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MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED ST MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON 1930 "B MIMHTAf MOY K&6&C K&P& XP'CTO?. IlaOXos yevopcvos fj-fyurros iJx &f IlaOXos KaroKpiroi' ^fceFvos \fv6epos, ^70) 0#re ^y T< fj.eS eirl Gaulois i. p. 28. rctSe rdv ILvptjvaiuv dp&v KeXroi)? 6vo- 2 Hecat. Fragm. 19, 21, 22, ed. Mill- /idfouar TOVS 5' forty ratrrjs TTJS Ke\- ler ; Herod, ii. 33, iv. 49. Both forms rt/c^s els rd TT/SOJ vbrov vetiovTa /dprj, KeXroi and KArat occur. irapd re TOV wxeavbit Kal TO' EpKfoioi> 6pos 8 Diod. v. 32, quoted in note 5. Kadidpvfdi'ovs Kal iravras TOI)S ci-TJs fJ^xP 1 4 Timseus Fragm. 37, ed. Miiller. rr/s Sfcv^i'as, TaXdras Trpoas ri> apxotfj. On the other hand St Basil (Op. i. p. 28, Gamier) describes the European Gauls as rods ecrTrepfous FaXd- ras Kal KeXrotfs. In Boeckh C. I. no. 9764 the Asiatic country is called /uxpi FaXarta, 'Little Gaul.' (2) The first in- stance of Gallia (Galli) which I have found in any Greek author is in Epicte- tus (or rather Arrian), Dissert, ii. 20. 1 7, uWep roys FaXXoi)s i) pavla Kal 6 olvos (probably not before A.D. 100). It occurs indeed in the present text of Dioscorides (i. 92, dirb FaXXfas Kal Tvppyvlas) , per- haps an earlier writer, but the reading is suspicious, since immediately after- wards he has airo TaXartas rrjs irpbs rais"A\7reaLv. Later transcribers were sorely tempted to substitute the form with which they were most familiar, as is done in 2 Tim. iv. 10 in several MSB. See below, p. 31, note i. The substitu- tion is so natural that it is sometimes erroneously made where the eastern country is plainly meant : e.g. Pseudo- Doroth. Chron. Pasch. n. p. 136, ed. Bind. The form FaXX/a occurs again in the Ep. of the Churches of Vienne and Lyons (Euseb. v. i) A.D. 177, and in Theophil. ad Autol. ii. 32 ras Ka\ovfj^vas Ta\\las. It is also common in Herodian . (3) In the 4th and 5th centuries the form ' Gallia ' had to a very great extent displaced Galatia. See Agathem. ii. 4, p. 37, r&v FaXXtwy as irpbrepov FoXartas ZXeyov, and Theod. Mops, on 2 Tim. iv. 10, ras vvv KaXovfj^vas FaXXtas* oCrws yd/3 (i.e. FaXaT^av) atfrcls irdvres icd\ovv oi ira\aiol. Accordingly Athanasius (Apol. c. Arian. i, pp. 97, 98) in the same passage uses FaXa^a of Asiatic Gaul, FaXXJeu of the European pro- vinces. At a much earlier date than this Galen says (xrv. p. 80, Kuhn), Ka\ovT irpoave- Alterth. in. i. p. 155, Cellarius Not. i^d^vra ry I8li$ vdfMp d-jredddr). Cilicia Orb. Ant. n. p. 182. Of the formation Tracheia was also separated and as- of the Eonian province Strabo says, signed to Archelaus, Strabo xiv. p. 671. xii. p. 567, vvv 5' x vffi 'PwAwwbi Kal On the subject generally see Perrot de ra^TTiv (YV TdXariav] Kal n> UTTO ry Gal. Prov. Rom. Paris 1867. 'A/JLijvTg. yevoiu.tvr]v iravav ets /-ucw ffwa- 2 The Lystreni are included by Pliny yay6vTes eirapxlav, and similarly p. 569. among the Galatian peoples, H. N.V. 8 THE GALATIAN PEOPLE. formed, the three chief towns of Galatia proper, Ancyra, Pessinus, and Tavium, took the name of Sebaste or Augusta, being distinguished from each other by the surnames of the respective tribes to whieh they belonged 1 . Ambiguity Thus when the writers of the Roman period, St Paul and name. St Luke for instance, speak of Galatia, the question arises whether they refer to the comparatively limited area of Galatia proper, or to the more extensive Roman province. The former is the popular usage of the term, while the latter has a more formal and official character. Other ele- Attention has hitherto been directed solely to the barbarian the Gala- settlers in this region. These however did not form by any lation PU ' means *ke whole population of the district. The Galatians, whom Manlius subdued by the arms of Rome, and St Paul by the sword of the Spirit, were a very mixed race. The substra- tum of society consisted of the original inhabitants of the Phry- invaded country, chiefly Phrygians, of whose language not much is known, but whose strongly marked religious system has a prominent place in ancient history. The upper layer was composed of the Gaulish conquerors: while scattered irregularly Greeks, through the social mass were Greek settlers, many of whom doubtless had followed the successors of Alexander thither and were already in the country when the Gauls took possession of it 2 . To the country thus peopled the Romans, ignoring the old Phrygian population, gave the name of Gallogra3cia. At the time when Manlius invaded it, the victorious Gauls had not amalgamated with their Phrygian subjects; and the Roman consul on opening his campaign was met by a troop of the Phrygian priests of Cybele, who clad in the robes of their order and chanting a wild strain of prophecy declared to him that the goddess approved of the war, and would make him 42. That Derbe also belonged to Ga- Alterth. in. i. p. 156. latia may be inferred from Strabo xii. " It might be inferred from the in- p. 569. See Bottger Beitrage, Suppl. scription, Boeckh in. p. 82, 'lovXiov p. 26. Seour/pou TOV irpurov r&v 'EXX^j/wy, that 1 Se/Sao-rr; TeKTOffayuv, 2. ToXtcrro- the Greeks in Galatia were recognised as , S. T/>6/c/tw*'. See Becker Rom. a distinct class even under the Komans. THE GALATIAN PEOPLE. 9 master of the country 1 . The great work of the Roman conquest was the fusion of the dominant with the conquered race the Fusion of Gauls and result chiefly, it would appear, of that natural process by which Phry- all minor distinctions are levelled in the presence of a superior gl power. From this time forward the amalgamation began, and it was not long before the Gauls adopted even the religion of their Phrygian subjects 2 . The Galatia of Manlius then was peopled by a mixed race of Phrygians, Gauls, and Greeks. But before St Paul visited the Romans, country two new elements had been added to this already heterogeneous population. The establishment of the province must have drawn thither a considerable number of Romans, not very widely spread in all probability, but gathered about the centres of government, either holding official positions themselves, or connected more or less directly with those who did. From the prominence of the ruling race in the Galatian monuments 3 we might even infer that the whole nation had been romanized. Such an impression however would certainly be incorrect. I cannot find in St Paul's epistle any distinct trace of the influence, or even of the presence, of the masters of the world, though the flaunting inscriptions of the Sebasteum still proclaim the devotion of the Galatian people to the worship of Augustus and Rome. More important is it to remark on the large influx of Jews Jews, which must have invaded Galatia in the interval 4 . Antiochus 1 Polyb. xxii. 20, Livy xxxviii. 18. In 2 Mace. viii. 20 there is an obscure 2 A Brogitarus is mentioned as priest allusion to an engagement with them in of the mother of the gods at Pessinus; Babylonia. In i Mace. viii. 2 it is said Cicero de Arusp.Resp. 28, pro Sext. 26. that Judas Maccabaeus 'heard of the A Dyteutus son of Adiatorix held the wars of the Eomans and the brave deeds same office in the temple of the goddess which they did among the Galatians (or worshipped at Comana, Strabo xii. p. Gauls) and how they subdued them and 558. Other instances are given in laid them under tribute ': but whether Thierry i. p. 4 ii, Perrot Expl. Arch. we suppose the enumeration of the p. 185. Boman triumphs to proceed in geo- 3 Boeckh Corp. laser, in. pp. 73 graphical or chronological order, the 115. reference is probably to the Western 4 The direct connexion of the Gala- Gauls, either chiefly or solely, since the tians with Jewish history is very slight. successes of the Eomans in Spain are IO THE GALATIAN PEOPLE. Their commer- cial instincts, attracted by the natural advan- tages of Galatia. the Great had settled two thousand Jewish families in Lydia and Phrygia 1 ; and even if we suppose that these settlements did not extend to Galatia properly so called, the Jewish colonists must in course of time have overflowed into a neighbouring country which possessed so many attractions for them. Those commercial instincts, which achieved a wide renown in the neighbouring Phoenician race, and which in the Jews themselves made rapid progress during the palmy days of their national life under Solomon, had begun to develope afresh. The innate energy of the race sought this new outlet, now that their national hopes were crushed and their political existence was well-nigh extinct. The country of Galatia afforded great facilities for commercial enterprise. With fertile plains rich in agricultural produce, with extensive pastures for flocks, with a temperate climate and copious rivers, it abounded in all those resources out of which a commerce is created 2 . It was moreover conveni- ently situated for mercantile transactions, being traversed by a great high road between the East and the shores of the jEgean, along which caravans were constantly passing, and among its towns it numbered not a few which are mentioned as great centres of commerce 8 . We read especially of a considerable traffic in cloth mentioned in the following verse, their victories over Philip and Perseus in the 5th, and the defeat of Antiochus not till the 6th verse. The same un- certainty hangs over the incident in Joseph. Ant. xv. 7. 3, Bell. Jud. i. 20. 3, where we read that Augustus gave to Herod as his body-guard 400 Gala- tians (or Gauls) who had belonged to Cleopatra. 1 Joseph. Ant. xii. 3. 4. 2 An anonymous geographer (Geogr. Min. Miiller, n. p. 521) describes Gala- tia as ' provincia optima, sibi sufficiens.' Other ancient writers also speak of tho natural advantages of this country; see Wernsdorff p. 199 sq. A modern traveller writes as follows : 4 Malgre tant de ravages et de guerres dSsastreuses, la Galatie, par la fertility de son sol et la richesse de ses produits agricoles, est encore une des provinces les plus heu- reuses de 1'Asie Mineure.' And again : 'Malgr6 tous ses malheurs, la ville mo- derne d' Angora est une des plus peu- p!6es de 1'Asie Mineure. Elle doit la prosperity relative doiit elle n'a cess6 de jouir a son hetfreuse situation, & un climat admirablement sain, a un sol fertile, et surtout a ses innombrables troupeaux de chevres, etc.' Texier, Revue des Deux Monies, 1. c. pp. 597, 602. 8 Strabo, xii. p. 567, especially men- tions Tavium and Pessinus, describing the latter as tfj.iropeiov T&V rafrrTj (J.yi- s 4092. 'A/cfXas or 'A/ctfXas a name Minor, i. p. 418, Texier, 1. c. p. 602 commonly borne by Jews in these parts sq., and especially Bitter's Erdkunde occurs several times. It is possible xviii. p. 505. It is to this probably however that some of these may be that the ancient geographer refers. Christian ; nor is it always easy to pro- 2 Joseph. Antiq. xvi. 6. 2. The in- nounce on the Hebrew origin of a name fluence of Judaism on St Paul's con- in the confusion of nations which these verts here does not derive the same inscriptions exhibit. illustration from the statistics of the 4 Pausanias (vii. 17. 5) mentions that existing population as it does in some the people of Pessinus abstained from other places, Thessalonica for instance, swine's flesh (b&v ofy airrbnevoi) , a state- where the Jews are said to form at ment which has given rise to much least one half of the inhabitants. In discussion. See Wernsdorff p. 324 sq[. '1836 Hamilton was informed that out Some have attributed this abstinence to of about 11,000 houses in Ancyra only Jewish influence, but the aversion to 150 were Jewish, the majority of the swine's flesh was common to several population being Turks or Catholic Eastern peoples. Instances are given 12 THE GAL ATI AN PEOPLE. The Celtic Still with all this foreign admixture, it was the Celtic blood ctami? r which gave its distinctive colour to the Galatian character and separated them by so broad a line even from their near neigh- bours. To this cause must be attributed that marked contrast in religious temperament which distinguished St Paul's disciples in Galatia from the Christian converts of Colossae, though edu- cated in the same Phrygian worship and subjected to the same Jewish influences. The tough vitality of the Celtic character maintained itself in Asia comparatively unimpaired among Phrygians and Greeks, as it has done in our own islands among Saxons and Danes and Normans, retaining its individuality of type after the lapse of ages and under conditions the most adverse 1 . The Gala- A very striking instance of the permanence of Celtic insti- tain their tutions is the retention of their language by these Gauls of Asia language Minor. More than six centuries after their original settlement in this distant land, a language might be heard on the banks of the Sangarius and the Halys, which though slightly corrupted was the same in all essential respects with that spoken in the district watered by the Moselle and the Rhine. St Jerome, who had himself visited both the Gaul of the West and the Gaul of Asia Minor, illustrates the relation of the two forms of speech by the connexion existing between the language of the Phoenicians and their African colonies, or between the different dialects of Latin 2 . in Milman's Hist, of the Jews i. p. 177 les yeux bleux rappellent le caractere (3rd ed.). des populations de 1'ouest de la France. ' 1 Modern travellers have seen, or 2 Hieron. in Epist. ad Gal. lib. n. imagined they saw, in the physical f ea- praef . Galatas excepto sermone Graeco, tures of the modern inhabitants of Ga- quo omnis Oriens loquitur, propriam latia traces of their Celtic origin. So linguam eandem pene habere quam Texier, 1. c. p. 598, ' Sans chercher a se Treveros, nee referre si aliqua exinde faire illusion, on reconnait quelquefois, corruperint, quum et AM Phoenicum surtout parmi les pasteurs, des types linguam nonnulla ex parte mutaverint, qui se rapportent merveilleusement a et ipsa Latinitas et regionibus quotidie certaines races de nos provinces de mutetur et tempore' (vn. P. i. p. 430, France. On voit plus de cheveux blonds ed. Vallarsi). By 'excepto sermone en Galatie qu'en aucun autre royaurne Graeco ' he means that they spoke de 1'Asie Mineure ; les tetes carries et Greek in common with the rest of the THE GALATIAN PEOPLE. 13 With the knowledge of this remarkable fact, it will not be and their thought idle to look for traces of the Celtic character in the essentially Galatians of St Paul's Epistle, for in general the character of u ' n , a nation even outlives its language. No doubt it had under- gone many changes. They were no longer that fierce hardy race with which Rome and Greece successively had grappled in a struggle of life and death. After centuries of intercourse with Greeks and Phrygians, with the latter especially who were reputed among the most effeminate and worthless of Asiatics, the ancient valour of the Gauls must have been largely diluted. Like the Celts of Western Europe, they had gradually dete- riorated under the enervating influence of a premature or forced civilisation 1 . Nevertheless beneath the surface the Celtic character remains still the same, whether manifested in the rude and fiery barbarians who were crushed by the arms of Caesar, or the impetuous and fickle converts who call down the indignant rebuke of the Apostle of the Gentiles. St Paul's language indeed will suggest many coincidences, Minor oo- which perhaps we may be tempted to press unduly. His de- i n St nunciation of 'drunkenness and re veilings 2 ,' falling in with the taunts of ancient writers, will appear to point to a darling sin of the Celtic people 3 . His condemnation of the niggardly East, as well as Celtic. Thierry (i. p. bly an anachronism in the mouth of 415) strangely mistakes the meaning, Manlius, but it was doubtless true when 'les Galates etaient les seuls, entre Livy wrote and when St Paul preached, tous les peuples asiatiques, qui ne se On the degeneracy of the Western servissent point de la langue grecque.' Gauls, see Caesar Bell. Gall. vi. 24, Tac. It is probable that they understood St Ann. xi. 18, Agric. u, Germ. 28. Paul's epistle as well as if it had been 2 Q^ v . 21. written in their original tongue. None 3 Diod. Sic. v. 16 Kdrotvoi 5t oi/res of the Galatian inscriptions are in the /ca0' {nreppoKty rbv elv oi ruv ayav 'EAX^wj/ Kal to receive than consistent to retain the rpL^wvLov Trapaor6Xewj 'Ayictpas. It is frequently raneum, celebre et frequens emporium: styled the * metropolis ' in inscriptions tria maria pan ferine distantia inter- and on coins. vallo habet.' See Eitter Erdkunde 6 Strabo xii. p. 567. xvm. p. 561. The identity of Gordium c Strabo 1. c. See Hamilton's Asia and Juliopolis however, though as- JLTtnor p. 395. Perhaps however Ta- sumed by Bitter, Forbiger, Kiepert, vium lay too much to the eastward of and others, is perhaps a mistake : see St Paul's route, which would take him Mordtmann in Sitzungsber. der KonigL more directly to the western parts of bayer. Akad. 1860, p. 169 sq. THE CHURCHES OF GALATIA. 21 observe that these are among the earliest episcopal sees on record in this country 1 . In Galatia the Gospel would find itself in conflict with two distinct types of worship, which then divided the allegiance of civilised heathendom. At Pessinus the service of Cybele, the most widely revered of all pagan deities, represented, perhaps more adequately than any other service, the genuine spirit of the old popular religion. At Ancyra the pile dedi- cated to the divinities of Augustus and E-ome was one of the earliest and most striking embodiments of the new political worship which imperial statecraft had devised to secure the respect of its subject peoples. We should gladly have learnt Silence of how the great Apostle advocated the cause of the truth against an a g t either form of error. Our curiosity however is here disappointed. Luke - It is strange that while we have more or less acquaintance with all the other important Churches of St Paul's founding, with Corinth and Ephesus, with Philippi and Thessalonica, not a single name of a person or place, scarcely a single incident of any kind, connected with the Apostle's preaching in Galatia, should be preserved in either the history or the epistle. The reticence of the Apostle himself indeed may be partly accounted for by the circumstances of the Galatian Church. The same delicacy, which has concealed from us the name of the Corinth- ian offender, may have led him to avoid all special allusions in addressing a community to which he wrote in a strain of the severest censure. Yet even the slight knowledge we do possess of the early Galatian Church is gathered from the epistle, with scarcely any aid from the history. Can it be that the historian gladly drew a veil over the infancy of a Church which swerved so soon and so widely from the purity of the Gospel ? St Luke mentions two visits to Galatia, but beyond the bare Two visits fact he adds nothing to our knowledge. The first occasion was during the Apostle's second missionary journey, probably in the year 51 or 52 2 . The second visit took place a few years later, perhaps in the year 54, in the course of his third missionary 1 Le Quien Oriens Christ, i. p. 456 sq. a Acts xvi. 6. 22 THE CHUECHES OF GALATIA. journey, and immediately before his long residence in Ephesus 1 . The epistle contains allusions, as will be seen, to both visits; and combining these two sources of information, we arrive at the following scanty facts. First visit, I. After the Apostolic congress St Paul starting from tj* 5I c Antioch with Silas revisited the churches he had founded in Syria, Cilicia, and Lycaonia. At Lystra they fell in with Timo- theus, who also accompanied them on their journey 2 . Hitherto the Apostle had been travelling over old ground. He now entered upon a new mission-field, 'the region of Phrygia and GalatiaV The form of the Greek expression implies that Phrygia and Galatia here are not to be regarded as separate districts. The country which was now evangelized might be called indifferently Phrygia or Galatia. It was in fact the land originally inhabited by Phrygians, but subsequently occupied by Gauls : or so far as he travelled beyond the limits of the Gallic settlement, it was still in the neighbouring parts of Phrygia that he preached, which might fairly be included under one general expression*. St Paul does not appear to have had any intention of preaching the Gospel here 5 . He was perhaps anxious at once to bear his message to the more important and promising dis- trict of Proconsular Asia 8 . But he was detained by a return 1 Acts xviii. 23. latia before Phrygia, but it is quite con- 8 Acts xv. 40 xvi. 5. sistentwith the expression in the first, 3 Acts xvi. 6 diTJ\6ov 81 rty $pv- where the two districts are not sepa- ytav Kal [TTJV] TaXariK^v x^P av - The rated. If we retain the received read- second rty of the received reading ought ing, we must suppose that St Paul went to be omitted with the best MSB, in from west to east on the first occasion, which case $pvylav becomes an adjec- and from east to west on the second, tive. This variety of reading has escaped 4 Colossae would thus lie beyond the the notice of commentators, though it scene of the Apostle's labours, and the solves more than one difficulty. On the passage correctly read does not present occasion of the second visit the words even a seeming contradiction to Col. 1.4, are (xviii. 23), diepxb/J.vos /cafle^s TTJV 6, 7, ii. i. See on the whole subject ra\ariK7?j> x&P av Ka * $pvytav- The Colossians p. 23 sq. general direction of St Paul's route on 6 I see no reason for departing from both occasions was rather westward the strictly grammatical interpretation than eastward, and this is expressed of Gal. iv. 13, 5t' dcrfl^eicw TT}J in the second passage by naming Ga- 8 Acts xvi. 6. THE CHURCHES OF GALATIA. 23 of his old malady, ' the thorn in the flesh, the messenger of St Paul's Satan sent to buffet him 1 / some sharp and violent attack, it 5^^^- would appear, which humiliated him and prostrated his physical Q 1 *^ 11 m strength. To this the Galatians owed their knowledge of Christ. Though a homeless stricken wanderer might seem but a feeble advocate of a cause so momentous, yet it was the divine order that in the preaching of the Gospel strength should be made perfect in weakness. The zeal of the preacher and the enthusiasm of the hearers triumphed over all impediments. 'They did not despise nor loathe the temptation in his flesh. They received him as an angel of God, even as Christ Jesus. They would have plucked out their very eyes, if they could, and have given them to him 2 .' Such was the impression left on his heart by their first affectionate welcome, painfully embittered by contrast with their later apostasy. It can scarcely have been any predisposing religious sym- Attitude of pathy which attracted them so powerfully, though so transi- ently, to the Gospel. They may indeed have held the doctrine of the immortality of the soul, which is said to have formed part of the Druidical teaching in European Gaul 3 . It is pos- sible too that there lingered, even in Galatia, the old Celtic conviction, so cruelly expressed in their barbarous sacrifices, that only by man's blood can man be redeemed 4 . But with these doubtful exceptions, the Gospel, as a message of mercy and a spiritual faith, stood in direct contrast to the gross and material religions in which the race had been nurtured, whether the cruel ritualism of their old Celtic creed, or the frightful orgies of their adopted worship of the mother of the gods. Yet though the whole spirit of Christianity was so alien to their habits of thought, we may well imagine how the fervour of the Apostle's preaching may have fired their religious enthusiasm. The very image under which he describes his work brings 1 2 Cor. xii. 7. * Bell. Gall. vi. 16 'Pro vita homi- a Gal. iv. 14, 15. nis nisi hominis vita reddatur, non 3 They believed also in its transmi- posse aliter deorum immortalium nu- gration. See Caesar Bell. Gall. vi. 14, men placari arbitrantur.' Diod. Sic. v. 28. 24 THE CHURCHES OF GALATIA. Earnest- vividly before us the energy and force with which he delivered Apostle's 6 n ^ s message. He placarded Christ crucified before their eyes 1 , preaching. arre sting the gaze of the spiritual loiterer, and riveting it on this proclamation of his Sovereign. If we picture to ourselves the Apostle as he appeared before the Galatians, a friendless outcast, writhing under the tortures of a painful malady, yet instant in season and out of season, by turns denouncing and entreating, appealing to the agonies of a crucified Saviour, perhaps also, as at Lystra, enforcing this appeal by some striking miracle, we shall be at no loss to conceive how the fervid temperament of the Gaul might have been aroused, while yet only the surface of his spiritual consciousness was ruffled. For the time indeed all seemed to be going on well. 'Ye were running bravely/ says the Apostle 2 , alluding to his favourite image of the foot-race. But the very eagerness with which they had embraced the Gospel was in itself a dangerous symptom. A material so easily moulded soon loses the im- pression it has taken. The passionate current of their Celtic blood, which flowed in this direction now, might only too easily be diverted into a fresh channel by some new religious impulse. Their reception of the Gospel was not built on a deeply-rooted conviction of its truth, or a genuine appreciation of its spiritual power. Hiade- This visit to Galatia, we may suppose, was not very pro- pur ure. tracted. Having been detained by illness, he would be anxious to continue his journey as soon as he was convalescent. He was pressing forward under a higher guidance towards a new field of missionary labour in the hitherto unexplored continent of Europe. Second 2. An interval of nearly three years must have elapsed J 1 ^ 1 ' before his second visit. He was now on his third missionary journey ; and according to his wont, before entering upon a new field of labour, his first care was to revisit and ' confirm ' the churches he had already founded. This brought him to 'the Galatian country and Phrygia.' From the language used in 1 Gal. iii. i, irpoeypa.^. See the note. 2 Gal. v. 7. THE CHURCHES OF GALATIA. 25 describing this visit we may infer that not a few congregations had been established in Galatia. 'He went through the dis- trict in order, confirming all the disciples 1 .' Of the second visit to Galatia even less is known than of the Danger- former. It would seem however that some unhealthy symp- toms? toms had already appeared, threatening the purity of the Gospel. At all events certain expressions in the epistle, which are most naturally referred to this visit, imply that cause for uneasiness had even then arisen. He was constrained to address his converts in language of solemn warning 2 . He charged them to hold accursed any one who perverted the Gospel as he had taught it 3 . Writing to them afterwards, he contrasts the hearty welcome of his first visit with his cold reception on this occasion, attributing their estrangement to the freedom with which he denounced their errors. ' Have I become your enemy/ he asks, ' because I told you the truth 4 ? ' The epistle was written, as I hope to show, about three or Subse- four years after the second visit, but in the meanwhile St Paul communi- doubtless kept up his intercourse with the Galatian Churches cations - by messengers or otherwise. A large portion of the intervening time was spent at Ephesus, whence communication with Ga- latia would be easily maintained. An incidental allusion in the First Epistle to the Corinthians throws light on this subject. It Collection there appears that St Paul appealed 6 to the Churches of Galatia, of alms ' as he did also to those of Macedonia and Achaia, to contribute towards the relief of their poorer brethren in Palestine, who were suffering from a severe famine. By communication thus maintained St Paul was made acquainted with the growing corruption of the Galatian Churches from the spread of Juda- izing errors. The avidity with which these errors were caught up im- Jewish in- plies some previous acquaintance with Jewish history and some Galatia. m habituation to Jewish modes of thought. The same inference 1 Acts xviii. 23. 4 Gal. iv. 1316. See the notes. 2 Gal. v. 21. 5 i Cor. xvi. i 6. 3 Gal. i. o. 26 THE CHURCHES OF GALATIA. may be drawn from the frequent and minute references in the epistle to the Old Testament, assuming no inconsiderable know- ledge of the sacred writings on the part of his converts. It has been shown already that there was in Galatia a large population of Jews to whom this influence may be traced 1 . The Ga- The Apostle had probably selected as centres of his mission Churches those places especially where he would find a sufficient body of anucieus ^ ew i s ^ residents to form the nucleus of a Christian Church. of Jewish It was almost as much a matter of missionary convenience, as of religious obligation, to offer the Gospel ' to the Jew first and then to the Gentile 2 .' They were the keepers of the sacred archives, and the natural referees in all that related to the history and traditions of the race. To them therefore he must of necessity appeal. In almost every instance where a detailed account is given in the Apostolic history of the foundation of a Church, we find St Paul introducing himself to his fellow- countrymen first, the time the sabbath-day, the place the synagogue, or, where there was no synagogue, the humbler proseucha. Thus in the very act of planting a Christian Church, the Apostle himself planted the germs of bigotry and disaffection. but were Not however that the Gospel seems to have spread widely chiefly of among the Jews in Galatia, for St Paul's own language shows Gentiles, the great mass at least of his converts were Gentiles 8 , and the analogy of other churches points to the same result. But Jewish influences spread far beyond the range of Jewish circles. The dalliance with this ' foreign superstition/ which excited the indignation of the short-sighted moralists of Rome, was certainly 1 See above, p. 9 sq. therefore, as his epistles are addressed 2 Kom. i. 1 6, ii. 9, 10. to the Galatians among others, there 3 Gal. iv. 8 'Then not knowing was a large number of converts from God, ye did service to them which by Judaism in the Churches of Galatia. nature are no gods.' See also Gal. iii. His own language however shows that 29, v. 2, vi. 12, and the notes on i. 14 he is writing chiefly to Gentiles (i Pet. ii. tv T$ ytvei fj.ov, ii. 5 Trp&s fyms. It has 9, 10) and that therefore the dtcunropd. been assumed that St Peter, as the of the opening salutation is the spirt- Apostle of the Circumcision, must have tual dispersion. Comp. i Pet. ii. ii, written to Jewish Christians, and that 12. THE CHURCHES OF GALATIA. 2/ not less rife in the provinces than in the metropolis. Many a man, who had cot cast off his heathen religion, and perhaps had ;io intention of casting it off, was yet directly or indirectly acquainted with the customs and creed of the Jews, and pos- sibly had some knowledge of the writings of the lawgiver and the prophets. Still there were doubtless some Jewish converts in the Galatian Church 1 . These would be a link of communi- cation with the brethren of Palestine, and a conducting medium by which Jewish practices were transmitted to their Gentile fellow- Christians. For whatever reason, the Judaism of the Galatians was Violent much more decided than we find in any other Gentile Church. O f Gaia- The infection was both sudden and virulent. They were checked all at once in the gallant race for the prize 2 . Their gaze was averted by some strange fascination from the proclamation of Christ crucified 3 . Such are the images under which the Apo- stle describes their apostasy. It was a Judaism of the sharp Pharisaic type, unclouded or unrelieved by any haze of Essene mysticism, such as prevailed a few years later in the neigh- bouring Colossian Church. The necessity of circumcision was Strict ob- strongly insisted upon 4 . Great stress was laid on the observ- of'th^iaw. ance of 'days and months and seasons and years 5 / In short, nothing less than submission to the whole ceremonial law seems to have been contemplated by the innovators 6 . At all events, this was the logical consequence of the adoption of the initiatory rite 7 . This position could only be maintained by impugning the St Paul's credit of St Paul. By some means or other his authority must impugned. be set aside, and an easy method suggested itself. They re- presented him as no true Apostle. He had not been one of the Lord's personal followers, he had derived his knowledge of the Gospel at second hand. It was therefore to the mother 1 See the note on vi. 13, where the 3 Gal. iii. i. various readings ol trepiTTwiJ.{voi and 4 Gal. v. 2, n, vi. 12, 13. 61 -jrepiTefj.v6fj.evoi have some bearing on 5 Gal. iv. 10. this point. 6 Gal. iii. 2, iv. 21, v. 4, 18. 2 Gal. v. 7. 7 Gal. v. 3. 28 THE CHURCHES OF GALATIA. Church of Jerusalem that all questions must be referred, to the great Apostles of the Circumcision especially, the ' pillars of the Church,' to James in the forefront as the Lord's brother, to Peter who had received a special commission from his Master, to John the most intimate of His personal friends 1 . This dis- paraging criticism of his opponents St Paul has in view from first to last in the Epistle to the Galatians. He commences His de- by asserting in the strongest terms his immediate divine com- ffiTlCfi mission as an Apostle ' not of men neither by man 2 / and this assertion he emphatically reiterates 8 . He gives in the body of the letter a minute historical account of his intercourse with the Apostles of the Circumcision, showing his entire independ- ence of them 4 . He closes, as he had begun, with a defence of his office and commission. 'Henceforth/ he exclaims indig- nantly, 'let no man trouble me, for I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus 5 .' He felt that there was a heart- less mockery in the denial of his Apostleship, when he had been marked as the servant of Christ for ever by the cruel brand of persecution. He is But the attacks of his enemies did not stop here. They w^irtMif- charged him with inconsistency in his own conduct. He too, consist- it was represented, had been known to preach that circumcision which he so strenuously opposed 6 . It was convenient to him, they insinuated, to repudiate his convictions now, in order to ingratiate himself with the Gentiles 7 . There must have been doubtless many passages in the life of one who held it a sacred duty to become all things to all men, especially to become as 1 The participles rots doKoveu* (ii. 2), 4 Gal. i. 15 ii. 21. r&v SoKotvTuv elval TI, ol doKOVvres (ii. 5 Gal. vi. 17. 6), ol SOKOVVTCS erriJXot elvat (ii. 9), ought 6 Gal. v. 1 1. See Lechler Apost. u. probably to be translated as presents, Nachapost.Zeitalter(edi. 2), p. 384. The referring to the exclusive importance case of Titus (Gal. ii. 3), however we which theJudaizersinGalatia attached explain it, seems to be introduced in to the Apostles of the Circumcision. order to meet this charge. See the notes. 7 See the notes on Gal. i. 10, 'Do I 2 Gal. i. i. now persuade men?' 'Do I seek to 3 Gal. i. u, i2. please men?' and on ii. 3, v. 2, n. THE CHURCHES OF GALATIA. 29 a Jew to the Jews 1 , to which bigoted or unscrupulous adver- saries might give this colour. Such for instance was the circumcision of Timothy 2 ; such again was the sanction given to Jewish usages during his last visit to Jerusalem, when at the instigation of James he defrayed the expenses of those who had taken Nazarite vows 3 . To concessions like these, I imagine, continued throughout his life, and not, as some have thought, to any earlier stage of the Apostle's teaching, when his Christian education was not yet matured, and some remnants of Judaism still hung about him (for of such a stage there is no evidence), are we to look for the grounds on which his opponents charged him with inconsistency. The instigators of this rebellion against St Paul's autho- These er- rity and teaching seem not to have been Galatian residents, His leading antagonists were most probably emissaries from outt the mother Church of Jerusalem, either abusing a commission actually received from the Apostles of the Circumcision, or assuming an authority which had never been conferred upon them. The parallel case of the Corinthian Church, where communications between the Judaic party and the Christians of Palestine are more clearly traced, suggests this solution, and it is confirmed by the Epistle to the Galatians itself. When St Paul refers to the dissimulation at Antioch occasioned by the arrival of 'certain who came from James*/ we can scarcely resist the impression that he is holding up the mirror of the past to the Galatians, and that there was sufficient resemblance between the two cases to point the application. Moreover, the vague allusions to these opponents scattered through the epistle seem to apply rather to disturbances caused by a small and com- pact body of foreign intruders, than to errors springing up silently and spontaneously within the Galatian Church itself. They are the tares sown designedly by the enemy in the night time, and not the weeds which grow up promiscuously as the natural product of the soil. 'A little leaven leaveneth the 1 i Cor. ix. 20, 22. 3 Acts xxi. 2026. 2 Acts xvi. 3. 4 Gal. ii. 12. 30 THE CHURCHES OF GALATIA. whole lump 1 .' 'There be some that trouble you 8 . 1 It would even seem that there was a ringleader among the Judaizing teachers, marked out either by his superior position or his greater activity : ' He that trouble th you shall bear his judg- ment, whosoever he be 8 / The Gala- But howsoever they were disseminated, these errors found congenial in Galatia a congenial soil. The corruption took the direction which might have been expected from the religious education of the people. A passionate and striking ritualism expressing itself in bodily mortifications of the most terrible kind had been supplanted by the simple spiritual teaching of the Gospel. For a time the pure morality and lofty sanctions of the new faith appealed not in vain to their higher instincts, but they soon began to yearn after a creed which suited their material cravings better, and was more allied to the system they had abandoned. This end they attained by overlaying the simpli- city of the Gospel with Judaic observances. This new phase of their religious life is ascribed by St Paul himself to the temper which their old heathen education had fostered. It was a return to the ' weak and beggarly elements ' which they had outgrown, a renewed subjection to the 'yoke of bondage ' which they had thrown off in Christ 4 . They had escaped from one ritualistic system only to bow before another. The innate fail- ing of a race 'excessive in its devotion to external observances 6 ' was here reasserting itself. To check these errors, which were already spreading fast, the Apostle wrote his Epistle to the Galatians. What effect his remonstrance had upon them can only be conjectured, for from this time forward the Galatian Church may be said to disappear from the Apostolic history. If we could be sure that the mission of Crescens, mentioned in the latest of St Paul's 1 Gal. v. 9. ird\iv avwdfv SovXeveiv 0Aere, and 2 Gal. i. 7. See also iv. 17, vi. n. v. i ny Trd\u> vy BovXelat eve%eo-0e. 3 Gal. v. 10. 5 Cfflsar Bell. Gall. vi. 16, quoted 4 Gal. iv. 9 TTWS iTno-Tp^ere ird\iv p. 16, note i. tirl TCL audevrj Kal TTTUXO. quoted add Theodoret on 2 Tim. iv. 10, for Ta\aTiav, for the former reading ras FaXX/as otfrws ^/cdXeo-ei* oi/'rw yap may be regarded as a gloss. The &aXowro TrciXar OUTOJ Se Kal vvv av- Churches of Vienne and Mayence both rds 6vofj.dfov 4040) presents a coincidence with 2 perhaps points to Asiatic Gaul, but is Tim. iv. 10, in the juxta-position of ambiguous. Later writers made Ores- Galatia (i.e. European Gaul) and Dal- cens visit both the European and the matia, j>. of names occurs in Boeckh Inscr. no. 2 Gal. v. 10. THE CHURCHES OF GALATIA. Later heresies of the Galatian Church. stream of history beyond the horizon of the Apostolic age. The fragmentary notices of its subsequent career reflect some light on the temper and disposition of the Galatian Church in St Paul's day. To Catholic writers of a later date indeed the failings of its infancy seemed to be so faithfully reproduced in its mature age, that they invested the Apostle's rebuke with a prophetic import 1 . Asia Minor was the nursery of heresy, and of all the Asiatic Churches it was nowhere so rife as in Galatia. The Galatian capital was the stronghold of the Montanist re- vival 2 , which lingered on for more than two centuries, splitting into diverse sects, each distinguished by some fantastic gesture or minute ritual observance 8 . Here too were to be found 1 Euseb. c. Marcell.i. p. 7 A d>Wep yap Oeffirlfav rb /j,e\\oi> aflrois TaXdrcus rrjv TOV Santos ^TjKptpov Oeo\oylav, K.T.\., Hieron. ad Gal. ii. praef. (vi. p. 427, ed. Vallarsi) * ...quomodo apostolus unam- quamqueprovinciam suis proprietatibus denotarit ? Usque hodie eadem vel vir- tutum vestigia permanent vel errorum.' 8 An anonymous writer quoted by Euseb. H. E. v. 16. 3. Comp. Epiphan. Haer. xlviii. 14, p. 416. 8 Hieron. 1. c. p. 430 'Scit mecum qui vidit Ancyram metropolim Galatiae civitatem, quot nunc usque schismatibus dilacerata sit, quot dogmatum varieta- tibus constuprata. Omitto Cataphry- gas,0phitas, Borboritas, etManichaeos; nota enim jam haeo humanae calamita- tis vocabula sunt. Quis unquam Passa- lorynchitaset Ascodrobos et Artotyritas et caetera magis portenta quam nomina in aliqua parte Eomani orbis audivit?' The Passalorynohites and Artotyrites were off-shoots of Montanism, the one so called from their placing the forefinger on the nose when praying, the other from their offering bread and cheese at the Eucharist : Epiph. Haeres. xlviii. 14 sq., p. 416 sq., Philastr. Haeres. Ixxiv, Ixxvi. In the word Ascodrobi there is perhaps some corruption. Theodoret, Haeret. Fab. i. 10, speaks of the Asco- drupi or Ascodrupitae, as a Marcosian (Gnostic) sect. Epiphanius, I.e., men- tions Tascodrugitae as a barbarous equi- valent toPassalorynchitae. Jerome how- ever seems to have had in view the sect called Ascodrogitae by Philastrius.JJae- res. Ixxv. The account of Philastrius well exhibits the general temper of Galatian heresy: 'Alii sunt Ascodrogitae in Ga- latia, qui utrem inflatum ponunt et co- operiunt in sua ecclesia et circumeunt eum insanientes potibus et bacchantes, sicut pagani Libero patri. . .Et cum suis caecitatibus properant inservire, alien! modis omnibus Christianae salutisrepe- riuntur, cum apostolus dejiciat justifi- cationem illam Judaicam carnalemque vanitatem.' After all allowance made for the exaggerations of orthodox wri- ters, the orgiastic character of the wor- ship of these sects is very apparent. The apostasy of St Paul's converts is still further illustrated by Phi- lastrius' account of the Quartodecimani, Ixxxvii; 'Alia est haeresis quae ad- serit cum Judaeis debere fieri pascha. Isti in Galatia et Syria et Phrygia commorantur, et Hierosolymis ; et cum Judaeos sequantur, simili cum eis er- rore depereunt.' THE CHURCHES OF GALATIA. 33 Ophites, Manichseans, sectarians of all kinds. Hence during the great controversies of the fourth century issued two succes- sive bishops, who disturbed the peace of the Church, swerving or seeming to swerve from Catholic truth in opposite directions, the one on the side of Sabellian, the other of Arian error 1 . A Christian father of this period denounces 'the folly of the Galatians, who abound in many impious denominations 8 .' A harsher critic, likewise a contemporary, affirms that whole villages in Galatia were depopulated by the Christians in their intestine quarrels 3 . From these painful scenes of discord it is a relief to turn to Final a nobler contest in which the Galatian Christians bore their ^itlfpa part gallantly. A sketch of their final struggle with and victory s amsm - over heathendom will fitly close this account of the first preach- ing of the Gospel among them. The Galatian Churches furnished their quota to the army of martyrs in the Diocletian persecution, and the oldest existing church in the capital still bears the name of its bishop Clement, who perished during this reign of terror 4 . The struggle over 1 Marcellus and Basilius ; Le Quien tain neighbouring districts) dpdrjv dva- Oriens Christianus i. p. 458. Eusebius rpairyvai iropdydeiffas /cw/ias, is a painful wrote two elaborate treatises against comment on St Paul's warning, Gal. v. Marcellus, which are extant. On the 15, 'If ye bite and devour one another, other hand, his orthodoxy was defended take heed ye be not consumed one of at one time by several of his Catholic another.' Julian, however, at no time an contemporaries, but his reputation suf- unprejudiced witness, has here a direct fered from the more decided Sabellian- interest in exaggerating these horrors, ism of his pupil the hseresiarch Pho- as he is contrasting the mutual in- tinus, likewise a Galatian. Basilius tolerance of the Christians with his presided at the semi-Arian Synod of own forbearance. Ancyra, held in 358. See Hefele Con- 4 Texier Asie Mineure i. pp. 195, ciliengesch. i. p. 655. 200, describes and figures the Church 3 Greg. Naz. Orat. xxii. (i. p. 422 A of St Clement at Ancyra. He is wrong ed. Ben.) T\ TaXarw^ dvoia ir\o\)To6v- however in mentioning the Decian per- TWV Iv iroXXots TTJS ci(rej8efas 6i>6/ji.a.(ri, secution. The legend speaks of that doubtless alluding to St Paul's fofrrjToi of Diocletian ; Ada Sanct. Jan. xxiii. raXdrcu. Compare Basil. Epist. 237 In a Syrian martyrology published (in. p. 365, sq. ed. Gamier), Hilar. de by Dr W. Wright (in the Journal Trin. vii. 3 (u. p. 176, ed. Ben.). of Sacred Literature, Oct. 1865 and 3 The Emperor Julian's language Jan. 1866) the Galatian martyrs men- (Epist. 52, speaking of Galatia and cep- tioned are numerous. GAL. * 34 THE CHURCHES OF GALATIA. and peace restored, a famous council was held at Ancyra, a court-martial of the Church, for the purpose of restoring discipline and pronouncing upon those who had faltered or deserted in the combat 1 . When the contest was renewed under Julian, the forces of paganism were concentrated upon Galatia, as a key to the heathen position, in one of their last desperate struggles to retrieve the day. The once popular worship of the mother of the gods, which issuing from Pessinus had spread throughout the Greek and Roman world, was a fit rallying point for the broken ranks of heathendom. In this part of the Efforts of field, as at Antioch, Julian appeared in person. He stimulated the zeal of the heathen worshippers by his own example, visiting the ancient shrine of Cybele, and offering costly gifts and sacrifices there 2 . He distributed special largesses among the poor who attended at the temples. He wrote a scolding letter to the pontiff of Galatia, rebuking the priests for their careless living, and promising aid to Pessinus on condition that they took more pains to propitiate the goddess 3 . The Chris- tians met these measures for the most part in an attitude of defied by fierce defiance. At Ancyra one Basil, a presbyter of the church, 1 ' fearlessly braving the imperial anger, won for himself a martyr's crown. Going about from place to place, he denounced all participation in the polluting rites of heathen sacrifice, and warned his Christian brethren against bartering their hopes of heaven for such transitory honours as an earthly monarch could confer. At length brought before the provincial governor, he was tortured, condemned, and put to death 4 . At Pessinus 1 About the year 314 ; Hefele Con- taken the worship of the mother of the ciliengesch. i. p. 188. See the note on gods under his special protection. An Gal. v. 20. elaborate oration of his (Orat. 3) is de- 2 Ammian. xxii. 9, Liban. Or. xii, voted to this subject. Comp. Gregor. i. p. 398, xvii. i. p. 513 (Keiske). Naz. i. p. 109 (ed. Ben.). 3 Julian Epist. 49 'Apcra/ay d/>x te /> 4 Sozom. v. n. The Acts of the TaXarks, preserved in Sozom. v. 16. Martyrdom of St Basil of Ancyra The 'high priest' is mentioned in the (Euinart Acta Mart. Sine. p. 510) are Galatian inscriptions, Boeckh nos. less exaggerated than most, and per- 4016, 4020, 4026. Julian seems to have haps entitled to respect. THE CHURCHES OF GALATIA. 35 another zealous Christian, entering the temple, openly insulted the mother of the gods and tore down the altar. Summoned before Julian, he appeared in the imperial presence with an air of triumph, and even derided the remonstrances which the emperor addressed to him 1 . This attempt to galvanize the expiring form of heathen devotion in Galatia seems to have borne little fruit. With the emperor's departure paganism relapsed into its former torpor. And not long after in the presence of Jovian, the Christian successor of the apostate, who halted at Ancyra on his way to assume the imperial purple 2 , the Galatian churches had an assurance of the final triumph of the truth. 1 Gregor. Naz. Orat. v. i. p. 175 A. tortures. One or other of these may Gregory at the same time mentions be that Busiris, of whom Sozomen another Christian apparently in Ga- (I.e.) speaks as a Christian confessor latia, though this is not stated whose at Ancyra under Julian, bold defiance was visited with extreme 2 Ammian. xxv. 10. 32 III. THE DATE OF THE EPISTLE. Absence TT has been already noticed that the epistle itself contains evidence. singularly few details of St Paul's intercourse with the Churches of Galatia, and that the narrative of St Luke is confined to the bare statement of the fact of his preaching there. Owing to this twofold silence, there is a paucity of direct evidence bearing on the date of the epistle. A few scattered notices, somewhat vague in themselves and leading only to approximate results, are all that we can collect : and the burden of the proof rests in consequence on an examination of the style of the letter, and of the lines of thought and feeling which may be traced in it. With this wide field open for conjecture, there Diversity has naturally been great diversity of opinion. The Epistle to the D ' Galatians has been placed by different critics both the earliest and the latest of St Paul's writings, and almost every inter- mediate position has at one time or the other been assigned to it. The patristic writers are for the most part divided between two views. Some of these, as Victorinus 1 and Primasius, suppose 1 Mai Script. Vet. Coll. vol. HI. nological. At all events, supposing it to Victorinus, who wrote about A.D. 360, be so, the fact of his placing the Epistles mentions this as an opinion entertained to the Thessalonians after the Eomans by others, so that it dates farther back. diminishes the respect which would ' Epistola ad Galatas missa dicitur ab otherwise be felt for the opinion of a apostolo ab Epheso civitate.' I suspect writer so ancient. Tertuliian'slanguage it was first started by Origen. In the however clearly points to a different Canon of Marcion (Tertull. adv. Marc. principle of arrangement in Marcion's v. 2, Epiphan. Haer. xlii. p. 350) the Canon: ' Principalem adversus Judais- Epistle to the Galatians stood first, but mum epistolam nos quoque confi te- ll cannot think that his order was chro- mur, quae Galatas docet.' He placed THE DATE OF THE EPISTLE. 37 it to have been written from Ephesus 1 . Others, among whom are Eusebius of Emesa 2 , Jerome 3 , Theodoret 4 , and Euthalius, date it from Rome, in accordance with the subscription found in some MSS and in the two Syriac and the Coptic versions. Of these two opinions, the former was doubtless a critical inference from the statement in the Acts 5 that St Paul visited Ephesus immediately after leaving Galatia, combined with his own men- tion of the suddenness of the Galatian apostasy 6 ; the latter is founded on some fancied allusions in the epistle to his bonds 7 . The former view has been adopted by the vast majority of View recent critics, who agree in dating the epistle during the three adopted. 7 years of St Paul's residence in the capital of Asia (A.D. 54 57), differing however in placing it earlier or later in this period, according as they lay greater or less stress on the particular expression ' ye are so soon changing/ Before stating my reasons for departing from this view, History I shall give a brief summary of the events of the period, which period. this epistle in the forefront as the most decided in its antagonism to Ju- daism. At the same time where no such motive interposed, and where the connexion was obvious, as in the Epi- stles to the Colossians and Philemon (on the juxtaposition of which Wieseler lays some stress, as establishing the principle of a chronological arrange- ment in Marcion's Canon Chron. p. 230), he would naturally follow the chronological order. Volkmar (Credner Neutest. Kanon, p. 399) accepts the in- terpretation of Tertullian which I have given, but denies the accuracy of his statement. The author of the Mura- torian fragment (c. A.D. 170) seems to give as the chronological order, Corin- thians, Galatians, Komans (see Tre- gelles Can. Murat. p. 42), which corre- sponds with the view I have adopted ; but his language is very obscure, and his statements, at least on some points, are obviously inaccurate. 1 So Florus Lugdun. and Claudius Altissiod. who copy the words of Pri- masius. Chrysostom (Prooem. ad Bom.) says merely that the Galatians was written before the Eomans, but does not define the time or place of writing. Theophylact (Argum. ad Bom.) repeats Chrysostom. 2 About 350 A.D. Cramer Caten. ad Gal. iv. 20 ; ' He was a prisoner and in confinement at the time.' This com- ment is ascribed simply to ' Eusebius ' in the Catena, but the person intended is doubtless the bishop of Emesa, whose commentary on the Galatians is men- tioned by Jerome (Comm. in Ep. ad Gal. Lib. i.Praef.). He naturally represents the tradition of the Syrian Churches. 8 As may be inferred from his com- mentary on Gal. iv. 20, vi. n, 17 (vn. pp. 468, 529, 534), Philem. i (vn. P- 747). 4 Praef. ad Bom. 5 Acts xviii. 23, xix. i. 6 Gal. i. 6. 7 Gal. iv. 20, vi. 17. 38 THE DATE OF THE EPISTLE. it will be necessary to bear in mind, in order to follow the course of the argument. Sojourn at St Paul's long sojourn at Ephesus is now drawing to a close. His labours there have been crowned with no ordinary success. 'The word of God prevailed and grew mightily 1 .' So we read in the historian's narrative. He says nothing of persecutions. But we must draw no hasty conclusions from this silence. For the same historian records how the Apostle, in his farewell to the Ephesian elders a year later, speaking of his labours among them, reminded them of his ' many tears and temptations, which befel him by the lying in wait of the Jews 3 / In his own epistles St Paul speaks in stronger language of the persecutions of this time. He compares his sufferings to those of the con- demned slave, thrown to the 'beasts in the amphitheatre, and struggling for life and death angels and men witnessing the spectacle 3 . The Apostles, he says, were made as the filth of the world, as the offscouring of all things 4 . It was now the spring of the year fifty-seven, and he con- templated leaving Ephesus after Whitsuntide 6 . Friends had arrived from Corinth and drawn a fearful picture of the feuds and irregularities that prevailed there. He at once despatched i Corinth- a letter to the Corinthians, reprobating their dissensions and ten A.D. 57 exhorting them to acquit .themselves of guilt by the punishment (Sprmg). Q f a fl a g ran t offender. But he was not satisfied with merely writing: he sent also trusty messengers, who might smooth difficulties, by explaining by word of mouth much that was necessarily omitted in the letter 6 . Titus was one of these : and he awaited his return in great anxiety, as he had misgivings of the reception of his letter at Corinth. And now a tumult broke out at Ephesus. The opposition 6, 7. That we might re- ceive the adoption of sons. And because ye are sons, God hath ROMANS. iii. 21. But now the right- eousness of God without the law is manifested, being witnessed by the law and the prophets. i. 17. As it is written, 'The just shall live by faith.' x. 5. Moses describeth the righteousness which is of the law : that 'The man that doeth them shall live in them.' [iv. 23, 24. The same thought expressed in other language.] iv. 13, 14, 1 6. For the pro- mise that he should be the heir of the world was not made to Abraham . . . through the law . . . for if they which are of the law be heirs, faith is made void, and the promise made of none effect... therefore it is of faith, that it might be by grace (x^-p^)- [Com p. Rom. viii. 3, 4.] xi. 32. God hath concluded them all in unbelief, that he might have mercy upon all. iii. 9, 10. They are all under sin, as it is written. Comp. iii. 25; v. 20, 21. [The same thought illustrated differently. Rom. vii. i 3.] vi. 3. As many of us as have been baptized into Christ. xiii. 14. Put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ. ix. 8. The children of the pro- mise are counted for the seed. (See the passage cited next.) viii. 14 17. For as many as are led by the Spirit of God, they are the sons of God. For ye have THE DATE OF THE EPISTLE. 47 GALATIANS. sent forth the Spirit of his Son into your hearts, crying, Abba, Father. Wherefore thou art no more a servant, but a son ; and if a son, then an heir of God through Christ. (2) ii. 16. For 'by the works of the law shall no flesh be justi- fied (Ps. cxliii. 2).' ROMANS. not received the spirit of bond- Parallel age again to fear, but ye have passages. received the Spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father. The Spirit itself beareth witness with our spirit, that we are the children of God : and if children, then heirs, heirs of God, and joint heirs with Christ. iii. 20. For 'by the works of the law shall no flesh be justified before him.' In both passages the quotation is oblique : in both the clause 'by the works of the law' is inserted by way of explana- tion: in both 'flesh* is substituted for 'living man' (Tracra o-apg for Tra? %&v of the LXX, which agrees also with the Hebrew) : and in both the application of the text is the same. GALATIANS. (3) ii. 19. For I through the law am dead to the law, that I might live to God. ii. 20. I am crucified with Christ. Comp. v. 24, vi. 14. Nevertheless I live, yet not I, but Christ liveth in me. (4) iv. 23, 28. He of the free- woman was by promise ... we, brethren, as Isaac was, are the children of promise. (5) v. 14. All the law is ful- filled in one word, namely, (cV TW), Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. (6) v. 1 6. Walk in the Spirit, and ye shall not fulfil the lust of the flesh. v. 17. For the flesh lusteth ROMANS. vii. 4. Ye also are become dead to the law... that we should bear fruit unto God. Comp. vi. 25- vi. 6. Our old man is cruci- fied with him. vi. 8. Now if we be dead with Christ, we believe that we shall also live with him. vi. ii. Alive unto God through Jesus Christ. ix. 7, 8. 'In Isaac shall thy seed be called.' That is... the children of the promise are count- ed for the seed. xiii. 8, 9, 10. He that loveth another, hath fulfilled the law;... it is briefly comprehended in this saying, namely, (ei/ Tw),Thou shalt love thy neighbour 'as thyself... love is the fulfilling of the law. viii. 4. In us who walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit. vii. 23, 25. I see another law 48 THE DATE OF THE EPISTLE. GALATIANS. Parallel against the spirit, and the spirit passages, against the flesh, and these are contrary the one to the other. So that ye cannot do the things that ye would. v. 1 8. But if ye be led of the spirit, ye are not under the law. (7)vi. 2. burdens. Bear ye one another's ROMANS. in my members, warring against the law of my mind... with the mind I myself serve the law of God, but with the flesh the law of sin. vii. 15. What I would, that I do not, but what I hate, that I do. Comp. vv. 19, 20. viii. 2. The law of the spirit of life... hath made me free from the law of sin and death. Comp. vii. 6. xv. i. We that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak 1 . The re- is fold. It will be unnecessary to add many words on a similarity so as these passages exhibit. Observe only that it is mani- fold anc i various. Sometimes it is found in a train of argument more or less extended, and certainly not obvious: sometimes in close verbal coincidences where the language and thoughts are unusual, or where a quotation is freely given, and where the coincidence therefore was less to be expected: sometimes in the same application of a text, and the same comment upon it, where that application and comment have no obvious reference to the main subject of discussion. There is no parallel to this close resemblance in St Paul's Epistles, except in the case of Galatians the letters to the Colossians and Ephesians. Those letters were IbouUhe written about the same time and sent by the same messenger; an( ^ ^ canno ^ kut think that we should be doing violence to his- toric probability by separating the Epistles to the Galatians and Romans from each other by an interval of more than a few months, though in this instance the similarity is not quite so great as in the other. 1 In the above extracts I have only altered the English version where our translators have given different render- ings for the same Greek word. Besides ' these broader coincidences, the follow- ing words and phrases are peculiar to the with* two Epistles : paffrdfav, SovXela, 6ep6u, t5e, Kara avdpuirov \tyw (dj>9pu- irivov X^yw), Kardpa Karapaadai, KUJJ.OI, ^a/capio-yuos, ^6rj, ol ra roiaura irpde my Master and Life of Herbert. Governor ; and I am so proud of His 8 ftom. i. i. THE DATE OF THE EPISTLE. 53 'circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing 1 ,' but then his practical comment in the two cases presents a striking contrast. To the Corinthians he says; 'Is any man called being circumcised ? let him not be uncircumcised ; Is any called in uncircumcision? let him not be circumcised 2 ': to the Gala- tians ; ' Behold, I Paul say unto you, that if ye be circumcised Christ shall profit you nothing; and again I testify, etc. 8 ' In the one epistle he is dealing with a hypothetical case; he speaks as if to guard against future error. In the other he is wrestling with an actual evil present in its most virulent form. If circumcision is but one point, it at least contains all implicitly: 'Every man that is circumcised is a debtor to do the whole law.' Corresponding to this advance on the part of his antagonists Corre- we find a growing fulness in St Paul's exposition of those doc- trines with which the errors of the Judaizers were in direct the sta * e ~ ment of conflict. Such is the case with his account of the temporary doctrine, purpose of the law, especially in its negative effect as 'multi- plying sin.' In the Corinthian Epistles the subject is dismissed with a casual sentence, pregnant with meaning indeed, but standing quite alone. ' The strength of sin is the law 4 .' In the Galatian letter it is the one prominent topic. So again with its correlative, the doctrine of justification by faith. This doc- trine is incidentally alluded to more than once in the letter to Corinth 6 . In one passage especially it appears prominently; 'God was in Christ reconciling the world unto Himself, not imputing their trespasses to them : for He hath made Him to be sin for us, who knew no sin, that we might be made the righteousness (Buccuoo-vi*}) of God 6 .' Here the doctrine is stated clearly enough, but there is no approach to the fulness with which it is set forth in the Galatian Epistle. The illustration, the antithesis, the aphorism, the scriptural sanction, are missing. 1 i Cor. vii. 19, Gal. v. 6, vi. 15. 6 i Cor. i. 30, iv. 4, vi. n, 2 Cor. 2 i Cor. vii. 18. iii. 9. 8 Gal. v. 2. i Cor. v. 19 21. 4 i Cor. xv. 56. 54 THE DATE OF THE EPISTLE. It is not the language which St Paul would have used, had the doctrines been as virtually denied in the Corinthian as they were in the Galatian Church. Incidental 5. Lastly, the chronology adopted explains one or two allusions in the Epistle to the Galatians which otherwise it is difficult to account for. (i) The sixth chapter commences with the exhortation, Treatment ' Brethren, though a man be overtaken in a fault, ye which are ejg ( spiritual restore such an one in the spirit of meekness, consi- dering thyself lest thou also be tempted/ There is something peculiarly earnest in the abruptness with which this command is introduced. There is a marked tenderness in the appeal to their brotherhood which prefaces it. An undercurrent of deep feeling is evident here. It is as though some care weighed on the Apostle's mind. Now if we suppose the Galatian Epistle to have been written after the Second to the Corinthians, we have at once an adequate explanation of this. A grievous offence had been committed in the Christian community at Corinth. In his first Epistle to the Church there, St Paul had appealed to the brotherhood to punish the guilty person. The appeal had not only been answered, but answered with so much promptness, that it was necessary to intercede for the offender. He commended their indignation, their zeal, their revenge; they had approved themselves clear in the matter 1 ; and now they must forgive and comfort their erring brother, lest he be swallowed up with overmuch sorrow 2 . It was the recollection of this circumstance that dictated the injunction in the Galatian Epistle. The Galatians were proverbially passionate and fickle. If a reaction came, it might be attended, as at Corinth, with undue severity towards the delinquents. The epistle therefore was probably written while the event at Corinth was fresh on St Paul's mind perhaps immediately after he had despatched Titus and the Second Epistle, and was still in suspense as to the issue perhaps after he had himself arrived at Corinth, and witnessed too evident signs of over-severity. 1 i Cor. vii. ii. 2 2 Cor. ii. 7. THE DATE OF THE EPISTLE. 55 (ii) A little later on another passage occurs, in which the vehemence of St Paul's language is quite unintelligible at first sight. ' Be not deceived/ he says, ' God is not mocked : for Back- whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he reap. . .Let us do good unto all men 1 .' The admonition is thrown into a general form, but it has evidently a special application in the Apostle's own mind. An allusion in the First Epistle to the Corinthians supplies the key to the difficulty. ' As I gave orders to the Churches of Galatia, even so do yeV He had solicited their alms for the suffering brethren of Judsea. The messenger, who had brought him word of the spread of Judaism among the Galatians, had also, I suppose, reported unfavourably of their liberality. They had not responded heartily to his appeal. He reproves them in consequence for their backwardness : but he wishes to give them more time, and therefore refrains from prejudging the case. For the reasons given above I have been led to place the Conclu Galatian Epistle after the letters to Corinth. They certainly do not amount to a demonstration, but every historical question must be decided by striking a balance between conflicting probabilities; and it seems to me that the arguments here advanced, however imperfect, will hold their ground against those which are alleged in favour of the earlier date. In the interval then between the writing of the Second Epistle to the Corinthians and that to the Romans, the Galatian letter ought probably to be placed. Beyond this I will not venture to define the time ; only suggesting that the greeting from ' all the bre- thren which are with me 3 ' seems naturally to apply to the little band of his fellow-travellers, and to hint that the letter was not despatched from any of the great churches of Macedonia or from Corinth. It may have been written on the journey be- tween Macedonia and Achaia. And it is not improbable that it was during St Paul's residence in Macedonia, about the time when the Second Epistle to the Corinthians was written, that 1 Gal. vi. 7 10. a i Cor. xvi. i. s Gal. i. 2. 56 THE DATE OF THE EPISTLE. St Paul received news of the falling away of his Galatian converts, so that they were prominent in his mind, when he numbered among his daily anxieties 'the care of all the churches 1 .' If so, he would despatch his letter to the Galatians as soon after as a suitable bearer could be found 2 . 1 i Cor. xi. 28. by Conybeare and Howson (n. p. 165, 2 This investigation of the date of the ed. a), and by Bleek (Einl. in das N. Galatian Epistle is taken from a paper T. pp. 418, 419); but otherwise it had which I published in the Journal of not found much favour. Since the Class, and Sacr. Philol. vol. m. p. appearance of my first edition it ap- 289, altered in parts. The view here pears to have gained ground. maintained had also been advocated IV. GENUINENESS OF THE EPISTLE. rilHE Epistle to the Galatians has escaped unchallenged Genuine- -*- amid the sweeping proscriptions of recent criticism. Its disputed, every sentence so completely reflects the life and character of the Apostle of the Gentiles that its genuineness has not been seriously questioned 1 . Any laboured discussion of this subject would therefore be out of place. Yet it will be worth while to point to a single instance, as showing the sort of testimony which may be elicited from the epistle itself. The account of St Paul's relations with the Apostles of the Internal Circumcision has a double edge, as an evidential weapon. On the one hand, as an exhibition of the working of the Apostle's mind, it lies far beyond the reach of a forger in an age singularly unskilled in the analysis and representation of the finer shades of character. The suppressed conflict of feeling, the intermingling of strong protest and courteous reserve, the alternation of respectful concession and uncompromising rebuke the grammar being meanwhile dislocated and the incidents obscured in this struggle of opposing thoughts such a combination of features reflects one mind alone, and can have proceeded but from one author. On the other hand, looking at the passage as a narrative of events, it seems wholly impossible that the conceptions of a later age should have taken this form. The incidents are too fragmentary and in- 1 One exception is recorded, which m&y serve to point a moral. 58 GENUINENESS OF THE EPISTLE. direct, they are almost smothered in the expression of the writer's feelings, there is altogether a want of system in the narrative wholly unlike the story of a romancer. Nor indeed would it serve any conceivable purpose which a forger might be supposed to entertain. The Gnostic, who wished to advance his antipathy to Judaism under cover of St Paul's name, would have avoided any expression of deference to the Apostles of the Circumcision. The Ebionite would have shrunk with loathing from any seeming depreciation of the cherished cus- toms or the acknowledged leaders of his race, as the tone of the author of the Clementines shows 1 . The Catholic writer, forging with a view to 'conciliation/ would be more unlikely than either to invent such a narrative, anxious as he would be to avoid any appearance of conflict between the two great teachers of the Church. The very unevenness of the incidents is the surest token of their authenticity. External On the other hand, the external evidence, though not very considerable, is perhaps as great as might be expected from the paucity of early Christian literature, and the nature of the few writings still extant. Apostolic I. The Apostolic Fathers in whose ears the echoes of the Fathers. Ap 0g fl e s vo i ce s tiH lingered, while blending his thoughts almost insensibly with their own, were less likely to quote directly from his written remains. Allusions and indirect cita- tions are not wanting. CLEMENT'S words ( 2) * His sufferings were before your eyes ' with the implied rebuke may perhaps be a faint reflection of Gal. iii. i. In the second so-called Epistle ascribed to Clement ( 2), which though not genuine is a very early work, Is. liv. i is quoted and applied as in Gal. iv. 27. The seven genuine Epistles of IGNATIUS contain several coinci- dences with this epistle. Polyc. i, 'Bear all men, as the Lord beareth thee...Bear the ailments of all men,' resembles Gal. vi. 2. (See however Matth. viii. 17, Rom. xv. i.) Romans 7, 'My passion is crucified,' recalls Gal. v. 24, vi. 14. 1 See p. 61. GENUINENESS OF THE EPISTLE. 59 Philad. i, of the commission of the bishop, 'not of himself or through men but in the love of the Lord Jesus Christ' is an obvious reflexion of Gal. i. i. Romans 2, 'I would not have you to be men-pleasers, but to please God,' resembles Gal. i. 10. Ephes. 1 8, 'The Cross a stumblingblock' may be a reminiscence of Gal. ii. 21. In Ephes. 16 the expression 'shall not inherit the kingdom of God' is probably derived from Gal. v. 21. Compare also Trail 10 with Gal. ii. 21. Magnes. 5 with Gal. v. 6. Magnes. 8 with Gal. v. 4. Smyrn. 10 with Gal. iv. 14. POLYCARP more than once adopts the language of this epistle ; c. 3 'Builded up unto the faith given you, "which is the mother of us all," ' from Gal. iv. 26. c. 5 'Knowing then that 1 "God is not mocked," we ought, etc.' from Gal. vi. 7. c. 6 'Zealous in what is good/ may be taken from Gal. iv. 18; comp. Tit. ii. 14, i Pet. iii. 13 (v. 1.). c. 1 2 ' Qui credituri sunt in Dominum nostrum et Deum Jesum Christum et in ipsius patrem, qui resuscitavit eum a mortuis,' resembles Gal. i. i ; comp. Rom. iv. 24. 2. The Miscellaneous Writings of the Subapostolic Age Other present one or two vague resemblances on which no stress can be laid. stolicage. BARNABAS. A passage in the epistle bearing his name, c. 19, 'Thou shalt communicate in all things with thy neighbour,' re- flects Gal. vi. 6. HERMAS (c. 140 A.D. *?) Sim. ix. 13 has ' They that have believed in God through His Son and put on these spirits/ Conip. Gal. iii. 26, 27. 3. The Epistle to the Galatians is found in all the known Canons of Canons of Scripture proceeding from the Catholic Church in the cripture ' 1 The expression 'knowing that' scriptures or in any other extant (et'Sores ort) in Polycarp seems to be a writing, they seem in force and point form of citation. In c. i it introduces so far above the level of Polycarp's a passage from Ephes. ii. 8, in c. 4 one own manner, that I can scarcely doubt from i Tim. vi. 7. It occurs cnce that he is quoting the language of one again in c. 6, 'knowing that we all are greater than himself. They ring al- debtors of sin.' Though these words most like a sentence of St Paul, are not found either in the Canonical 60 GENUINENESS OF THE EPISTLE. second century. It is contained in the SYKIAC and OLD LATIN versions, completed, it would appear, some time before the close of the century. It is distinctly recognised also in the Canon of the MURATORIAN FRAGMENT (probably not later than 170 A.D.). Apolo- 4. The Apologists, writing for unbelievers, naturally avoided direct quotations from the sacred writers, which would carry no weight of authority with those they addressed. Their testimony therefore is indirect. THE EPISTLE TO DIOGNETUS, c. 4, has the expression, * The ob- servance (TrapaTr/prja-iv) of months and of days,' derived ap- parently from Gal. iv. 10, 'Ye observe (TrapaTrjpcia-Oe) days and months etc.' In another passage, cc. 8, 9, the writer repro- duces many of the thoughts of the Epistles to the Galatians and .Romans. JUSTIN MARTYR seems certainly to have known this epistle 1 . In the Dial. c. Tryph. cc. 95, 96, he quotes consecutively the two passages, ' Cursed is every one that continueth not, etc.' (Deut. xxvii. 26), and 'Cursed is every one that hangeth on a tree' (Deut. xxi. 23), and applies them as they are applied in Gal. iii. 10, 13. Moreover, he introduces the first in language closely resembling that of St Paul, ' Every race of men will be found under a curse (VTTO Kardpav) according to the law of Moses ' ; and cites both passages exactly as St Paul cites them, though they differ both from the Hebrew and the LXX *. Again in the Apol. I. 53, Justin applies Isaiah liv. i, 'Rejoice, thou barren, etc.' exactly as St Paul applies it in Gal. iv. 27. See the notes on iii. 10, 13, 28, iv. 27. MELITO in a passage in the * Oration to Antoninus,' lately dis- covered in a Syriac translation 3 , uses language closely resembling Gal. iv. 8, 9. 1 Inc. 5 of the Orat. ad Graecos, often TOV vbnov TOV IT. atrd, for the LXX ascribed to Justin and generally as- (which is nearer to the Hebrew) Tras 6 signed to the second century, there are avQpuiros &TTIS OVK <^/t. tv -jraaiv rots two indirect quotations from this epi- \6you TOV v. TOVTOV TOV IT. avrov* : in Btle, iv. 12 and v. 20, 21. A recension Deut. xxi. 23, 'ETrtKardparoj iraj, where of this treatise however, discovered of the LXX, following the Hebrew, has late years in a Syriac translation (Cure- KeKaT^pa/^j/os VTTO Qeov iras. ton's Spicil. Syr. p. 61), bears the 3 Cureton's Spicil. Syr. p. 49, Spi- name of Ambrose, by whom proba- cil. Solesm. n. p. i. The authorship bly is meant the friend and pupil of however is doubted; see Otto Apol. Origen. Christ, ix. p. 460. A close parallel to 3 In Deut. xxvii. 26, 6s OVK e^p. ev Gal. iv. 8 appears also in 'the doctrine rots yeypa^L/jifyois tv T$ /3ij8XtV of Addaeus' (Cureton's Anc. Syr. Doc. GENUINENESS OF THE EPISTLE. 6l ATHEXACORAS, Suppl. c. 16, speaks of sinking down 'to the weak and beggarly elements/ quoting from Gal. iv. 9. 5. The evidence of Heretical writers, while it is more direct, Heretical is also more important, as showing how widely the epistle was received. Most of the references quoted below seem to belong to the first half of the century. THE OPHITES appear to have made great use of this epistle. Several direct quotations from it were found in their writings ; e.g. Gal. iv. 26, see Hippol. Haeres. v. 7, p. 106; Gal. iv. 27, see Hippol. v. 8, p. 114; Gal. iii. 28, vi. 15, see Hippol. v. 7, p. 99. JUSTIN, the Gnostic, alludes to Gal. v. 17 : Hippol. v. 26, p. 155. THE VALENTINIANS made use of it, Iren. i. 3. 5. A comment on Gal. vi. 14 is given by Irenseus from their writings, apparently from the works of Ptolemseus 1 . MARCION included it in his Canon and attached great import- ance to it. See p. 36, note i. Comp. also the note on iii. 19. TATIAN recognised it, quoting vi. 8 in support of his ascetic views : Hieron. Comm. ad Gal. ad loc. 8 6. Neither is the testimony of Adversaries of the second Adversa- century wanting to the authenticity of this epistle. ' CELSUS, writing against the Christians, says contemptuously, * Men who differ so widely among themselves and inveigh against each other most shamefully in their quarrels, may all be heard using the words (AcyoVrcov TO) " The world is crucified unto me and I unto the world." ' (Gal. vi. 14.) ' This is the only sentence/ adds Origen, that Celsus seems to have recollected from Paul ' (Orig. c. Cels. v. 64). THE EBIONITE AUTHOR OF THE CLEMENTINE HOMILIES, writing in a spirit of bitter hostility to St Paul, who is covertly attacked in the person of Simon Magus, represents St Peter addressing Simon thus, 'Thou hast confronted and withstood me (Ivavrto*; avfleo-TTfKas /xot). If thou hadst not been an adversary, thou wouldest not have calumniated and reviled my preaching... If thou callest me condemned (/caTeyvowr/xepov), thou accusest God p. 9); but this may be accidental, as fin., and comp. Westcott Canon, p. there is no other recognition of St Paul 304 (ed. 4). in the work. In another document of a To this list should be added Theo- the same collection (p. 56) there is dotus, Exc. ap. Clem. Alex. c. 53, p. seemingly a reference to Gal. vi. 17. 982 (Potter), where Gal. iii 19, 20 is See also Clem. Horn. rx. i. quoted: but the date and authorship 1 See the Latin of Iren. i. 8. 5 ad of these excerpts are uncertain. 62 GENUINENESS OF THE EPISTLE. who revealed Christ to me*: Horn. xvii. 19. See Gal. ii. n, to which the allusion is obvious, and from which even the expres- sions are taken. Again, where Simon is accused of ' allegorizing the words of the law to suit his own purpose' (ii. 22), we can hardly mistake the reference to Gal. iv. 21 sq. In a third passage also St Peter maintaining the observance (TrapaTyprja-iv) complains that ' One who had learnt from the tradition of Moses, blaming the people for their sins, contemptuously called them sons of new-moons and sabbaths' (xix. 22): comp. Gal. iv. 10. Other resemblances, noted in Lagarde's edition (p. 31), are less striking: viii. 4 to Gal. i. 6; xviii. 21 to Gal. i. 8; viii. 18 (St' ayye'Xou VO'/AOS wpia-Qrf) to Gal. iii. 19 ; ix. i to Gal. iv. 8. See more on this subject in the dissertation on 'St Paul and the Three ' at the end of this volume. Apocry- 7. Of Apocryphal Acts relating to St Paul one extant work at least seems to date from the second century : ACTS OF PAUL AND THECLA 40 (apparently the work referred to by Tertullian, de Baptism. 17). The sentence, 'For he that wrought with thee unto the Gospel wrought with me also unto baptism,' is moulded on Gal. ii. 8. Irenaaus, Clement, and Ter- tullian. 8. Owing to the nature of the earliest Christian writings, the testimony hitherto brought forward has been for the most part indirect. As soon as a strictly Theological literature springs up in the Church, we find the epistle at once quoted distinctly and by name. This is the case with the writers of the close of the second century, IREN^EUS, CLEMENT of ALEX- ANDRIA and TERTULLIAN. From their position as representa- tives of widely separate branches of the Church, and their manner of quotation, which shows that the writings thus cited were recognised and authoritative, the importance of their testimony is much greater than might be inferred from their comparatively late date 1 . 1 In compiling this account of the external evidence in favour of the epi- stle I have made use of Lardner's Cre- dibility, of Kirchhofer's Quellensamm- lung, and especially of Westcott's His- tory of the Canon. I have however gone over the ground independently, and added to the references. V. CHARACTER AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE. TN discussing the relation of this epistle to the contem- *- poraneous letters, I have dwelt on those features which it shares in common with them. It remains to point out some characteristics which are peculiarly its own. I. The Epistle to the Galatians is especially distinguished Unity of among St Paul's letters by its unity of purpose 1 . The Galatian pur apostasy in its double aspect, as a denial of his own authority and a repudiation of the doctrine of grace, is never lost sight of from beginning to end. The opening salutation broaches this twofold subject. The name ' Paul ' has no sooner passed from his lips, than he at once launches into it. The long historical explanation which succeeds is instinct with this motive in all its details. The body of the letter, the doctrinal argument, is wholly occupied with it. The practical exhorta- tions which follow all or nearly all flow from it, either as cautions against a rebound to the opposite extreme, or as sug- gesting the true rule of life of which the Galatians were following the counterfeit. Lastly, in the postscript he again brings it prominently forward. The two closing sentences reflect the twofold aspect of the one purpose, which has run through the letter. 'Henceforth let no man trouble me. The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ be with your spirit/ Thus his last 1 Ewald Paulus, p. 55, ' Kein ande- keines ergiesst sich wie dieses in einem res sendschreiben ist so sehr wie dieses machtig stiirmischen aber unaufhalt- aus einem gedanken entsprungen, und samen und ununterbrochenen strome.' 64 CHAKACTER AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE. words echo his first : ' Paul an Apostle not from men ' ; ' God who called you in the grace of Christ.' Contrast In this respect it contrasts strongly with the two letters allied* to Corinth with which it possesses so many features in common. epistles. Lik e the First Epistle to the Corinthians, it was written with an immediate purpose to correct actual errors. But the differ- ence is striking. The factions at Corinth were manifold, the irregularities were irregularities of detail not founded on any one broad principle of error, and the epistle necessarily reflects this varied character. Like the Second Epistle to the Corinth- ians again, it is a complete reflection of the Apostle's inner life. Yet the contrast is not less marked than before. In the one epistle he pours out his feelings without restraint, recurring to his own experiences, his own sorrows, freely and without any definite purpose. In the other the mention of himself is always subordinated to the purpose of the letter; however tumultuous may be the workings of his soul, they are all forced into this one channel. He never speaks of himself but to enforce the authority of his office or the liberty of the Gospel. Itssus- 2. The sustained severity of this epistle is an equally severft characteristic feature with its unity of purpose. The Galatians are not addressed as the 'saints in Christ/ 'the faithful bre- thren/ The Apostle has no congratulations, no word of praise, for this apostate Church. Even on the Corinthians, in spite of all their shortcomings, he could lavish expressions of com- mendation and love. But the case is different here. The charity which ' hopeth against hope ' seems to be strained to the utmost. For this once only the pervading type of his epistles is abandoned in the omission of the opening thanks- giving. The argument is interrupted every now and then by an outburst of indignant remonstrance. He is dealing with a thoughtless half-barbarous people. They have erred like children, and must be chastised like children. Rebuke may prevail where reason will be powerless. The body of the letter seems to have been written by an amanuensis, but the final sentences were in the Apostle's own CHARACTER AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE. 65 handwriting. It was his wont to add a few words at the close Postscript of his epistles, either to vouch for their authorship, or to im- press some truth more strongly on his readers. Here the urgency of the case leads him to do more. In a few eager rugged sentences he gives an epitome of the contents of the epistle 1 . These sentences are condensed beyond the ordinary compression of the Apostle's style. The language almost bursts with the surcharge of feeling. The very forms of the letters too bear witness to his intense earnestness. He writes in large bold characters to arrest the eye and rivet the mind. He has been accused of vacillation. There has been no want of firm- ness in the tone of the letter, and there shall be none in the handwriting. No man can henceforth question or misapprehend the Apostle's meaning. A rough analysis of the epistle separates it into three Threefold sections of two chapters each, the first couplet (i, ii) containing dlvision - the personal or narrative portion, the second (iii, iv) the argu- mentative or doctrinal, and the third (v, vi) the hortatory or practical. It will be borne in mind however, that in a writer like St Paul any systematic arrangement must be more or less artificial, especially where, as in the present instance, he is stirred by deep feelings and writes under the pressure of an urgent necessity. The main breaks however, occurring at the end of the second and fourth chapters, suggest this three- fold division; and though narrative, argument, and exhortation, are to some extent blended together, each portion retains for the most part its own characteristic form. The following is a more exact analysis of the contents of the epistle. I. PERSONAL, chiefly in the form of a narrative. Analysis 1. The salutation and ascription of praise so worded as to in- e pj s tie. troduce the main subject of the letter (i i 5). 2. The Apostle rebukes the Galatians for their apostasy, de- nounces the false teachers, and declares the eternal truth of the Gospel which he preached (i. 6 10). 1 Gal. vi. ii 1 8. See the notes on ir^Xfoois ypdfj./j.a.ffu' GAL. 5 66 CHARACTER AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE. Analysis of the epistle. 3. This Gospel came directly from God. (i) He received it by special revelation (i. n, 12). (ii) His previous education indeed could not have led up to it, for he was brought up in principles directly opposed to the liberty of the Gospel (i. 13, 14). (iii) Nor could he have learnt it from the Apostles of the Circumcision, for he kept aloof from them for some time after his conversion (i. 15 17). (iv) And when at last he visited Jerusalem, his intercourse with them was neither close nor protracted, and he re- turned without being known even by sight to the mass of the believers (i. 18 24). (v) He visited Jerusalem again, it is true, after a lapse of years, but he carefully maintained his independence. He associated with the Apostles on terms of friendly equality. He owed nothing to them (ii. i 10). (vi) Nay more: at Antioch he rebuked Peter for his incon- sistency. By yielding to pressure from the ritualists, Peter was substituting law for grace, and so denying the fundamental principle of the Gospel (ii. ii 21). [This incident at Antioch forms the link of connexion between the first and second portions of the epistle. The error of the Galatians was the same with that of the formalists whom St Peter had countenanced. Thus St Paul passes insensibly from the narrative to the doctrinal statement.] II. DOCTRINAL, mostly argumentative. 1. The Galatians are stultifying themselves. They are sub- stituting the flesh for the Spirit, the works of the law for the obedience of faith, forgetting the experience of the past and violating the order of progress (iii i 5). 2. Yet Abraham was justified by faith, and so must it be with the true children of Abraham (iii. 6 9). 3. The law, on the contrary, so far from justifying, did but condemn, and from this condemnation Christ rescued us (iii. 10 14). 4. Thus He fulfilled the promise given to Abraham, which being prior to the law could not be annulled by it (iii. 15-18). 5. If so, what was the purpose of the law? (iii. 19). (i) It was an inferior dispensation, given as a witness against sin, a badge of a state of bondage, not as contrary to, but as preparing for, the Gospel (iii. 19 23). (ii) And so through the law we are educated for the freedom of the Gospel (iii. 24 29). CHARACTER AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE. 67 (iii) Thus under the law we were in our nonage, but now Analysis we are our own masters (iv. i 7). of the (iv) Yet to this state of tutelage the Galatians are bent on returning (iv. 8 n). At this point the argument is broken off, while the Apostle reverts to his personal relations with his con- verts, and reprobates the conduct of the false teachers (iv. 12 20). 6. The law indeed bears witness against itself. The relation of the two covenants of law and of grace, with the triumph of the latter, are typified by the history of Hagar and Sarah. The son of the bondwoman must give place to the son of the free (iv. 21 31). 'We are the children of the free.' This word 'free' is the link of connexion with the third part of the epistle. III. HORTATORY. Practical applications. 1. Hold fast by this freedom^ which your false teachers are endangering (v. i 12). 2. But do not let it degenerate into license. Love is the fulfilment of the law. Walk in the Spirit, and the Spirit will save you from licentiousness, as it saves you from formalism, both being carnal. Your course is plain. The works of the Spirit are easily distinguished from the works of the flesh (v. 13 26). 3. Let me add two special injunctions : (i) Show forbearance and brotherly sympathy (vi. i 5). (ii) Give liberally (vi. 6 10). Conclusion in the Apostle's own handwriting (vi. n). 4. Once more: beware of the Judaizers, for they are insincere. I declare to you the true principles of the Gospel. Peace be to those who so walk (vi. 12 16). 5. Let no man deny my authority, for I bear the brand of Jesus my Master (vi. 17). 6. Farewell in Christ (vi. 18). The armoury of this epistle has furnished their keenest Its place weapons to the combatants in the two greatest controversies which in modern times have agitated the Christian Church; the one a struggle for liberty within the camp, the other a war of defence against assailants from without; the one vitally affecting the doctrine, the other the evidences of the Gospel. 52 68 CHARACTER AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE. The refor- When Luther commenced his attack on the corruptions of the mediaeval Church, he chose this epistle as his most efficient engine in overthrowing the mass of error which time had piled on the simple foundations of the Gospel. His commentary on the Galatians was written and rewritten. It cost him more labour, and was more highly esteemed by him, than any of his works 1 . If age has diminished its value as an aid to the study of St Paul, it still remains and ever will remain a speaking monument of the mind of the reformer and the principles of the reformation. Rational- Once again, in the present day, this epistle has been thrust 18m * into prominence by those who deny the divine origin of the Gospel. In this latter controversy however it is no longer to its doctrinal features, but to its historical notices, that attention is chiefly directed. 'The earliest form of Christianity,' it is argued, 'was a modified Judaism. The distinctive features of the system current under this name were added by St Paul. There was an irreconcilable opposition between the Apostle of the Gentiles and the Apostles of the Jews, a personal feud between the teachers themselves and a direct antagonism be- tween their doctrines. After a long struggle St Paul pre- vailed, and Christianity our Christianity was the result.' The Epistle to the Galatians affords at once the ground for, and the refutation of, this view. It affords the ground, for it discovers the mutual jealousy and suspicions of the Jew and Gentile con- verts. It affords the refutation, for it shows the true relations existing between St Paul and the Twelve. It presents not indeed a colourless uniformity of feeling and opinion, but a far higher and more instructive harmony, the general agreement amidst some lesser differences and some human failings, of men animated by the same divine Spirit and working together for the same hallowed purpose, fit inmates of that Father's house in which are many mansions. 1 'The Epistle to the Galatians,' See Seckendorf de Lutheran. L. t said Luther, 'is my epistle; I have Ixxxv. p. 139. betrothed myself to it : it is my wife.' HPOS TAAATAS. WHY SEEK YE THE LIVING AMONG THE DEAD? The old, ordur changeth, yielding place to new, And God fulfils Himself in many ways, HPOS FAAATAS. n AYAOZ aTrocrToAos OVK air dvdpcoTrwv ovde Si dv- , d\\d $ta * i 5. The two threads which run through this epistle the defence of the Apostle's own authority, and the maintenance of the doctrine of grace are knotted together in the opening salutation. By expanding his official title into a statement of his direct commission from God (ver. i), St Paul meets the personal attack of his op- ponents; by dwelling on the work of redemption in connexion with the name of Christ (ver. 4), he protests against their doctrinal errors. See the introduction, p. 63. 'PAUL AN APOSTLE, whose authority does not flow from any human source, and whose office was not conferred through any human mediation, but through Jesus Christ, yea through God the Father Himself who raised Him from the dead together with all the brethren in my company to the CHURCHES OP GALATIA. Grace the fountain of all good things, and peace the crown of all blessings, be unto you from God the Father and our Lord Jesus Christ, who gave Himself for our sins that He might rescue us from the tyranny of this present age with all its sins and miseries, accord- ing to the will of our God and Father, whose is the glory throughout all the ages. Amen/ I. OVK CITT' dvdptoTTwv ovde Si* dvdpco- TTOV] 'not of men, nor yet by man.' The first preposition denotes the foun- tain-head whence the Apostle's autho- rity springs, the second the channel through which it is conveyed. Thus in the first clause he distinguishes KCII himself from the false apostles, who did not derive their commission from God at all; in the second he ranks himself with the Twelve, who were commissioned directly from God. The prepositions therefore retain their pro- per sense. Ata, as distinguished from OTTO, is used consistently in the New Testament to denote the means or instrument, especially as describing either (i) the operations of our Lord, as the Word of God, e.g. i Cor. viii. 6 els Kvpios *lT)v. for instance (Acts xx. 4, 5), if indeed they are not to be identified with the two brethren already mentioned. The patristic writers, followed by several modern commentators, see in this expression a desire on the part of the Apostle to fortify his teaching by the sanction of others : ' Faciens eis pudorem., quod contra omnes sentiunt/ says Victorinus. Such a motive seems alien to the whole spirit of this epistle, in which all human authority is set aside. The Apostle in fact dismisses the mention of his companions as ra- pidly as possible in one general ex- pression. He then returns to the singular, '/marvel/ which he retains throughout the epistle. Paul's autho- rity has been challenged, and Paul alone answers the challenge. Tais fKKkrjcriais TTJS FaXarias] t tO the Churches of Galatia.' On this mode of address, as marking the earlier epistles, see I Thess. i. I. The abrupt- ness of the language here is remark- able. Elsewhere the Apostle adds some words of commendation. The Church of the Thessalouians, for in- stance, is ' in God the Father and the Lord Jesus Christ' (i Thess. i. I, 2 Thess. i. i) : that of the Corinthians is composed of those ' sanctified in Christ Jesus, called to be saints' (i Cor. i. 2, comp. 2 Cor. i. i). The omission of any expression of praise in addressing the Galatians shows the extent of their apostasy ; see p. 64. 3. X^P IS v ^ v Kfl eiptfvT), K.r.X.] On this form of salutation see the notes i Thess. i. i. 4. TOV doVTOS eaVTOV, K.T.X.] ' Who gave Himself for our sins,' A decla- ration of the true ground of accept- ance with God. The Galatians had practically ignored the atoning death of Christ: comp. ii. 21, v. 4. nepl ru>v apapTHuv] The MSS here, as in several other passages, are divided between Trepl and virep, though here the balance of authority is perhaps in favour of we pi. Generally it may be said that Trepl is used of things, vTrcp of persons, as i Pet. iii. 18 on KOI Xpio~Tos a7ra Trepl ap-apriatv aneBavev dtKaios vTrep aSi/ceoi/, but exceptions are very numerous, and in Heb. v. 3 we have Trepl eavrov irpovfyepew irepl afiapnaiv (not virep apapTiwv, as some read), though just before (ver. i) the expression used is Trpoo-fpepy inrcp d/*ap- rteoi/. Where Trepl is used of persons, it is frequently explained by some clause added, e.g. Matt. xxvi. 28 TO Trepl TToXXroy eKxvvvonevov els a(peo~iv afj.apTia>v. With this compare the par- allel passages Luke xxii. 19, 20 (vnep \HJLWV), Mark xiv. 24 (vjrep TroXXdoi', the correct reading), where there is no explanatory clause. All this follows from the meaning of the prepositions, vrrep having a sense of 'interest in/ which is wanting to irepi. The dis- tinction is marked in Athenag. Resurr. I, \6ya)v diTT&v TO>V nev vnep TTJS 0X17- 6eias T<&V de Trepl TTJS aXrjdeias K.T.X. (comp. n). Neither conveys the idea of a vicarious act (ai/ri'), though such will frequently appear in the context. On vrrep and Trepl see Winer xlvii. p. 479, and especially Wieseler's note here. egeXrjTat] 'deliver' strikes the key- note of the epistle. The Gospel is a rescue, an emancipation from a state of bondage. See esp. iv. 9, 31, v. i, 13. TOV alwvos TOV eveo-TMTos Trovtjpov] the correct reading, in which the detached position of novripov is emphatic : ' with all its evils.' Comp. Arist. Eth. NIC. i. 13 KCU yap Tayadbv avdpfomvov TTIVTJV, Pollt. ii. 9 TWV y' adlKT]p.dTd)V eKovo~ia>v TO. TrXeiora o-vpftaivet K.T.\. The reading of the received text, TOV 74 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [1-5 pov KctTa TO 6\rjjULa TOV Qeov Kal Trarpos y/ULtov s a) r\ eis TOUS cucovas TCOV aitewov al&vos novrjpov, is gramma- tically simpler, but less forcible. The author of the Clementines, who was certainly acquainted with this epistle (see p. 61), seems to have St Paul's expression in mind, Epist. Clem. I, eVl TOV evearT&Tos irovrjpov TOV eVo- (jLfvov dyadnv oXo> T<3 zoo-pa prjvvo-as /3ao-iXe'a (where aiwi/os found in some texts after irovypov is evidently an in- terpolation). If so, he appears to have interpreted the words 'from the aeon, the dominion, of the present evil one' : comp. i John v. 19 o Koo-fios o\os iv r&> irovrjptp Kflrai, Barnab. 2. At all events a possible interpretation is thus suggested. Comp. Polyb. xviii. 38. 5 TOV eve crreora /3ao-tXea. TOV aiaivos TOV eVeorcSros] The pre- sent transitory world, elsewhere o vvv al(ov, e.g. i Tim. vi. 17, o ala>v TOV KOO~- /zov TOVTOV Ephes. ii. 2, and most fre- quently d ala>v OVTOS, e.g. Rom. xii. 2, as opposed to the other world, the world of eternity, o alwv cKclvos Luke xx. 35, 6 aicov 6 ep^Ofjievos Luke viii. 2O, aicov p,f\\uv Hebr. vi. 5, and often in the plural, o: alcoves ol errepxofJievoi Ephes. ii. 7j 01 alcoves TO>V alu>vwv, and 01 auoi/et simply. This age, this world, is under a 'god' (2 Cor. iv. 4) or 'rulers' (i Cor. ii. 6) of its own, who are opposed to the Eternal God, the King of the ages, 6 (3ao~i\evs r&v alavuv, I Tim. i 17. .See especially Ephes. ii. 2 7, and comp. [Clem. Rom.] ii. 6 eorii/ 8e OVTOS o alwv Kal 6 peXXuv dvo e^^pot. The Apostles speak of themselves and their generation as living on the fron- tier of two seons, the Gospel trans- ferring them as it were across the bor- der. The distinction of time between the two, which is the primary distinc- tion, becomes lost in the moral and spiritual conception. It has been proposed to take eve- fTTws here in the sense of 'impending,' as referring to the final apostasy. In other passages however eWo-roJra is plainly 'present' as opposed to /ue'X- \ovra 'future,' Rom. viii. 38, i Cor. iii. 22 (comp. Heb. ix. 9), in accordance with the sense it bears in the language of grammar, where o XP VOS fveo-rws is 'the present tense.' Comp. Philo de Plant. Noe ii. 27, p. 346 M Tpi- pepovs xpoi/ou, os els TOV rrapeXrjXvdoTa Kal eWoreora Kal peXXovra TcpveaQai 7T(pvKfv. Even in passages where it seems at first sight to have the sense ' impending, soon to come,' as in i Cor. Vli. 26 8ia TT]V eveo~TV. The same construction is justified in the case of the similar expression, o Qebs Kal Trariyp 'ITJO-OV Xpio-rou (2 Cor. i. 3, Ephes. i. 3), by John xx. 17, 'I ascend to my Fa- ther and your Father, and to my God and your God.' See Fritzsche on Rom. in. p. 233. In ver. i the word ' Fa- ther' refers especially though not solely to Christ, in ver. 4 to mankind, while in ver. 3 it seems to be used absolutely. 5. Speaking of the mercy of God, as shown in man's redemption through the death of Christ, the Apostle bursts out in an ascription of praise. 'In- finitis beneficiis infinita gloria debe- tur,' says Pelagius. For similar out- bursts of thanksgiving see Rom. vii. 25, ix. 5, xi. 36, 2 Cor. ix. 15, Ephes. iii. 20. 1.6] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 75 QavjUid(^a) OTL OVTCOS e TI 86ga] 'the glory, which is pre-emi- nently such, the glory which belongs to him': comp. Jon. xvii. 5. The article is almost universally found with 86a in these doxologies. Con- trast with this the absence of the arti- cle in Rom. ii. 10, i Cor. xi. 15. It is probable therefore that we should supply CO-TIP in such cases rather than eo-rco. It is an affirmation rather than a wish. Glory is the essential attri- bute of God. See i Pet. iv. n sTaxQis] 'so quickly? If by /u.TaTi6ea'6e (XTTO TOV evay- 1 so quickly' we understand 'so soon/ it must mean 'so soon after your con- version,' as the words following show. For the bearing of this expression on the date of the epistle see p. 41. It is possible however that ra^e'ws here may signify 'readily,' ' rashly,' i.e. quick- ly after the opportunity is offered, a sense which the present tense (ftcrari- 6co-0e) would facilitate. See i Tim. V. 22 xetpaff ra^e'cos /ZT/Sm ciriTiffei, 2 Thess. ii. 2 els TO /XT) ra^ewy - Bijvai. In this case there will be no reference to any independent point of time. p-fTaTitieo-Oe] 'are turning rene- gades' 1 ; the middle voice, as may be seen from the passages quoted below. MfTaTidecrdai is used (i) of desertion or revolt, i.e. of military or political defection, as in Polyb. XXVL 2. 6 ra- al TOVS 7ro\LTvofj.isovs fjifTa- TTpos TTJV 'Pa>/iaiW alpeoriv, and frequently (2) of a change in religion, philosophy, or morals, i Kings xxi. 25 (os peTfdrjKCv avTov 'lea/3eA 77 yvvrj avTov, Iambi. Protrept. c. 17 /uera- @fo~dat arro TOV aTrXrj'orcoff KOI axoXao-- TOiS %OVTOS /3/OU fVi TOV KOO~fJ.i could not stand. In Exod. i. 8 di/e'err^ de ftcunXevs erepoy eV AZyvnTov, it is a translation of EHn 'novus'; and the idea of differ- ence is frequently prominent in the word as used in the LXX. Thus while aXXo? is generally confined to a nega- tion of identity, erepos sometimes im- plies the negation of resemblance. See 2 Cor. xi. 4, where the two words are used appropriately, as they are here. In many cases however they will be interchangeable: comp. Matt. xi. 3 with Luke vii. 20. Hesychius explains frepov' aXXoi/' 77 aXXoioi/' T) Ii/ TOLV dvolv' T) apicrrepoi/, veov, devTepov. 7. ct /AT; rives, K.T.X.] 'Only in this sense is it another gospel, in that it is an attempt to pervert the one true Gospel.' Et /u?} seems always to retain, at least in this stage of the language, its proper exceptive sense, and is not simply oppositive, though it frequent- ly approaches nearly to dXXa; see the note on i. 19. Here the following 6e- \ovTff, which is slightly emphatic ('at- tempting to, though without success'), justifies the exception taken by el prj. rives elaiv ol rapao-croj/res] a some- what unusual construction for ot ra- pd(r under- went a change of meaning, getting to signify ' excommunicated,' and this is the common patristic sense of the word. It was not unnatural there- fore, that the fathers should attempt to force upon St Paul the ecclesiasti- cal sense with which they were most familiar, as Theodoret does for in- stance, on i Cor. XVL 22, explaining eoro) by oXXorpios eora rov fKK\r)o-ias, 9- Wff TTpOflpTJKdfJLfv] ' CIS We told you before] probably on the oc- casion of his second visit, when he already discerned unhealthy sym- ptoms in the Galatian Church. See p. 25. The distinction between the sin- gular (X) where St Paul is writing in his own person, and the plural (Trpoeipjf/ca/ifi/) where he is speaking of the joint labours of himself and his colleagues, is to be observed. See the note on rj^tls ver. 8. KOI apri irdXiv] 'so now again? apm here denotes strictly present, as opposed to past time a late use of the word. See Lobeck Phryn. p. 18 sq. TraXiv] ' again' is not to be referred, as it is taken by some, to the preced- ing verse, in the sense ' I repeat what I have just said.' Against this inter- pretation two objections lie: (i) St Paul in that case would have used the singular TrpoeiprjKa (which indeed is found in some texts), as throughout the epistle he writes in his own per- son alone ; and (2) The words KOI apn mark some greater distinction of time than this interpretation would allow. vnds euayyeX/erai] In classical wri- ters this verb takes only a dative of the person, in later Greek it has in- differently a dative or an accusative. See Lobeck Phryn. p. 266 sq. and Ellicott on i Thess. iii. 6. 10. 'Let him be accursed, 1 say. What, does my boldness startle you ? Is this, I ask, the language of a time- server ? Will any say now that, care- less of winning the favour of God, I seek to conciliate men, to ingratiate myself with men ? If I had been con- tent thus to compromise, I should have been spared all the sufferings, as I should have been denied all the privileges, of a servant of Christ/ aprt yap] What is the opposition implied in this now ? It can scarcely be referred, as some refer it, to the I. II] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 79 GeoV; // ^/Tw cfi/fyHoVoi? dpea-Keiv; el eri , Xpio-Tou Soi/\os OVK av fl^rjv. Se vfj.lv, d$e\ e Trecpavepapfda), yet 7m'0o> is fitly extended to the second clause in reference to the language of his enemies. * You charge me with a policy of conciliation. Yes ; I concili- ate God.' ' De huniano usu sumptum est,' says Jerome. On the article Bengel pointedly remarks : 'dvdpco- TTOUS, homines; hoc sine articulo: at mox rov Qe6v, Deum cum articulo. Dei solius habenda est ratio.' See also the note on iv. 31. co-Kftv] So i Thess. ii. 4 : yap. comp. dvdpa>7rdpeo-Koi, Ephes. vi. 6, Col. iii. 22 (with the note). eri] 'still.' After what? 'After all that has befallen me: after all the experiences I have had.' Compare the ert of v. ii. Both passages find an explanation in vi. 17; 'Henceforth let no man trouble me.' See the intro- duction, p. 51. The ert does not im- ply that St Paul ever had been a time-server. It is equivalent to, 'at this stage,' 'at this late date.' The in- sertion of yap after ei in the received text is one of the many attempts of transcribers to smooth down the rug- gedness of St Paul's style. XpioTOV dov\os OVK av r}fJ.i]v] ' I slwuld not have been a servant of Christ,' perhaps with an indirect re- ference to the marks of persecution which he bore on his body (ra o-riy- para rov 'lr)] 'For to go a step farther back, neither did I my- self receive it from man. 7 The force of the particle ovdc is best sought for in the context. OvSe y< Trape'Aa/3oi/ answers to TO evayycXurdev vif fpov OVK eoTti/, as Trapa aV0pa>Trov answers to Kara avdpuirov. Others explain it '/ as little as the Twelve,' '/ in whom perhaps it might have been ex- pected': but such interpretations are not reflected in the context. jrapa dvOparrov irapcXaftov] The idea in the preposition is sufficiently wide to include both the OTTO and dia of ver. i. I do not think the distinction given by Winer xlvii. p. 463, and others, between \anf3dvfiv Trapa, Kup/ov and \apfiavciv OTTO Kvpiov (i Cor. XI. 23), as denoting respectively direct and indirect communication, can be insisted upon. It is true, that while dTTo contemplates only the giver, Trap A in a manner connects the giver with the receiver, denoting the passage from the one to the other, but the links of the chain between the two may be numerous, and in all cases where the idea of transmission is pro- minent Trapa will be used in prefer- ence to OTTO, be the communication direct or indirect; so Phil. iv. 18 Se- dp.cvos zrapa 'E7ra(ppoSirov ra Trap' vfjifov: comp. Plat. Symp. 202 E. The verb irapakafjfifoei* may be used either of the ultimate receiver or of any in- termediate agent, provided that the idea of transmission be retained; i.e. it may be either (i) to receive as transmitted to oneself, 2 Thess. iii. 6, or (2) to receive so as to transmit to others. In this latter sense it is used of the Apostles, who receiving the Gospel directly from the Lord passed it to others. See i Cor. xi. 23, xv. i, 3, and compare rrapayyeXia. ovTf e'SiSax #771/1 The authorities being nearly equally divided between ovre and ovfte, I have with some hesitation retained the former in the text, as being the less regular collocation (ov- Se...o?re), and therefore more likely to be altered. In this case another ovre is to be understood before 7rape\a(3ov, the 8c of ovde having reference to the former sentence. See Winer Iv. 6, p. 617, and esp. A. Buttmann p. 315. edtddxdrjv is added to explain and enforce Trapa dvdpanrov TrapeXa/3oy, and thus to bring out the contrast with di aTTOKaXv^ftot: 'I received it not by instruction from man but by re- velation from Christ.' For a some- what similar contrast see Cic. pro Mil. c. 4, 'Est enim haec, judices, non scripta sed iiata lex; quam non didicimus, accepimus, legimus, veruni ex natura ipsa arripuimus, hausimus, expressimus.' 13, 14, 'My early education is a I. I 4 ] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 81 Oeov on K.O.& vTrepfioXyv ediwKOv Tt]v eKK\rjcriav TOV i 7rop6ovv avTnv, I4 Kai TrpoeKOTTTOV iv TW 'Ioi>- vTrep TroAAous (TvvrjXiKicoTas ev TCO yevei TrepurcroTepcos fy\(*)Trjs VTrap^cov TCOV iraTpiKcov proof that I did not receive the Gos- pel from man. I was brought up in a rigid school of ritualism, directly opposed to the liberty of the Gospel. I was from age and temper a staunch adherent of the principles of that school. Acting upon them, I relent- lessly persecuted the Christian bro- therhood. No human agency there- fore could have brought about the change. It required a direct interpo- sition from God.' 13. 7?Kouo-are] l ye heard,' 'I told you, when I was with you.' The his- tory of his past career as a persecutor formed part of his preaching: see Acts xxii. 2 21, xxvi. 4 23, i Cor. xv. 8 10 : comp. Phil. iii. 6, i Tim. i. 13. The A.V., ' ye have heard,' gives a wrong meaning. dvao-rpo(pTjv Trore] for the more usual TTOTf dva(TTpo(pi]v, as ver. 23 o ia>KO)i> TJ/ias TTore. Similar displacements of words, which would ordinarily come between the article and substantive, are frequent in the New Testament. See on i Thess. i. i ; and Winer xx. p. 169 sq. 'IouQio-/xJ> aSeXI> avyyevav pov Kara crapxa. 7repro-ore'p<0 ^rjXforfjs VTrap^wy] The adverb Trepia-croTepcos, which is fre- quent in St Paul, seems always to re- tain its comparative force. Here it is explained by v/rep TroXXo^s. For J)S vTrdp\cov comp. Acts xxi. 20 ai TOV v6fiov V7rdpxov(riv. St Paul seems to have belonged to the extreme party of the Pharisees (Acts xxii. 3, xxiii. 7, xxvi. 5, PhiL iii. 5, 6), whose pride it was to call them- selves 'zealots of the law, zealots of God/ To this party also had be- longed Simon, one of the Twelve, thence sur named the zealot, r}\Q>Tfj$ or Kavavaios, i.e. }Njp. A portion of 6 82 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [L 15, 16 I5 OTe Se ev^OKrjcrev 6 d(popicras /me e'/c KOL- Kat fcaXecras Sia T^? %dptTOS avTOv l6 a7roKa\v\lsai TOV viov avrov ev /moi 'iva evayv pov TrapaSdo'ecoi'] l of the traditions handed down from my fathers.' It is doubtful whether the law of Moses is included in this expression. In Josephus ra eK rrapa- docreas ra>v Trarepw (Antiq. xiii. IO. 6), 77 Trarpwa 7rapao?/V0oj/ ets 'lepocroXv/uLa i prjcrai Ktj(f>av, Kai e7rejJLtva Trpos avrov ^/uepas Se/ca- * 9 eTepov e TWV aTrocrroXwi/ oyfc e/Soy, et juiri 18. him more than a fortnight; and of all the other Apostles I saw only James the Lord's brother. As in the sight of God, I declare to you that every word I write is true. Then I went to the distant regions of Syria and Cilicia. Thus I was personally unknown to the Christian brotherhoodin Judaea. They had only heard that their former per- secutor was now preaching the very faith which before he had attempted to destroy : and they glorified God for my conversion.' 1 8. cTTftra per a err] rpi'a] From what point of time are these three years reckoned ? Probably from the great epoch of his life, from his con- version. The 'straightway' of ver. 16 leads to this conclusion; * At first I conferred not with flesh and blood, it was only after the lapse of three years that I went to Jerusalem.' 'IfpocroXv/ui] is generally a neuter plural. In Matt. ii. 3 however we have iracra C lepocr6\vfjia. See A. Butt- mann Gramm. p. 16. On the forms 'lepotroXv/ua and 'IcpovcraXrjp see the note iv. 26. taropjja-cu K?7$az>] 'to visit Cephas? Icrropfjaai is somewhat emphatic: 'A word used,' says Chrysostom, 'by those who go to see great and famous cities.' It is generally said of things and places ; less commonly, as here, of persons: comp. Joseph. Bell. Jud. vi. i. 8 dv^p coj/ eyeo /car* fKflvov ipov] Is James here styled an Apostle or not ? Are we to translate, 'I saw no other Apostle save James,' or 'I saw no other Apostle but only James '? It will be seen that the question is not whether prj retains its exceptive force or not, for this it seems always to do (see note on i. 7), but whether the exception refers to the whole clause or to the verb alone. That the latter is quite a possible construction will appear from Matth. xii. 4, Luke iv. 26, 27, Gal. ii. 16, Rev. xxi. 27; see Fritzsche on Rom. in. p. 195. But on the other hand the sense of erepov naturally links it with I. 2022] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. TOV d$e\(pov TOV Kvpiov. ao a e rypdffx*) i)/ v evcoTTiov TOV Oeou OTL ov \fsevSo /mat. ZI 67reiTa q\6ov K.a.1 TO. fl w> from which it cannot be sepa- rated without harshness, and erepov carries rS>v cnroarokuv with it. It seems then that St James is here called an Apostle, though it does not therefore follow that he was one of the Twelve (see the detached note, p. 95). The plural in the corresponding account Acts ix. 27, ' He brought (Paul) to the Apostles,' is also in favour of this sense, but this argument must not be 20. tSou evairiov TOV Gfoi)] A form of asseveration equivalent to ' I call you to witness,' and so followed by on. See 2 Tim. ii. 14, iv. I diapapTv- peaQai evatTTiov TOV Qeov. For Idov else- where in the New Testament is an in- terjection or adverb, never a verb, so that there is an objection to making it govern on here. Perhaps however the occurrence of i8 on in the LXX, Ps. cxix. 1 59, Lam. i. 20, may justify such a construction here. The strength of St Paul's language is to be explained by the unscrupulous calumnies cast upon him by his enemies. See the note i Thess. v. 27. 21. In the corresponding narrative of St Luke it is related that the bre- thren at Jerusalem, discovering the plot against St Paul's life, * took him down to Csesarea and despatched him to Tarsus' (Acts ix. 30) ; and later on, that Barnabas went to Tarsus and sought out Saul, and having found him brought him to Antioch, where they taught for a whole year before returning to Jerusalem (xi. 25 30). The Csesarea mentioned there is doubtless Stratonis, and not Philippi, as some maintain. Not only was this the more probable route for him to take, but St Luke's language requires it; for (i) The words /car^yayoz/, e'^arr- /, imply a seaport and an em- barkation: and (2) Csesarea, without any addition to distinguish it, is always the principal city of the name. It appears therefore that St Luke repre- sents St Paul as sailing from Caesarea on his way to Tarsus ; and comparing this account with the notice here, we must suppose either (i) That St Paul did not go direct to Tarsus but visited Syria on the way; or (2) That he visited Syria from Tarsus, and after preaching there returned again to Tarsus where he was found by Barna- bas; St Luke having, on either of these hypotheses, omitted to record this visit to Syria ; or (3) That St Paul's words here 'Syria and Cilicia' are not intended to describe the order in which he visited the two countries. This last is the most probable suppo- sition. Cilicia has geographically a greater affinity with Syria than with Asia Minor. See Conybeare and Howson, i. p. 130. The less important country is here named after the more important. ' Cilicia,' says Bwald, ' was constantly little better than an appen- dage of Syria,' Gesch. des V. Isr. vi. p. 406. At this time however it was under a separate administration. The words TO. KXifiara seem to show that 'Syria and Cilicia' are here men- tioned under one general expression, and not as two distinct districts. TO /cXt^ara] Rom. xv. 23, 2 Cor. xi. 10. A comparatively late word, see Lobeck Paral. p. 418. It is found in Pseudo-Aristot. de Mundo c. x, and several times in Polybius. 22. ^\a\v dyvoovfj.vos /c.r.X.] '/ remained personally unknown! A strong form of the imperfect, as axou- OVTCS r)v TOV Qfov TWV ovcra)V ev 777 'lovSaia fv XptoroS y lrj(rov. 23. art] introduces an abrupt change from the oblique to the direct mode of speaking, e.g. Acts xiv. 22, xxiii. 22. So it is used frequently in introducing a quotation, e.g. Gal. iii. 10. 'O StcoVo)!/ -f^jias Trore] ' Our per- secutor of former times'; 6 Sii> being used as a substantive, i.e. with- out reference to time, as Matt, xxvii. 40 o /caraXvcoi/ TOV vaov '. see Winer, xlv. 7, p. 444. On the position of Trore, see the note on ver. 13. rr]v TTICTTIV] It is a striking proof of the large space occupied by ' faith ' in the mind of the infant Church, that it should so soon have passed into a syn- onym for the Gospel. See Acts vi. 7. Here its meaning seems to hover be- tween the Gospel and the Church, For the various senses of irtans, see the notes on iii. 23, vi. 10, and the detached note on the term ' faith/ 24. cv f/j.ot] See the note ver. 16, and comp. Is. xlix. 3 SoOXor fiov ft (TV 'lapcuyX Kai ev o~oi ev8o^a.crSr], where it has the general sense of " a messenger, though with reference to a commission from God 1 . With the later Jews however, and it would appear also with the Jews of the Chris- tian era, the word was in common use. It was the title borne by those who were despatched from the mother city by the rulers of the race on any foreign mission 2 , especially such as were charged with collecting the tribute paid to the temple service 3 . After the destruction of Jerusalem the 'Apo- stles ' formed a sort of council about the Jewish patriarch, assisting him in his deliberations at home, and executing his orders abroad 4 . Thus in the Attic usage has ruled the literary language, the word having meanwhile preserved in the common dialect the sense which it has in Herodotus and which reappears in the LXX and New Testament and in the official language of the Jews. See the notes on Karri- Xw, vi. 6 ; TTTtpeadai, Phil. i. -28 ; 707- 7u07/,6s, Phil. ii. 14. 1 It was also used by Symmachus to translate *Y> in Is. xviii. 2 : see below. The word cnrooTcX^ occurs in a few pas- sages in the LXX, and dbrotfT^XXw is the common translation of T\)W. Justin therefore (Dial. c. Tryph. c. 75 , p. 300 D) is so far justified in saying that the pro- phets are called apostles, nal dyyeXoi /ecu dirbffToKoi TOV Qeov \tyovTat oi dyyt\- \etv TO. Trap avTov d7TO(rreXA6^evot irpo- v d5e\(f>wu dir-fiyyeiXev. Eusebius (Montf. Coll. Nov. n. 425), evidently thinking o this passage, says : aTrooroXous 5 dcrtri vvv 60$ tarlv 'louSafots dvo/J-afru* TOUS tyKVK\ia ypdfifiaTa irapa. r<2v dpxovTUv O.VTUV &rtKo/o/x&'oi/j. The passage in Isaiah xviii. 1,2, which is read in the LXX, Kal eTTioroAds /StjSXfo'as tiravw TOV uSaros, and in which, for ofirjpa Symmachus had aVoo-ToXous, was interpreted to refer to these 'apostles' of the Jews who instigated the people against the Chris- tians ; and some even thought that in the words following, TropefaovTat ydp &yye\oi KOVOI irpos tdvo? K.T.\., the true Apostles were referred to in con- trast with the false. See Procopius in Esaiam, I.e. and Eusebius, I.e. The LXX version is entirely wrong and the com- ment worthless in itself, but it affords a valuable illustration of St Paul's refer- ences to the 'false apostles,' and espe- cially to the commendatory letters, 2 Cor. iii. i. See also Jerome, Comm. ad Gal. i. i, ' Usque hodie a patriarchis Judasorum apostolos mitti etc.' 3 See Cod. Theodos. xvi. Tit. viii. 14, ' Superstitionis indignae est, ut archi- synagogi sive presbyteri Judaeorum vel quos ipsi apostolos voeant, qui ad exi- gendum aurum atque argentum a pa- triarcha certo tempore diriguntur etc.,' with the learned comment of J. Gotho- fred. The collection of this tribute was called aTroo-roXiJ, Julian Epist. 25 TTJV Xeyo^vijv Trap' vfuv dirovToXty Kta- \v6rjvai. 4 See the important passage in Epi- phanius, Haer. xxx. p. 128, rwv irap avrots dtw/ictT{/cu)i' dv5pc/3e- dovvai TT]V eTTLKapiriav ' Kal per' eVtoro- Au' OVTOS aVocrTeAAeTCU ds TT\V KiAt/ccD?' yTJV, Af.T.A. 1 There is no direct evidence indeed that the term was in use among the Jews before the destruction of Jeru- salem : but it is highly improbable that they should have adopted it from the Christians, if it had not been current among them before; and moreover Christian writers speak of this Jewish apostolate, as an old institution which Btill lingered on. 2 Our Lord Himself is so styled Hebr. iii. i, 'The apostle and high priest of our profession ' ; the best comment on which expression is Joh. xvii. 18; 'As thouhast sent (dTr^rreiAas) me into the world, even so have I also sent (air- ArretAa) them into the world.' Comp. Justin Apol. i. c. 63, pp. 95 D, 96 c. 3 See Schaff History of the Apo- stolic Church, n. p. 194. 4 Luke vi. 13 K\et-d/j,evos air' ai> T&V u>5e/ca oOs /cai a7roo'T6Xoi>s 5 Acts xiv. 4, 14. The word a?ro- crroAos occurs 79 times in the New Tes- tament, and of these 68 instances are in St Luke and St Paul. cVco-roA^ occurs four times only, thrice in Sfc Paul and once in St Luke. EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 95 In the account of the foundation of the apostolate then, and in the language used in the Gospels of the Twelve, there is no hint that the number was intended to be so limited. It is true that twelve is a typical Twelve a number, but so is seven also. And if the first creation of the diaconate typical was not intended to be final as regards numbers, neither is there any ni reason to assume this of the first creation of the apostolate. The qualifica- tion for and the nature of the office in the latter case necessarily imposed a severer limit than in the former, but otherwise they stand on the same footing with respect to an increase in their numbers. The Twelve were primarily the Apostles of the Circumcision, the representatives of the twelve tribes 1 . The extension of the Church to the Gentiles might be accompanied by an extension of the apostolate. How far this extension was carried, it may be a question to consider ; but the case of St Paul clearly shows that the original number was broken in upon. In the figurative language of the Apocalypse indeed the typical number twelve still remains 2 . But this is only in accordance with the whole imagery of the book, which is essentially Jewish. The Church there bears the name of Jerusalem. The elect are sealed from the twelve tribes, twelve thousand from each. It would be as unreasonable to interpret the restriction literally in the one case, as in the other. The 'twelve Apostles of the Lamb' in the figurative language of St John represent the apostolate, perhaps the general body of Chris- tian pastors, as the elect of the twelve tribes represent the elect of Christendom. And as a matter of fact we do not find the term Apostle restricted Other to the Twelve with only the exception of St Paul 3 . St Paul himself seems Apostles in one passage to distinguish between 'the Twelve' and 'all the Apostles,' as if the latter were the more comprehensive term (i Cor. xv. 5, 7). It appears both there and in other places 4 ' that James the Lord's brother 1 Matth. xix. 28, Luke xxii. 30: generally supposed. comp. Earnab. 8 ofoiv Se/caStfo els pap- 4 In i Cor. xv. 7, ' After that he rtipLov TUV v\ti)v art SeKaS^o a! (pv\ai was seen of James, then of all the apo- ToO 'lo-pa^X. See Justin Dial. c. Trypli. sties,' St Paul certainly appears to in- 42, p. 260 c. An Ophite writing re- elude James among the Apostles. See presented the Twelve as actually taken also the note on Gal. i. 19, where he is from the twelve tribes: Hippol. Haer. apparently so entitled. In i Cor. ix. 5, V. 8, p. 109. ws Kal OL \OLirol cnroffroiXoi Kai ol a5e\0oi 2 Eev. xxi. 14 'And the walls of rov Kvplov Kal K^as, it seems probable the city had twelve foundations, and that St Paul is singling out certain in them the names of the twelve apo- Apostles in 'the brethren of the Lord' sties of the Lamb.' as well as in 'Cephas,' whether we 3 Those instances are here disre- suppose \onrol to be used in distinction garded, where the term is used in the to the persons thus specified, or to sense of an apostle or delegate of a Paul and Barnabas who are men- church, e.g. the brethren (2 Cor. viii. tioned just after. Still it is a question 23 curoo-roAcH tKK\t)cnui>) and Epaphro- which of the ' brethren of the Lord ' are ditus (Phil. ii. 25 y/xw;> ot l aTroo-roXos). meant. Jude is said to have been mar- Such persons are not spoken of as apo- ried (Euseb. H.E. iii. 20), but he seema sties of Christ. Yet this free use of the to disclaim for himself the title of an term seems to show that it had not such Apostle (Jude 1 7, 18). Whether Hege- & rigid and precise application as is sippus (Euseb. H. E. ii. 23) considered 9 6 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. Barnabas. is styled an Apostle. On the most natural interpretation of a passage in the Epistle to the Romans, Andronicus and Junias, two Christians other- wise unknown to us, are called distinguished members of the apostolate, language which indirectly implies a very considerable extension of the term 1 . In i Tliess. ii. 6 again, where in reference to his visit to Thessalonica he speaks of the disinterested labours of himself and his colleagues, adding 'though we might have been burthensome to you, being Apostles of Christ/ it is probable that under this term he includes Silvanus, who had laboured with him in Thessalonica and whose name appears in the superscription of the letter 2 . But, if some uncertainty hangs over all the instances hitherto given, the apostleship of Barnabas is beyond question. St Luke records his con- secration to the office as taking place at the same time with and in the same manner as St Paul's (Acts xiii. 2, 3). In his account of their mis- sionary labours again, he names them together as 'Apostles/ even mention- ing Barnabas first (Acts xiv. 4, 14). St Paul himself also in two different James as an Apostle or not, may be questioned : his words are, Ata5bs TOV KvpLov 'Ia/cw/3os (comp. Acts v . 2 9) . The Clementines seem cer- tainly to exclude him, as do also the Apost. Const, viii. 46. See below note 5, p. 100. 1 Bom. xvi. 7 'AffTracracde 'Avdpo- VIKOV Kal 'lovvlav TOVS ffvyyevets pov Kal KOS T] s vvtt aVe/caXi^tfTj rots Library at Cambridge, as well as in aylois a7rocrr6Xois atrov Kal irpoQifrais. several mentioned by Cotelier. Thus It is in this same epistle also (iv. 1 1) the account is a confused version of that the prophets are directly men- the incident in the Acts. The Syriac tioned as the next order to the Apostles translation strangely enough has 'Bar- in the Christian Church. GAL. 7 Q8 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. ficationfor apostolic office. It may be urged indeed that St Paul is here taking the office. t ne ground of his Judaizing opponents, who affected to lay great stress on personal intercourse with the Lord, and argues that even on their own showing he is not wanting in the qualifications for the Apostleship. This is true. But independently of St Paul's language here, there is every reason for assuming that this was an indispensable condition (Luke xxiv. To be a 48, Acts i. 8). An Apostle must necessarily have been an eye-witness of witness of ^ e resurrection. He must be able to testify from direct knowledge to reotion? 1 " this fundamental fact of the faith. The two candidates for the vacant place of Judas were selected because they possessed this qualification of personal intercourse with the Saviour, and it is directly stated that the appointment is made in order to furnish 'a witness of His resurrection' (Acts i. 2123). This knowledge, which was before lacking to St Paul, was supplied by a miraculous interposition, so as to qualify him for the office. All the others, who are called or seem to be called Apostles in the New Testament, may well have satisfied this condition. Andronicus and Junias were certainly among the earliest disciples (Rom. xvi. 7), and may have seen the Lord, if not while His earthly ministry lasted, at all events during the forty days after the resurrection. Barnabas was a well-known and zealous believer in the first days of the Christian Church (Acts iv. 36), and is reported to have been one of the Seventy. James and the other brethren of the Lord were at least so far qualified. Silas also, who was a leading man in the Church of Jerusalem (Acts xv. 22), might well have enjoyed this privilege. Apollos On the other hand, it is not probable that this qualification was pos- and Timo- sesse( j either by Apollos or by Timothy, who were both comparatively late qualified converts, and lived far away from the scenes of our Lord's ministry, the one at Alexandria (Acts xviii. 24), the other at Lystra (Acts xvi. i, 2). And to these, as has been pointed out, the name of an Apostle is indirectly denied, though from their prominent position in the Church and the energy and success of their missionary labours, they of all men, after St Paul and the Twelve, might seem to lay claim to this honourable title. The out- But though it was necessary that an Apostle should have been an eye- ward com- witness of the Lord's resurrection, it does not follow that the actual call to how S given ^ e ^P os ^ es ^P should come from an outward personal communication with ' our Lord, in the manner in which the Twelve were called. With Matthias it certainly was not so. The commission in his case was received through the medium of the Church. Even St Paul himself seems to have been invested with this highest office of the Church in the same way. His conversion indeed may be said in some sense to have been his call to the Apostleship. But the actual investiture, the completion of his call, as may be gathered from St Luke's narrative, took place some years later at Antioch (Acts xiii. 2). It was then at length that he, together with Bar- nabas, was set apart by the Spirit acting through the Church, for the work to which God had destined him, and for which he had been qualified by the appearance on the way to Damascus. Hitherto both alike are styled only ' prophets.' From this point onward both alike are 'Apostles.' But secondly, in the passage already referred to, St Paul lays much more stress on his possessing the powers of an Apostle, as a token of the EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 99 truthfulness of his claims. ' If I be not an Apostle to others,' he says to (2) Signs the Corinthians, ' at least I ain to you.' Their conversion was the seal of of an his Apostleship (i Cor. ix. 2). In another passage he speaks in like manner A P stle ' of his having wrought the signs of an Apostle among them (2 Cor. xii. 12). The signs, which he contemplates in these passages, our modern conceptions would lead us to separate into two classes. The one of these includes moral and spiritual gifts patience, self-denial, effective preaching; the other comprises such powers as we call supernatural, ' signs, wonders, and mighty deeds.' St Paul himself however does not so distinguish them, but with more of reverence regards them rather as different manifestations of * one and the self-same Spirit.' But essential as was the possession of these gifts of the Spirit to esta- blish the claims of an Apostle, they seem to have been possessed at least in some degree by all the higher ministers of the Church, and therefore do not afford any distinctive test, by which we are enabled to fix the limits of the Apostleship. Such then is the evidence yielded by the notices in the New Testament evidence which, if somewhat vague in itself, is sufficient to discountenance the limitation of the Apostolate in the manner generally conceived. And such for the most part is the tendency of the notices found in the Wide use Christian writers of the ages immediately following. They use the term f tn indeed vaguely and inconsistently, sometimes in a narrower, sometimes in term a wider sense, than the New Testament writings would seem to warrant ; but on the whole the impression is left from their language, that no very rigid limitation of the office was present to their minds. The allusions in the writings of the Apostolic fathers are for the most in the part too general to build any inference upon. They all look upon them- Apostolic selves as distinct from the Apostles 1 . Several of them include St Paul by aUers name in the Apostolate. Clement moreover speaks of the Apostles as having been sent forth by Christ himself ( 42), and in another passage he obviously excludes Apollos from the number 2 . More important however, as showing the elasticity of the term, is a passage in Hermas, where he represents the Apostles and teachers ' under one head as forty in num- ber 3 , selecting this doubtless as a typical number in accordance with the figurative character of his work. Writers of the subsequent ages are more obviously lax in their use of and suc- the title. At a very early date we find it applied to the Seventy, without seeding however placing them on the same level with the Twelve. This application wr " 3rs 1 Clem. 42, Ignat. Rom. 4, Po- 3 Hermas Sim. ix. 15, 16: comp. lye. 6, Barnab. 5, 8, Ep. ad Diogn. Vis. iii. 5, Sim. ix. 25. The data with 11. regard to the age of Hermas are ( i) that 2 47. See above, note 2, p. 96. Eu- he was a contemporary of Clement (Vis. sebius, iii. 39, infers that Papias distin- ii. 4) ; and (2) that his work was written guished Aristion and John the Presby- while his brother Pius was bishop of ter, who had been personal disciples of Borne (circ. 140), Fragm. Murat. in the Lord, from the Apostles. This may Bouth Rel. Sacr.i. p. 396. He cannot be so ; but from his langiiage as quoted therefore have been the Hermas men- it can only be safely gathered that he tioned by St Paul (Bom. xvi. 14), as -distinguished them from the Twelve. several ancient writers suppose. 72 100 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. still recog- nising typical. iv. 1 Iren. ii. 21. i ; Tertull. adv. Marc. 24, 'Adlegit et alios septuaginta occurs even in Irenseus and Tertullian 1 , the earliest extant writers who dwell on this or kindred subjects. About the same titne Clement of Alex- andria not only calls Barnabas an Apostle, but confers the title on Clement of Rome also 2 . Philip the Evangelist is so styled occasionally; but in some instances at least he has been confused with Philip, one of the Twelve 3 . Origen discusses the term as capable of a very wide application 4 ; and Eusebius, accounting for St Paul's expression (i Cor. xv. 7), speaks of 'numberless apostles' besides the Twelve 5 . Nor will it weigh as an argument on the other side, that many writers speak of the Twelve as the founders of the Church, or argue on the typical significance of this number in the Apostolate 6 : for some of those, who hold this language most strongly, elsewhere use the term Apostle in a very extended application ; and the rest either distinctly acknowledge the Apo- stolic office of St Paul, or indirectly recognise his authority by quoting from his writings or endorsing his teaching. afterwards called bishops were formerly called apostles. See Philippians, p. 193 sq. Certain early commentators on Isaiah xvii. 6 saw a reference to fourteen Apostles, making up the number by in- cluding Paul and Barnabas, or Paul and James the Lord's brother : see Eu- seb. in Is. xvii. 6, and Hieron. in Is. iv. pp. 194, 280, ed. Vallarsi. The Apost. Const, (viii. 46) recognise thir- teen, including St Paul and excluding St James. Of really early writings the Clementine Homilies and Recognitions alone seem to restrict the number to twelve. This restriction served the purpose of the writers, enabling them to exclude St Paul. At the same time the exclusion of St James is compen- sated by assigning to him the title of ' bishop of bishops. ' 6 Barnab. 8, referred to above, p. 95, note i : Justin, Dial. p. 260 c : comp. Apol. I. p. 78 A, dirit y&p 'Iepovja\i],u, avSpes deicaStio rbv dpidfj.bi> e^\dov e/s rbv Koffpov: Iren. iv. 21. 3, ' dodecastylum firmamentum Ecclesiae,' ib. Fragm, p. 843 (Stieren) : Tertull. adv. Marc. iv. 13 asks 'Cur autem duodecim aposto- los elegit et non alium quemlibet nu- merum ? ', and refers in answer to the twelve springs at Elim, the twelve jewels on Aaron's breastplate, etc. Comp. Theodot. in Clem. Alex. p. 975 (Potter). In Clem. Horn. ii. 23 the Apostles are compared to the twelve months of the year: coinp. Clem. Recogn. iv. 35. 36. apostolos super duodecim,' referring for an illustration of the numbers to Exod. xv. 27, 'And they came to Elim, where were twelve wells of water, and three- score and ten palm-trees.' See also Origen quoted above, p. 96. In the Gospel the Seventy are not indeed called 'Apostles, 5 but the verb aVo is applied to them, and they are spoken of as ' seventy others ' (Luke x. i), in re- ference to the mission of the Twelve. In the Ancient Syriac Documents, edited by Cureton, this extension is distinctly and repeatedly given to the term ; e.g. p. 3, 'Thaddceus the Apostle one of the Seventy' ; p. 34, ' Addeeus the Apostle one of the seventy-two Apostles.' 2 For Barnabas see Strom, ii. p. 445, 447 (ed. Potter) ; for .Clement of Borne, Strom, iv. p. 609. Elsewhere Clement calls Barnabas aTroo-roXi/coj, adding that he was one of the Seventy, Strom, ii. p. 489. 8 See Colossians, p. 45 sq. In the Apost. Const, (vi. 7) he is called 3>iXiir- iros 6 ffwairoffToXos ypuv. 4 Origen in Joann. Tom. iv. p. 430, ed. Delarue. 5 H. E. i. 12 eW o>s trapi jrard fdfJi.TfjO'iv TUIV 5w5e/ca VTra.p%dvT(av airoffToXitiVy olo$ K 6 IlaOXos rjv, TrpoffTidyvi \tyuv ' W0017 rots aVooroXotj iraai. Comp. Theodoret on i Cor. xii. 28. There is however no authority for the statement of the latter, i Tim. iii. i, that the order EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. The passages referred to are, I think, sufficient to show that ancient writers for the most part allowed themselves very considerable latitude in the use of the title. Lower down than this it is unnecessary to follow the stream of authority. The traditions of later ages are too distant to reflect any light on the usage of Apostolic times. 102 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [II. II. "''ETreira Sid SeKaTecrcrdpcov erwv 7rd\iv els 'lepocroXv/ma juera Bapvdfia, (rvv7rapa\a/3cov Kai Ti- TOV *dvefinv Se Kara a7roKa\v\lsiv 9 Kai dveQefJiriv ai/rols IL i, 2. * An interval of fourteen years elapsed. During the whole of this time I had no intercourse with the Apostles of the Circumcision. Then I paid another visit to Jerusa- lem. My companion was Barnabas, who has laboured so zealously among the Gentiles, whose name is so closely identified with the cause of the Gen- tiles. With him I took Titus also, himself a Gentile. And here again I acted not in obedience to any human adviser. A direct revelation from God prompted me to this journey.' did 8eKare] Are the fourteen years to be counted from St Paul's conversion, or from the visit to Jerusalem just recorded ? The follow- ing considerations seem to decide in favour of the latter view: (i) The stress of the argument lies on the length of the interval during which he had held no communication with the Judaic Apostles; and (2) Individual expressions in the passage tend the same way : the use of Sia & Mv t in preference to /iera 8. en?, implies that the whole interval was a blank so far as regards the matter in hand, the in- tercourse of St Paul with the Twelve; and the words ira\iv dvefav, l again I went up,' refer us back to the former visit, as the date from which the time is reckoned. As the latter visit (sup- posing it to be the same with that of Acts xv.) is calculated independently to have taken place about A.D. 51, the date of the first visit will according to this view be thrown back to about AJ>. 38, and that of the conversion to about A.D. 36, the Jewish mode of reckoning being adopted. For 8id, 1 after the lapse of,' see Acts xxiv. 17, and Winer, xlvii. p. 475. KOI TiYoi/] Titus is included in the * certain others' of Acts xv. 2, and is specially named here on account of the dispute to which he gave rise (ver. 3). He was sent from Antioch with others whose names are not mention- ed, probably as a representative of the Gentile Christians; just as on the return of the mission the Apostles of the Circumcision sent back Judas and Silas to represent the Jewish believers, Acts xv. 27. The incident would pre- sent itself all the more vividly to St Paul's mind, inasmuch as Titus was much in his thoughts, if not actually in his company, at the time when this epistle was written. See 2 Cor. ii. 13, vil 6, 1315, viii. 16, 23, xii. 18. Kara dnoKaXv^iif] ' by revelation' In St Luke's narrative (Acts xv. 2) he is said to have been sent by the Church at Antioch. The revelation either prompted or confirmed the de- cision of the Church. See the detached note, p. 125. 2. 'Arrived at Jerusalem, I set forth the principles of the Gospel, as I had preached it and still preach it to the Gentiles the doctrine of grace, the freedom from the ceremo- nial law. This explanation I gave in a private conference with the leading Apostles of the Circumcision. In all this I had one object in view; that the Gospel might have free course among the Gentiles, that my past and present labours might not be thwarted by opposition or misunderstanding.' aveBl^v\ The middle dvaridfa-dai has the sense ' to relate with a view to consulting,' Ho refer,' as 2 Mace. iii. 9 ; see also Acts xxv. 14, T&> /Sao-iAet dvedero ra Kara rov IlaCAoj/, where the idea of consultation is brought out very clearly in the context, vv. 20, 26. ' Inter conferentes,' says Jerome here, 'aequalitas est; inter docentem et discentem minor est ille, qui discit/ See the notes on Trpoa-avariBea-dai, i 1 6, ii. 6. II. 2] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 103 TO evayyeXiov o Krjpvcrcra) ev roZs eBvecriv, KCCT i$'u $6 TO?5 SoKOVCTLV, Lir] 7TWS 5 KVOV o Krjpvo-o-a)] ' I preach] not exr/ aov, 'I preached/ for his Gospel had not changed. See the note on OVK ea-nv, L ii. KCIT IStav de TO'LS doKoitrtv] 'but in private to those of repute? The fore- going avrols is best referred to the Christians of Jerusalem generally, as implied from c Iepo(roXi7*a( ver. i). If so, this clause, which follows, is inserted not to exclude a public conference, but to emphasize his private consultations. These private communications pro- bably preceded the general congress, which occupies the prominent place in St Luke's narrative (Acts xv. 6 sqq) and seems to be alluded to in the Acts, though not very distinctly, in the words (xv. 4), 'They declared what things God had done with them.' The pri- vate consultation was a wise pre- caution to avoid misunderstanding: the public conference was a matter of necessity to obtain a recognition of the freedom of the Gentile Churches. rots doKova-iv] ' the men of repute, of position' See Eur. Hec. 294 \6yos yap < T d8oovvTtov teoi> K.O.K TWV SOKOVV- TO>V, with Pnugk's note ; Heracl. 897 cvrvxtav ISeo-Oat T&V irapos ov doKOv Herodian vi. i rf?? avyK\iJTov TOVS doKOVivas KOI ijXiKi jc.r.X. The expression itself therefore is a term of honour, and conveys no shadow of depreciation. So far as it is coloured with any tinge of dispar- agement here, this is due (i) to the repetition of the word SoKovvTts, (2) to the addition of o-rvXoi clvai, clvai ri, the latter especially, and (3) to the contrast implied in the whole passage, between the estimation in which they were held and the actual services they ren- dered to him. On the other hand, it will be seen (i) That this dispar- agement is relative, not absolute; a negation of the exclusive claims urged for them by the Judaizing party, not a negation of their Apostolic rank and worth ; (2) That the passage itself con- tains direct evidence of mutual respect and recognition between St Paul and the Twelve (vv. 8, 9, 10). On the tense of rols doKoixrtv see the note on ver. 6. fJ.1] TTQ)? 6t KVOV Tpe^O) K.T.A.] ' ICSt I might be running, or had run, to no purpose.' The kindred passage i Thess. iii. 5, /uJjTrcoff fireipavev v^as 6 TTfipdfav Koi ts Kfvov yevrjrai 6 KOTTOS rJ/zeSr', seems to show that rpe'xco is here the sub- junctive rather than the indicative, this being moreover the more likely mood in itself. See the note there. The use of the subjunctive (rpe'^o)) here, rather than the optative (rpe'^oi/u), is in ac- cordance with the spirit of the later Greek, which prefers the more direct mode of speech in all such cases. In the New Testament the optative seems never to occur with particles of design etc ; see Winer xli. p. 360. In the second clause the change of mood from the subjunctive (Tpe'^u) to the indi- cative (e5pa/xoj/) is rendered necessary by the change of tense, since the conse- quences of the past were no longer contingent but inevitable : comp.iv. 1 1. Tpe'x&>] is a reference to St Paul's favourite metaphor of the stadium ; see v. 7 and the note there. For the ex- pression fls Kfvov rpe^eti/ COIUp. Phil, ii. 1 6, where, as here, it refers to his missionary career. But what is the drift of the passage? Is it a natural expression of misgiving on the part of St Paul, who was not altogether satisfied with the soundness of his teaching, until he had consulted with the Apostles of the Circumcision? So Tertullian takes it, adv. Marc. i. 20, v. 3, and esp. iv. 2. This is perhaps the prima facie sense of the passage, slightly favoured by ovdev npocrav*- Qevro, ver. 6. But on the other hand such an admission would be so entirely IO4 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [II. 3 3 aAA* ovSe T/ros o crw ejuLOi ''E/VAj/i/ alien to the spirit of the passage, so destructive of St Paul's whole argu- ment, and so unlikely under the cir- cumstances, that this interpretation must be abandoned. The words there- fore must be taken to express his fear lest the Judaic Christians, by insisting on the Mosaic ritual, might thwart his past and present endeavours to esta- blish a Church on a liberal basis. By conferring with them, and more espe- cially with the Apostles of the Circum- cision, he might not only quiet such lurking anxiety (nijiras) as he felt, but also, if there were any lack of unanim- ity, win them over to his views. 3. St Paul is here distracted be- tween the fear of saying too much and the fear of saying too little. He must maintain his own independence, and yet he must not compromise the position of the Twelve. How can he justify himself without seeming to condemn them ? There is need of plain speaking and there is need of reserve. In this conflict of opposing aims and feelings the sense of the passage is well-nigh lost. The mean- ing of individual expressions is ob- scure. The thread of the sentence is broken, picked up, and again broken. From this shipwreck of grammar it is even difficult to extricate the main in- cident, on which the whole controversy hinges. Was Titus circumcised or was he not ? This is not only a reasonable question, but a question which thought- ful writers have answered in different ways. On the whole, the following rea- sons seem to decide for the negative, (i) The incident is apparently brought forward to show that St Paul had throughout contended for the liberty of the Gentiles ; that he had not, as his enemies insinuated, at one time con- ceded the question of circumcision. It is introduced by way of evidence, not of apology. (2) It is difficult to reconcile the view that Titus was cir- cumcised with individual expressions in the passage. St Paul could scarcely say 'we yielded no not for an hour' in the same breath in which he confessed to this most important of all conces- sions : he could hardly claim for such an act the merit of preserving 'the truth of the Gospel,' i.e. the liberty of the Gentile Christians, which it was most calculated to compromise. In order to maintain that view, it is ne- cessary to lay undue stress on the words T]vayKda'drj,^n.dTf) inroTayf), which from their position seem quite unem- phatic : as if the former signified that the circumcision of Titus was an act of grace, not of compulsion ; and the latter, that the Apostle in yielding was not doing homage to superior authority. (3) Taking into account the narra- tive in the Acts, both the occasion and the person were most inopportune for such a concession. There was an agitation among the Judaizers to force the rite of circumcision on the Gentile converts. Paul and Barnabas had gone up from Antioch in order to protect them from this imposition. They were accompanied by certain representatives of the Gentile Church, of whom Titus was one. No act could be conceived more fatal to the inter- ests of St Paul's clients at such a mo- ment, or less likely to have been per- mitted by him. Accordingly the vast majority of early writers take the view that Titus was not circumcised, even though in many instances they adopted a reading (the omission of of? ovde in ver. 5) most unfavourable to this con- clusion. See p. 122. St Paul is here indirectly meeting a charge brought against him. Shortly before he visited Galatia the first time, he had caused Timothy to be circum- cised (Acts xvi. 3). This fact, which can scarcely have been unknown to the Galatians, for Timothy accompa- nied him on his visit, may have afforded a handle to the calumnies of his ene- mies. There was a time, they said, II. 4 ] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. TOI)S when he himself insisted on circumci- sion. Comp. r. ii and the note on i. 10. By stating how he acted in the case of Titus, who was truly a Gentile, he rebuffs this assertion. 3 5. 'But while I held confer- ences with the Apostles of the Cir- cumcision, I did not yield to the cla- mours of the disciples of the Circum- cision. An incident which occurred will show this. Titus, as a Gentile who was intimately acquainted with me. was singled out as a mark for their bigotry. An attempt was made to have him circumcised. Concession was even urged upon me in high quar- ters, as a measure of prudence to dis- arm opposition. The agitators, who headed the movement, were no true brethren, no loyal soldiers of Christ. They were spies who had made their way into the camp of the Gospel under false colours and were striving to undermine our liberty in Christ, to reduce us again to a state of bondage. I did not for a moment yield to this pressure. I would not so compromise the integrity of the Gospel, the free- dom of the Gentile Churches.' 3. ovSe Tiros] 'not even Titus.* "Why 'not even'? Is it (i) 'not even Titus, who as my fellow-labourer would be brought constantly in contact with the Jews, and therefore might well have adopted a conciliatory attitude towards them'? Compare the case of Timothy, Acts xvi. 3, 'Him would Paul have go forth with him, and took and circumcised him on account of the Jews, etc.' In this case o ovv e'/zoi is emphatic. Or is it (2) 'not even Titus, though the pressure ex- erted in his case was so great'? A more exact knowledge of the circum- stances than we possess would alone enable us to answer this question. Perhaps both ideas may be combined here. "E\\r)v toy] 'being a Greek,' perhaps giving the reason why the point was not conceded. There seems to be a tacit allusion to the case of Timothy. 'You maintain,' St Paul seems to ar- gue, 'that I allowed the validity of the Mosaic law in circumcising Timothy (Acts xvi. i, 3). But Timothy was half of Jewish parentage. How did I act in the case of Titus, a true Gentile ? I did not yield for a moment.' In *E\\T)v all idea of nationality is lost : comp. Mark vii. 26 ' (or 2vp Thus the Peshito sacrificing the letter to the spirit frequently translates "E\\TJV 'an Aramsean,' e.g. here and iii. 28. See Colossians, p. 390. ijvayKacrdrj] ' was compelled] though the pressure was extreme. This pres- sure doubtless came from the more bigoted Judaizers, the converted Pha- risees mentioned in Acts xv. 5. 4. What part was taken in the dis- pute by the Apostles of the Circum- cision? This question, which forces itself upon us at this stage of St Paul's narrative, is not easily answer- ed. On the whole it seems probable that they recommended St Paul to yield the point, as a charitable con- cession to the prejudices of the Jew- ish converts : but convinced at length by his representations, that such a concession at such a time would be fatal, they withdrew their counsel and gave him their support. Such an account of the transaction seems to accord alike with the known facts and with the probabilities of the case. It is consistent with the timid con- duct of Peter at Antioch shortly after (GaL ii. n), and with the politic ad- vice of James at a later date (Acts xxi. 20). It was the natural conse- quence of their position, which led them to regard tenderly the scruples of the Jewish converts. It supplies probable antecedents to the events of the Apostolic congress. And lastly, it best explains St Paul's language here. The sensible undercurrent of io6 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIAXS. , oinves 7rap6icrfj\6ov ev XpicrTa) 'Irjcrov, iva iopctv et^a/uev e\ev6epiav V7ro f t'a'yt t feeling, the broken grammar of the sentence, the obvious ten our of parti- cular phrases, all convey the impres- sion, that though the final victory was complete, it was not attained without a struggle, in which St Paul maintained at one time almost single- handed the cause of Gentile freedom. 8ia dc TOVS irapcitraKTOvs K.T.A.] ' But to satisfy, to disarm, the false bre- thren, the traitorous spies of the Gos- pel' At this point the connexion of the sentence is snapped, and we are left to conjecture as to the conclusion. It seems as if St Paul intended to add, ' the leading Apostles urged me to yield.' But instead of this a long parenthesis interposes, m the course of which the main proposition of the sentence is lost sight of. It is again resumed in a different form, 'from those then who were held in repute,' ver. 6. Then again it disappears in another parenthesis. Once more it is taken up and completed, transformed by this time into a general statement, 'well, they of reputation added no- thing to me in conference.' The counsels of the Apostles of the Cir- cumcision are the hidden rock on which the grammar of the sentence is wrecked. For fit a TOVS Trap. ^/evd. compare Acts xvi. 3 TT(piercp.fv avrov 8 to. rovs 'Iov8aiovs. Of other possible explanations two deserve to be considered; (i) That there is an ellipsis of OVK qvayKao-Qr) 7TfpiTfjLr)6f)vai or ov nepierp.^^ after 8ia TOVS Trapeicr. ^euSad. So Fritzsche, Opusc. p. 181. (2) That the paren- thesis flows back into the main pro- position, so that the regular construc- tion would have been 8ia TOVS trapeio-. \lscv8a8. ov8e npbs , the oiy being redundant. See the note, ver. 6. So Winer, Ixiii. p. 711 sq. But as Titus would not have been circum- cised under any circumstances, the refusal to yield could scarcely be at- tributed to the pressure from the false brethren. If either of these explanations were adopted, St Paul's meaning must be : 'To the scruples of the weaker brethren I would have conceded the point, but the teaching of the false brethren made conces- sion impossible.' So in fact Augus- tine takes it, de Mmdac. 8 (VL p. 424, ed. Ben.). napeto'ciKTovs, Trap(io-fj\dov] The me- taphor is that of spies or traitors in- troducing themselves by stealth into the enemy's camp, as in Jude 4 trap- cio~(8vo-av yap rives avflpajroi. See Pint. Popl. 17 eiripovXfvtov 8c rov ILopo-ivav dveXclv -irapfia-fjKSfv fls TO a-TpaTOTTfdov, Polyb. i. 7. 3, ii. 55. 3. For TrapfLo-dyetv see 2 Pet. ii. i. The adjective occurs in Strabo, xvii. p. 794 Trap* io-a.KTos rriK\r)de\s IlroXe/aato?. The camp thus stealthily entered is the Christian Church. Pharisees at heart, these traitors assume the name and garb of believers. ' to act OS Spies OH? lv generally signifies ' to ex- amine carefully,' the form Karaa-Ko- irfvfiv being most frequently used where the notion of treachery is pro- minent. For instances of the sense in the text however see 2 Sam. x. 3, I Chron. xix. 3. KaraSouXw'o-ovo-H/] ' reduce to abject slavery.' The reading of the received text, KaraSouAojcrtawai, is a correction of some classicist, introduced for two reasons : (i) To substitute the middle voice, which is more common in clas- sical writers ; the transcriber not see- ing that the sense here requires the active; 'enslave not to themselves, but to an external power, the law of II. 6] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 107 TOV Se TCOV SOKOVVTCOV eivai TC OTTOLOL TTOTC r}(rav 9 Moses.' (2) To restore the usual classical government of tva with the conjunctive. *Iva however is found several times in the New Testament with the indicative future, and some- times even with the indicative pre- sent, as in iv. 17 : see Winer, xli. p. 360 sq. This, though not a classical usage, is justified by similar con- structions of OTTO)?, o$pu, in classical writers. 5. of? ovSe K.T.X.] 'to whom we,' Paul and Barnabas, who were sent to Jerusalem to plead the cause of the Gentile Christians, ' yielded no not for an hour.' For the omission of ofs e in some texts see the detached note. p. 122. rf] vTTorayrj] ' by the submission which was required of us,' or possibly ' the submission with which we are taunted,' as in 2 Cor. i. 17 ^ri apa TTJ \a(ppia T) a\rj6c id rov euayyeXiou] ' the truth of the Gospel, 1 i.e. the Gospel in its in- tegrity. This expression in St Paul's language denotes the doctrine of grace, the maintenance of Christian liberty, as opposed to the false teaching of the Judaizers. See ii. 14, and comp. Col. i. 5, 6, where the same idea seems to be indirectly involved. 8iap.fivT) npbs vfjias] 'may abide with you,' the Gentile Churches. See the introduction, p. 26. The idea of firm possession is enforced by the com- pound verb, by the past tense, and by the preposition. 6 9. 'The elder Apostles, I say, who are so highly esteemed, whose authority you so exclusively uphold for myself, I care not that they once knew Christ in the flesh : God does not so judge men ; He measures them not by the outward advantages they have had, not by the rank they hold, but by what they are, by what they think and do well, these highlv es- teemed leaders taught me nothing new ; they had no fault to find with me. On the contrary, they received me as their equal, they recognised my mission. They saw that God had entrusted to me the duty of preaching to the Uncircumcision, as He had entrusted to Peter that of preach- ing to the Circumcision. This was manifest from the results. My Apo- stleship had been sealed by my work. God had wrought by me among the Gentiles, not less than He had wrought by Peter among the Jews. This token of His grace bestowed upon me was fully recognised by James and Cephas and John, who are held in such high esteem, as pillars of the Church. They welcomed myself and Barnabas as fellow-labourers, and exchanged pledges of friendship with us. It was agreed that we should go to the Gentiles and they to the Jews.' Much force is lost in the A. V. by translating of SOKOVVTCS throughout this passage as a past tense instead of a present. St Paul is speaking not of the esteem in which the leading Apostles of the Circumcision were held by the Christians of Jerusalem at the time of the conferences, but of the esteem in which they are held, while he is writing, by his Galatian converts. The mistake seems to have arisen from following the Vulgate ' qui videbantur.' The Old Latin ap- parently had the present in most re- censions, though not consistently in all four places. Of the older English Versions, Tyndale's alone translates by a present in this verse, and the Genevan in verse 9. TO>V doKOVVTWV flvdl Tl] ' thOSQ Who are looked tip to as authorities.' The expression is sometimes used in a de- preciatory way, as in Plat. Apol. 41 E fav OKO>0-t TI emu fjiTjdev owfs, Euthyd. 3O3 C T<01/ io8 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [II. 7, 8 pot $ia(pepei, TrpotrcoTrov 0eds dvBpWTTOV ov ejULOt yap ol $OKOVVTS ovSev TrpcxraveQevTO, ' d\\a TovvavTiov tSoVres on 7T67ri(rT6viuLai TO evayyeXiov dKpo/3varTias Kadcos Herpos T^S TrepLTOfJLtjs, B 6 yap v 8rf KOL doKOvvr&v ri eivai ovdev vfjuv p.(\ei, Gorg. 472 A fviorf yap av KOL Kara^/v8op.apTvpr]6firj TIS virb TroX- \wv not doKoiLVTfov flvai rt, and passages from later writers quoted in Wetstein : COmp. Gal. vi. 3 el yap doicel TIS civai n nr)8cv coi>, and Ignat. Polyc. 3. The exact shade of meaning which it bears must always be determined by the context. Here it is depreciatory, not indeed of the Twelve themselves, but of the extravagant and exclusive claims set up for them by the Juda- izers. Thus it is nearly an equivalent to ot vnep\iav CMrooroXoi of 2 Cor. xi. 5, xii. n. oTToioi Trore Tjarav] Does OTTOIOI TTOTC here mean ' qualescunque,' or has TTOTC its proper temporal sense 'in times past' 1 In a classical writer we should decide for the former : in St Paul the latter seems more probable, as rrore' never occurs with the meaning ' cun- que' in the New Testament, and ac- cordingly it is rendered in the Latin versions 'aliquando.' This decides the import of the whole phrase. It does not mean ' what reputation they enjoyed/ but 'what was their posi- tion, what were their advantages in former times,' referring to their per- sonal intercourse with the Lord. The 1 knowing Christ after the flesh' (2 Cor. v. 1 6) is in itself valueless in the sight of God. The same reproach is conveyed by the words here, as in 2 Cor. X. 7 TO. KOTO. 7Tpo(TO)7roi/ /SXeWre. irp67Tov Xapftdvei] A translation of the Hebrew D^Q NKO which signi- fies properly 'to accept the face' (Gesenius TJies. p. 916, s. v. N"'3), or perhaps better, ' to raise the face ' of another (opposed to D^D ^DH 'to make the countenance fall,' e.g. Job xxix. 24; comp. Gen. iv. 5), and hence ' to receive kindly,' 'to look favourably upon one.' In the Old Testament accordingly it is a neutral expression involving no subsidiary idea of par- tiality, and is much oftener found in a good than in a bad sense. When it becomes an independent Greek phrase however, the bad sense attaches to it, owing to the secondary meaning of 7rpo0-o>7roj> as ' a mask,' so that 7rpotro>- signifies ' to regard the external circumstances of a man,' his rank, wealth, etc., as opposed to his real intrinsic character. Thus in the New Testament it has always a bad sense. Hence a new set of words, which appear to occur there for the first time. Qeos av8pu7rov] The natural order is altered for two reasons; (i) To give Qebs an emphatic position, and (2) To keep the contrasted words Qebs dv- 6panrov together. e/iol yap K.T.X.] The sentence, which was begun in dnb de T&V SOKOVVTW flvai n and then broken off by the parenthesis, is here resumed, but in a different form, 'well, to me those of reputation communicated nothing.' See the note on ver. 4. Otherwise the yap may be attached to airoiol TTOT TIO-OV ovftev poi 8ia, and accordingly the construction elsewhere is evepyflv ev TIVI. Comp. Acta Paul. et Thecl. 40 o yap o-oi (rvvfpyj](ras fls TO fvayyi\iov /cc/iot (rvvrjpyTj&ev els TO Xovo"ao"^at. 9. Of the two words ISovrcs and yvovTf s, the former describes the ap- prehension of the outward tokens of his commission, as evinced by his suc- cessful labours; the latter the convic- tion arrived at in consequence that the grace of God was with him : see iv. 8, 9. 'laKo)/3os /cat Kr), is often used of a single person; i Mace. xi. 50, 62, xiii. 50. As a symbol of contract or friendship this does not appear prominently in the Old Testament (Ezr. x. 19, and perhaps 2 Kings x. 15 ; see below on Koufwias), nor is it especially Jewish. In the patriarchal times the outward gesture which confirmed an oath was different, Gen. xxiv. 2. The giving the right hand however was a recognised pledge of fidelity with other Eastern nations, with the Persians especially (Corn. Nep. Dot. c. 10 'fideinque de ea re more Persarum dextra dedisset,' Diod. XVI. 43 eo-rt 8e jj iri(TTLS avrrj j3e- ftaioTOTTi irapa TOLS Heparais, COmp. Jus- tin xi. 15. 13); and from Persian in- fluence the symbol and the phrase may have become more common among the Jews. Even Josephus (Ant. xviii. 9. 3) speaks of this not as a Jewish practice, but as neyia-rov napa na For similar instances of an ellipsis after povov, see vi. 12, 2 Thess. ii. 7 povov o KaTXV Tjdrj KfKpiTai, Barnab. 10 KfKpipevoi fjdrj ro> Gavdra, Joseph. B. J. ii. 8. 6 rjdrj yap Kareyv(r6ai (pacri K.r.X. The condemnation is not the verdict of the bystanders, but the verdict of the act itself. This passage was made the ground of an attack on St Paul in an Ebionite fiction of the second century, where St Peter says to Simon Magus (whose name is used as a mask for St Paul), ' Thou hast withstood me to the face ...If thou callest me condemned, thou accusest God who revealed Christ to me.' See the whole passage Clem. Horn. xvii. 19 : comp. p. 61, and the notes on ii. 13, iv. 16, 24. 112 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [II. 13 TOV jap e\6eiv Tivas CLTTO 'laKtofiov /merd TWV (TWYiarQiev ore Se Y}\6ov, i/VecrTeAAey Kal eawroVy pti/] ' gradually withdrew and separated himself.' Both verbs govern eavrov : compare Polyb. vii. 17. I vn-eVretXai/ tavrovs VTTO rii/a TTpoireTTTUKvlav o(ppvv. The words describe forcibly the cautious withdrawal of a timid person who shrinks from observation, vTreWeAXez/ denoting the partial, afyvpi&v the complete and final separation. The word vTroo-reXXeti/ is frequently used, as in the passage quoted, in describ- ing strategical operations ; and so far as it is metaphorical here, the me- taphor seems to be derived from military rather than from nautical matters. Coinp. or'XXeo-0ai, 2 Thess, iii. 6. rovs fK TrepiTopfjs] not 'Jews' but 'converts from Judaism/ for this seems to be the force of the preposi- tion: Acts x. 45, xi. 2, Col. iv. n, Tit. i. 10. 13. of XOITTO! 'lovScuoi] i.e. the rest of the Jewish converts resident at Antioch, who, like St Peter, had mixed freely with the Gentiles until II. EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. T7 V7TOKpl(TL. *aAA ore elSov OTL OVK. opQoTro^ovcnv TTjOos TY\V d\q6eiav TOV evayyeXiov, eiTrov TW Krjtpa efJurpocrQev TTCLVTWV EJ J/x * s ? 6p(x)7ros epycov blended together that they cannot be separated without violence. The use of the word d/xaprtoXoi, vv. 15, 17, marks the language of one speaking as a Jew to Jews, and therefore may be regarded as part of the original remonstrance ; and yet, though there is no break in the continuity from that point onward, we find at the end of the chapter that St Paul's thoughts and language have drifted away from Peter at Antioch to the Judaizers in Galatia. For similar instances where the direct language of the speaker is intermingled with the after comment of the narrator, see John i. 15 18, where the testimony of the Baptist loses itself in the thoughts of the Evangelist, and Acts i. 16 21, where St Peter's allusion to the death of Judas is interwoven with the after explanations of St Luke. 'loudatos inrapxtov] almost equiva- lent to v implies a contrast between the original and the after state, e.g. in Phil. ii. 6. Here it is very emphatic ; ' If you, born and bred a Jew, discard Jewish customs, how unreasonable to impose them on Gentiles.' fBviK&s Cys] i.e. mix freely with the Gentiles and thus of necessity disregard the Jewish law of meats. The present tense describes St Peter's general principles, as acted upon long before at Csesarea (Acts x. 28), and just lately at Antioch (ver. 12), though at the exact moment when St Paul was speaking, he was living 'lovdafcaff and not C&VIKO>S. ovx 'loufiaiKois] The best MSS agree in reading the aspirated form ou^. For other examples of anomalous aspirates in the Greek Testament see edv JJLYI Sid 7ri(rTecos Winer v. p. 48, and cornp. the note on Phil. ii. 23 d0tdw. In this parti- cular instance the aspirate may per- haps be accounted for by the yh with which the Hebrew word (DH1PP) re- presented by 'lovdaioi commences. avayKa^fis] Le. practically oblige them, though such was not his inten- tion. The force of his example, con- cealing his true principles, became a species of compulsion. 'lovdatfct?] 'to adopt Jewish cus- toms] opposed to cOviKus Cfjs which in connexion with 'lovdaios virapx<*v is equivalent to f\\r)vi(is ; comp. Esth. Vili. 17 KOI TToXXot TGtV f6v(aV7TplTIJ.OV- TO Kai 'Iov8aiov 8ia TOV (fiojBov TO>V 'loi;- daiwv, Plut. Vit. ClC. 7 evoxof r<5 'louScu- !/. See the note on 'lovSaiV/ios, i. 13. 15,16. 'Only consider our own case. We were born to all the privileges of the Israelite race: we were not sin- ners, as we proudly call the Gentiles. What then? We saw that the ob- servance of law would not justify auy man, that faith in Jesus Christ was the only means of justification. There- fore we turned to a belief in Christ. Thus our Christian profession is itself an acknowledgment that such obser- vances are worthless and void, be- cause, as the Scripture declares, no flesh can be justified by works of law.' Of many constructions proposed, the simplest and best is to under- stand the substantive verb in ver. 15, 'We (are) Jews by birth etc.' The fie of ver. 1 6, which is omitted in the received text, is certainly genuine. 15. $vs cos ou^t 'lovScuos, d/iaprcoAos K.T.A.; and compare Luke vi. 32, 33 with Matt. v. 47, and especially Matt, xxvi. 45 with Luke xviii. 32. Here d/iaprcoAoi is used in preference to fdvr], not without a shade of irony, as better enforcing St Paul's argument. See the note on ver. 17. 1 6. eav /u/] retains its proper meaning, but refers only to ov 8iff XptoroC K.T.A., which words present an exact parallel to the former part of this verse, OVK e' epyotv vo/zov, eav pr) Sia TTiVrecos 'irja'ov Xpi- crrov. Faith is strictly speaking only the means, not the source of justifi- cation. The one preposition (Sia) excludes this latter notion, while the other (e/c) might imply it. Besides these we meet also with eV! tritrret (Phil. iii. 9), but never dia irio-nv, ; propter fidem,' which would involve a doctrinal error. Compare the care- ful language in the Latin of our Arti- cle xi, 'per fidem, non propter opera.' on] is the best supported, and doubtless the correct reading. The reading of the received text dion has probably been imported from the pa- rallel passage, Rom. iii. 20. OTI f| epycoi/ K.r.A.] A quotation from the Old Testament, as appears from the Hebraism ov ira. For nas fcoi/, R. 82 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [II. 17 TTACA CL 6V \pLCTTCp evpeOrjjUiev KCLI OVTOI d/mapTcoXoi, dpa XpicrTOS d/uapTias very common Hebrew synonyme, tra o-apl (iBa-fe) is substituted by St Paul. In Rom. iii. 20 the passage is quoted in the same form as here. In both instances St Paul adds <' epyw vofjiov as a comment of his own, to de- scribe the condition of the people whom the Psalmist addressed. In the context of the passage in the Ro- mans (iii. 19) this comment is justified by his explanation, that 'whatever is stated in the law applies to those under the law.' For ov iracra see Winer xxvi. p. 2i4sq. 17, 1 8, 19. ' Thus to be justified in Christ, it was necessary to sink to the level of Gentiles, to become ' sinners ' in fact. But are we not thus making Christ a minister of sin ? Away with the profane thought. No ! the guilt is not in abandoning the law, but in seek- ing it again when abandoned. Thus,' and thus alone, we convict ourselves of transgression. On the other hand, in abandoning the law we did but follow the promptings of the law it- self. Only by dying to the law could we live unto God.' 17. Among a vast number of inter- pretations which have been given of this verse, the following alone deserve consideration. First; We may regard Xpioroy a/iapn'a? didicovos as a conclusion logically inferred from the premisses, supposing them to be granted; 'If in order to be justified in Christ it was necessary to abandon the law, and if the abandonment of the law is sinful, then Christ is made a minister of sin.' In this case upa is preferable to a pa. If the passage is so taken, it is an attack on the premisses through the conclusion which is obviously mon- strous and untenable. Now the as- sumptions in the premisses are two- fold: (i) 'To be justified in Christ it is necessary to abandon the law,' and (2) ' To abandon the law is to become sinners'; and as we suppose one or other of these attacked, we shall get two distinct meanings for the passage, as follows : (i) It is an attempt of the Judaizing objector to show that the abandonment of the law was wrong, inasmuch as it led to so false an infer- ence: 'To abandon the law is to com- mit sin; it must therefore be wrong to abandon the law in order to be jus- tified in Christ, for this is to make Christ a minister of sin': or (2) It is an argument on the part of St Paul to show that to abandon the law is not to commit sin; 'It cannot be sinful to abandon the law, because it is ne- cessary to abandon the law in order to be justified in Christ, and thus Christ would be made a minister of sin.' Of these two interpretations, the latter is adopted by many of the fathers. Yet, if our choice were re- stricted to one or other, the former would seem preferable, for it retains the sense of a/iaprcoXoi ('sinners' from a Jewish point of view), which it had in ver. 15, and is more consistent with the indicative cvpe0rjp(v, this proposi- tion being assumed as absolutely true by the Jewish objector. But on the other hand, it forms an awkward in- troduction to the verse which follows. It is probable therefore that both should be abandoned in favour of another explanation : For Secondly; We may regard Xptoros dfiaprias 8id is opposed to Xpioros a^aprLas diaKovos, though from its position epavrbv cannot be very emphatic. (TWHTTava)} ' I prove,' like crvufiifia- fa, as Rom. iii. 5, v. 8 ; comp. 2 Cor. iii. i. 19. Establishing the statement of the foregoing verse : ' For in aban- doning the law, I did but follow the leading of the law itself.' cyw] Not ' I Paul' as distinguished from others, for instance from the Gentile converts, but 'I Paul, the natural man, the slave of the old covenant.' The emphasis on cya> is explained by the following verse, 3 de ovKeri f'yw K.r.A. EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [II. 20 yap Sid VO/ULOV crvvecrTavpcojULaC Se OVKCTL eyco, Se Xpt a7redavov\ In what sense can one be said through law to have died to law ? Of all the answers that have been given to this question, two alone seem to deserve considera- tion. The law may be said in two different ways to be Traidayaybs cis Xpioroi/. We may regard i. Its economical purpose. 'The law bore on its face the marks of its transitory character. Its prophecies foretold Christ. Its sacrifices and other typical rites foreshadowed Christ. It was therefore an act of obedience to the law, when Christ came, to take Him as my master in place of the law.' This interpretation however, though quite in character with St Paul's teaching elsewhere, does not suit the present passage; For (i) The written law the Old Testament is always o vopos. At least it seems never to be quoted otherwise. NO/JOS- without the article is ' law ' considered as a principle, exemplified no doubt chiefly and signally in the Mosaic law, but very much wider than this in its application. In explaining this pas- sage therefore, we must seek for some element in the Mosaic law which it had in common with law generally, instead of dwelling on its special cha- racteristics, as a prophetic and typical dispensation. Moreover, (2) the in- terpretation thus elicited makes the words ia vopov v6fi a-rre- Bavov}. * Proinde,' says Luther on iii. 19 (the edition of 1519), 'ut remissio propter saluteni, ita praevaricatio propter remissionem, ita lex propter transgressionem .' What the Mosaic ordinances were to the Jews, other codes of precepts and systems of restraints were in an inferior degree and less efficaciously to other nations. They too, like the Jews, had felt the bondage of law in some form or other. See iv. 9, v. i, and the note on iv. 1 1. i/o/zw dnedavov] ( I died to law.' For the dative comp. Rom. vi. 2, u (rfj apapria). and for the idea of ' dying to the law' Rom. vii. i 6, esp. ver. 4 Kal vpfls ftiavaTtodrjTf ro> I/O/AOJ, and ver. 6 KaTTjpyijdrjuev OTTO rov vopov airoQa- II. 20] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 119 ToV o Se vvv w ev (TapKL 9 ev 7ri(TTi ^(S Trj TOV vov TOV Qeov TOV dyaTTtla-avTos /xe KUI TrapaSdvros eavrov 20. T"g TOV Qeov Ka.1 XptaroO TOV a < ya7n}nai] l l have been crucified with Christ. 1 A new turn is thus given to the metaphor of death. In the last verse it was the release from past obligations ; here it is the annihilation of old sins. The two however are not unconnected. Sin and law loose their hold at the same time. The sense of feebleness, of prostration, to which a man is re- duced by the working of the law, the process of dying in fact, is the moral link which unites the two applications of the image: see Rom. vii. 5, 9 u. Thus his death becomes life. Being crucified with Christ, he rises with Christ, and lives to God. The parallel passage in the Romans best illustrates the different senses given to death. See also, for a similar and characteristic instance of working out a metaphor, the different applica- tions of ?7/ie'pa in i Thess. v. 2 8. For the idea of dying with Christ etc., see Rom. vi. 6 6 ira\aibs ypuv eu/#pa)7TOff o~vvfaTavpa>dr] : COmp. Gal. V. 24, vi 14, Rom. vi. 8, Col. ii. 20, a?ro- o-vv Xpiorw, and Rom. vi. 4, Coi ii. 12, o-vvra(t>T)vcu. Comp. Ignat. Rom. 70 fabs (pus eVravpcorat. The cor- relative idea of rising and reigning with Christ is equally common in St Paul. <3 8c OVKCTI ey 0e0opdv ) Hebr. D3PI, where Symmachus had dyamW; Ec- clus. xx. 23. EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 121 Various Readings in ii. 5. The reading which is given in the text, ols ovSe npbs (Spav, is doubtless correct. Two variations however occur, which deserve notice. i. The omission of ov6Y. (i) The The negative is found in all the Greek uncial MSS (i.e. in KABCEF negative. GKLP) except D, in which however it is inserted by a later hand, and apparently in all or nearly all the Greek cursive MSS. It is expressly mentioned by the Ambrosian Hilary 1 and by Jerome 2 , as the reading of the Greek copies. It is found also in the Gothic, Memphitic, Thebaic, both Syriac and other versions, and was unquestionably the original reading of the Vulgate, as it appears in all the best manuscripts of this version. It was read moreover by Marcion 3 , Ephraem Syrus, Epiphanius 4 , Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret, the Pseudo-Ignatius 6 , and perhaps also by Origen 6 , among the Greeks; and by Ambrose 7 , Augustine 8 , Jerome, Pelagius (in his text, though he comments on the other reading), and Pri- masius, among the Latins. On the other hand, it is omitted in D (both Greek and Latin), and in the Latin of E ; and the text is read without it by the translator of Irenaeus 9 , by Tertullian 10 , Victorinus, the Ambrosian Hilary, Pelagius (in his com- mentary), and apparently Sulpicius Severus u . We have it moreover on the authority of Jerome 12 , of Primasius 13 , and of Sedulius 14 , that the negative was not found in the Latin copies, and the same is implied by the language of the Ambrosian Hilary. In the face of this testimony, the statement of Victorinus, that it was Omitted in omitted ' in plurimis codicibus et Latinis et Graecisj is not worthy of credit. some ^ ew> He may indeed have found the omission in some Greek MS or other, but even this is doubtful No stress can be laid on the casual statement of a writer so loose and so ignorant of Greek. It appears from these facts that the omission is due to some Western Omission MS or MSS alone. The author of the Old Latin version used one of these. And to the Old Latin version all or nearly all the existing authorities for the omission may be traced. Its absence in the Greek text of D is an exception, unless the charge of Latinising sometimes brought against this 1 ad loc. ' Graeci e contra dicunt : 8 ad loc. and Epist. Ixxxii. (n. p. Nee ad horam cessimns, et hoc aiunt 194, ed. Bened.). convenire causae etc.' Iren. iii. 13. 3. 2 ad loc. 'juxta Graecos codices est 10 adv. Marc. v. 3. legendum: Quibus neque, etc.' al Dial. iii. 13, p. 219 B (Migne). 3 Tertull. adv. Marc. v. 3. " ad loc. ' hoc esse quod in codici- 4 Haer. p. 112 and p. 814. bus legitur Latinis: Qnibus ad horam 5 Ep. ad Tars. % i. etc.' 6 Orig. c. Gels. vii. 21 (x. p. 709, 13 ad loc. ' Latinus habet, Quibus ad Delarue) otdtTrore tv X&PV vTroTeray- horam cessimus.' Primasius' does not ptvos &i>9puirois ws KpelTTwv yevofjievos, himself omit it, as represented iu Tisch. where the conjecture ovdl irpbs wpav is 14 Magn. Bibl. Vet. Pair. v. 498, possibly correct. ' Male in Latinis codicibus legitur, Qui- 7 Epist. 37. bus ad horam cessimus.' 122 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. Tertul- lian's charge against Marcion. Omission how ac- counted for. MS can be substantiated. Ireuseus is also to be accounted for, but in this case the omission may perhaps be ascribed not to the author himself, but to his translator. A correction however would appear to have been made in that re- cension which was circulated in North Italy, for the negative is found both in Ambrose and in Augustine, the former of whom used the * Itala ' as a matter of course, and the latter by choice 1 . Tertullian indeed accuses Marcion of interpolating the negative ; but no weight attaches to his assertion. The African father, not finding it in his own Latin copy and finding it in Marcion's recension, caught at what appeared the simplest way of accounting for the variation. He would not stop to consider whether his own copy was correct. It was enough for him that the text with the negative was more favourable to Marcion's peculiar views than without it. Tertullian makes no appeal to MSB or external authority of any kind. He argues solely on grounds of internal evidence. The omission in the first instance is not easily accounted for. It may have been an oversight. Or possibly the Latin translator, or the tran- scriber of the MSS which he used, intentionally left it out, thinking, as some later critics thought, that the sense of the passage or the veracity of the Apostle required the omission. At all events the expedient of dropping the negative, as a means of simplifying the sense, is characteristic of the Latin copies. For other instances in St Paul see GaL v. 8, Rom. v. 14, i Cor. v. 6, [Col. ii. 18] : comp. Joh. vi. 64, ix. 27 2 . The omission once made, arguments were not wanting to support it. Tertullian found that the negative vitiated the sense of the passage. He objected to it moreover as at variance with history, which showed that St Paul did yield on occasions, in circumcising Timothy for instance, and in paying the expenses of those who had taken Nazarite vows. The same arguments are brought forward by Victorinus and the Ambrosian Hilary 3 . "With much greater justice Jerome maintains that it is required for the sense. But feeble as were his reasons, doubtless the authority of Tertullian, and the prejudice thus raised against this as the reading of Marcion, were fatal to its reception with many who otherwise would have conformed to the Greek text. It is not uninteresting to observe how little influence this important various reading has had on the interpretation of the passage. The omission or insertion of ovde might have been expected to decide for or against the circumcision of Titus. This however is not the case. The Latin Fathers, who left out the negative, generally maintained that he was not circum- cised 4 . Several modern critics, who retain it, hold that he was. 2. The omission of ols. 1 De Doctr. Christ, c. 15. 2 For these references I am indebted to Keiche Comm. Grit. n. p. 13. 3 'Litterae enim hoc indicant quia cessit, et historia factum exclamat.' The passage is based on Tertullian. 4 So Victorinus and the Ambrosian Hilary. This is also the opinion of Ter- tullian (adv. Marc.v. 3), if I understand him rightly: thoughBaur,Pawft/sp. 122, interprets him differently. The only exception that I have remarked is Pe- lagius, who however has not the same reading in the text as in the notes. EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 123 The relative is omitted in some few texts which retain ovSe, and (2) The retained in some few which want oi36V' ; but for the most part the two are relative. omitted or retained together. Here again the Greek texts are as unani- mous as in the former case. The obvious motive of this omission is the improvement of the grammar by the removal of a redundant word. This assumed necessity of altering the text somehow, in order to correct the grammar, may have been the first step towards the more important omission of the negative. The later visit of St Paul to Jerusalem. The later of the two visits to Jerusalem mentioned in the Epistle has The same from the earliest times been identified with the visit recorded in Acts xv. fa tne This view is taken by Irenseus \ the first writer who alludes to the subject ; and though it has not escaped unchallenged either in ancient 2 or modern days, the arguments in its favour are sufficiently strong to resist the pres- sure of objections to which it is fairly exposed 3 . I. In support of this view may be urged the positive argument from Argu- the striking coincidence of circumstances, and the negative argument from J^ents in the difficulty of finding any equally probable solution, or indeed any pro- this view bable solution at all besides, (i) The later visit of the Galatian Epistle coincides with the third visit (i) Posi- of the Acts, when the so-called Apostolic Council was held, in all the most important features. The geography is the same. In both narratives the communications take place between Jerusalem and Antioch : in both the circum- head-quarters of the false brethren are at the former place, their machina- stances, tions are carried on in the latter : in both the Gentile Apostles go up to Jerusalem apparently from Antioch, and return thence to Antioch again. The time is the same, or at least not inconsistent. St Paul places the event 15 or 1 6 years after his conversion : St Luke's narrative implies that they 1 Iren. iii. 13. 3 ' Si quis igitur di- visits of the Acts. ligenter ex Actibus Apostolorum scru- 8 The view adopted is that of most tetur tempus de quo scriptum est, recent critics. It is well maintained by Ascendi Hierosotymam, propter praedic- Schott, De Wette, Conybeare and How- tamquaestionem,invenieteos,quiprae- son, Jowett, and others. The argu- dicti sunt a Paulo, annos concurrentes ments in favour of the second visit of etc.' So also apparently Tertullian, the Acts are best stated by Fritzsche adv. Marc. v. 2, 3. Opusc. p. 223 sq. The fourth visit of 3 This visit is placed after the third the Acts finds its ablest champion in in the Acts by Chrysostom, but not Wieseler, Galat. p. 553 sq. The fifth further defined. It is identified with visit has been abandoned by modern the fifth by Epiphanius Haer. xxviii. critics, as the epistle was clearly writ- 4, p. 112. The Chron.Pasch. (i. p. 435 ten before that time. Some few, e.g. sq. ed. Dind.) places it after the inci- Paley florae Paulinae ch. v. no. 10, dents of Acts xiii. i 3, and before suppose this to be a journey to Jerusa- those of Acts xv, thus apparently inter- lem omitted in the Acts, polating it between the second and third 124 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. (ii) Nega- tive. Difficulty of other solutions. took place about the year 5 1 1 . The persons are the same : Paul and Bar- nabas appear as the representatives of the Gentile Churches, Cephas and James as the leaders of the Circumcision. The agitators are similarly described in the two accounts : in the Acts, as converted Pharisees who had imported their dogmas into the Christian Church ; in the Epistle, as false brethren who attempt to impose the bondage of the law on the Gentile converts. The two Apostles of the Gentiles are represented in both accounts as attended : * certain other Gentiles ' (e auVcSi/) are men- tioned by St Luke ; Titus, a Gentile, is named by St Paul. The subject of dispute is the same ; the circumcision of the Gentile converts. The cha- racter of the conference is in general the same; a prolonged and hard- fought contest 2 . The result is the same ; the exemption of the Gentiles from the enactments of the law, and the recognition of the Apostolic com- mission of Paul and Barnabas by the leaders of the Jewish Church. A combination of circumstances so striking is not likely to have oc- curred twice within a few years. (ii) Nor indeed can this visit be identified with any other recorded in St Luke. It has been taken by some for instance for the second visit of the Acts. To this supposition the date alone is fatal. The second visit of the Acts synchronizes, or nearly so 3 , with the persecution and death of Herod, which latter event happened in the year 44. But at least 12 or 13, probably 15 or 16 years, had elapsed since St Paul's conversion, before he paid the visit in question. And no system of chronology at all probable will admit of so early a date for his conversion as would thus be required. But again, according to the narrative of the Acts St Paul's Apostolic mis- sion commenced after the second visit 4 , whereas the account in the Epistle 1 This is calculated by a back reck- oning of the time spent from the Apo- stolic Council to the appointment of Festus, the date of which is fixed inde- pendently at A.D. 60; see Wieseler Chronol. p. 66 sq. 2 St Luke's notices are, xv. i 70/0- nfrijs ffrdffeus Kal ?7T?7s vvvrpdirefa ov /caXws yv ZOveaiv, et Kai r65' yer u>0eAiJ- areiv rbv \6yov. Unless his text is here mutilated, Gregory's memory has failed EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 131 misapplied eloquence by Chrysostom in his exposition of this epistle, and Chryso- in a separate homily devoted specially to the subject 1 . And about the stom. same time that these discourses were delivered, it found another inde- pendent and equally able advocate in Jerome, who maintained it in his commentary on the Galatians with characteristic vigour. The advocacy of Jerome gave rise to a controversy between the two great Latin fathers, Contro- which became famous in the history of the Church 2 . Augustine wrote to Y.ersy * remonstrate with Jerome. To admit that the two leading Apostles con- 9^^. spired to act a lie, he represented, was in fact to undermine the whole gustine. authority of Scripture. He therefore entreated Jerome, like Stesichorus of old, to sing a palinode, adding that the truth of Christendom is incom- parably more beautiful than the Helen of Greece, for offending whom the heathen poet had been struck blind 3 . Jerome replied by another classical allusion. Let Augustine beware of provoking a contest, so he hinted, in which the crushing blows of aged Entellus, if once provoked, might prove more than a match for the youth and nimbleness of Dares 4 . In the cor- respondence which ensued Augustine had much the best of his adversary both in argument and in temper. It closes with a letter from Augustine in which he exposes Jerome's subterfuges and demolishes his appeal to authority 3 . The glory of Augustine's victory however is somewhat tar- nished by a feeble attack made at the same time on those noble labours in Biblical criticism which have earned for Jerome the gratitude of after ages. To this letter of Augustine Jerome seems to have made no reply. His pride had been deeply wounded by the successful assaults of a younger rival, as he regarded Augustine : and a direct confession of wrong could only be expected from a nature more frank and chivalrous than Jerome's. But at a later date he tacitly adopted Augustine's view, and whether from accident or design, in the same writing, though on a different topic, made honourable mention of his former opponent 6 . With this sequel the whole him as to the particular act which of Augustine. The references here given called forth St Paul's rebuke. are to Vallarsi's edition of Jerome. Still there was doubtless a vast array Owing to the extraordinary delay and of authorities on Jerome's side. He consequent complication in the corre- challenges Augustine to produce a sin- spondence, it is not easy to determine gle writer in his favour. Augustine in the order of the letters, and in this reply can only name Cyprian and Am- respect none of the editions which I brose. have consulted seem altogether satia- 1 The Latin title of this homily is factory. Augustine discusses the pas- 'In illud, in faciein Petro restiti ' (m. sage again more briefly, de Mendacio, p. 362, ed. Ben.). The opinion of Chry- 8, vi. p. 424. sostom is alluded to by Jerome, Epist. 3 Hieron. Op. i, Ep. Ixvii. cxii, and by Augustine in reply, Hie- 4 Ib. Ep. cii. See Augustine's re- ron. Op. Epist. cxvi. ply, Ep. ex. 2 An account of this controversy ia 5 Ib. Ep. cxvi. given in Mohler, Gesammelte Schriften, 6 Hieron. c. Pelag. i. 22 (n. p. 718). p. i sq. For a summary of the points This treatise (iii. 19, ib. p. 804) ends of dispute, see the commentary of Tho- with an honourable mention of Augus- mas Aquinas on this epistle. The cor- tine, who had written against the same respondence itself may be found in any heresy which Jerome is combating. It edition of the works either of Jerome or is just possible that Jerome, while 92 132 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. Later writers. controversy, as well in the nature of the dispute itself, as in the courageous rebuke of the younger father and the humble penitence of the elder, has seemed to some to reflect the original dispute of the Apostles at Antioch, and thus to be a striking illustration of and comment on the text out of which it arose 1 . The great name of Augustine seems to have swayed later writers to- wards the reasonable view of the incident, and from this time forward the forced explanation of Origen finds but little support 2 . Theodore of Mopsu- estia indeed, a contemporary of the two Latin fathers, does not pretend to arbitrate between their opinions, and perhaps not more than this was to be expected from the friend of Chrysostom. And by Greek commentators even of a later date the false interpretation is once and again revived 3 . But in the West the influence of Augustine was more powerful ; and it is much to the credit of writers of the Latin Church, that even when directly interested in maintaining the supremacy of St Peter, they for the most part reject this perverted account of the passage, content to draw from it the higher lesson of the paramount claims of truth over respect for rank and office, and to dwell on St Peter's conduct as a noble example of humility in submitting to rebuke from an inferior in age and standing 4 . writing this, had in mind the tribute of respect paid to St Paul in 2 Pet. iii. 15. Other passages in which Jerome has been thought tacitly to surrender his former view are, adv. Jovin. i. 15 (n. p. 264), c. Rufin. iii. 2 (n. p. 532), Comm. inPhilem. (vn. p. 755); but the inference is scarcely borne out by the passages themselves. Jerome's change of opinion did not escape Augustine, who alludes to it in a letter to Ocea- nus, August. Epist. clxxx (i. p. 634, ed. Ben.). 1 e.g.Mohler Gesamm. Schr. p. 18. 2 Primasius (circ. 550), commenting on this epistle, omits to notice the opi- nion of Origen and Jerome. Strangely enough the commentary of Theodoret (circ. 450) on those verses is wanting in the MBS. What view he took cannot with safety be gathered from the extant context. It might be inferred however from another passage of Theodoret, in Eaec7i.xlviu.35 (n.p. 1046, ed. Schulze), that he gave a straightforward explana- tion of the incident. In the Dial, de S. Trin. i. 24, falsely ascribed to Atha- nasius (Athan. Op. n. p. 421, ed. Ben.), this is plainly the case, but the ground for attributing this work to Theodoret is very slender indeed ; the probable author being Maximus monachus (circ. 650). 8 It is maintained by one of the commentators in the (Ecumenian Ca- tena and by Theophylact. Both these writers would derive their opinions from Chrysostom rather than from Jerome. 4 See especially Gregor. Magn. in Ezech. Lib. n. Horn. 6 'quatenus qui primus erat in apostolatus culmine, esset primus et in humilitate, ' and Pope Agapetus, Baron. Ann. sub ann. 535: comp. Facundus x. 2 (Gallandi n. p. 772). EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 133 III. i] III. avor\TOi Kar 6V Kara[3a, /3aovca> (y jn ('envious' or 'covet- ous,' e.g. Prov. xxiii. 6, Tobit iv. 16, Ecclus. xiv. 10, and compare the o$- 6a\fjios novrjpbs of the Gospels); and in the Latin invideo it has swallowed up every other meaning. The false teachers envy the Galatians this liber- ty in Christ, have an interest in sub- jecting them again to bondage: see iv. 17, vi. 12, and 2 Cor. xi. 20. This idea however is subordinate to the other, for where pao-Kaiveiv signifies directly 'to envy,' it generally takes a dative like the Latin 'invideo' : see Lobeck Phryn. p. 463. Jerome be- sides sees in the metaphor here an allusion to the spiritual 'infancy' of the Galatians. It is true indeed that children were regarded as most sus- ceptible of ftaa-Kavia (8tort iro\\fjv e^ov- (TLV f \nra6eiav KCU rpoirov rrjs 0vcrca>y, Alex. Aphrod. ProU. Phys. ii. 53 : see also the passages in Jahn, p. 39), and such an allusion would be very signi- ficant here ; but the metaphor must not be overcharged. cftdo-Kavev (for which some copies read cfido-KTjvfv) is probably the first aorist with 5; see Ignat. 1. c. On 134 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [III. 2 ; *TOVTO JULOVOV 6e\co jJLcideiv d

S?7 nva KCU (j)6opo7roibv fgiar). This sense however is ex- cluded here, as the words xvi. 26. At all events iriorfms cannot be consi- dered equivalent to rfjs irtcrreas (see on i. 23), taken as an objective geni- tive, with the sense ' listening to the doctrines of the faith.' 3. oureoy] refers to what follows : ' How senseless to reverse the natural order of things 1 ' (vapt-apevoi cVfreXeto-dc] These words occur together 2 Cor. viii. 6, Phil. i. 6. Both of them, the former especially, are employed of religious ceremonials, and it is possible that the idea of a sacrifice may underlie their use here. For fvapxe&Qai of the initiatory rites see Pollux viii. 83, and comp. e.g. Eur. Iph. Aul. 1471 ; for e7rtreXe> Herod, ii. 63 (dvo-ias, evx.0eI(rat...e7rereXe e'Aon'cdH Ayr cp eic AIKAIOCY'NHN. 7 f yivcoa'KT apa before it is applied to the New Testa- ment, where eirrep is, if anything, more directly affirmative than flye. The alternative rendering, * If it is only in vain and not worse than in vain,' seems harsh and improbable. 5. The question asked in ver. 2 in- volved the contrast of faith and works. This contrast suggests two other thoughts ; (i) The violation of the law of progress committed by the Gala- tians (ver. 3) ; (2) Their folly in stulti- fying their former sufferings (ver. 4). The question has meanwhile been lost sight of. It is now resumed and the particle ovv marks its resumption ; ' Well then, as I said, etc.' o firixopTjy&v] * He that supplieth bountifully' ; comp. Phil. i. 19 cn-t^o- prjyias rov irvcvpaTos *Ir] ('A/3paajU.) navra ra edvrj rr)s yfjs, in both of which the LXX agrees with the Hebrew. Comp. Clem. Rom. 10. fv o-ot] ( in thee,' as their spiritual progenitor. 10, u, 12. Having shewn by po- sitive proof that justification is of faith, he strengthens his position by the negative argument derived from the impossibility of maintaining its opposite, justification by law. This negative argument is twofold : First, It is impossible to fulfil the require- ments of the law, and the non-fulfil- ment lays us under a curse (ver. 10) : Secondly, Supposing the fulfilment possible, still the spirit of the law is antagonistic to faith, which is else- 138 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [III. ii yap e epywv vofjiov erv, VTTO Karpav earv. ye- ypaTTTai yap OTL eniKATApAToc TTAC, 6c OY'K CM- M 6 N I TTACIN ToTc rerpAMMCNOIC 6 N TO) B I B A I Cp TOY NOMOY, TOY TTOIHCAI <\YTA. "OTI Se eV VO/UKt) ovSeis SiKaLOVTai irapa TO> Gew SfjXov, OTI 6 A i K A i o c where spoken of as the source of life (vv. 11, 12). i o, 1 1 . ' On the other hand all who depend on works of law are under a curse. This the Scripture itself de- clares. It utters an anathema against all who fail to fulfil every single or- dinance contained in the book of the law. Again the same truth, that the law does not justify in the sight of God, appears from another Scripture which declares that the just shall live by faith.' IO. 00-01 e epya>v vopov cio~iv] l those who are of works of law? whose cha- racter is founded on works of law. cTrKardpaTOS /c.r.X.] A quotation from Deut. xxvii. 26. The passage is the closing sentence of the curses pro- nounced on Mount Ebal, and as it were the summary of the whole. The words run in the LXX, cniKaraparos rras avdpatiros os OVK cpp&tt ev naa-iv TOIS \6yois TOV Popov TOVTOV TOV iroif) evuiriov rr), ver. 14. f&yopao-ev] This verb has two meanings, (i) 'To redeem, ransom,' especially from slavery: this is its general signification: see the refer- ences in Dindorf s Steph. Thes. (2) ' To buy up,' as Polyb. iii. 42. 2, a some- what exceptional sense. The former meaning is required here and iv. 5 : the latter seems best suited to Ephes. in Deut xxi. 23, where the LXX runs /ceKarT/pa/AeVos vrro GeoO Tray Kpf/ia/A/os eVt v\ov. The passage 140 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [III. 14 KAT<\pATOC TTAC 6 KpMAMNOC 6TTI l\\0^ t TO. 601/77 r\ evXoyia TOV 'A/Spaa/m yevrjTcu eV 14. h 'Irjffov is quoted by Justin, Dial. p. 323 o, exactly as by St Paul; see p. 60, and the note on ver. 10. Our Lord had died the death of the worst malefactors : He had undergone that punishment, which under the law be- tokened the curse of God. So far He had become /carapa. But He was in no literal sense Kardparos VTTO Qcov, and St Paul instinctively omits those words which do not strictly apply, and which, if added, would have required some qualification. 14. ' Thus the law, the great bar- rier which excluded the Gentile?, is done away in Christ. By its removal the Gentiles are put on a level with us Jews; and, so united, we and they alike receive the promise in the gift of the Spirit through our faith.' The sequence of thought here is exactly the same as in Ephes. ii. 14 18 : see also Gal. iv. 5. As regards the construction, either (i) The two clauses introduced by iva are coordinate, as in 2 Cor. ix. 3, expressing the coincidence in time of the extension of the blessing to the Gentiles and the introduction of the dispensation of the Spirit ; or (2) The second clause with Iva is attached to the first, expressing the moral de- pen deuce of the one on the other. The passage from the Ephesians already referred to favours the latter. TTJV fTrayyeXiav K.r.X.] 'we, ie. all the faithful, whether Jews or Gentiles, may receive the promise.' The divine promise in the New Testament is always eVayyeXia not V7roo'x*o'iS) ( pol- licitum' not 'promissum,' a gift gra- ciously bestowed and not a pledge obtained by negotiation. Indeed the substantive eVayyeXia is scarcely ever used (Acts xxiii. 21 is an excep- tion) of anything else but the divine promise. The phrase Xa^/3az/ii/ TTJV firayyf\iav is employed not of those to whom the promise is given, but of those to whom it is fulfilled; as Acts ii. 33, Heb. ix. 15. So also y K.r.X. ; comp. I Cor. xiv. 7 ofjicas TO. cty\>xa vr)v 8i8ovra, Pausan. 1. 28. I Kv\uva...dvedes, except so far as it is picked up again in TOU Qcov (ver. 17), and does not reappear, as some have thought, in os fcrnv Xpia-ros. 8i.a6riKr)v] 'a covenant? This word (frequently in the plural Siadfjicai) in classical writers almost always signi- fies 'a will, a testament.' There are some few exceptions, however, e.g. Arist. Av. 439 TJV p.r) Sidduvrai y y otde 8ia6iJKT)v e/jtot. On the other hand in the LXX it is as universally used of a covenant (most frequently as a trans- fj lation of JVQ), whether as a stipula- tion between two parties (o-wdr/KT), 'a covenant' in the strict sense) or as an engagement on the part of one. Nor in the New Testament is it ever found in any other sense, with one exception. Even in this excep- tional case, Heb. ix. 1517, the sa- cred writer starts from the sense of a 'covenant,' and glides into that of a 'testament,' to which he is led by two points of analogy, (i) the inheritance conferred by the covenant, and (2) the death of the person making it 'The disposition in this case,' he says in effect, 'was a testamentary disposition, a will.' In the passage before us, on the other hand, the mere mention of the inheritance (ver. 18) is not suffi- cient to establish the sense 'a testa- ment,' which is ill suited to the con- text: comp. Justin, Dial. c. Tryph. 1 1, p. 228 B. Owing partly to the passage in the Epistle to the Hebrews and partly to the influence of the Latin version, which ordinarily rendered the word by ' testamentum ' (as here), the idea of a testament connected itself inseparably with 8ta6^Krj. As a name for the sacred books, 'testamentum' had not firmly established itself at the close of the second century, and Tertullian frequently uses 'instrumen- tum' instead; see esp. adv. Marc. iv. i, and comp. K aye's Tertullian p. 299. The LXX translators and the New Testament writers probably pre- ferred 8ia6ijKrj to o-vv6rJKT) when speak- ing of the divine dispensation, be- cause the former term, like rayye- Xta, better expresses the free grace of God. The later Greek translators frequently substituted a-wd^r), where the LXX has Sta^/c?;, sometimes per- haps not without a polemical aim. 142 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [III. 16 16 Tw Se 'AppadjUL eppe6r}(rav al eVa'yyeA./cu, K A i T o> c n e p M A T i avTOv. ov \eyei KAI role cnepMAciN ok Comp. Philo Fragm. n. p. 675 M dXXa on 77 dcad^KT) dderelrai. riSiarav 'AjSpa^ia/coi/ o~ncp- fj.dr' eVJ TOVTO Se \eycO * SiaBtlKrjV TTpO- KeKvpwfj.evnv VTTO rov Qeov 6 /uLera T6TpaKocria KO.I legitimate sense to assign to the seed of Abraham 1 Doubtless by the seed of Abraham was meant in the first instance the Jewish people, as by the inheritance was meant the land of Canaan; but in accordance with the analogy of Old Testament types and symbols, the term involves two second- ary meanings. First; With a true spi- ritual instinct, though the conception embodied itself at times in strangely grotesque and artificial forms, even the rabbinical writers saw that 'the Christ' was the true seed of Abra- ham. In Him the race was summed up, as it were. In Him it fulfilled its purpose and became a blessing to the whole earth. Without Him its separate existence as a peculiar peo- ple had no meaning. Thus He was not only the representative, but the embodiment of the race. In this way the people of Israel is the type of Christ; and in the New Testament parallels are sought in the career of the one to the life of the other. (See especially the application of Hosea xi. i to our Lord in Matt. ii. 15.) In this sense St Paul used the 'seed of Abraham' here. But Secondly; Ac- cording to the analogy of interpreta- tion of the Old Testament in the New, the spiritual takes the place of the natural ; the Israel after the flesh be- comes the Israel after the spirit ; the Jewish nation denotes the Christian Church. So St Paul interprets the seed of Abraham, Rom. iv. 18, ix. 7, and above, ver. 7. These two interpretations are not opposed to each other ; they are not independent of each other. Without Christ the Christian people have no existence. He is the source of their spiritual life. They are one in Him. By this link St Paul at the close of the chapter (vv. 28, 29) connects to- gether the two senses of the ' seed of Abraham,' dwelling once more on the unity of the seed: 'Ye are all one man in Christ; and if ye are part of Christ, then ye are Abraham's seed and heirs according to promise.' See especially the remarks of Tho- luck, Das Alte Test, im Neuen Test. p. 44 sq. eVl TToXXtoi/J See Winer xlvii. p. 393. 0? ev ' tv yrj Alyvnra) /cal eV yfj "Kavaav err) TfrpaKocria Tpicucoimz irfVTf (the last word however being erased). The Alex. MS reads irapoinrja-is, irapuKyaav, adds after Xavaav the words avrol KOI of narepfg avrav, SO as to bring out the revised chronology more clearly, and omits iTfvrf. The Samar. Pent, takes the same view, agreeing in its reading with the Alex. MS. This seems in fact to have been the received chronology. It is adopted not only by St Paul here, but by Josephus Ant. ii. 15. 2, by the Targum of Pseudo- Jonathan, and sub- stantially by the Book of Jubilees (Ewald Jahrb. in. p. 77). On the other hand in St Stephen's speech (Acts vii. 6), and in Philo (Quis rer. div. her. 54, p. 511 M), Gen. xv. 13 is referred to, which extends the sojourn in Egypt over 400 years; and this is the chrono- logy adopted in other passages of Jose- phus (Ant. ii. 9. i, B. J. v. 9. 4), who is thus inconsistent with himself. The LXX translators may have inserted the explanatory clause on grounds of inter- nal criticism, or in deference to chrono- logical records to which they had ac- cess in Egypt. The difficulties which attend both systems of chronology need not be considered here, as they do not affect St Paul's argument and cannot have entered into his thoughts. 1 8. tl yap K.T.\.] l To abrogate and annul the promise I say, for this is the effect of making the inheritance dependent on law.' The yap justifies the expressions ' abrogate,' ' annul,' of the previous verses. No/iot and cVay- yeXi'a are used without the article, as describing two opposing principles. ovicc'rt] is here logical, 'this being once granted, it is not etc.,' as Rom. vii. 17, XL 6. "En is so used fre- quently. 'hath bestowed it (the inheritance) as a free gift.' The per- fect tense marks the permanence of the effects. 19, 20. ' Had the law then no pur- pose ? Yes : but its very purpose, its whole character and history, betray its inferiority to the dispensation of grace. In four points this inferiority is seen. First ; Instead of justifying it condemns, instead of giving life it kills : it was added to reveal and mul- tiply transgressions. Secondly ; It was but temporary; when the seed came to whom the promise was given, it was annulled. Thirdly ; It did not come direct from God to man. There was a double interposition, a twofold mediation, between the giver and the recipient. There were the angels, who administered it as God's instruments; there was Moses (or the high-priest) who delivered it to man. Fourthly ; As follows from the idea of mediation, it was of the nature of a contract, depending for its fulfilment on the ob- servance of its conditions by the two contracting parties. Not so the pro- mise, which, proceeding from the sole fiat of God, is unconditional and un- changeable.' 19. TI ovv 6 popes;] ' what then is the law?\ as i Cor. iii. 5 ' ovv (arlv *A7oXXa>s; ri e farriv IlavXos ; the COr- rect reading. Corn p. also Rom. iii. i. ro)i> TrapajSdoTfGiv X^P IV ~\ How is this to be interpreted ? Is it (i) ' To check transgressions'? com p. Clem. Horn. xi. 1 6 TrapaTrrco/iaro)!/ X^P iV *l T*/*&>pta W- rm; or is it rather (a) ' To create trans- gressions'? for 'where there is no law there is no transgression' (Rom. iv. 1 5). Thus law reveals (Rom. iii. 20), pro- vokes (Rom. vii. 7, 13), multiplies (Rom. v. 20) sin or transgression. The use of x<*P lv (comp. i Joh. iii. 12) is sum- III. 19] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 145 7rav not ra oo"ta>- rara r<5i' V TOLS vopois di dyyc'Acoi/ rrapa rov Geov /ua^oircoj/, Philo de Somn. p. 642 M, and the Book of Ju- bilees c. i (Ewald's Jahrb. n. p. 233, in. p. 74). The angels who assisted in the giving of the law hold a very important place in the later rabbinical speculations. See the interpretation of Deut. xxxiii. 2 in the Jerusalem Targum, and the passages cited by Gfrorer Jahrh. des Heils i. p. 226, P- 357 S( l> an d by Wetstein here. The theology of the schools having thus enlarged upon the casual notices in the Old Testament, a prominence was given to the mediation of angels, which would render St Paul's allusion the more significant. In St Stephen's speech (Acts vii. 53), as in the passage of Josephus, the angels are mentioned to glorify the law, being opposed to mere human mi- nisters. Here the motive is different. The interposition of created beings is contrasted with the direct agency of God himself. So also in Heb. ii. 2, where an a fortiori argument is drawn from the superiority of the salvation spoken by the Lord over the word spoken by angels (6V ayye'Xwj/). St Paul's contrast here between the di- rectness of the one ministration and the indirectness of the other has a parallel in 2 Cor. iii. 12 sq. IO 146 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [III. 20, 21 \ r 20 * S> N ' fV * f f 5 s x X eL p L fteoriTOv* o 06 iJLe&iTrjs evos OVK. ecrTiv, o oe O9 eh ecrriv. 3I d ovv VOJULOS /caret TCOV e^ cv x fl pt] A- Hebraism or Arama- ism, nearly equivalent to did: comp. Acts vii. 3 5. It is a frequent LXX trans- lation of T3, occurring especially in the expression fv %fipl MOWO-T;, e.g. Num. iv. 37, 41, 45, etc. In Syriac we meet with such phrases as |-Ko5 (i.e. ev x fl P* 1 ^vfCfjuiTos, Acts iv. Pesh.), UP 1 V) >01 .^..O (i.e. i , Hab. ii. 4, Hexapl.). The mediator is Moses. This is his common title in Jewish writers. In the apocryphal dvdftao-is or dvdXrjTJfis Moses says to Joshua irpo- fBecuraro fie 6 Qebs irpb Kara/3oA?)j KOOT- /iov elvai p.f rrjs 8ia6qKT]s avrou /ufcr/- rrjvy Fabric. Cod. Pseud. V. T. i. p. 845. See the rabbinical passages in Wet- stein, and Philo Vit. Moys. iii. 19, p. 1 60 M ota /j.eno7rot?7 ^^j fTTirpe- TTOVCTIV; 'AXX' apxfi TIS trou; *O5f TTOU- 8aya>yos, f, fXevdfpov ovra VTTO dovXov apxe- ybs fls XpioroV, ( one to conduct us to the school of Christ,' ought pro- bably to be abandoned. Even if this sense did not require irpbs Xpto-roi/ or fls Xpio-roC, the context is unfavour- able to it. There is no reference here to our Lord as a teacher. 'Christ' represents the freedom of mature age, for which the constraints of childhood are a preparation ; compare Ephes. iv. 13 elf avdpa TfXctov ('full grown'), fls pcrpov y\iKias TOV 7r\r)p&fj.aTos TOV Xpio-roC. The metaphor of the pseda- gogus seems to have grown out of TratSaycoyr/Vo/zei/ avrcov TTJV 7rpoaipe(Ttv, cos av TTJV drro TOV vopov 25, 26. eVfieV, eVre'] See a similar fV8vo-ao~6f] The metaphor has been supposed to be taken from the white garments in which the newly baptized were clothed; see Bingham Christ. Antiq. xi. n, i. It is scarcely pro- bable however that the ceremonial of ISO EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [111.28,29 * S OVK evi 'lot/Scobs oi>6 c/ EAA>7i/, OVK em Sot^Aos oi/Se B|0os, OVK kvi ap&ev Keel 6fj\v 7rdvTes 'yap vjuiel^ ecrre eV XjOicrrw 'b;croi}. 89 ei 8e i//jte?s Xpiflrroi}, 78. atravres 7a/> baptism had become so definitely fixed at tli is early date, that such an allusion would speak for itself. The metaphor in fact is very common in the LXX, e.g. Job viii. 22 (aio-xvwiv), XXIX. 14 (diKdio- ovvrjv), xxxix. 19 (), Ps. xxxiv. 26 (ala'xy vr l v Kt " cvrpOTTTJv), xcii. I (evTrpe- 7Tai>, 8vva/juv), ciii. I, etc. ; COmp. ey*o/A- povcrQai i Pet. v. 5. See also Schott- gen on Rom. xiii. 14. On the other hand in the context of the passage of Justin quoted below (ver. 28) there is apparently an allusion to the baptismal robes. 28, 29. ' In Christ ye are all sons, all free. Every barrier is swept away. No special claims, no special disabili- ties exist in Him, none can exist. The conventional distinctions of religious caste or of social rank, even the natu- ral distinction of sex, are banished hence. One heart beats in all : one mind guides all : one life is lived by all. Ye are all one man, for ye are members of Christ. And as members of Christ ye are Abraham's seed, ye claim the inheritance by virtue of a promise, which no law can set aside.' OVK evi] 'there is no room for, no place for? negativing not the fact only, but the possibility, as James i. 17 Trap' 9 fls avdparros o~avTfS...Ta pvirapa iparia aT /icvoi K.T.X., which seems to be a re- miniscence of this passage of St'PauL The neuter tv, found in some texts, destroys the point of the expression, the oneness as a conscious agent. 29. Xpio-roO] * are part of Christ, are members of Christ,' not merely HI. 29] EPISTLE TO THE GALATlANS. 151 apa TOV 'A/SpadjUi (TTrep/ULa P- 153. note 5. EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 153 over in the Peshito Syriac 1 . The same also would seem to be the interpre- tation adopted in the older Targum 1 , where the passage runs, * Since for what he sinned before God he was hanged/ but the paraphrastic freedom of this rendering leaves room for some doubt. Though these writers differ widely from each other as to the meaning to be put upon the words, they agree in their rendering so far as to take DTlVx as the object, not the sub- ject, of rtop. It may be conjectured that this rendering obtained currency at first owing to the untoward circumstances of the times. Jewish patriots were impaled or crucified as rebels by their masters whether Syrians or Romans. The thought was intolerable that the curse of God should attach to these. The spirit of the passage indeed implies nothing of this kind, but the letter was all powerful in the schools of the day : and a rendering, which not only warded off the reproach but even, if dexterously used, turned it against the persecutor, would be gladly welcomed*. An interpretation started in this way would at length become traditional 4 . But it was especially in controversies with the Christians, as I have The text mentioned, that the Jews availed themselves of this passage. In whatever jJJe'jews way interpreted, it would seem to them equally available for their purpose. aga i nB t The ' offence of the cross ' took its stand upon the letter of the lawgiver's Chris- language, and counted its position impregnable. Again and again doubt- tians, less, as he argued in the synagogues, St Paul must have had these words cast in his teeth, 'accursed of God,' or ' an insult to God,' or * a blasphemer of God, is he that is hanged on the tree.' More than once the early Christian apologists meet and refute this inference, when writing against the Jews. This is the case with Ariston of Pella 5 , with Justin Martyr 6 , with Tertullian 7 . In Jerome's time the same argument was brought by the Jews against the leading fact on which the faith of a Christian rests 8 ; and later literature shows that Christ crucified did not cease to be ' to the Jews a stumblingblock.' 1 'Because whosoever blasphemeth pretation of a learned rabbi of our own God shall be hanged.' time : ' L'impiccato & (produce) impreca- 2 So it may be inferred from a com- zione contro Dio (cioe : il lasciare il ca- parison with the translations of Sym- davere esposto lungo tempo alia pub- machus, of the Peshito, and of the blica vista non pud cbe irritare gli Ebionite Gospel. Otherwise the same animi, e indurli ad esecrare i giudici e meaning might be got from the other le leggi) : e (oltraccid) non devi rendere rendering, ' accursed of God,' and so ' a impura la tua terra etc.,' Luzzatto II sinner in the sight of God.' Pentateuco, Trieste 1858. 8 Thus the Targum of Pseudo-Jona- 5 In the 'Dispute of Jason and Pa- than, after rendering the passage as piscus'j see above, p. 152, note 5, and given above, p. 152, note 3, adds ' unless Routh Bel. Sacr. I. p. 95. his sins have occasioned it to him.' It 6 Dial. c. Tryph. c. 96, p. 323 0. is possible however that this is aimed 7 Adv. Judaeos 10. at Christianity. At all events it pre- 8 Hieron. I.e. So too in the work sents a curious contrast to the inter- of Evagrius (c. 430 A.D., see Gennad. pretation of the older Targum. Vir. III. 50) entitled Altercatio inter 4 See the passages quoted in Schott- Tlieopliilum ChristianumetSimonemJu- gen here. The following is the inter- daeum, Migne's Pair. Lat. xx. p. 1 1 74 B. 154 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. and ap- plied to death by cruci- fixion. The passage in Deuteronomy, it is true, does not refer directly to cruci- fixion as a means of execution, but to impaling bodies after death. It has been said indeed that Philo 1 speaks of the impalement there mentioned as a mode of putting to death, but this seems to be a mistake. Philo says, that Moses would have put such malefactors to death ten thousand times over if it were possible, but not being able to kill them more than once, he adds another penalty, ordering murderers to be gibbeted (npatpiav a\\rjv Trpoo-Stararrerai Ke\fva>v rovs dveXovras dva(TKo\o7riccr6cu). Is or, SO far as I am aware, is there any evidence to show that the Jews at the time of the Christian era interpreted the passage of death by crucifixion. Crucifixion was not a Jewish punishment. The evangelist (Joh. xviii. 32) sees a pro- vidence in the delivering over of our Lord to the Romans to be put to death, so that He might die in the manner He himself had foretold. It had been employed occasionally in seasons of tumult by their own princes 2 , but was regarded as an act of great atrocity. Even the Roman looked upon crucifixion with abhorrence 3 . To the Jew it was especially hateful, owing in part no doubt to the curse attaching to this ignominious exposure of the body in the passage of Deuteronomy. For though this passage did not contemplate death by crucifixion, the application was quite legitimate. It was the hanging, not the death, that brought ignominy on the sufferer and defilement on the land. Hence the Chaldee paraphrase of Deutero- nomy employs the same word (!&) which is used in several places in the Peshito Syriac to describe the crucifixion of our Lord (e.g. Gal. iii. i). Hence also later Jews, speaking of Jesus, called Him by the same name of reproach Olbn, ' the gibbeted one'), which they found in the original text of the lawgiver 4 . It was not that they mistook the meaning of the word, but that they considered the two punishments essentially the same. No Jew would have questioned the propriety of St Paul's application of the text to our Lord. The curse pronounced in the law waa interpreted and strengthened by the national sentiment. The words denoting 'Faith.' Active and The Hebrew rODOX, the Greek iria-ng, the Latin ' fides,' and the English passive faith,' hover between two meanings ; trustfulness, the frame of mind w hi c h re ti es n another ; and trustworthiness, the frame of mind which can be relied upon. Not only are the two connected together grammati- 1 de Spec. Leg. 28, n. p. 324 M. 3 Joseph. Ant. xiii. 14. 2, referred to in Winer Eealw. s. v. Kreuzigung. On this question see Carpzov Appar. Crit. p. 591. I have not seen the trea- tise of Bornitius mentioned by Winer, Di88.de crucenum Ebraeor. suppl.fuerit, Wittenb. 1644. Those who maintain that crucifixion was a Jewish punish- ment rely mainly on this passage of Galatians : see Lange Obs. Sacr. p. 163 sq. 3 Cic. Verr. v. 64 'crudelissimum teterrimumque supplicium.' 4 Eisenmenger's Entd. Judenth. I. pp. 88 sq, 287, 496. On the Greek terms o-ravpovv, ffK\ovleti>, etc., see Lipsius de Cruce i. 4 sq (Op. n. p. 769). EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 155 cally, as active and passive 1 senses of the same word, or logically, as sub- ject and object of the same act ; but there is a close moral affinity between them. Fidelity, constancy, firmness, confidence, reliance, trust, belief these are the links which connect the two extremes, the passive with the active meaning of 'faith.' Owing to these combined causes, the two senses will at times be so blended together that they can only be separated by some arbitrary distinction. When the members of the Christian brother- sometimes hood, for instance, are called ' the faithful,' oi TTIO-TOI, what is meant by c o m bined- this ? Does it imply their constancy, their trustworthiness, or their faith, their belief? In all such cases it is better to accept the latitude, and even the vagueness, of a word or phrase, than to attempt a rigid definition, which after all can be only artificial. And indeed the loss in grammatical precision is often more than compensated by the gain in theological depth. In the case of ' the faithful ' for instance, does not the one quality of heart carry the other with it, so that they who are trustful are trusty also 2 ; they who have faith in God are stedfast and immovable in the path of duty ? The history of the terms for 'faith' in the three sacred languages of Christian theology is instructive from more points of view than one. i. The Hebrew word signifying 'to believe, to trust,' is the Hiphil p^tfn. i. Hebrew. The Kal jDN would mean 'to strengthen, support, hold up,' but is only found in the active participle, used as a substantive with the special sense, ' one who supports, nurses, trains a child ' (rraidayayos, see note, Gal. iii. 24), and in the passive participle 'firm, trustworthy.' The Niphal accordingly means, ' to be firm, lasting, constant, trusty ' ; while the Hiphil pENH, with which we are more directly concerned, is, 'to hold trustworthy, to rely upon, believe ' (taking either a simple accusative or one of the prepositions, 1 or ^), and is rendered Tno-revco in the LXX, e.g. Gen. xv. 6. But there is in biblical Hebrew no corresponding substantive for 'faith,' the active principle. Its nearest representative is n31DK, 'firmness, constancy, trust- worthiness.' This word is rendered in the LXX most frequently by d\ij- 6eia, d\T]di,v6s (twenty-four times), or by TTIO-TIS, Trto-rds, dgioirKrros (twenty times); once it is translated co-Trjpiypfvos (Exod. xvii. 12), once irXovros (Ps. xxxvi. 3, where Symm. had Sinews, Aq. TTIO-TIV). It will thus be seen that n31Dtf properly represents the passive sense of TriVrts, as indeed the form of the word shows. But it will at times approach near to the active sense; for constancy under temptation or danger with an Israelite could only spring from reliance on Jehovah. And something of this transitional or double sense it has in the passage of Habakkuk ii. 4 3 . The lati- tude of the LXX translation, n-t'ortr, in that passage has helped out this meaning ; and in St Paul's application it is brought still more prominently forward. Thus in its biblical usage the word rtfllDK can scarcely be said ever to have the sense 'belief, trust,' though sometimes approaching towards it. 1 Throughout this note I have used would of course change places, the terms 'active' and 'passive' in 2 ' Qui fortis est, idem est fidens, ' reference to the act of believing. If says Cicero, Tune. iii. 7. referred to the act of persuading they 3 See the note on Gal. iii. ir. 156 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. Aramaic. ii. Greek. Classical writers. The influence of the Greek rendering however doubtless reacted upon the original, and in the rabbinical Hebrew it seems decidedly to have adopted this meaning (see Buxtorf Lex. Rabbin, s. v.). The Aramaic dialects did something towards fixing this sense by an active form, derived from the same root jK, but from the conjugation Aphel (corresponding to the Hebrew Hiphil}. Thus in the Chaldee of the Targum of Jonathan, the word denoting the faith of Abraham, Geu. xv. 6, is Nni3>n, and the Syriac renders iria-ns in the New Testament by the same word (Z.O 1 V) >(71. 2. Unlike the Hebrew, the Greek word seems to have started from the active meaning. In its earliest use it is opposed to ' distrust' ; Hesiod Op. 342 Tri'oreis S' ap rot O/JKOS Kal dirurTiai a>\f de Praem. et Poen. n. p. 413, de Nob. ii. p. 442. ^ de Migr. Abr. i. p. 456 rls odv rj icoXXa (i.e. which unites him to God) ; rkf evfftfieia STJTTOV Kal irlffTis. 3 de Praem. et Poen. n. p. 412 CK ri>- 0ou [j.edopy.iffs nal oXXoi rwis i/fuv James is taken by Michaelis (vi. p. 302, ojuotoi (i.e. Judaizing Christians) Kara Marsh's 2nd ed.). It is also adopted by TOVTO, ot \tyov on, KO.V a/j.apTw\oi cJcrt Neander : see especially his Pftanzung Qebv 8 yivd> ov /J.TJ \oyio-r)T(u p. 567 (4te aufl.). He there refers, in adroit Ktf/nos a/maprtav : and to the illustration of this Jewish mode of Clem. Horn. iii. 6. Several later writ- thinking against which he supposes ers have maintained the same view, the epistle to be directed, to Justin For more on this subject see the Disser- Dial. c. Try ph. p. 370 D o$x w* fy*s tation on ' St Paul and the Three.' IV i] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. IV. ^Aeya) Se, e(f>' oorov IV. 17. In the former para- graph St Paul starting from the figure of the psedagogus had been led to speak of the sonship of the faithful in Christ. The opening verses of this chapter are an expansion of the same image. The heir in his nonage re- presents the state of the world before the Gospel. In drawing out the com- parison, St Paul seems to include Gentiles as well as Jews under this 'tutelage,' all having more or less been subject to a system of positive ordinances, and so far gone through a disciplinary training. In the image itself however there are two points to be cleared up. First. Is the father of the heir re- presented as dead or living ? On the one hand individual expressions point to the decease of the father; a very unnatural meaning must otherwise be forced upon the words, ' heir,' ' guar- dian,' 'lord of all.' On the other hand the metaphor in its application refers to a living Father. The latter consideration must yield to the former. The point of the comparison lies not in the circumstances of the father, but of the son. All metaphors must cease to apply at some point, and the death of the father is the limit here imposed by the nature of the case. Our Father never dies; the inherit- ance never passes away from Him : yet nevertheless we succeed to the full possession of it Secondly. It has been questioned whether St Paul borrows the imagery here from Roman or from Jewish law, or even, as some maintain, from a spe- cial code in force in Galatia. In the absence of very ample information, we may say that, so far as he alludes to any definite form of the law of guardianship, he would naturally refer to the Roman ; but, as the terms are not technically exact (e.g. v^mos, npo- dfo-pia), he seems to put forward rather the general conception of the office of 6 K\r]pov6fJios a guardian, than any definite statute regulating it. His language indeed agrees much better with our simpler modern practice, than with Roman law, which in this respect was artificial and elaborate. 'I described the law as our tutor. I spoke of our release from its re- straints. Let me explain my meaning more fully. An heir during his mi- nority is treated as a servant. Not- withstanding his expectations as the future lord of the property, he is sub- ject to the control of guardians and stewards, until the time of release named in his father's will arrives. In like manner mankind itself was a minor before Christ's coming. It was subject, like a child, to the discipline of external ordinances. At length when the time was fully arrived, God sent His own Son into the world, born of a woman as we are, subject to law as we are, that He might redeem and liberate those who are so subject, and that we all might receive our destined adoption as sons. Of this sonship God has given us a token. He sent forth into our hearts the Spirit of His Son, which witnesses in us and cries to Him as to a Father. Plainly then, thou art no more a servant, but a son; and, as a son, thou art also an heir, through the goodness of God.' I. Ae'yo> 8e] 'But what I would say is this,' introducing an expansion or explanation of what has gone be- fore: see v. 1 6, Rom. xv. 8, and for the more definite TOVTO 8c \eya>, Gal. iii. 17 (with the note), i Cor. i. 12. vjirios] 'an infant.' As this does not appear to have been a technical term in Greek, or at least in Attic law (where the distinction is between TTOIS and opifp), it probably represents the Latin ' infans.' If so, its use here, though sufficiently exact for the pur- poses of the comparison, is not tech- nically precise. The 'infantia' of a i66 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [IV. 2 ea-riv, ovSev Siatyepei SovXov Kvpios Trdvrwv u>v, *d\\a V7TO eTTLTpOTTOVS eCTTlV K.CLI OIKOVO/ULOV^ Roman child ended with his seventh year, after which he was competent to perform certain legal acts, but he was not entirely emancipated from a state of tutelage till he entered on his twenty-fifth year, having passed through several intermediate stages. See Savigny Rom. Recht. in. p. 25 sq. N77rioff seems to be here 'a minor' in any stage of his minority. The word is opposed to avrfp, i Cor. xiii. u, Bphes.iv. 13, 14: comp. Dion. Hal. iv. 9, Gruter Inscr. p. 682. 9. See Philo Leg. ad Cai. 4, n. p. 549 vrpmov ZTI ovra K0fj,i8f} KOI xprj^ovra 7rrrpo7rcoi> KOI didacrKaXav KOI TreuSa- vdcv 8ia(pe'p SouXov] The minor was legally in much the same position as the slave. He could not perform any act, except through his legal re- presentative. This responsible per- son, the guardian in the case of the minor, the master in the case of the slave, who represented him to the state, and whose sanction was neces- sary for the validity of any contract undertaken on his behalf, was termed in Attic law wpios, Meier Att. Proc. p. 450. Prospectively however, though not actually, the minor was wpios ndv- TO>I>, which the slave was not. 2. fjrirpoTTovs KOI oiKovopovs] 'con- trollers of his person and property' The language is intended, as the plurals show, to be as comprehensive as pos- sible. It is therefore vain to search for the exact technical term in Roman law corresponding to each word. The Latin fathers translate them various- ly ; * curatores et actores ' Viet., Hil., Interp. Orig. ; * tutores et . actores ' Pelag., Hier. ; ' procuratores et acto- res ' Aug. ; ' tutores et dispensatores ' Interp. Theod. Mops. The distinction given in the above translation seems the most probable. The eViVpoTroi are the boy's legal representatives, his guardians (whether 'curatores' or * tutores' in Roman law); the olnovo- pot, stewards or bailiffs appointed to manage his household or property. The word enirponos elsewhere in the New Testament, Matt. xx. 8, Lulio viii. 3, is 'a steward.' Adopted into the Rabbinical language (D1D'nD' l SK) it has a comprehensive meaning, sig- nifying sometimes a guardian, some- times a steward : see Schottgen here and on Luke viii. 3. rfjs 7rpo0eoyi/as] 8C. T/ftepay, * the day appointed beforehand,' generally as a limit to the performance or non-per- formance of an action ; in this case as the time at which the office of guardian ceases. A difficulty however presents itself in Trarpos. In Roman law the term was fixed by statute, so that the father did not generally exercise any control over it. It has been supposed indeed, that St Paul refers to some ex- ceptional legislation by which greater power was given to the Galatians in this respect: but this view seems to rest on a mistaken interpretation of a passage in Gaius (i. 55). It would appear however, that by Roman law some discretion was left to the father, at all events in certain cases ; see Gains 1 86 ' Si cui testamento tutor sub con- dicione out ex die certo datus sit ' : comp. Justinian's Instit. i. xiv. 3 ; and probably more exact information would show that the law was not so rigorous as is often assumed. Considering then (i) That though the term of guardian- ship was not generally settled by the will of the testator, the choice of per- sons was, and (2) That in appoint- ments made for special purposes this power was given to the testator ; the expression in question will perhaps not appear out of place, even if St Paul's illustration be supposed to be drawn directly from Roman law. 3. 77/ieis] 'we,' Jews and Gentiles IV. 3, 4] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. I6 7 TOV irarpos. 3 oura)s Kal VTTO TO. crroL^eia TOV KOCTjULov r}fj.v ore ?]fj.ev 4 ore alike, as appears from the whole con- text. See the note on ver. n. ra oroixeia] ' the elements? originally * the letters of the alphabet, 1 as being set in rows. From this primary sense the word gets two divergent meanings among others, both of which have been assigned to it in this passage ; (i) 'The physical elements' (2 Pet. iii. 10, 12, Wisd. vii. 17), as earth, fire, etc. (Her- mas Vis. iii. 13), and especially the heavenly bodies : comp. Clem. Horn. x. 9, 25, Justin Apol. ii. p. 44 A ra ovpd- via o-rotxela, Dial. p. 285 o. They were probably so called chronologically, as the elements of time (Theoph. ad Aut. i. 4 ij\ios KOI o-f\rjvr) KOI darepfs orot- Xfla OVTOV iV dv 6pv Kara ra o-rot^eta TOV Kooyzov, and ii. 2O fl dirfQdvtre o~vv X/H 8oyfjLa.Tifo'df; In these passages the words of the context which are emphasized seem to show that a mode of instruction is signified by ra /iez>] The exact sense of the preposition will depend on the mean- ing assigned to vio0cjMei/ must signify 'receive as destined for, as promised to us,' or, as Augustine says, 'nee dixit accipiamus, sed reci- piamus, ut significant hoc nos ami- sisse in Adam, ex quo mortales su- mus.' At all events it cannot be equivalent to Aa/Soo/nei/. The change to the first person plural marks the uni- versality of the sonship: 'we, those under law and those free from law, alike.' 6. on eofj.oi. It hns been made a question whether St Paul is here draw ing his illustrations from Jewish or from Roman law. In answer to this it is perhaps sufficient to say, that so far as he has in view any special form of law, he would naturally refer to the Roman, as most familiar to hia readers. And indeed the Roman Jaw of inheritance supplied a much truer illustration of the privi- leges of the Christian, than the Jewish. By Roman law all the children, whe- ther sons or daughters, inherited alike (comp. iii. 28 OVK cvt apo-ev KOI 6^\v) ; by Jewish, the sons inherited un- equally, and except in default of male heirs the daughters were excluded; Michaelis Laws of Moses in. 3, i. See a paper of C. F. A. Fritzsehe in Fritzsch. Opusc. i. p. 143. dia 8coO] 'heir not by virtue of birth, or through merits of your own, but through God who adopted you.' For dia see the note on i. i. This is doubtless the right reading, having the preponderance of authority in its favour. All other variations, includ- ing that of the received text, K\r)pov6- pos 06o{) dia Xpto-Tov, are apparently substitutions of a common expression for one which is unusual and startling. 8 ii. * Nevertheless, in an unfilial spirit, ye have subjected yourselves again to bondage, ye would fain submit anew to a weak and beggarly discipline of restraint And how much less par- donable is this now ! For then ye were idolaters from ignorance of God, but now ye have known God, or rather have been known of Him. Ye are scru- pulous in your observance of months and seasons and years. Ye terrify me, lest all the toil which I have ex- pended on you should be found vain.' aXXa] l yet still, in spite of your sonship,' referring not to e'douXeuo-are with which it stands in close proxi- mity, but to the more remote eW a-Tpe(pfT (ver. 9); comp. Rom. vi. 17 \apis de TO> 0<5, on TJTC 8ov\ot, inrrj- Kovo-arc 8e CK Kapdias K.T.\. The inter- vening words (ver. 8) are inserted to prepare the way for ird\iv. rare /JLCV OVK eldores] 'Then it was through ignorance of God that ye were subject etc.'; a partial excuse for their former bondage. For the expression tldevai Qeov see i Thess. iv. 5, 2 Thess. i. 8. ToTs (frvcrci p.ri ovaiv 6eo1s] l to those who by nature were not gods,' i.e. /AI) ov(Tiv Qcols d\Xa 8atfJLOviois ; comp. I Cor. X. 2O a 6vov(Tiv [ra fdvr)~], Sat/zot/totf KOI ov 0ea> 6vovo~iv. This is the correct order. On the other hand in the read- ing of the received text, TOIS ^ (frvo-fi ovo-iv Scots, the negative affects (pva-c i ; i.e. pfj , ' not by na- IV. ID] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 171 VTTO Qeov, TTWS e7TL(TTpe(f>ere 7rd\iv eirl TO. dcrdevfj ois TraXiv dvcoBev SovXeueiv 6e- 06 KCU \ere ; ture, but by repute' ; comp. i Cor. viii. 5 elcriv \eyop.evoi 6eoi. 9. yvovTfs] ' having discerned, re- cognised^ to be distinguished from the preceding fiSoYey. See i Joh. ii. 29 ea.V fldfJTe OTl dlKdlOS eO~TlV, yiVO>- 0~KT OTl /Cat TTOS K.T.A., John XXi. 17, Ephes. v. 5, i Cor. ii. n : comp. Gal. ii. 7, 9. While otSa 'I know' re- fers to the knowledge of facts abso- lutely, yivvo-Kco 'I recognise,' being relative, gives prominence either to the attainment or the manifestation of the knowledge. Thus will be used in preference to (i) where there is reference to some earlier state of ignorance, or to some prior facts on which the knowledge is based; (2) where the ideas of 'thoroughness, familiarity,' or of 'ap- probation,' are involved : these ideas arising out of the stress which yivw- o-Ketv lays on the process of reception. Both words occur very frequently in the First Epistle of St John, and a comparison of the passages where they are used brings out this distinction of meaning clearly. yvG)o~0VTes VTTO 6eov~\ added to ob- viate any false inference, as though the reconciliation with God were at- tributable to a man's own effort. See I Cor. viii. 2 et TIS So/cei eyvaxevai rt, ouTTO) eyvo) KaOas del yvcavai' ft 8e TIS dyana TOV Qcoy, ouroy e'yi/ojorai vii av- TOV : comp. i Cor. xiii. 1 2. God knows man, but man knows not God or knows Him but imperfectly. See also I Joh. iv. IO ov% OTI T/fiels- 77707777 /ca/z*> TOV Qeov, dXX* OTI UVTOS ijyarrrjfrev rjp.as. 7r<5ff 7rt(rrpe0fre] The Apostle's ea- gerness to remonstrate leads him to in- terrupt by an interrogation the natu- ral flow of the sentence as marked out by the foregoing words. A present tense is used, for the change was still going on ; comp. i. Kai juffi/as K.CII Kaipous /cat TTTw^a] 'iceak? for they have no power to rescue man from con- demnation ; ' beggarly' for they bring no rich endowment of spiritual trea- sures. For oV0ei>77 see Rom. viii. 3 TO dftvvaTov TOV vopov (comp. Gal. iii. 21), Heb. vii. 18 TO do-deves KOI dvd)(pe\es. naXiv avQ>6ev] a strong expression to describe the completeness of their IO. jpepas /c.T.A.] Comp. Col. ii. 1 6 ev pcpe i eopTrjs r) vcojjirjvias rj o-a/3/3aro>i', which passage explains the expres- sions here, stopping short however of eviavToi. The rjpepai are the days re- curring weekly, the sabbaths : pfjvcs, the monthly celebrations, the new moons : /catpot', the annual festivals, as the passover, pentecost, etc.; eVcavrot, the sacred years, as the sabbatical year and the year of jubilee. Comp. Judith viii. 6 ^o>pts 7rpoo-a/3/3arV K.T.A. For fjLTjvfs in the sense it has here Comp. Is. Ixvi. 23 Kai eo-Tat pr}v oc jj.rj- vbs Kai o-aftftaTov CK oi, I3 OiSar6 Se em Si' DAISM; (i) The spiritual absolutely good, absorbed in the Gospel; (2) The ritualistic relatively good, orot- Xta : HEATHENISM ; (i) The ritualis- tic relatively good, oroi^eia ; (2) The spiritual absolutely bad, anta- gonistic to the Gospel. If this explanation of St Paul's mean- ing be correct, it will appear on the one hand that his teaching has nothing in common with Goethe's classifica- tion, when he placed Judaism at the head of Ethnic religions. On the other hand it will explain the intense hatred with which the Judaizers, wholly un- able to rise above the level of their sectarian prejudices and take a com- prehensive view of God's providence, regarded the name and teaching of St Paul. 12 1 6. 'By our common sympa- thies, as brethren I appeal to you. I laid aside the privileges, the preju- dices of my race : I became a Gentile, even as ye were Gentiles. And now I ask you to make me some return. I ask you to throw off this Judaic bondage, and to be free, as I am free. Do not mistake me ; I have no personal com- plaint ; ye did me no wrong. Nay, ye remember, when detained by sickness I preached the Gospel to you, what a hearty welcome ye gave me. My in- firmity might well have tempted you to reject my message. It was far otherwise. Ye did not spurn me, did not loathe me ; but received me as an angel of God, as Christ Jesus Himself. And what has now become of your felicitations ? Are they scattered to the winds? Yet ye did felicitate yourselves then. Yea, I bear you witness, such was your gratitude, ye would have plucked out your very eyes and have given them to me. What then? Have I made you my enemies by telling the truth?' 12. rivfaOe us tycJ K.r.A.] Of the 174 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [IV. 14 acrQeveiav r^s cra^o/cos evrjyyeXto-djuiriv VJULLI^ TO TTpOTepov TOV TreipacriuLov VIAWV ev Trj (rapid JULOV OVK ^ou- meaning of the first clause there can bo but little doubt; 'Free yourself from the bondage of ordinances, as I am free.' Of the second two inter- pretations deserve to be considered ; (i) 'For I was once in bondage as ye are now,' i.e. fjprjv 'loufialos o)s vp-els vvv 'lovdai^eT. So Eusebius (of Emesa ?), Chrysostom, Jerome, and apparently Pseudo-Justin Orat. ad Graec. 5 ; see p. 60 note i : (2) ' For I abandoned my legal ground of right- eousness, I became a Gentile like you,' i.e. Kayo) fyevofiTjv "EXAiji/ ms vpels rJT("E\\r)Vs', comp.ii. 17, i Cor.ix. 21. This latter sense is simpler grammati- cally, as it understands the same verb which occurs in the former clause, eye- voprjv, not ri\i.t)v. It is also more in character with the intense personal feeling which pervades the passage. The words so taken involve an appeal to the affection and gratitude of the Galatians ; ' I gave up all those time- honoured customs, all those dear asso- ciations of race, to become like you. I have lived as a Gentile that I might preach to you Gentiles. Will you then abandon me when I have abandoned ah 1 for you V This sense is well adapt- ed both to the tender appeal 'bre- thren, I beseech you,' and to the eager explanation which follows 'ye did me no wrong.' For the expression comp. Ter. JEun. i. 2. 116 'rneus fac sis pohtremo animus, quando ego sum tuus.' ovdev fie 7781*77 o-are] To these words two different meanings have been as- signed; (i) 'Ye never disobeyed me before ; do not disobey me now' : (2) ' I have no personal ground of com- plaint.' The latter seems better adapt- ed to the context. Possibly however the real explanation is hidden under some unknown circumstances to which St Paul alludes; see below on fit' 13. otfiare fie] ' on the contrary ye know' fit' dadeveiav rfjs (rap/cos] f on account of an infirmity in my flesh! St Paul seems to have been detained in Gala- tia by illness, so that his infirmity was the cause of his preaching there ; see pp. 23, 24. The fact that his preach- ing among them was thus in a man- ner compulsory made the enthusiastic welcome of the Galatians the more commendable. If this interpretation seems somewhat forced, it is only be- cause we are ignorant of the circum- stances to which St Paul refers : nor is it more harsh than any possible ex- planation which can be given of the preceding ovdev /^e q'StK^o-are. For the expression compare Thucyd. vi. 102 CLVTOV fie TOV KwcXoi* [atpeti>] Nt/aas fite- KuXvcrev' Tv\f yap & aura) fit* dcr6evi- av VTToXeXet/i/ie'i/oy. Alluding to this afterwards in an impassioned appeal, Nicias might well have said, fit' dade- Vfiav e(T6>tos, like the corre- sponding English word 'temptation,' is employed here by a laxity of usage common in all languages for 'the thing which tempts or tries.' On this con- crete sense of substantives in -/zos, see Buttm. Ausf. Sprachl. 119. 23. anm. ii. The apparent harshness of the expression here, 'your temptation ye did not despise nor loathe,' is ex- plained and in some degree relieved by the position of TOV Tretpao-fioj/ vpav at the beginning of the sentence. These words are used without a dis- tinct anticipation of what is to follow, the particular sense of the verb to be employed being yet undecided and only suggested afterwards, as the sentence runs on, by the concrete sense which the intervening words v TTJ o~apKi p.ov have given to Treipao-pov. For vfji&v some texts have p.ov TOV, the received reading, others simply TOV. Considering however that the weight of authority is strongly in fa- vour of i5/xJ Zri\ovcriv i/jua ov come of your rejoicing ? where has it vanished ? ' (understanding ev] probably referring to some warnings given during his se- cond visit. See the introduction p. 25. Compare the proverb, Ter. Andr. i. i. 41, 'obsequium amicos, veritas odium parit.' 17. From speaking of the former interchange of affection between him- self and his Galatian converts, he goes on to contrast their relations with the false teachers : ' I once held the first place in your hearts. Now you look upon me as an enemy. Others have supplanted me. Only enquire into their aims. True, they pay court to you : but how hollow, how insincere is their interest in you ! Their desire is to shut you out from Christ. Thus you will be driven to pay court to them.' Zr)\ov if cor- rectly derived from o. See 2 Cor. xi. 2, 77X03 yap vp,as Qcov ^Aa> : SO also Pint. Mor. p. 448 E inro ^pe/as ro Trpeoroj/ errovrai KOI ^r/Aovo'ii', vcrrfpov 8e IV. 1 8, 19] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. KctXcoS) d\\d eKK\l(Tai vfjLcis 6e\ovcriV) u \ovre. lS Ka\ov Se ty\ovcr6cu ev fJLYI fJLOVOV eV T6t) TTapelvai fJL6 TTjOOS a CIVTOVS TraVrore 177 KCLI l9 TKVta fJLOVy Ol/S 19. KOI (piXovo-iv: i Cor. xii. 31, xiv. i, 39, Ezek. xxxix. 25. aXXa] is connected not with jfrXoO- crivj but with ov KaXdSs : comp. ^Esch. Eum. 458 evcriov;- Xovor&u must be passive and not mid- dle; a transitive sense of gr)\ovo-dai, even if it were supported by usage elsewhere, being inexplicable here in the immediate neighbourhood of the active r)\ovv. With these limitations only two interpretations present themselves, which deserve to be considered. First; 'I do not grudge the court which is paid to you. I do not desire a mono- poly of serving you. It is well that in my absence your interests should be looked after by others. Only let them do it in an honourable cause.' Se- condly; 'I do not complain that they desire your attentions, or you theirs. These things are good in themselves. I myself am not insensible to such at- tachments. I remember how warm were your feelings towards me, when I was with you. I would they had not grown cold in my absence.' The differ- ence between the two consists mainly in the turn given to ^ povov eV TO> irapelvai pe. The objection to the latter sense is, that it supplies too much. But this abrupt and fragmentary mode of expression is characteristic of St Paul when he is deeply moved : and this in- terpretation suits the general context so much better especially the tender appeal which immediately follows, 'my little children' that it is to be pre- ferred to the other. The reading frXovo-de, found in the two best MSS, is in itself but another 12 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 7rd\iv wS/i/ftj \ov e Trapetvcu fJLOVy OTl CtTTOpOV/Uiai V VfJLLV. way of writing the infinitive fi/Xovo-ftu, the sounds e and at being the same. It was however liable to be mistaken for an imperative, and is so translated in the Vulgate. 19. This verse should be taken with the preceding and the punctuation re- gulated accordingly. It is difficult to explain &', ver. 20, if rema pov be made the beginning of a new sentence. The connexion of thought seems to be as follows: 'I have a right to ask for constancy in your affections. I have a greater claim on you than these new teachers. They speak but as strangers to strangers; I as a mother to her children with whom she has travailed.' Comp. i Cor. iv. 14, 'Though ye have ten thousand tutors in Christ, yet have ye not many fathers.' rcKvia pov] '"my little children] a mode of address common in St John, but not found elsewhere in St Paul. This however is no argument for the reading rcwa in preference to rema, for St Paul does not elsewhere use the vocatives reA/a,TeKi>oi>, except in Ephes. vi. i, Col. iii. 20, where he could not possibly have had TCKVLCI, and in i Tim. i. 1 8, 2 Tim. ii. i, where rtwiov would have been inappropriate. Here the diminutive, expressing both the ten- derness of the Apostle and the feeble- ness of his converts, is more forcible. It is a term at once of affection and rebuke. The reading TCWO. however is very highly supported and may per- haps be correct. TroXii/ G>8iW] 'I travailed with you once in bringing you to Christ By your relapse you have renewed a mo- ther's pangs in me.' There is no allu- sion here, as some have thought, to the new birth in the Spirit (iraXiyycve- iiiv] i.e. 'until you have taken the form of Christ/ as the em- bryo developes into the child. Com- pare the similar expression of 'grow- ing up into the full stature of Christ,' Ephes. iv. 13. The words pop(pa>6fj cv vfj.lv have been otherwise explained as a different application of the former metaphor, the Apostle's converts being put no longer in the place of the child, but of the mother. Such inversions of a metaphor are characteristic of St Paul (see the notes i Thess. ii. 7, v. 4), but here the explanation is improba- ble. St Paul would have shrunk in- stinctively from describing the rela- tion of Christ to the believer by that of the unborn child to its mother, thereby suggesting, however indirectly, the idea of subordination. For an elaborate application of the metaphor in the text see the Epistle of the Churches of Vienne and Lyons, Euseb. v. i 40, 41, especially the WOrds Ol 7T\flOVS dvf [ATJTpOVVTO KOi dvfKVlO-KOVTO K.r.A. 20. rjQeXov Se K.r.A.] * but, speaking of my presence, I would I had been present with you now,' The Se catches up the passing thought of irapeivai (v. 1 8), before it escapes; comp. i Cor. i. 1 6 e/3a7rri(ra Se KOI rov 2re0ai/a dlnov. The connexion of this clause with the previous irapflvai requires that the sentence should be continu- ous, and that there should be no full stop after npos v^as (ver. 18); see the note on ver. 19. All other explana- tions seem harsh. Ae has been con- nected for instance with the vocative, but there is here no abrupt transition from one person to another, which alone would justify such an expression as TCKvia fxov, ijQcXov 8e. *i0e\ov as rjvxofJLTjv Rom. ix. 3, e'$ov- Acts xxv. 22. The thing is IV. 21, 22] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 179 vovs * l AeyT jULOi 9 ol VTTO VOJULOV 6e\ovres eivai, TOV vo- jap OTI 'A(3padiuL Svo Kai eva e'/c Trjs \ev- OVK aKOvere eva e/c rrs spoken of in itself, prior to and inde- pendently of any conditions which might affect its possibility; see Winer xli. p. 352, and the note Philem. 13. apri] See the note i. 9. aXXaat TTJV (pwvrjv /nov] not ' to mo- dify my language from time to time as occasion demands/ for this is more than the phrase will bear, but 'to change my present tone.' The change meant is surely from severity to gen- tleness, and not from less to greater severity, as it has often been taken. His anxiety to mitigate the effects of his written rebuke has an exact paral- lel in his dealings with the Corinth- ian offender ; see esp. 2 Cor. ii. 5 sq. dnopovfj.ai eV vfuv] ' I am perplexed about you, I am at a loss how to deal with you': comp. 2 Cor. vii. 16 dappu cv \>{uv. The idea of inward question- ing is expressed more strongly by 077-0- pelo-dai than by aTropfiv. It is proba- bly a middle rather than a passive; though airoptiv is found as a transitive verb in Clem. Horn. i. 1 1 aTropelv avrbv ncipccufvoi , oi 6 dp^aTot eVt rfjs vedvidos. 12 2 i8o EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [IV. 23, 24 Bepas. 23 a\V 6 yeyevvrjrcu, 6 e etc e/c r/s TraiorKr]^ /caret crctpKa \ev6epas Sid Trjs 7ray 'Iepovo-a\jfji\ St Paul here uses an expression familiar to rab- binical teachers, but detaches it from 182 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [IV. 26, 27 TOW TEKVWV avrfjs' * 6 rj Se dvto 'lepovoraXrjfJi e\eu- 6epa evTWy YITIS i<7Tiv fmqTrjp rj/uow. * 7f yeypa7rTai yap, Y4>pAN6HTI C T ? p ] l the mother of us Christians.' St Paul's expression was borrowed and adapted by Polycarp 3 rr/v dodelcrav v fj.lv Trioviv rjns eort piJTTjp irdvTuv 7//Lic3i;. From a, confusion of this loose quotation with the original text, the word Traircoi/ was early inter- polated in St Paul ; e.g. in Iren. (in- terp.) v. 3 5. 2. This at all events is not an improbable account of the origin of the received reading iravTuv rjn&v ; or perhaps Travrav crept in from Rom. iv. 1 6 OS fCTTlV TTaTTjp 7TCU>T(i>V rjfJiaV. 27. St Paul here illustrates the allegory by reference to a passage in Isaiah liv. i. This passage in its con- text is a song of triumph anticipating the deliverance of God's afflicted people Israel from a foreign yoke. Sion has been deserted by her Lord (xlix. 14), and is mourning in her widowhood: she will be restored to favour and become the mother of a large and prosperous people. The image of con- jugal union, as representing the rela- tion of Jehovah to His people, is drawn out at some length in the con- text, see esp. liv. 5,6. In order more- over fully to understand St Paul's ap- plication here, it must be remembered that in another part of the same pro- phecy (li. 2) God's dealings with Abra- ham and Sarah are pointed to as a type of His dealings with their descendants. Accordingly Jewish writers connected li. 2 with liv. i; 'Sterilitas Abrahae et Sarae figura fuit sterilitatis Sion,' Ir Gibborim fol. 49. 2, quoted in Schottgen. Here then Sarah = the chosen people = the Church of Christ. yeypaitTai ydp] from the LXX where some few texts add /cat repirov after fiorja-ov with the Hebrew. It is quoted as St Paul quotes it in Pseudo-Clem, IV. 28, 2 9 ] EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 183 Y K 00 A l' N Y C A, OTI TT A A <\ T A T6KNA THC p H M Y H MAAAON H THC 'Icra/c TON ANApA. a8 l//Ze?S 6, anger of Sarah, taken in connexion with the occasion, a festival in honour of the weaning of Isaac, seems to re- quire it. Such also would appear to be the force of the rendering in the older Targum, -pn. On the other hand the Book of Jubilees paraphrases the passage, 'When Sarah saw that Ishmael was merry and danced and that Abraham also rejoiced greatly thereat, she was jealous etc.' (Ewald's 1 84 EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. [IV. 30 Tore 6 KUTO, (rdpKa yevvnOels e$itt)K6V TOV Kara Trvevua, oi/rws /cat vvv. 3 a'AA.a TL \eyei rj KB<\Ae THN TTAlAl'cKHN KAI T(JN Y'ON <\YTHC* MH KAHpONOMHCei Y'OC THC TT A I A I C K H C M6TA TOY Jahrb. in. p. 1 3). But beyond the text itself two circumstances must be taken into account as affecting St Paul's application of it. (i) This incident which is so lightly sketched in the original narrative had been drawn out in detail in later traditions, and thus a prominence was given to it, which would add force to the Apostle's allu- sion, without his endorsing these tra- ditions himself. For the rabbinical accounts of Ishmael's insolence to his brother see Beer Leben Abraham's, pp. 49, 170. (2) The relations be- tween the two brothers were repro- duced in their descendants. The ag- gressions of the Arab tribes (of the Hagarenes especially, see Ps. Ixxxiii. 6, i Chron. v. 10, 19) on the Israelites were the antitype to Ishmael's mock- ery of Isaac. Thus in Ishmael the Apostle may have indirectly contem- plated Ishmael's progeny; and he would therefore be appealing to the national history of the Jews in saying 4 he that was born after the flesh per- secuted him that was born after the Spirit.' For the conflicts with the Arabs in the time of Herod see esp. Joseph. Ant. xv. 5. i. OVTUS KOI vvv] t So now the Church of God is persecuted by the children after the flesh/ St Paul's persecutors were at first Jews, afterwards Juda- izers ; but both alike were 'born after the flesh,' for both alike claimed to in- herit the covenant by the performance of certain material carnal ordinances. 30. rf ypa, and one at least entirely omits the connecting particle. The difficulty in dio was evidently felt, but sufficient allowance was not made for St Paul's freedom in the employment of con- necting particles. ov iraiSi(TK.r]s dXXa K.r.X.] Observe the omission of the article before TTaidio-Krjs ; ' not of any bondwoman ' whether Judaism or some form of hea- thenism, for there are many (see the note iv. u), 'but of the free woman, the lawful spouse, the Church of Christ, which is one.' See on i. 10 avQpa>- novs irciOco TI TOV Qeov ; V. I. rfj eXevdepia fj K.T.\.] If this reading be adopted (see the detached note, p. 200), the words are best taken with the preceding sentence. They may then be connected either (i) with TfKva fV/iei/ TTJS fXfvdepas, 'we are sons of the free by virtue of the freedom which Christ has given us ' ; or (2) with TT?? f\ev6epas alone, ' of her who is free with that freedom which Christ etc.' The latter is perhaps the simpler con- struction. In either case 177 cXevtiepia K.T.X. serves the purpose of an explan- atory note. If on the other hand we read rr Xptoros r}\fv0p(oo~v t the force of this detached sentence will be, 'Did Christ liberate us that we might be slaves? no, but that we might be free.' Compare v. 13 r* e\fv6epiq cK.\r)6r)Te, and especially John viii. 36 eav ovv 6 vlos vpas f\v6fpalpeffiv \upG> aurtut attributes to Gregory Nazi-anzen. Aqui- icai robs tv TTJ KeQaXfj