, in all the 
 extravagance of his fancy, in the wildncfi of his 
 moft incoherent fpcculations, in the ruinous hurry 
 and buftle of thole fcliemcs whieii he is perpe- 
 tually hatching for the woe of mankind, that \vc 
 are a people to be again duped by tlie audaciouf- 
 nefs or the folemnity of his profefhons ? Can he 
 fuppofe that we are fo very fmiplc, ft) very credu- 
 lous and inexperienced ? Can he conceive, tlrat 
 we, wlio know that his whole life has been a tiQue 
 of the crueleft enormities and the bafeil deceit, 
 under which we have fo lately Imartcd, will 
 allow ourrdves to be again over-rcaclicd l:y the 
 profligacy or the duplicity of his character ? This 
 Proteus, wlio has affumed every iliape, wlio has 
 been, by turns, an engineer, a public executioner, 
 a general, a poifoner, a defertcr, a conful, an empe- 
 ror, and an ailaflln,and who Vv'ould novv- afiiune the 
 mild and beneficent cliaracter of a pacificator, can 
 he imagine, that, blazed abroad as liis iivFamy has 
 been in every market town, and village, and ham- 
 let, ot this emnire, 'we are n^ain to lie pailled 
 by his impoRures? He has a fccond iiri;e tried 
 malice ; he has a fccond lime cHa} ed liis 
 
 pov.er.
 
 192 
 
 power. Me has, by every invention and mode, 
 (fave that of honour) fought to accomplifli our 
 downfall and deftruction. But whilil his own 
 forces have been every where cooped up ; whilft 
 their laurels, their ftrcngth, and their patience, are 
 witherir.g in inaction ; he has found us abfolutely 
 impregnable. We have been ranging at large, 
 infulting him in his very ports ; and making him 
 retreat from our vencceance. 
 
 Tiie conviction of thefe difgraces is not only 
 llamped on his own mind, but is beginning to 
 make a viliblc impreffion on the continental 
 powers. They feel his impotence and c^^/r fccurity, 
 and from it would at length derive and eftabliili 
 their own fuccefs. They are beginning to take 
 courage, and to grow warm, by our example. They 
 are beginning, prop'vrly to underftand, and duly to 
 appreciate, the real merits of this arch-im.poftor. 
 They are beginning to fee through the quackeries 
 of this ftatc empiric, who has, for fo long a timiC, 
 been am.ufing them with his fooleries, whilft he 
 has been deftroying them with his drugs. And, 
 above all, they are beginning to comprehend their 
 own interefts, whicli are fo radically adverfe to 
 his, and to which they have hitlicrto been fo 
 unaccountably blind. * 
 
 His Majcfty's fpecch from the throne, which 
 is oiie ot the molt fatisficlory that we have, for a 
 
 long
 
 193 
 long time heard, after dwelling upon various 
 topics, concludes with a moft animating aflurance. 
 He informs us, that he is earneilly difpofed 
 for peace, but that no peace can be made without 
 bearing a relation to the continent, with which, 
 if not the fafety, at leaft the tranquillity, of this 
 country is fo intimately blended. 
 
 As X-ofccurity, we have at length, I guefs, proved 
 even to the dark and fceptical mind of Bonaparte 
 himfclf, that, independently of every affiftance ; 
 that, even with the reft of Europe leagued 
 againft us, we can indifputably command it. On 
 this point we require no fuccour. The vigour 
 of the country is more than adequate to its de- 
 fence againft any force which may be dcfperate 
 enough to venture on the experiment of attack- 
 
 m2f It. 
 
 o 
 
 It is, at the fame time, moft gratifying and con- 
 folatory to perceive, that the continental pov/ers 
 are, at length, awakening from their deep {lum- 
 bers ; that they are about to fhake off the 
 benumbing torpor by which they have been en- 
 tranced ; and that they are preparing to define 
 limits to the ambition and ufurpation of an in- 
 fultingand pernicious tyrant. Bonaparte is raifed 
 high, but not above the ftroke of advcriity ; 
 and, whilft his fycophants are extolling the 
 extent of his power, fortune is perhaps me- 
 B b dilating
 
 194 
 
 ditating a fatal blow. He feems aware of this him- 
 felf. Whilft he is furrounded by his fatellites, he 
 is dreading the infurrection of his people, and 
 fits trembUng amidft the adulation of regal pomp. 
 He is perhaps beginning to difcover that the 
 weight of a crown is too ponderous for his brow 
 to fuftain, and much would he probably give, if 
 he could throw off his crimes with his purple, and 
 defcend, if not with fplendid, at leafl with fpot- 
 lefs, fame, to a private ftation. He has climbed 
 up to a pinnacle on which he totters, and the pre-^ 
 cipices which cncompafs him are gaping for their 
 prey. With fuch fears as thcfc to difturb his 
 nightly reft, and to derange his waking dreams, 
 he has again had recourfe to the ftiallow expe-' 
 pedient of propoling negotiation. The hope of 
 conciliatinsr the irritated feelhi2;s of his deccraded 
 fubjecls ; of appealing the increafing dlflatisfac- 
 tion of an inccnfcd fnldicry ; of fpreading difcon- 
 tent among us, and difunion among our alhes, and 
 thus embarraffing and enfeebling the councils of 
 this nation, thcfc motives have all combined to re- 
 commend the late meafure. 
 
 He has thus ap:ain foiifrht to amufe and delude 
 us by pacific profeflion:^. An anfwer has been 
 already returned, confirtent with the fpirit, the 
 dignity, and alfo with the moderation, of tliis 
 country. He has been informed, that in addition 
 
 to
 
 195 
 
 to the fafety of the Continent, which we fhall ever 
 regard with jealoufy and becoming intercft, no 
 further explanation can be entered into, till we 
 have confulted with thofe continental powers 
 with whom we are, at prefent, " in confiden- 
 tial intercourfe and connexion.*' Thus, without 
 the permiilion of this foolifli and intemperate 
 boafter, who was completely to infulate us j to 
 banifti us from all concern with continental 
 arrangements ; even to cut us off from all political 
 and commercial communion with the reft of the 
 world ; former relations are again arifing, and 
 people are beginning to be convinced of the bene- 
 fits of our interference. The energies of this 
 country feem fixed under a more vigorous ad- 
 miniftration, and Mr. Pitt's illuftrious name is 
 diffufmg confidence through Europe. Ruflla is 
 fpecifically mentioned ; Sweden, Pruflia, and Auftria 
 are hinted at. Let then the Corfican beware ! — 
 But he has folemnly declared, that he will pre- 
 ferve what he has acquired ; and that nothing but 
 the terms of the treaty of Amiens will fatisfy him. 
 Whilft he holds this language, accommodation 
 muft be mofi; diitant from our thoughts. Why 
 talk of peace, if fuch are to be the preliminary 
 fripulations which arc to ferve as the bafis of the 
 conditions which he means to propofc? This coun- 
 try having rcfumed the war in confequence of liis 
 B b '2 (Trol"><
 
 grofs infraction of every article of that humiliat- 
 ing treaty-j is it to be prefumed that we fhall again 
 agree to thofe identical terms? After having 
 found our very fafety endangered from the mode 
 in which his unruly appetency prompted him to 
 difregard the very fpirit and letter of that degrad- 
 ing ad, are we likely again to commit the fame 
 deplorable error ? 
 
 The laft peace was convenient for him in the 
 higheft degree, and was, in the fame degree, peri- 
 lous for us. It enabled him to follow with full 
 fecurity his inlidious and ambitious machinations: 
 it reduced us to the humble office of inofFen- 
 fpeclators. Not fuch fpeclators as a Britifh 
 audience ufually confitls of, but fuch as vilit 
 fights under a defpotic government, where, if 
 they cannot applaud, they must not difapprove, and 
 where the extent of liberty is to condemn in 
 filence. 
 
 Such was the infultintr accommodation which 
 
 o 
 
 was required by the French from the Britifh go- 
 vernment. Such v/as the com.manding province 
 whicli that government both erected and afTumed. 
 The rule of Bonaparte's defpotifm was to extend to 
 every Britifhheart. irlis meafures we were no longer 
 at liberty to canvafs. Like the Omnipotent, the 
 prefence of his power was to pervade the ani- 
 mal and material world. He was not only to 
 
 be
 
 197 
 
 be chief machinift, but he was to dive into in- 
 ferior arrangements. He was not only to produce 
 the effedl, but he was to direct every movement, 
 to arrange every pulley, to pull every ftring. All 
 this was to be ordained and fulfilled according to 
 his fancy, and we, who had paid fo dearly for the 
 fpeclacle, were to take every thing for granted : 
 we had nothing to do but to look on, to alTent, or 
 to approve. 
 
 How the blood of every Briton kindles 
 at the recolleclion of thefe galling tran factions. 
 That we, who have been, and Hill continue 
 to be, fo great, fliould proftrate ourfelvcs 
 with fuch abject humility ; that we, who arc 
 entrenched to the very ears in honour and glory, 
 who with our fleets and armies, in the remotell: 
 parts of the globe, were purfuing an uninterrupted 
 career of victory ; who were ftill fliouting on 
 the very field of battle, fhould have floopcd fo 
 low as to put our hand to that ignominious treaty, 
 is what the future recorder of our annals will with 
 difliculty bring himfclf to credit. 
 
 That peace is, however, now completely done 
 away. It is now become a dead letter, and v/ouki 
 that It could be blotted out with the pen of indig- 
 nation from that page which it muft ever fully. 
 It will, however, whilft it continues a memorial 
 c'f the incapacity of its authors, fcrve as a land- 
 mark
 
 198 
 
 mark to future peace-makers. It will, it is to be 
 hoped, infure us from fplitting again on the fame 
 rock. It will induce that mode and meafure of 
 wary caution, which it will be incumbent on us 
 to obferve, fliould it be the future deftiny of this 
 country to negotiate again with fuch an op- 
 ponent. 
 
 Bonaparte, by his propofals, has not given proofs 
 of any increafed moderation : he has only betrayed 
 his fears. He has difclofed, in the trepidation of 
 his heart, all its inward tumultuous thoughts. He 
 has fliewn that he really entertains a very different 
 opinion of this country from that which, during 
 the peace, he fo furioufly, fo indifcreetly, and fo 
 indecently declared ; and which he ftill, in fome 
 degree, profeffes. He has fhewn that the hope of 
 fubjugation is mofl diftant from his expectations. 
 There is nothing now faid about heading armies 
 which were to be facrificed one after the other, 
 till he fucceeded ; nothing about overrunning 
 this country in four-and-izuenty hours. Over thefe 
 fubjects reigns the filence of the grave. All the 
 pleafant parties, which were to be given at St. 
 James's, from the plunder of the rich, lazy, and 
 fat citizens of London, are apparently completely 
 abandoned. On the contrary, he is obliged to re- 
 main, uninvited, at Lome. 
 
 Amidft all his fmothcrcd filence, he has dc- 
 
 monltratcd
 
 199 
 
 monftrated that he feels, and acutely too, that 
 confinement which we can command, and that 
 chaftifement which we can inflict. Six hundred 
 thoufand men in arms, kept in inaction, when that 
 inadion continues too long, and grows out of 
 broken promifes and difappointed hopes, become 
 a dreadful incumbrance. Plunder has hitherto 
 kept them together ; the want of plunder may 
 urge them to mutiny ; and what was raifed for 
 his defence may prove his ruin. 
 
 Confidently as Bonaparte may fpeak, I can 
 never believe that his lanG:ua2;e communicates tlic 
 fentimcnts of his heart. A tyrant knows the 
 arts and villainies by which he has himfelf fuc- 
 ceeded, and dreads the exercife of thofc qualifi- 
 cations in other men. Thus, however he may 
 expect to retain his power through his own pre- 
 carious life, he can never expect to perpetuate it 
 in his family, or to tranfmit it to his pofterity. 
 
 The hiftory of the French fully proves the nc- 
 ceflity of controuling them by fcvcre regulations, 
 for whenever their chains have been relaxed, they 
 have been guilty of the nioft horrible exccflc?. 
 Their lively fplrits require occupation, and that 
 difpofition which can be delighted with frivolous 
 •amufements, can alfo engage in the moil defpcrate 
 experiments, and perpetrate the moft infanuuis 
 crimes. But fociety cannot rcnuin long in a 
 
 ,-,>
 
 200 
 
 forced flate: the acls of wickednefs, and the aber- 
 rations of folly, lead back at laft to that order of 
 things which enforces obedience. The French 
 people, after all their wild and fatal experiments, 
 are at laft convinced that the fovereign power 
 muft be confided to one man. Under this im- 
 prefiion, the family of Bourbon muft inevitably 
 fucceed to the throne of their anceftors, and the 
 perfuaiion of this neceflity of monarchical govern- 
 ment, is one of thofe unintentional benefits which 
 this ufurper has conferred. 
 
 We need not, tlicrefore, be hafty in acceding to 
 propofals, nor, above all, need we ftoop to con- 
 cefiions to this temporary fcourge. He is con- 
 vinced of the infecurity of his ftation ; he knows 
 that he has in the very heart of France thoufands 
 and hundreds of thoufands of enemies, who are 
 tlilriling for revenge. He knows that he is a 
 fcrangcr to the country which he has enflaved ; 
 without family, without connexions, without dig- 
 nity, without honour, with nothing but crimes and 
 fortune. He has hitherto been preferved — fo 
 have Talleyrand and Sieyes, wliof ! wickednefs and 
 apoftacy arc as rank as thofe of any vlc'iini th:it has 
 been immolated. But pnniilimcnt, tlion^^h fre- 
 quently tardy, generally conies at lail, luid very 
 few are there, among thofe who were moll active 
 in the atrocities for which the French Revohai(,n, 
 
 throui;liuut
 
 20l 
 
 throughout its courfe, has been peculiarly diftin- 
 guiflied, that have efcaped a violent end. 
 
 Why then (hould this illuftiious and powerful 
 country, liften for an inftant, to any terms but 
 fuch as are confonant with the juflice of its views, 
 the feelings of its honour, and the ftabillty of its 
 fecurity ? Whilft we refpect tlie rights of others, 
 let us tenacio-afly maintain our own. All over- 
 tures contrary to the fpirit of this maxim fhould 
 be rejected at the very thrediold. We can wait as 
 long as Bonaparte. As long as he can, can wc 
 carry on war ; and until he formally abandon 
 his prefent avowed intentions, and fubmit to fuch 
 flipulations as we are entided to enforce, we can 
 never think of peace. 
 
 Peace at all, indeed, vvdth him, who has, in his 
 conduct to others, and, as far as he has been able, 
 to us, broken through every engagement, fet at de- 
 fiance every reftraint, and violated every law, both 
 human and divine, would be an arduous talk to 
 accomplifli. We cannot rely on his faith, for of 
 that he has none ; we cannot depend on his 
 jufticc or his humanity, for of thefe quaHties lie is 
 totally deftitute ; we cannot expect any thing from 
 the operations of confciencc, for he has proved 
 that its influence is unknown to him. How then 
 are wc to act? Why, we muft chain him down 
 is v/c would a wild beaft, which, if we allow 
 
 Cc t©
 
 462 
 
 to range beyond his tether, diffufes alarm, and in- 
 flicts death. To place ourfelves beyond the reach 
 of harm, we muft put it out of his poflibility to 
 occafion any. We muft not, for a moment, con- 
 fide in his aflurances or his oath. He has forfeit- 
 ed every claim to this right from a frequent viola- 
 tion of them all. Knowing the extent and viru- 
 lence qf his wifhes, we can only defeat his ob- 
 ject by circumfcribing his means. We muft there- 
 fore rejefl his terms, and inform him of ours. 
 
 What thofe terms Ihould exactly be, or how 
 they fhould be modified, muft depend on fo manv 
 contingent circumftances, that, in the prefent unfet- 
 tledftateof continental arrangements, it would be 
 both difficult and ufelefs to fuggeft. But fo far we 
 may venture to fay: that they muft be fuch as are 
 confiftent with the fafety and honour of a power- 
 ful and high-minded people ; of a people whom 
 he has infulted, traduced, and injured, in every 
 way within the fcope of his faculties ; but, at the 
 fame time, of a people whom, as events have fully 
 manifefted, he can neither fubdue nor intimidate ; 
 who can moft ferioufly annoy him, but whom he 
 is unable to touch. 
 
 The reftoration of Hanover, and compcnfation, 
 as far as compcnfation can be made, for the out- 
 rages there committed ; the complete emancipation 
 of the Ligurian and Helvetian republics j the with- 
 drawing;
 
 drawing of theFrench troops from Holland, and the 
 independence oftheBatavian government; all inter- 
 ference in theaftairs of Spain, and Portugal, relin- 
 quiflied ; the reinftatement of the king of Sardi- 
 nia ; an apology for theinfults committed againft our 
 minifter at Hamburgh, and for the imprifonment of 
 Britifh fubjccls in France, contrary to the laws of 
 war, or the public rights of civilized nations : 
 thde muil be fome of the leading outlines of fu- 
 ture negotiation, and the only bafis on which a 
 peace with this country can be expeded to be 
 brought about. They will no doubt to many 
 minds appear extravagant : but they are what I do 
 not defpair of feeing accompliflied : for, by fuch 
 means only, can we fecure to ourfelves the blef- 
 fmgs of repofe, or curb the wild and unprincipled 
 extravagance of the new emperor. 
 
 With the internal government of France I never 
 thought it wife to intermeddle ; nor, as far as in- 
 ternal arrangements went, to oppofe the reigning 
 prejudices and eccentricities of the people. Let 
 them endeavour to fettle their own affairs. If 
 they chufe to continue this man as their ruler, 
 in what way, or by what title, little concerns us. 
 The rifk, the fuffering, and the difgrace, are their 
 own. I'hcy muft abide the confequences ; and 
 although I am clearly of opinion that nothing but 
 the old family, and, with fome modifications, the 
 
 C c 2 old
 
 ■.04. 
 
 ©id order of things, can refiore tranquillity to 
 France, yet it is better that fuch a change fliould 
 be brought about (and fooner or later it no 
 Qoubt will) by the operation of their ov\'i judg- 
 ment and conviction than by any external pref- 
 fure, 
 
 What Europe and particularly ourfclves have to 
 do with France, is to require fuch a ftate of things, 
 fuch a fyftem of political action, fuch a recog- 
 nition of iong-eftablifhed and incontrovertible 
 maxims of public law, as {hall effeclually prevent 
 a repetition ofthofeacls of extravag^mt infuit and 
 aggreflion which have lliaken ail rules and princi- 
 ples, and which affect to defpife all reftraint. 
 
 Such therefore, or nearly fuch, are the terms 
 whieh we have a right to require as an a6t of juf- 
 ticc, and which, as an act of duty and pov/er, 
 ',ve are enjoined and may hope to enforce. Above 
 all, let us guard ag-ainlt precipitancy. Let thofe 
 growing fufpicions againft France, and of diftruft 
 and hatred to Bonaparte, which are appearing on 
 the continent, take a firm roqt. Let allb the revi- 
 val of tliat intimate connexion between Great 
 Britain and the leadir.g povvcrs, which has fo 
 frequently before refcucd Europe from flavery, 
 feel its full cITects. The people of this country, 
 convinced as they muli: be of the abfurdity 
 and ruin of Iiaiiy mcafures, or a premature 
 
 peace.
 
 205 
 
 peace, will not, I am fatisfied, hurry the govern, 
 ment in their proceedings by any clamorous fymp- 
 toms of impatience or difcontent. The experiment 
 of a bad peace has been already made. We have 
 proved that it can only expofe us to difhonour 
 and misfortune, and relapfe, after a fhort time, 
 into p. more hazardous rupture. To redeem our- 
 felves from this intolerable ftate we have again 
 taken up arms, and, before we again lay them 
 down, wc muft fix our object on a broad and fe- 
 curc bafis. Our next acl of pacification muft be 
 cither founded on the true fpirit of amity, or fo 
 contrived that our enemy (hall not have the power^ 
 whatever may be hisic///, of molefting our repofe. 
 If we fwcrvc from thefe prudential maxims, I fhall 
 not confider the country as fafe — if we fign an- 
 other treaty of Amiens, I Ihall confider the country 
 as loft. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 i . Gillet, Printer, Crown-court, tlect-ftrect
 
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