1 
 
 Geofge Davidson 
 1825-1911 
 
CICERO: 
 SELECT ORATIONS. 
 
SELECT 
 
 ORATIONS OF CICERO 
 
 CHRONOLOGICALLY ARRANGED 
 
 COVERING THE 
 
 ENTIRE PERIOD OF HIS PUBLIC LIFE 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 J. H. and W. F. ALLEN 
 
 J. B. GREENOUGH 
 
 FOURTH EDITION 
 
 BOSTON: 
 PUBLISHED BY GINN AND HEATH. 
 
 1878. 
 
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1873, by 
 
 J. H. AND W. F. ALLEN AND J. B. GREENOUGH, 
 
 In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 
 
 
 CAMBRIDGE : 
 PRESS OF JOHN WILSON AND SON. 
 

 NOTE. 
 
 This Selection follows strictly the text of Baiter and Kayser as 
 a new textus receptus, even when the editors would personally prefer 
 a different reading. They have, however, rejected the double * in 
 the genitive of the second declension, which must have been un- 
 known to Cicero. 
 
 The orations for Roscius and for Sestius are considerably abridged, 
 on account of their length and some special difficulties. They are 
 inserted for their exceptional importance in reference to the orator's 
 career, and they are especially recommended to students for that 
 reason. Teachers will find great advantage in using such parts 
 as are not necessary in the regular school course, as exercises 
 in reading at sight, — a practice which cannot be too highly 
 recommended, and for which the shorter selections are more 
 particularly intended. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PACK 
 
 Life of Cicero ix 
 
 List of Orations xii 
 
 Chronological Table of Events xvi 
 
 Defence of Roscius i 
 
 Impeachment of Verres 23 
 
 The Plunder of Syracuse 43 
 
 Crucifixion of a Ro?nan Citizen 51 
 
 Pompey's Military Command {Pro Lege Manilla) ... 57 
 
 The Conspiracy of Catiline 84 
 
 1. Invective against Catiline 85 
 
 2. Character of the Conspiracy 97 
 
 3. How the Conspiracy was Suppressed 109 
 
 4. Sentence of the Conspirators 122 
 
 The Citizenship of Archias 134 
 
 Cicero's Exile and Return (Pro P. Sestio) 147 
 
 Defence of Milo 169 
 
 The Pardon of Marcellus 210 
 
 Plea for Ligarius 221 
 
 The Struggle against Antony (Philippica xiv.) . . . 234 
 
 Notes 1 
 
 Index 143 
 
LIFE OF CICERO. 
 
 Marcus Tullius Cicero ranks as the first prose writer 
 in Roman literature, and in fame as the second orator of the 
 world. His public life, lasting nearly forty years, covers 
 the entire period from Sulla's dictatorship to the fall of the 
 Republic ; and for all this time his orations are by far the 
 most important and interesting documents that exist. 
 
 The events of Cicero's life, so far as they are necessary 
 to an understanding of his career as orator and statesman, 
 are these. He was born b. c. 106 — the same year with 
 Pompey, and six years before Julius Caesar — at Arpinum, 
 a town in the Volscian territory, about fifty miles east of 
 Rome, the birthplace also of Caius Marius. His father, a 
 wealthy citizen of equestrian rank, removed to the capital 
 in order to give his sons, Marcus and Quintus, the best 
 education possible. Here the young Cicero studied law 
 with the great jurist, Quintus Mucius Scaevola, the augur, 
 and, after his death, with his yet more distinguished kins- 
 man of the same name ; and was intimate with the eminent 
 orators Lucius Licinius Crassus and Marcus Antonius, 
 grandfather of the triumvir. He studied rhetoric and phi- 
 losophy with the best Greek teachers ; and from the poet 
 Archias in particular, whom he afterwards defended in one 
 of his most graceful orations, he derived that taste for 
 literature which distinguished him among all the public 
 men of his day. 
 
 Cicero arrived at manhood just at the time when the 
 fearful civil convulsions were beginning, which ended only 
 with the overthrow of the Republic. He served a short 
 campaign in the Social War (b. c. 89) ; but remained in 
 obscurity through the horrors of the civil war that followed, 
 
x Life of Cicero. 
 
 devoting himself to his private studies. He appears to have 
 welcomed the triumph of Sulla (b. c. 82) as an earnest of 
 order and good government ; but was soon disgusted with 
 the despotic rule of the dictator, and placed himself in that 
 attitude of moderate opposition to the oligarchy to which 
 he was, on the whole, faithful through life. No person 
 dared oppose Sulla in any political measure ; but in the 
 administration of justice even the tyrant was obliged, for 
 decency's sake, to listen to words of truth and boldness. 
 The defence of Roscius, Cicero's first public oration (b. c. 
 80), may rank, in a political point of view, with Erskine's 
 defence of Hardy, or the generous eloquence of the advocate 
 Berryer in the time of Napoleon III. Of its results the 
 orator himself says, that " it received such commendation, 
 that there was no case which did not seem worthy of his 
 advocacy." (Brut. § 312.) 
 
 After this brilliant success, Cicero spent two years in 
 travel and study in Greece and Asia. Then returning to 
 Rome, he held (b. c. 75) the office of Quaestor, which made 
 him a member of the Senate. This office he exercised in 
 the western half of Sicily. Meantime the political dissen- 
 sions, which had been suspended during the rule of Sulla, 
 broke out afresh. A democratic agitation began, which 
 continued steadily increasing, till it culminated thirty years 
 later in another civil war. Sulla's aristocratic constitution 
 was repealed in the consulship of Pompey and Crassus 
 (b. c. 70), by the restoring of judicial power to the middle 
 class (equites). In this year Cicero conducted the cele- 
 brated impeachment of Verres, in which he gained the 
 signal success of forcing that corrupt ex-magistrate into 
 exile, without waiting the result of the trial. The legislation 
 of this year identified Pompey with the popular party ; and 
 Cicero attached himself to the interests of that ambitious 
 and successful general, giving him timely aid — in the 
 speech for the Manilian Law — in obtaining the command 
 against Mithridates in the East. The same year (b. c. 66) 
 Cicero held the praetorship, having been curule asdile three 
 
Life of Cicero, xi 
 
 years before ; and he was carried, partly by his own pre- 
 eminent merits, partly by the wave of moderate reform, 
 into the consulship (b. c. 63), at the age of forty-three. 
 
 Cicero was now at the highest point of his success and 
 fame, the recognized head of a moderate party, which 
 aimed to preserve the old institutions of the State, while 
 tempering them with a more liberal policy. But he lacked 
 the qualities of a successful political leader. He was vain, 
 hesitating, lacking self-control, decision, and dignity of 
 character. As a " new man," he never had the full confi- 
 dence of the senatorial families ; while his tastes were too 
 much shaped by his Greek training, his mind too delicately 
 organized, his ambition too much controlled by sentiment 
 and theory, — we may say, by the sense of right, — to give 
 him a hold upon the crowd that filled the Forum and 
 carried the Comitia. The leading act of his administration 
 — the suppression of Catiline's Conspiracy — had, by the 
 illegal death of the conspirators, made him the object of 
 marked hostility to the popular party. The democratic 
 movement became too strong for his feeble grasp, and 
 developed into a destructive radicalism, headed by unscru- 
 pulous gamblers and demagogues, which had its natural 
 sequence in civil war and imperialism. 
 
 Five years after his consulship (b. c. 58, the same year 
 with Caesar's first campaign in Gaul), Cicero was forced 
 into exile. Though he was recalled the following year, 
 with every mark of honor, it was to find orderly government 
 almost at an end. The magnificent defence of Milo — a 
 speech which, as it now stands, was never delivered — was 
 his last protest against the reign of force that daily became 
 more imminent in Rome. The two following years he 
 served as Proconsul in Cilicia, and returned, with the com- 
 plimentary title of imperator, to find all things ripe for civil 
 war. Pompey, both because he hated Caesar, and because 
 there was no one else to take the place, drifted into the 
 position of leader and general of the conservative party. 
 With great misgiving and reluctance, after trying in vain 
 
xii Life of Cicero. 
 
 his efforts as reconciler, Cicero joined that party in the fatal 
 campaign of Pharsalia (b. c. 48). 
 
 When Pompey was dead, and the senatorial party finally 
 crushed, Cicero submitted, with apparent good will, to 
 the dictatorship of Caesar, whose personal friend he had 
 always claimed to be. But his letters show him at this time 
 disappointed, peevish, jealous, and weak. It was, however, 
 the period of his greatest industry and fertility as a writer. 
 A long succession of dialogues and treatises attests his 
 efforts to distract his mind from the miseries of his political 
 failure and defeat. After the death of Caesar, which he 
 perhaps witnessed with his own eyes, — at any rate rejoiced 
 at,* — he appeared once more in public life, the standard- 
 bearer in the brave battle waged by the Senate against 
 Mark Antony. During this struggle he was a warm parti- 
 san of Brutus and Cassius, u the liberators." He proclaimed 
 openly his satisfaction at Caesar's death ; hoped to win the 
 confidence of the young Caesar Octavianus (afterwards Au- 
 gustus) ; and took part against Antony, as a public enemy, 
 in the celebrated orations called Philippics. When the 
 cause was lost by the treachery of Octavianus, when he and 
 Lepidus joined Antony, and their triumvirate was victorious, 
 Cicero was one of the first victims marked for proscription. 
 He was murdered near his Formian villa, on the road be- 
 tween Rome and Naples, in December, b. c. 43, at the age 
 of sixty-three. 
 
 The following list gives the titles and subjects of all of 
 Cicero's orations (excepting fragments) which have sur- 
 vived : — 
 
 b. c. 81. Pro P. Quinctio: Defence of Quinctius in a prose- 
 cution by Sex. Nsevius, to recover the profits of a partnership in 
 some land in Gaul, inherited from his brother, C. Quinctius. 
 
 b. c. 80. Pro Sex. Roscio Amerino : Defence of Roscius on a 
 charge of parricide brought by Erucius as professional prosecutor, 
 at the instigation of Chrjsogonus. 
 
 * Quid mihi attulerit ista domini mutatio, prater laetitiara quam oculis cepi justo 
 interitu tyranni ? — Ad Att., xiv. 14. 
 
List of Orations, xiii 
 
 b. c. 80. Pro Q^ Roscio Comoedo : Defence of the actor Roscius 
 from the claim of C. Fannius Chaerea to half the profits of certain 
 lands taken as the value of a slave held by them in partnership, 
 and killed by C. Flavius. 
 
 b. c. 75. Pro M. Tullio : Plea for damages for an assault made 
 by a rival claimant on Tullius's estate. 
 
 b. c. 70. In C.ecilium ("Divinatio ") : Plea on the technical 
 right of Cicero to conduct the prosecution against Verres. 
 
 In C. Verrem : Impeachment of Verres for plunder and 
 
 oppression in Sicily. Six Orations. — 1. The general charge 
 ("Actio Prima")-, 2. De Prceturd Urbana : earlier political 
 crimes of Verres; 3. De Jurisdictions Siciliand : his adminis- 
 tration in Sicily; 4. De Frumento: peculation and fraud as to 
 the supplies of grain ; 5. De Signis : the plunder of works of 
 Art; 6. De Suppliciis : cruelties of his government. 
 
 Pro M. Fonteio : Defence of Fonteius's administration 
 
 of Gaul during Pompey's campaign against Sertorius, about 
 b. c. 75. 
 
 Pro A. C.*£CINA: Defence against ^Ebutius of Caecina's 
 
 right to an estate received by inheritance from his wife Caesennia, 
 widow of a rich money-lender, M. Fulcinius. 
 
 b. c. 66. Pro Lege Manilia, v el De Imperio Cn. Pompei : 
 Defence of the proposal of Manilius, to invest Pompey with the 
 command of the war against Mithridates. 
 
 Pro A. Cluentio Habito: Defence of Cluentius against 
 
 the charge of poisoning his step-father Oppianicus, brought by 
 the younger Oppianicus, instigated by Sassia, the mother of Clu- 
 entius. 
 
 b. c. 63. De Lege Agraria: Against the Agrarian Law of 
 Rullus. Three orations : the first delivered in the Senate, and 
 the others before the People. 
 
 Pro C. Rabirio : Defence of Rabirius on the charge of 
 
 killing Saturninus, about b. c. 100. 
 
 — ~ In L. Catilinam : On the Conspiracy of Catiline. Four 
 orations: the first and last delivered in the Senate, the second 
 and third before the People. 
 
 Pro L. Murena : Defence of Murena on a charge of 
 
 bribery brought by Sulpicius, the defeated candidate for the con- 
 sulship. (Following prior defences made by Hortensius and 
 Crassus.) 
 
 b. c. 62. Pro P. Cornelio Sulla: Defence of Sulla from the 
 charge of sharing in Catiline's conspiracy. 
 
 b. c. 61. Pro A. Licinio Archia: Defence of the claim of the 
 poet Archias to Roman citizenship. 
 
xiv List of Orations. 
 
 b. c. 59. Pro L. Valerio Flacco : Defence of Flaccus on a 
 charge of maladministration as propraetor in Asia. 
 
 b. c. 57. Post Reditum : Thanks for Cicero's recall from exile. 
 Two Orations: 1. In Senatu ; 2. Ad Quirites. 
 
 Pro Domo Sua : Appeal to the pontifices against the 
 
 alienation of Cicero's estate by Clodius. 
 
 De Haruspicum Responsis : Invective against the impie- 
 ties of Clodius. 
 
 b. c. 56. Pro P. Sestio : Defence of Sestius, a partisan of 
 Cicero, on a charge of assault, the attack having been made on 
 Sestius by the dependants and partisans of Clodius. 
 
 In P. Vatinium (" Interrogatio ") : A personal attack on 
 
 Vatinius, one of the witnesses against Sestius. 
 
 Pro M. C«Lio : Defence of the character of Caelius (a 
 
 dissolute young friend of Cicero), against a vindictive charge of 
 stealing and poisoning, brought by Atratinus, at the instigation 
 of Clodia. 
 
 De Provinciis Consularibus : Advocating the recall of 
 
 Piso and Gabinius, and the retaining of Caesar in the procon- 
 sulate of Gaul. 
 
 Pro Cornelio Balbo : Defence of Balbus (a citizen of 
 
 Gades) in his right of Roman citizenship, granted by Pompey. 
 
 b. c. 55. In L. Calpurnium Pisonem : Retaliation for an attack 
 made by Piso after his return from the proconsulate of Macedonia. 
 
 Pro Cn. Plancio: Defence of Plancius on the charge of 
 
 corrupt political bargaining, brought by M. Junius Laterensis, the 
 defeated candidate for ^Edile. 
 
 b. c. 54. Pro C. Rabirio Postumo : Defence of Rabirius, in a 
 prosecution to recover money alleged to have been received from 
 Ptolemy, King of Egypt, in corrupt partnership with Gabinius. 
 
 b. c. 52. Pro T. Annio Milone: Defence of Milo on the charge 
 of the murder of Clodius. 
 
 b. c. 46. Pro M. Marcello : Speech of thanks to Caesar for 
 the pardon of Marcellus. 
 
 Pro Q^ Ligario : Petition of pardon for Ligarius, charged 
 
 with conducting the war in Africa against Caesar. 
 
 b. c. 45. Pro Rege Deiotaro : Defence of Deiotarus, King of 
 Galatia, charged with attempting the murder of Caesar. 
 
 In M. Antonium: Orationes Philippics XIV '. — 1. Reply to an 
 invective of Antony : exhortation to the consuls Antony and Dola- 
 bella; 2. Reply to a bitterer invective : a review of Antony's public 
 and private life; 3. Urging the support of Octavianus (Augustus) 
 and D. Brutus against Antony, now in Hither Gaul ; 4. Exposition 
 to the people of the acts of the Senate, and praise of D. Brutus ; 
 
List of Writings, xv 
 
 5 (b.c. 43). Protest against treating with Antony: he should be 
 declared a public enemy; 6. Appeal to the people: the embassy to 
 Antony would be in vain; 7. Protest against those who clamored 
 for peace : Antony must not be suffered to escape ; 8. The war against 
 Antony is justum bcllum : his partisans should be required to submit 
 before the 1st of March; 9. Eulogy of Sulpicius, who had died 
 while on the mission to Antony; 10. Thanks to Pansa, and praise 
 of M. Brutus; 11. That Asia should be assigned to Cassius, to con- 
 duct the war against Trebonius; 12. Declining to serve, with P. 
 Servilius, on an embassy to Antony; 13. There can be no peace 
 with Antony: praise of Sex. Pompey; 14. Thanksgiving proposed, 
 and honors to the dead, after the defeat of Antony at Bononia. 
 
 The titles of Cicero's other writings are as follows : — 
 
 De Inventione Riietorica, 2 Books. 
 
 De Oratore, 3 Books. 
 
 De Claris Oratoribus {Brutus), 
 
 Orator. 
 
 Topica. 
 
 De Partitione Oratoria. 
 
 De Optimo Genere Oratorum. 
 
 [Rhetoricorum {Ad Herennium, Incerti Auctoris), 4 Books.] 
 
 Academicarum Qu^estionum, 2 Books. 
 
 De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum, 5 Books. 
 
 Tusculanarum Qu^estionum, 5 Books. 
 
 De Natura Deorum, 3 Books. 
 
 De Divinatione, 2 Books. 
 
 De Fato. 
 
 De Re Publica. 
 
 De Legibus, 3 Books. 
 
 De Officiis, 3 Books. 
 
 De Senectute {Cato Major). 
 
 De Amicitia {Lcelius). 
 
 Paradoxa. 
 
 Tim^eus, sive De Universitate (Translation from Plato). 
 
 Phenomena (Translation from Aratus, in verse). 
 
 Epistol^e ad Familiares {Ad Dt'versos), 16 Books. 
 
 ,, ad Atticum, 16 Books. 
 
 „ ad Quintum Fratrem, 3 Books. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS. 
 
 B. C. 
 
 106. Birth of Cicero. 
 
 101. Marius defeats the Cimbri and Teutones. 
 90. Social or Marsic War. (Cicero serves the following year.) 
 88. Flight of Marius. Sulla in the East. 
 87. Marius at Rome. Massacre of Antonius and others. 
 82. Sulla Dictator : Proscriptions: Aristocratic Constitution. 
 80. Courts restored. Defence of Roscius. 
 
 78. Cicero in Athens and Asia. Civil war of Lepidus and Catulus. 
 76. Sertorian war. (Sertorius killed in 72.) 
 75. Cicero Quaestor in Sicily. 
 73. War of Spartacus. Lucullus in the East. 
 70. Cicero conducts Impeachment of Verves. Judicia restored to 
 
 the Equites : power of Tribunes re-established. 
 66. Cicero Praetor : Oration for the Manilian Law ; for Cluentius. 
 64. Birth of j-oung Cicero : marriage of Tullia. 
 63. Cicero Consul : Conspiracy of Catiline. 
 62. Return of Pompey from the East. Defence of Archias. 
 61. Trial of Clodius : Cicero's strife with him in the Senate. 
 60. Coalition of Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus. 
 59. Consulship of Caesar : Clodius made Tribune. 
 58. Clodian Laws: exile of Cicero: Caesar in Gaul. 
 57. Cicero recalled from exile : five years' control of the Corn 
 
 Markets decreed to Pompey. 
 56. Defence of Sestius. Second marriage of Tullia: contest with 
 
 Clodius, respecting Cicero's estate. 
 55. Crassus in the East: Caesar's command renewed. 
 54. Death of Julia: Q^ Cicero with Caesar in Gaul. 
 53. Destruction of Crassus and his army: Cicero made Augur. 
 52. Clodius killed : Defence of Milo : Pompey marries Cornelia. 
 51. Cicero Proconsul in Cilicia, with an army of 14,600. 
 50. Cicero returns to Italy. Thanks for his conduct in command. 
 49. Caesar forbidden to retain his army: crosses the Rubicon; 
 
 acquires Spain. Pompey crosses into Greece. 
 48. Battle of Pharsalus: death of Pompey. Caesar in Africa: 
 
 Cicero returns to Italy. 
 47. Caesar Dictator: war in Africa : Cicero in Rome. 
 46. Cato dies at Utica : Caesar's triumph and reforms: war in 
 
 Spain : Cicero divorced from Terentia. Defence of Marc cl- 
 
 lus and Ligarius. 
 45. Caesar returns from Spain : Death of Tullia : Caesar is Cicero's 
 
 guest at Puteoli. Tusculan Questions, etc. 
 44. Assassination of Caesar. Octavius in Italy: Threats of An- 
 tony : The Philippic Orations, 1-4. 
 43. Philippics 5-14: Triumvirate of Octavianus, Antony, and Le- 
 pidus : Proscription : Cicero murdered, Dec. 7. 
 
ORATIONS. 
 
CICERO'S SELECT ORATIONS, 
 
 DEFENCE OF ROSCIUS. 
 
 B.C. 80. 
 
 Sextus Roscius was a rich and respected citizen of Ameria, a 
 town (?mt?iicipiii?n) of Umbria, about fifty miles north of Rome. 
 He had a taste for city life, and spent most of his time at Rome, 
 where he was on intimate terms with some of the highest families, 
 especially the Metelli and Scipios. Meantime his son Sextus, who 
 certainly lacked his father's cultivated tastes, and was accused by 
 his enemies of rudeness and clownishness, had the care of the 
 extensive family estates at Ameria. 
 
 Sometime during the dictatorship of Sulla, — probably in the 
 autumn of 81 B.C., — the elder Roscius was murdered one evening 
 as he was returning from a dinner party. The murder was no 
 doubt procured, or at least connived at, by one Titus Roscius 
 Magnus, his fellow-townsman and enemy. However that may be, 
 the name of the murdered man was put upon the proscription-list 
 by Chrysogonus, a freedman and favorite of Sulla, who bought his 
 confiscated estates at auction at a nominal price. Three of these 
 estates (there were thirteen in all) he transferred to a certain Titus 
 Roscius Capito, another townsman and enemy of the deceased, and 
 a leading man at Ameria ; the remainder he put in charge of 
 Magnus as his agent. The younger Sextus, a man of forty, thus 
 robbed of his patrimony, had recourse to his father's friends in 
 Rome for protection and help ; when the three conspirators, fearing 
 that they might be compelled to disgorge, resolved to secure them- 
 selves by accusing him of his father's murder. This they did through 
 a professional prosecutor (accusator) named Erucius, who undertook 
 the legal formalities of the prosecution. 
 
 The aristocratic friends of Roscius, not daring to brave the 
 creature of the dictator, but not wishing to leave their guest- friend 
 
 1 
 
2 Defence of Roscias. [Rose. Am. 
 
 (hospet) undefended, prevailed upon Cicero, then young and ambi- 
 tious, to defend him. Even for so young and obscure a man, this 
 was an act that called for disinterested courage ; and nothing in 
 Cicero's career is more to his credit. By the successful conduct 
 of this case, he obtained the well-merited rank of a leader among 
 the rising advocates of Rome. The defence of Roscius is the first 
 of Cicero's public orations or pleas ; and it is criticised by himself 
 in the Orator, chap. 30. 1 
 
 /^REDO ego vos, Judices, mirari quid sit quod, 
 ^-^ cum tot summi oratores hominesque nobilissimi 
 sedeant, ego potissimum surrexerim, qui neque aetate 
 neque ingenio neque auctoritate sim cum his, qui sed- 
 5 eant, comparandus. Omnes hi, quos videtis adesse, 
 in hac causa injuriam novo scelere conflatam putant 
 oportere defendi, defendere ipsi propter iniquitatem 
 temporum non audent ; ita fit ut adsint propterea 
 quod officium sequuntur, taceant autem idcirco quia 
 
 10 periculum vitant. 
 
 2. Quid ergo ? Audacissimus ego ex omnibus ? 
 Minime. At tanto officiosior quam ceteri? Ne istius 
 quidem laudis ita sim cupidus, ut aliis earn praerep- 
 tam velim. Quae me igitur res praeter ceteros impu- 
 
 15 lit, ut causam Sex. Rosci reciperem ? Quia, si quis 
 horum dixisset, quos videtis adesse, in quibus summa 
 auctoritas est atque amplitudo, si verbum de re pub- 
 lica fecisset, — id quod in hac causa fieri necesse 
 est, — multo plura dixisse quam dixisset putaretur : 
 
 20 3. ego etiamsi omnia quae dicenda sunt libere dix- 
 ero, nequaquam tamen similiter oratio mea exire 
 atque in volgus emanare poterit. Deinde, quod cete- 
 rorum neque dictum obscurum potest esse, propter 
 nobilitatem et amplitudinem, neque temere dicto con- 
 
 25 cedi, propter aetatem et prudentiam : ego si quid 
 liberius dixero, vel occultum esse, propterea quod 
 nondum ad rem publicam accessi, vel ignosci adu- 
 lescentiae poterit, — tametsi non modo ignoscendi 
 
vi. 1 6.] Who was the elder Roscius f 3 
 
 ratio, verum etiam cognoscendi consuetudo jam de 
 civitate sublata est. 
 
 4. Accedit ilia quoque causa, quod a ceteris forsi- 
 tan ita petitum sit ut dicerent, ut utrumvis salvo officio 
 facere se posse arbitrarentur : a me autem ei con- 5 
 tenderunt, qui apud me et amicitia et beneficiis et 
 dignitate plurimum possunt, quorum ego nee bene- 
 volentiam erga me ignorare, nee auctoritatem as- 
 pernari, nee voluntatem neglegere debeam. His 
 de causis ego huic causae patronus exstiti, non elec- 10 
 tus unus qui maximo ingenio, sed relictus ex omnibus 
 qui minimo periculo possem dicere ; neque uti satis 
 firmo praesidio defensus Sex. Roscius, verum uti ne 
 omnino desertus esset. 
 
 vi. 5. Sex. Roscius, pater hujusce, municeps Am- 15 
 erinus fuit, cum genere et nobilitate et pecunia non 
 modo sui municipi verum etiam ejus vicinitatis facile 
 primus, turn gratia atque hospitiis florens hominum 
 nobilissimorum. Nam cum Metellis, Serviliis, Sci- 
 pionibus erat ei non modo hospitium, verum etiam 20 
 domesticus usus et consuetudo ; quas (ut aequum est) 
 familias honestatis amplitudinisque gratia nomino. 
 Itaque ex omnibus suis commodis hoc solum filio 
 reliquit : nam patrimonium domestici praedones vi 
 ereptum possident, fama et vita innocentis ab hospiti- 25 
 bus amicisque paternis defenditur. 6. Is cum omni 
 tempore nobilitatis fautor fuisset, turn hoc tumultu 
 proximo, cum omnium nobilium dignitas et salus in 
 discrimen veniret, praeter ceteros in ea vicinitate earn 
 partem causamque opera, studio, auctoritate defendit : 3° 
 etenim rectum putabat pro eorum honestate se pug- 
 nare, propter quos ipse honestissimus inter suos nu- 
 merabatur. Posteaquam victoria constituta est, ab 
 armisque recessimus, — cum proscriberentur homi- 
 nes, atque ex omni regione caperentur ei qui adver- 35 
 sarii fuisse putabantur, — erat ille Romae frequens ; 
 
4 Defence of Roscius. [Rose. Am. 
 
 in foro et in ore omnium cotidie versabatur, magis ut 
 exsultare victoria nobilitatis videretur, quam timere ne 
 quid ex ea calamitatis sibi accideret. 
 
 7, Erant ei veteres inimicitiae cum duobus Rosciis 
 
 5 Amerinis, quorum alterum sedere in accusatorum 
 subselliis video, alterum tria hujusce praedia possi- 
 dere audio. Quas inimicitias si tarn cavere potuisset, 
 quam metuere solebat, viveret. Neque enim, judices, 
 injuria metuebat. Nam duo isti sunt T. Roscii, quo- 
 
 io rum alteri Capitoni cognomen est, iste qui adest Mag- 
 nus vocatur, homines hujus modi : alter plurimarum 
 palmarum vetus ac nobilis gladiator habetur, hie autem 
 nuper se ad eum lanistam contulit ; quique ante hanc 
 pugnam tiro esset, [quod sciam,] facile ipsum magis- 
 
 15 trum scelere audaciaque superavit. vn. 8. Nam cum 
 hie Sex. Roscius esset Ameriae, T. autem iste Ros- 
 cius Romae ; cum hie Alius adsiduus in praediis esset, 
 cumque se voluntate patris rei familiari vitaeque rus- 
 ticae dedisset, iste autem frequens Romae esset, — 
 
 20 occiditur ad balneas Palacinas rediens a cena Sex. 
 Roscius. Spero ex hoc ipso non esse obscurum, ad 
 quern suspitio malefici pertineat : verum id, quod ad- 
 huc est suspitiosum, nisi perspicuum res ipsa fecerit, 
 hunc adfinem culpae judicatote. 
 
 25 9. Occiso Sex. Roscio, primus Ameriam nuntiat 
 Mallius Glaucia quidam, homo tenuis, libertinus, cli- 
 ens et familiaris istius T. Rosci, et nuntiat domum 
 non filii, sed T. Capitoriis inimici ; et cum post horam 
 primam noctis occisus esset, primo diluculo nuntius 
 
 30 hie Ameriam venit. Decern horis nocturnis sex et 
 quinquaginta milia passuum cisiis pervolavit, non 
 modo ut exoptatum inimico nuntium primus adferret, 
 sed etiam cruorem inimici quam recentissimum telum- 
 que paulo ante e corpore extractum ostenderet. 
 
 35 10 « Quadriduo quo haec gesta sunt, res ad Chryso- 
 gonum in castra L. Sullae Volaterras defertur. Mag- 
 
viii. 23.] His Estates are seized. 5 
 
 nitudo pecuniae demonstratur ; bonitas praediorum, 
 (nam fundos decern et tris reliquit, qui Tiberim 
 fere omnes tangunt), hujus inopia et solitudo com- 
 memoratur. Demonstrant, cum pater hujusce Sex. 
 Roscius, homo tarn splendidus et gratiosus, nullo 5 
 negotio sit occisus, perfacile hunc hominem incautum 
 et rusticum, et Romae ignotum, de medio tolli posse. 
 Ad earn rem operam suam pollicentur. Ne diutius 
 teneam, judices, societas coitur. viii. 11. Cum nulla 
 proscriptionis mentio fieret, cum etiam qui antea 10 
 metuerant redirent, ac jam defunctos sese periculis 
 arbitrarentur, nomen refertur in tabulas Sex. Rosci, 
 studiosissimi nobilitatis. Manceps fit Chrysogonus. 
 Tria praedia vel nobilissima Capitoni propria tradun- 
 tur, quae hodie possidet ; in reliquas omnes fortunas 15 
 iste T. Roscius, nomine Chrysogoni, quemadmodum 
 ipse dicit, impetum facit. [Haec bona emuntur duo- 
 bus milibus nummum.] 
 
 12. Haec omnia, judices, imprudente L. Sulla facta 
 esse certo scio ; neque enim mirum, — cum eodem 20 
 tempore et ea quae praeterita sunt et ea quae videntur 
 instare praeparet, cum et pacis constituendae rationem 
 et belli gerendi potestatem solus habeat, cum omnes 
 in unum spectent, unus omnia gubernet, cum tot tan- 
 tisque negotiis distentus sit ut respirare libere non 25 
 possit — si aliquid non animadvertat, cum praesertim 
 tarn multi occupationem ejus observent tempusque 
 aucupentur, ut, simul atque ille despexerit, aliquid 
 hujusce modi moliantur. Hue accedit, quod quamvis 
 ille felix sit, sicut est, tamen [in] tanta felicitate nemo 30 
 potest esse, in magna familia qui neminem neque 
 servum neque libertum improbum habeat. 
 
 13. Interea iste T. Roscius, vir optimus, procurator 
 Chrysogoni, Ameriam venit; in praedia hujus inva- 
 dit ; hunc miserum, luctu perditum, qui nondum etiam 35 
 omnia paterno funeri justa solvisset, nudum eicit; 
 
6 Defence of Roscius. [Rose. Am. 
 
 domo atque focis patriis disque penatibus praecipitem, 
 judices, exturbat; ipse amplissimae pecuniae fit domi- 
 nus. Qui in sua re fuisset egentissimus, erat, ut fit, 
 insolens in aliena. Multa palam domum suam aufere- 
 5 bat, plura clam de medio removebat ; non pauca suis 
 adjutoribus large effuseque donabat; reliqua consti- 
 tuta auctione vendebat : quod Amerinis usque eo 
 visum est indignum, ut urbe tota fletus gemitusque 
 fieret. ix. 14. Etenim multa simul ante oculos versa- 
 
 io bantur : mors hominis florentissimi Sex. Rosci crud?" 
 lissima, filii autem ejus egestas indignissima, cui d 
 tanto patrimonio praedo iste nefarius ne iter quidem 
 ad sepulcrum patrium reliquisset, bonorum emptio 
 flagitiosa, possessio, furta, rapinae, donationes.' Nemo 
 
 15 erat qui non ardere ilia omnia mallet, quam videre in 
 Sex. Rosci viri optimi atque honestissimi bonis jac- 
 tantem se ac dominantem T. Roscium. 15. Itaque 
 decurionum decretum statim fit, ut decern primi profi- 
 ciscantur ad L. Sullam, doceantque eum qui vir Sex. 
 
 20 Roscius fuerit ; conquerantur de istorum scelere et 
 injuriis ; orent ut et illius mortui famam et filii inno- 
 centis fortunas conservatas velit. Atque ipsum decre- 
 tum, quaeso, cognoscite. 
 
 [Decretum, Decurionum. ~\ 
 
 25 Legati in castra veniunt. Intellegitur, judices, id 
 quod jam ante dixi, imprudente L. Sulla scelera haec 
 et flagitia fieri. Nam statim Chrysogonus et ipse ad 
 eos accedit et homines nobilis adlegat, ab eis qui pete- 
 rent ne ad Sullam adirent, et omnia Chrysogonum 
 
 30 quae vellent esse facturum pollicerentur. 16. Usque 
 adeo autem ille pertimuerat, ut mori mallet quam de 
 his rebus Sullam doceri. Homines antiqui, qui ex sua 
 natura ceteros fingerent, cum ille confirmaret sese 
 nomen Sex. Rosci de tabulis exempturum praedia 
 
 35 vacua filio traditurum, cumque id ita futurum T. Ros- 
 cius Capito, qui in decern legatis erat, appromitteret, 
 
x. 29] A Charge of Parricide is laid. 7 
 
 crediderunt : Ameriam re inorata reverterunt. Ac 
 primo rem differre cotidie ac procrastinare isti coepe- 
 runt ; deinde aliquanto lentius, nihil agere atque delu- 
 dere ; postremo — id quod facile intellectual est — 
 insidias vitae hujusce [Sex. Rosci] parare, neque 5 
 sese arbitrari posse diutius alienam pecuniam domino 
 incolumi obtinere. 
 
 x. 17. Qiiod hie simul atque sensit, de amicorum 
 cognatorumque sententia Romam confugit, et sese ad 
 Caeciliam [Nepotis filiam], quam honoris causa nom- io 
 ino, contulit, qua pater usus erat plurimum ; in qua 
 muliere, judices, etiam nunc (id quod omnes semper 
 existimaverunt) quasi exempli causa vestigia antiqui 
 offici remanent. Ea Sex. Roscium inopem, ejectum 
 domo atque expulsum ex suis bonis, fugientem latronum 15 
 tela et minas, recepit domum, hospitique oppresso jam 
 desperatoque ab omnibus opitulata est. Ejus virtute, 
 fide, diligentia factum est, ut hie potius vivus in reos 
 quam occisus in proscriptos referretur. 
 
 18. Nam postquam isti intellexerunt summa diligen- 20 
 tia vitam Sex. Rosci custodiri, neque sibi ullam caedis 
 faciundae potestatem dari, consilium ceperunt plenum 
 sceleris et audaciae, ut nomen hujus de parricidio 
 deferrent , ut ad earn rem aliquem accusatorem vete- 
 vem compararent, qui de ea re posset dicere aliquid, 25 
 in qua re nulla subesset suspitio ; denique ut, quoniam 
 crimine non poterant, tempore ipso pugnarent. Ita 
 loqui homines : quod judicia tarn diu facta non essent, 
 condemnari eum oportere, qui primus in judicium 
 adductus esset ; huic autem patronos propter Chryso- 30 
 goni gratiam defuturos ; de bonorum venditione et de 
 ista societate verbum esse facturum neminem ; ipso 
 nomine parricidi et atrocitate criminis, fore ut hie 
 nullo negotio tolleretur, cum ab nullo defensus esset. 
 Hoc consilio atque adeo hac amentia impulsi, quern 35 
 ipsi cum cuperent non potuerunt occidere, eum jugu- 
 landum vobis tradiderunt. 
 
8 Defence of Roscius. [Rose. Am, 
 
 xi. 19. Quid primum querar ? autunde potissimum, 
 judices, ordiar ? aut quod aut a quibus auxilium 
 petam ? Deorumne immortalium, populine Romani, 
 vestramne, qui summam potestatem habetis, hoc 
 
 5 tempore fidem implorem ? Pater occisus nefarie, 
 domus obsessa ab inimicis, bona adempta, possessa, 
 direpta, fili vita infesta, saepe ferro atque insidiis 
 appetita, — quid ab his tot maleficiis sceleris abesse 
 videtur? Tamen haec aliis nefariis cumulant atque ad- 
 
 io augent : crimen incredibile confingunt, testis in hunc 
 et accusatores hujusce pecunia comparant. Hanc 
 condicionem misero ferunt, ut optet, utrum malit cer- 
 vices Roscio dare, an, insutus in culeum, per summum 
 dedecus vitam amittere. Patronos huic defuturos pu- 
 
 15 taverunt : desunt : qui libere dicat, qui cum fide de- 
 fendat, — id quod in hac causa est satis, — quoniam 
 quidem suscepi, non deest profecto, judices. 
 
 xiii. 20. Tres sunt res, quantum ego existimare pos- 
 sum, quae obstent hoc tempore Sex. Roscio: crimen 
 
 20 adversariorum, et audacia, et potentia. Criminis 
 confictionem accusator [Erucius] suscepit; audaciae 
 partis Roscii sibi poposcerunt ; Chrysogonus autem, 
 is qui plurimum potest, potentia pugnat. De hisce 
 omnibus rebus me dicere oportere intellego. Quid 
 
 25 igitur est ? Non eodem modo de omnibus, ideo quod 
 prima ilia res ad meum officium pertinet, duas autem 
 reliquas vobis populus Romanus imposuit. Ego cri- 
 men oportet diluam ; vos et audaciae resistere, et 
 hominum ejus modi perniciosam atque intolerandam 
 
 30 potentiam primo quoque tempore exstinguere atque 
 opprimere debetis. 
 
 31. Occidisse patrem Sex. Roscius arguitur. Sce- 
 lestum, di immortales ! ac nefarium facinus, atque ejus 
 modi, quo uno maleficio scelera omnia complexa esse 
 
 35 videantur. Etenim si, id quod praeclare a sapientibus 
 dicitur, voltu saepe laeditur pietas, quod supplicium 
 
xiv. 4i. ] What Motive for the Crime? 9 
 
 satis acre reperietur in eum qui mortem obtulerit 
 parenti, pro quo mori ipsum, si res postularet, jura 
 divina atque humana cogebant? In hoc tanto, tarn 
 atroci, tarn singulari malericio, quod ita raro exstitit 
 ut, si quando auditum sit, portenti ac prodigi simile 5 
 numeretur, quibus tandem tu, C. Eruci, argumentis 
 accusatorem censes uti oportere? Nonne et audaciam 
 ejus qui in crimen vocetur singularem ostendere, et 
 mores feros, immanemque naturam, et vitam vitiis 
 flagitiisque omnibus deditam, [et] denique omnia ad 10 
 perniciem profligata atque perdita? quorum tu nihil in 
 Sex. Roscium, ne obiciendi quidem causa, contulisti. 
 
 xiv. 22. 'Patrem occidit Sex. Roscius.' Qui homo? 
 Adulescentulus corruptus et ab hominibus nequam 
 inductus ? annos natus major quadraginta. Vetus 15 
 videlicet sicarius, homo audax et saepe in caede ver- 
 satus ? at hoc ab accusatore ne dici quidem audistis. 
 Luxuries igitur hominem nimirum, et aeris alieni 
 magnitudo, et indomitae animi cupiditates ad hoc sce- 
 lus impulerunt ? De luxuria purgavit Erucius, cum 20 
 dixit hunc ne in convivio quidem ullo fere interfuisse. 
 Nihil autem umquam cuiqiiam debuit. Cupiditates 
 porro quae possunt esse in eo qui, ut ipse accusator 
 objecit, ruri semper habitant, et in agro colendo vixe- 
 rit? — quae vita maxime disjuncta a cupiditate est, et 25 
 cum officio conjuncta. 
 
 23. Quae res igitur tantum istum furorem Sex. Ro- 
 scio objecit ? ? Patri' inquit f non placebat.' Quam ob 
 causam ? Necesse est enim earn quoque justam et mag- 
 nam et perspicuam fuisse : nam, ut illud incredibile est, 30 
 mortem oblatam esse patri a filio sine plurimis et max- 
 imis causis, sic hoc veri simile non est, odio fuisse pa- 
 renti filium, sine causis multis et magnis et necessariis. 
 Rursus igitur eodem revertamur, et quaeramus quae 
 tanta vitia fuerint in unico filio, quare is patri displi- 35 
 ceret. At perspicuum est nullum fuisse. Pater igitur 
 
io Defence of Roscius. [Rose. Am. 
 
 amens, qui odisset eum sine causa quern procrearat. 
 At is quidem fuit omnium constantissimus. Ergo 
 illud jam perspicuum profecto est, si neque amens 
 pater neque perditus Alius merit,- neque odi causam 
 5 patri neque sceleris filio fuisse. 
 
 xxn. 24. De parricidio causa dicitur : ratio ab accu- 
 satore reddita non est, quam ob causam patrem films 
 occiderit. Quod in minimis noxiis, et in his levioribus 
 peccatis quae magis crebra et jam prope cotidiana 
 
 io sunt, maxime et primum quaeritur, — quae causa 
 malefici fuerit, — id Erucius in parricidio quaeri non 
 putat oportere. In quo scelere, judices, etiam cum 
 multae causae convenisse unum in locum atque inter 
 se congruere videntur, tamen non temere creditur, 
 
 15 neque levi conjectura res penditur, neque testis in- 
 certus auditur, neque accusatoris ingenio res judicatur : 
 cum multa antea commissa maleficia, cum vita hominis 
 perditissima, turn singularis audacia ostendatur necesse 
 est, neque audacia solum, sed summus furor atque 
 
 20 amentia. 25. Haec cum sint omnia, tamen exstent 
 oportet expressa sceleris vestigia, — ubi, qua ratione, 
 per quos, quo tempore maleficium sit admissum ; quae 
 nisi multa et manifesta sunt, profecto res tarn scelesta, 
 tarn atrox, tarn nefaria credi non potest. Magna est 
 
 25 enim vis humanitatis; multum valet communio san- 
 guinis ; reclamitat istius modi suspitionibus ipsa natura ; 
 portentum atque monstrum certissimum est, esse ali- 
 quem humana specie et figura, qui tantum immanitate 
 bestias vicerit, ut propter quos hanc suavissimam 
 
 30 lucem aspexerit, eos indignissime luce privarit, cum 
 etiam feras inter sese partus atque educatio et natura 
 ipsa conciliet. 
 
 xxiii. 26. Non ita multis ante annis, aiunt T. 
 Caelium quendam Tarracinensem, hominem non ob- 
 
 35 scurum, cum cenatus cubitum in idem conclave cum 
 duobus adulescentibus filiis isset, inventum esse mane 
 
xxvi. 72.] Parricide: the Crime and its Penalty, n 
 
 jugulatum. Cum neque servus quisquam reperiretur, 
 neque liber, ad quem ea suspitio pertineret, id aetatis 
 autem duo filii propter cubantes ne sensisse quidem 
 se dicerent, nomina filiorum de parricidio delata sunt. 
 Quid poterat tam esse suspitiosum? Neutrumne sen- 5 
 sisse? Ausum autem esse quemquam se in id con- 
 clave committere, eo potissimum tempore, cum ibidem 
 essent duo adulescentes filii, qui et sentire et defen- 
 dere facile possent ? 27. Erat porro nemo in quem ea 
 suspitio conveniret. Tamen cum planum judicious 10 
 esset factum, aperto ostio dormientis eos repertos esse, 
 judicio absoluti adulescentes et suspitione omni liberati 
 sunt. Nemo enim putabat quemquam esse, qui, cum 
 omnia divina atque humana jura scelere nefario pollu- 
 isset, somnum statim capere potuisset ; propterea quod, 15 
 qui tantum facinus commiserunt, non modo sine cura 
 quiescere, sed ne spirare quidem sine metu possunt. 
 
 28. Quare hoc quo minus est credibile nisi ostendi- 
 tur, eo magis est, si convincitur, vindicandum. Itaque 
 cum multis ex rebus intellegi potest majores nostros 20 
 non modo armis plus quam ceteras nationes, verum 
 etiam consilio sapientiaque potuisse, turn ex hac re vel 
 maxime, quod in impios singulare supplicium invene- 
 runt : insui voluerunt in culeum vivos, atque in flumen 
 deici. O singularem sapientiam, judices ! Nonne 25 
 videntur hunc hominem ex rerum natura sustulisse 
 et eripuisse, cui repente caelum, solem, aquam ter- 
 ramque ademerint : ut qui eum necasset, unde ipse 
 natus esset, careret eis rebus omnibus, ex quibus 
 omnia nata esse dicuntur? 29. Noluerunt feris corpus 30 
 obicere, ne bestiis quoque, quae tantum scelus attigis- 
 sent, immanioribus uteremur : non sic nudos in flu- 
 men deicere, ne, cum delati essent in mare, ipsum 
 polluerent, quo cetera, quae violata sunt, expiari pu- 
 tantur. Denique nihil tam vile neque tam volgare 35 
 est cujus partem ullam reliquerint. Etenim quid est 
 
1 2 Defence of Roscius, [Rose. Am. 
 
 tam commune quam spiritus vivis, terra mortuis, mare 
 fluctuantibus, litus ejectis? Ita vivunt, dum possunt, 
 ut ducere animam de caelo non queant. Ita moriun- 
 tur, ut eorum ossa terra non tangat. Ita jactantur 
 5 fluctibus, ut numquam adluantur. Ita postremo eici- 
 untur, ut ne ad saxa quidem mortui conquiescant. 
 30. Tanti malefici crimen, cui maleficio tam insigne 
 supplicium est constitutum, probare te, Eruci, censes 
 posse talibus viris, si ne causam quidem malefici pro- 
 
 io tuleris? Si hunc apud bonorum emptores ipsos accu- 
 sares, eique judicio Chrysogonus praeesset, tamen 
 diligentius paratiusque venisses. Utrum quid aga- 
 tur non vides, an apud quos agatur? Agitur de 
 parricidio, quod sine multis causis suscipi non potest ; 
 
 iS apud homines autem prudentissimos agitur, qui intel- 
 legunt neminem ne minimum quidem maleficium sine 
 causa admittere. 
 
 xxvii. 31. Esto : causam proferre non potes. Tam- 
 etsi statim vicisse debeo, tamen de meo jure decedam, et 
 
 20 tibi quod in alia causa non concederem in hac conce- 
 dam, fretus hujus innocentia. Non quaero abs te qua 
 re patrem Sex. Roscius occiderit : quaero quo modo 
 occiderit. Ita quaero abs te, C. Eruci, quo modo ; 
 et sic tecum agam, ut meo loco vel respondendi vel 
 
 25 interpellandi tibi potestatem faciam, vel etiam, si quid 
 voles, interrogandi. 
 
 32. Quo modo occidit? Ipse percussit, an aliis 
 occidendum dedit? Si ipsum arguis, Romae non 
 fuit : si per alios fecisse dicis, quaero servosne an libe- 
 
 30 ros? si -per liberos, quos homines? indidemne Ame- 
 ria, an hosce ex urbe sicarios? si Ameria, qui sunt 
 hi? cur non nominantur? si Roma, unde eos nove- 
 rat Roscius, qui Romam multis annis non venit, neque 
 umquam plus triduo fuit? ubi eos convenit? qui- 
 
 35 cum locutus est? quo modo persuasit? f Pretium 
 dedit.' Cui dedit? per quern dedit? unde aut quan- 
 
xxviii. 76.] His Rustic Life and Character. 13 
 
 turn dedit? Nonne his vestigiis ad caput malefici per- 
 veniri solet? Et simul tibi in mentem veniat facito, 
 quern ad modum vitam hujusce depinxeris : hunc 
 hominem ferum atque agrestem fuisse ; numquam 
 cum homine quoquam conlocutum esse ; numquam 5 
 in oppido constitisse. 
 
 33. Qua in re praetereo iliud, quod mihi maximo 
 argumento ad hujus innocentiam poterat esse, in rus- 
 ticis moribus, in victu arido, in hac horrida incultaque 
 vita istius modi maleficia gigni non solere. Ut non 10 
 omnem frugem neque arborem in omni agro reperire 
 possis, sic non omne facinus in omni vita nascitur. 
 In urbe luxuries creatur ; ex luxuria exsistat avaritia 
 necesse est, ex avaritia erumpat audacia ; inde omnia 
 scelera ac maleficia gignuntur. Vita autem haec 15 
 rustica, quam tu agrestem vocas, parsimoniae, dili- 
 gentiae, justitiae magistra est. 
 
 34. Verum haec missa facio. Illud quaero, — is 
 homo, qui, ut tute dicis, numquam inter homines 
 fuerit, per quos homines hoc tantum facinus tam oc- 20 
 culte, absens praesertim, conficere potuerit. Multa 
 sunt falsa, judices, quae tamen argui suspitiose pos- 
 sunt ; in his rebus si suspitio reperta erit, culpam 
 inesse concedam. Romae Sex. Roscius occiditur, 
 cum in agro Amerino esset filius. Litteras, credo, 25 
 misit alicui sicario, qui Romae noverat neminem. 
 
 ' Arcessivit aliquem.' Quern aut quando? * Nuntium 
 misit.' Quern aut ad quern? 'Pretio, gratia, spe, 
 promissis induxit aliquem.' Nihil horum ne confingi 
 quidem potest, et tamen causa de parricidio dicitur ! 30 
 
 35. Reliquum est ut per servos id admiserit. O di 
 immortales ! rem miseram et calamitosam, quod in 
 tali crimine quod innocenti saluti solet esse, ut servos 
 in quaestionem poliiceatur, id Sex. Roscio facere non 
 licet. Vos, qui hunc accusatis, omnis ejus servos 35 
 habetis. Unus puer, victus cotidiani minister, ex tanta 
 
14 Defence of Roscius, [Rose. Am. 
 
 familia Sex. Roscio relictus non est. Te nunc appello, 
 P. Scipio, te, Metelle. Vobis advocatis, vobis agen- 
 tibus, aliquotiens duos servos paternos in quaestionem 
 ab adversariis Sex. Roscius postulavit. Meministisne 
 5 T. Roscium recusare? Quid? ei servi ubi sunt? 
 Chrysogonum, judices, sectantur : apud eum sunt in 
 honore et pretio. Etiam nunc ut ex eis quaeratur ego 
 postulo, hie orat atque obsecrat. Quid facitis? cur 
 recusatis? Dubitate etiam nunc, judices, si potestis, 
 
 10 a quo sit Sex. Roscius occisus, — ab eone, qui propter 
 illius mortem in egestate et in insidiis versatur, cui ne 
 quaerendi quidem de morte patris potestas permittitur, 
 an ab eis qui quaestionem fugitant, bona possident, 
 in caede atque ex caed^ vivunt. 
 
 15 xliii. 36. Venio nunc ad illud nomen aureum 
 [Chrysogoni] , sub quo nomine tota societas latuit : de 
 quo, judices, neque quo modo dicam neque quo modo 
 taceam reperire possum. Si enim taceo, vel maximam 
 partem relinquo ; sin autem dico, vereor ne non ille 
 
 20 solus, id quod ad me nihil attinet, sed alii quoque plu- 
 res laesos se esse putent. Tametsi ita se res habet, ut 
 mihi in communem causam sectorum dicendum nihil 
 magno opere videatur ; haec enim causa nova profecto 
 et singularis est. 
 
 25 37. Bonorum Sex. Rosci emptor est Chrysogonus. 
 Primum hoc videamus : ejus hominis bona qua ratione 
 venierunt, aut quo modo venire potuerunt? Atque hoc 
 non ita quaeram, judices, ut id dicam esse indignum, 
 hominis innocentis bona venisse ; si enim haec audi- 
 
 30 entur ac libere dicentur, non fuit tantus homo Sex. Ro- 
 scius in civitate, ut de eo potissimum conqueramur. 
 Verum [ego] hoc quaero : qui potuerunt ista ipsa lege, 
 quae de proscriptione est, — sive Valeria est, sive Cor- 
 nelia, non enim novi nee scio, — verum ista ipsa lege 
 
 35 bona Sex. Rosci venire qui potuerunt? Scriptum 
 enim ita dicunt esse, ut eorum bona veneant, qui j>ro- 
 
xliv. 129.] Illegal Sale of the Estates. 15 
 
 serif ti sunt — quo in numero Sex. Roscius non est — 
 aut eorum qui in adversariorum -praesidiis occisi sunt. 
 Dum praesidia ulla fuerunt, in Sullae praesidiis fuit ; 
 postea quam ab armis recessum est, in summo otio 
 rediens a cena Romae occisus est. Si lege, bona quo- 5 
 que lege venisse fateor ; sin autem constat, contra 
 omnis non modo veteres leges verum etiam novas 
 occisum esse, bona quo jure aut quo more aut qua 
 lege venierint quaero. 
 
 xliv. 38. In quern hoc dicam quaeris, Eruci? Non 10 
 in eum quern vis et putas ; nam Sullam et oratio mea 
 ab initio et ipsius eximia virtus omni tempore purgavit. 
 Ego haec omnia Chrysogonum fecisse dico, ut emen- 
 tiretur, ut malum civem Roscium fuisse flngeret, ut 
 eum apud adversarios occisum esse diceret, ut his de 15 
 rebus a legatis Amerinorum doceri L. Sullam passus 
 non sit. Denique etiam illud suspicor, omnino haec 
 bona non venisse : id quod postea, si per vos, judices, 
 licitum erit, aperietur. 
 
 39. Opinor enim esse in lege, quam ad diem pro- 20 
 scriptiones venditionesque fiant : [nimirum] Kalendas 
 yunias. Aliquot post mensis et homo occisus est, et 
 bona venisse dicuntur. Profecto aut haec bona in 
 tabulas publicas nulla redierunt, nosque ab isto nebu- 
 lone facetius eludimur quam putamus ; aut, si redie- 25 
 runt, tabulae publicae corruptae aliqua ratione sunt : 
 nam lege quidem bona venire non potuisse constat. 
 Intellego me ante tempus, judices, haec scrutari, et 
 prope modum errare, qui, cum capiti Sex. Rosci med- 
 eri debeam, reduviam curem. Non enim laborat de pe- 30 
 cunia ; non ullius rationem sui commodi ducit; facile 
 egestatem suam se laturum putat, si hac indigna sus- 
 pitione et ficto crimine liberatus sit. 
 
 40. Verum quaeso a vobis, judices, ut haec pauca 
 quae restant ita audiatis, ut parti m me dicere pro me 35 
 ipso putetis, partim pro Sex. Roscio. Quae enim 
 
16 Defence of Roscius. [Rose. Am. 
 
 mihi indigna et intolerabilia videntur, quaeque ad 
 omnis, nisi providemus, arbitror pertinere, ea pro me 
 ipso ex animi mei sensu ac dolore pronuntio ; quae ad 
 hujus vitae [casum] causam [que] pertineant, et quid 
 5 hie pro se dici velit, et qua condicione contentus sit, 
 jam in extrema oratione nostra, judices, audietis. 
 xlv. 41. Ego haec a Chrysogono, mea sponte, remoto 
 Sex. Roscio, quaero : primum, qua re civis optimi 
 bona venierint; deinde, qua re hominis ejus, qui 
 
 10 neque froscrtytus neque apud adversarios occisus est, 
 bona venierint, cum in eos solos lex scripta sit ; deinde, 
 quare aliquanto post earn diem venierint, quae dies 
 in lege praefinita est ; deinde, cur tantulo venierint. 
 Quae omnia si, quern ad modum solent liberti nequam 
 
 15 et improbi facere, in patronum suum voluerit conferre, 
 nihil egerit : nemo est enim qui nesciat propter mag- 
 nitudinem rerum multa multos furtim imprudente L. 
 Sulla commisisse. 
 
 42. Placet igitur in his rebus aliquid imprudentia 
 20 praeteriri ? Non placet, judices, sed necesse est. 
 
 Etenim si Juppiter optimus maximus, cujus nutu et 
 arbitrio caelum terra mariaque reguntur, saepe ventis 
 vehementioribus aut immoderatis tempestatibus aut 
 nimio calore aut intolerabili frigore hominibus nocuit, 
 
 25 urbis delevit, fruges perdidit, quorum nihil pernici 
 causa divino consilio, sed vi ipsa et magnitudine 
 rerum factum putamus ; at contra, commoda quibus 
 utimur lucemque qua fruimur spiritumque quern duci- 
 mus ab eo nobis dari atque impertiri videmus, — quid 
 
 30 miramur L. Sullam, cum solus rem publicam regeret, 
 orbemque terrarum gubernaret, imperique majestatem 
 quam armis receperat legibus confirmaret, aliqua ani- 
 madvertere non potuisse? Nisi hoc mirum est, quod 
 vis divina adsequi non possit, si id mens humana 
 
 35 adepta non sit. 
 
 43. Vereor, judices, ne quis imperitior existimet me 
 
xlviii. 140.] Sulla and his Party, 17 
 
 causam nobilitatis victoriamque voluisse laederc : tam- 
 etsi meo jure possum, si quid in hac parte mihi non 
 placeat, vituperare ; non enim vereor ne quis alienum 
 me animum habuisse a causa nobilitatis existimet. 
 xlvii. Sciunt ei qui me norunt, me pro mea tenui 5 
 infirmaque parte, — postea quam id quod maxime 
 volui fieri non potuit, ut componeretur, — id maxime 
 defendisse, ut ei vincerent qui vicerunt. Quis enim 
 erat, qui non videret humilitatem cum [dignitate de] 
 amplitudine contendere? Quo in certamine perditi 10 
 civis erat non se ad eos jungere, quibus incolumibus, 
 et domi dignitas et foris auctoritas retineretur. Quae 
 perfecta esse et suum cuique honorem et gradum red- 
 ditum gaudeo, judices, vehementerque laetor ; eaque 
 omnia deorum voluntate, studio populi Romani, con- 15 
 silio et imperio et felicitate L. Sullae, gesta esse 
 intellego. 
 
 44. Quod animadversum est in eos qui contra omni 
 ratione pugnarunt, non debeo reprehendere ; quod 
 viris fortibus, quorum opera eximia in rebus gerendis 20 
 exstitit, honos habitus est, laudo. Quae ut fierent, 
 idcirco pugnatum esse arbitror, meque in eo studio 
 partium fuisse confiteor. Sin autem id actum est, et 
 idcirco arma sumpta sunt, ut homines postremi pecu- 
 niis alienis locupletarentur, et in fortunas uniuscujus- 25 
 que impetum facerent, et id non modo re prohibere 
 non licet, sed ne verbis quidem vituperare, turn vero 
 in isto bello non recreatus neque restitutus, sed sub- 
 actus oppressusque pnpulus Romanus est. Verum 
 longe aliter est ; nihil horum est, judices : non modo 3° 
 non laedetur causa nobilitatis, si istis hominibus re- 
 sistetis, verum etiam ornabitur. 
 
 xlviii. 45. Quapropter desinant aliquando dicere 
 male aliquem locutum esse, si qui vere ac libere locu- 
 tus sit ; desinant suam causam cum Chrysogono com- 35 
 municare ; desinant, si ille laesus sit, de se aliquid 
 
18 Defence of Roscius. [Rose. Am. 
 
 detractum arbitrari ; videant ne turpe miserumque sit 
 eos, qui equestrem splendorem pati non potuerunt, 
 servi nequissimi dominationem ferre posse. Quae 
 quidem dominatio, judices, in aliis rebus antea versa- 
 
 5 batur ; nunc vero quam viam munitet, quod iter adfec- 
 tet videtis, — ad fidem, ad jusjurandum, ad judicia 
 vestra, ad id, quod solum prope in civitate sincerum 
 sanctumque restat. Hicine etiam sese putat aliquid 
 posse Chrysogonus? Hie etiam potens esse volt? O 
 
 10 rem miseram atque acerbam ! Neque, mehercules, 
 hoc indigne fero, quod verear ne quid possit ; verum 
 quod ausus est, quod speravit sese apud talis viros ali- 
 quid posse ad perniciem innocentis, id ipsum queror. 
 xlix. 46. Idcircone exspectata nobilitas armis atque 
 
 15 ferro rem publicam reciperavit, ut ad libidinem suam 
 liberti servolique nobilium bona, fortunas -posscssiones- 
 que nostras vexare possent? Si id actum est, fateor 
 me errasse qui hoc maluerim ; fateor insanisse qui cum 
 illis senserim. Tametsi inermis, judices, sensi. Sin 
 
 20 autem victoria nobilium ornamento atque emolumento 
 rei publicae populoque Romano debet esse, turn vero 
 optimo et nobilissimo cuique meam orationem gratissi- 
 mam esse oportet. Quod si quis est qui et se et causam 
 laedi putet cum Chrysogonus vituperetur, is causam 
 
 25 ignorat ; se ipsum probe novit. Causa enim splendi- 
 dior fiet, si nequissimo cuique resistetur. Ule impro- 
 bissimus Chrysogoni fautor, qui sibi cum illo rationem 
 communicatam putat, laeditur, cum ab hoc splendore 
 causae separatur. 
 
 30 47. Verum haec omnis oratio, ut jam ante dixi, mea 
 est, .qua me uti res publica et dolor meus et istorum 
 injuria coegit. Sex. Roscius horum nihil indignum 
 putat, neminem accusat, nihil de suo patrimonio queri- 
 tur. Putat homo imperitus morum, agricola et rusticus, 
 
 35 ista omnia, quae vos per Sullam gesta esse dicitis, more, 
 lege, jure gentium facta. Culpa liberatus et crimine 
 
l. 146.] His Affeal to Chrysogonus. 19 
 
 nefario solutus, cupit a vobis discedere. Si hac indigna 
 suspitione careat, animo aequo se carere suis omnibus 
 commodis dicit. Rogat oratque te, Chrysogone, si 
 nihil de patris fortunis amplissimis in suam rem con- 
 vertit, si nulla in re te fraudavit, si tibi optima fide sua 5 
 omnia concessit, adnumeravit, appendit, si vestitum 
 quo ipse tectus erat, anulumque de digito suum tibi 
 tradidit, si ex omnibus rebus se ipsum 'nudum neque 
 praeterea quicquam excepit, ut sibi per te liceat inno- 
 centi amicorum opibus vitam in egestate degere. l. 10 
 48. ' Praedia mea tu possides, ego aliena misericordia 
 vivo : concedo, et quod animus aequus est, et quia 
 necesse est. Mea domus tibi patet, mihi clausa est : 
 fero. Familia mea maxima tu uteris, ego servum 
 habeo nullum : patior et ferendum puto. Quid vis 15 
 amplius? Quid insequeris? Quid oppugnas? Qua 
 in re tuam voluntatem laedi a me putas? Ubi tuis 
 commodis officio? Quid tibi obsto?' Si spoliorum 
 causa vis hominem occidere, quid quaeris amplius? 
 Si inimicitiarum, quae sunt tibi inimicitiae cum eo, 20 
 cujus ante praedia possedisti quam ipsum cognovisti? 
 Si metus, ab eone aliquid metuis, quern vides ipsum 
 ab se tarn atrocem injuriam propulsare non posse? Sin 
 quod bona quae Rosci fuerunt tua facta sunt, idcirco 
 hunc illius .filium studes perdere, nonne ostendis id te 25 
 vereri, quod praeter ceteros tu metuere non debeas, ne 
 quando liberis proscriptorum bona patria reddantur? 
 
 49. Facis injuriam, Chrysogone, si majorem spem 
 emptionis tuae in hujus exitio ponis, quam in eis rebus 
 quas L. Sulla gessit. Quod si tibi causa nulla est 30 
 cur hunc miserum tanta calamitate adfici velis, si tibi 
 omnia sua praeter animam tradidit, nee sibi quicquam 
 paternum ne monumenti quidem causa clam reservavit, 
 per deos immortalis, quae, ista tanta crudelitas est? 
 Quae tarn fera immanisque natura? Quis umquam 35 
 praedo fuit tarn nefarius, quis pirata tarn barbarus, ut, 
 
20 Defence of Roscius. [Rose. Am. 
 
 cum integram praedam sine sanguine habere posset, 
 cruenta spolia detrahere mallet? 50. Scis hunc nihil 
 habere, nihil audere, nihil posse, nihil umquam contra 
 rem tuam cogitasse ; et tamen oppugnas eum quern 
 
 5 neque metuere potes, neque odisse debes, nee quicquam 
 jam habere reliqui vides quod ei detrahere possis. 
 Nisi hoc indignum putas, quod vestitum sedere in 
 judicio vides," quern tu e patrimonio tamquam e nau- 
 fragio nudum expulisti ; quasi vero nescias hunc et ali 
 
 10 et vestiri a Caecilia, [Baliarici filia, Nepotis sorore,] 
 spectatissima femina, quae cum clarissimum patrem, 
 amplissimos patruos, ornatissimum fratrem haberet, 
 tamen, cum esset mulier, virtute perfecit ut, quanto 
 honore ipsa ex illorum dignitate adficeretur, non mi- 
 
 15 nora illis ornamenta ex sua laude redderet. 
 
 li. 51. An quod diligenter defenditur, id tibi indig- 
 num facinus videtur? Mihi crede, si pro patris hujus 
 hospitiis et gratia vellent omnes hujus hospites adesse, 
 et auderent libere defendere, satis copiose defende- 
 
 20 retur ; sin autem pro magnitudine injuriae, proque eo 
 quod summa res publica in hujus periculo temptatur, 
 haec omnes vindicarent, consistere mehercule vobis 
 isto in loco non liceret. Nunc ita defenditur, non sane 
 ut moleste ferre adversarii debeant, neque ut se po- 
 
 25 tentia superari putent. 52. Quae domi gerenda sunt, 
 ea per Caeciliam transiguntur ; fori judicique rationem 
 M. Messala, ut videtis, judices, suscepit. Qui, si jam 
 satis aetatis atque roboris haberet, ipse pro Sex. Ro- 
 scio diceret : quoniam ad dicendum impedimento est 
 
 30 aetas et pudor qui ornat aetatem, causammihi tradidit, 
 quem sua causa cupere ac debere intellegebat ; ipse 
 adsiduitate, consilio, auctoritate, diligentia perfecit, ut 
 Sex. Rosci vita, erepta de manibus sectorum, senten- 
 tiis judicum permitteretur. Nimirum, judices, pro hac 
 
 35 nobilitate pars maxima civitatis in armis fuit ; haec 
 acta res est, ut ei nobiles restituerentur in civitatem, 
 
lii. 152.] His Appeal to the Court. 21 
 
 qui hoc facerent quod facere Messalam videtis, — qui 
 caput innocentis defenderent, qui injuriae resisterent, 
 qui quantum possent in salute alterius quam in exitio 
 mallent ostendere ; quod si omnes qui eodem loco nati 
 sunt facerent, et res puhlica ex illis et ipsi ex invidia 5 
 minus laborarent. 
 
 lii. 53. Verum si a Chrysogono, judices,non impe- 
 tramus, ut pecunia nostra contentus sit, vitam ne petat, 
 — si ille adduci non potest, ut, cum ademerit nobis 
 omnia quae nostra erant propria, ne lucem quoque 10 
 hanc, quae communis est, eripere cupiat, — si non 
 satis habet avaritiam suam pecunia explere, nisi etiam 
 crudelitati sanguis praebitus sit, — unum perfugium, 
 judices, una spes reliqua est Sex. Roscio, eadem quae 
 rei publicae, vestra pristina bonitas et misericordia. 15 
 Quae si manet, salvi etiam nunc esse possumus ; sin 
 ea crudelitas, quae hoc tempore in re publica versata 
 est, vestros quoque animos — id quod fieri profecto non 
 potest — duriores acerbioresque reddidit, actum est, ju- 
 dices : inter feras satius est aetatem degere, quam in 20 
 hac tanta immanitate versari. 54. Ad eamne rem vos 
 reservati estis, ad eamne rem delecti, ut eos condem- 
 naretis, quos sectores ac sicarii jugulare non po- 
 tuissent? Solent hoc boni imperatores facere, cum 
 proelium committunt, ut in eo loco quo fugam hostium 25 
 fore arbitrentur milites conlocent, in quos, si qui ex 
 acie fugerint, de improviso incidant. Nimirum simili- 
 ter arbitrantur isti bonorum emptores, — vos hie, talis 
 viros, sedere, qui excipiatis eos qui de suis manibus 
 eftugerint. Di prohibeant, judices, ut hoc, quod ma- 30 
 jores consilium publicum vocari voluerunt, praesidium 
 sectorum existimetur. 
 
 55. An vero, judices, vos non intellegitis nihil aliud 
 agi nisi ut proscriptorum liberi quavis ratione tollan- 
 tur, et ejus rei initium in vestro jurejurando atque in 35 
 Sex. Rosci periculo quaeri? Dubiumne est ad quern 
 
22 Defence of Roscius, [Rose. Am. 
 
 maleficium pertineat, cum videatis ex altera parte sec- 
 torem, inimicum, sicarium eundemque accusatorem 
 hoc tempore ; ex altera parte egentem, probatum suis 
 filium, in quo non modo culpa nulla, sed ne suspitio 
 
 5 quidem potuit consistere? liii. 56. Numquid huic 
 aliud videtis obstare [Roscio], nisi quod patris bona 
 venierunt? Quodsi id vos suscipitis, et earn ad rem 
 operam vestram profitemini, si idcirco sedetis, ut ad 
 vos adducantur eorum liberi quorum bona venierunt, 
 
 io cavete, per deos immortalis, judices, ne nova et multo 
 crudelior per vos proscriptio instaurata esse videatur. 
 Illam priorem, quae facta est in eos qui arma capere 
 potuerunt, tamen senatus suscipere noluit, ne quid 
 acrius quam more majorum comparatum esset publico 
 
 15 consilio factum videretur. Hanc vero, quae ad eorum 
 liberos atque ad infantium puerorum incunabula perti- 
 net, nisi hoc judicio a vobis reicitis et aspernamini, 
 videte, per deos immortalis, quern in locum rem publi- 
 cam perventuram putetis. 
 
 20 57. Homines sapientes et ista auctoritate et potestate 
 praeditos, qua vos estis, ex quibus rebus maxime res 
 publica laborat, eis maxime mederi convenit. Vestrum 
 nemo est quin intellegat populum Romanum, qui quon- 
 dam in hostis lenissimus existimabatur, hoc tempore 
 
 25 domestica crudelitate laborare. Hanc tollite ex civitate, 
 judices. Hanc pati nolite diutius in hac re publica 
 versari. Quae non modo id habet in se mali, quod tot 
 civis atrocissime sustulit, verum etiam hominibus le- 
 nissimis ademit misericordiam consuetudine incommo- 
 
 30 dorum. Nam cum omnibus horis aliquid atrociter fieri 
 videmus aut audimus, etiam qui natura mitissimi su- 
 mus, adsiduitate molestiarum sensum omnem humani- 
 tatis ex animis amittimus. 
 
IMPEACHMENT OF VERRES. 
 
 B.C. 70. 
 
 Caius Verres, a man of noble birth, but notorious for his 
 crimes and exactions in the civil war and in the offices he had held 
 since, was city praetor {prcetor urbanus) B.C. 74. At the close 
 of his term of office, he went, in accordance with the law, as pro- 
 praetor, to govern the province of Sicily. By reason of the dis- 
 turbed condition of Italy, from the revolt of Spartacus, he was not 
 relieved at the end of a year, as the law required, but continued 
 two years longer in the government of the province, when he was 
 succeeded by Lucius Caecilius Metellus. During these three years 
 he was guilty of the most abominable oppressions and exactions ; 
 and, as soon as they were relieved of his presence, the Sicilians 
 brought a prosecution against him in the court of Repetnnda (for 
 the trial of cases of Extortion), presided over by the praetor Mani- 
 us Acilius Glabrio. To conduct the prosecution, they had recourse 
 to Cicero, who already stood high among Roman advocates, and 
 who was personally known and trusted by them on account of his 
 honorable administration of the quaestorship in their island. Cicero 
 willingly took charge of the case, the more so as the counsel for 
 Verres was Hortensius, the leading lawyer of his time, against 
 whom he was eager to measure his strength. 
 
 Although the cruelty and rapacity of Verres were notorious, yet 
 his relations to the Roman nobility gained him the same support 
 at home which recently, under somewhat similar circumstances, 
 was afforded to Governor Eyre in England, on his return from 
 Jamaica. Not only Hortensius, but Curio, a man of excellent 
 reputation, with members of the eminent families of Scipio and 
 Metellus, stood firmly by him. The only hope of Verres was in 
 preventing a fair and speedy trial. First he tried to obtain a prose- 
 cutor who should be in collusion with him, and would not push him 
 too hard. For this purpose one Caecilius was put forward, an in- 
 significant person, but a native of Sicily. Cicero's first speech in 
 the case was therefore before the praetor Glabrio in person, to show 
 that he, rather than Caecilius, should be allowed to conduct the 
 case. This it was not hard to do, and he set out at once for Sicilj 
 to collect evidence, for which purpose he was allowed one hundred 
 
24 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. I. 
 
 and ten days. He was, however, so industrious and skilful in this, 
 that he returned in fifty days, thus completely foiling the next 
 plan of the opposition, which was to bring on a trumped-up action 
 before the court, which should have precedence of that against 
 Verres, merely to consume time. Cicero returned, with ample evi- 
 dence, even before his rival had left Italy. The trial was now fixed 
 for Aug. 5, B.C. 70, in the consulship of Pompey and Crassus. 
 
 * Meantime (in the latter part of July) the elections were held for 
 the next year, — as was the custom in Rome, several months before 
 the newly-elected magistrates entered upon their offices ; the 
 successful candidate, under the title of designates, enjoyed a dig- 
 nity almost equal to that of an actual magistrate, although with no 
 real power (see ch. ix.). In these elections Cicero was designated 
 asdile ; but his rival Hortensius was chosen consul, with Quintus 
 Metellus Creticus, Verres' fast friend, as his colleague. More than 
 this, Marcus Metellus, brother of Quintus, was chosen praetor, and 
 the lot fell to him to preside the next year in the court of Repetun- 
 dce. If now the trial could be put over till the next year, when 
 Hortensius and the two Metelli would be in the three most influen- 
 tial positions in the State, Verres felt quite sure of getting clear. 
 Neither did it seem as if this would be very hard to bring about ; 
 for the last six months of the Roman year were so full of festivals 
 and other days in which the courts could not sit, that the case would 
 be liable to constant interruptions and delays. This would have 
 been a sore disappointment to Cicero, for, by good luck in drawing 
 the names, and sagacity in challenging, he had a jury that he could 
 trust, and he was not willing to run the risk of a change. 
 
 Under these circumstances Cicero made the second speech of the 
 Verrine group — that which is known as the Actio Prima. In this 
 he proved so conclusively the guilt of the defendant and his hope 
 to escape by bribery, and at the same time showed himself so de- 
 termined to urge the case through before the New Year, that he 
 hardly had any need to produce his witnesses. Hortensius soon 
 threw up his case, and Verres went into exile, with a name for ever 
 associated with extortion and misgovernment. Full restitution of 
 the plunder was, however, not obtained : a compromise was made, 
 by which a less sum was paid in satisfaction of the claims. The 
 five speeches known as the "Accusation" {Actio Secunda) were 
 never delivered, but were written out and published in order to put 
 on record the facts which the orator had gathered with so much pains. 
 
"• 3-] Character and Motive of the Trial. 25 
 
 QUOD erat optandum maxime, judices, et quod 
 unum ad invidiam vestri ordinis infamiamque 
 judiciorum sedandam maxime pertinebat, id non 
 humano consilio, sed prope divinitus datum atque 
 oblatum vobis summo rei publicae tempore videtur. 5 
 Inveteravit enim jam opinio perniciosa rei publicae, 
 vobisque periculosa, quae non modo apud populum 
 Romanum, sed etiam apud exteras nationes, omnium 
 sermone percrebruit: his judiciis quae nunc sunt, 
 pecuniosum hominem, quamvis sit nocens, nemi- 10 
 nem posse damnari. 2. Nunc, in ipso discrimine 
 ordinis judiciorumque vestrorum, cum sint parati qui 
 contionibus et legibus hanc invidiam senatus inflam- 
 mare conentur, [reus] in judicium adductus est [C. 
 Verres], homo vita atque factis omnium jam opini- 15 
 one damnatus, pecuniae magnitudine sua spe et prae- 
 dicatione absolutus. 
 
 Huic ego causae, judices, cum summa voluntate et 
 exspectatione populi Romani, actor accessi, non ut 
 augerem invidiam ordinis, sed ut infamiae communi 20 
 succurrerem. Adduxi enim hominem, in quo recon- 
 ciliare existimationem judiciorum amissam, redire in 
 gratiam cum populo Romano, satis facere exteris 
 nationibus, possetis ; depeculatorem aerari, vexatorem 
 Asiae atque Pamphyliae, praedonem juris urbani, la- 25 
 bem atque perniciem provinciae Siciliae. 3. De quo si 
 vos vere ac religiose judicaveritis, auctoritas ea, quae 
 in vobis remanere debet, haerebit ; sin istius ingentes 
 divitiae judiciorum religionem veritatemque perfrege- 
 rint, ego hoc tamen adsequar, ut judicium potius rei 3° 
 publicae, quam aut reus judicibus, aut accusator reo, 
 defuisse videatur. 
 
 11. Equidem, ut de me confitear, judices, cum mul- 
 tae mihi a C. Verre insidiae terra marique factae sint, 
 quas partim mea diligentia devitarim, partim amico- 35 
 rum studio officioque repulerim ; numquam tamen 
 
26 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. I. 
 
 neque tantum periculum mihi adire visus sum, neque 
 tanto opere pertimui, ut nunc in ipso judicio. 4. Neque 
 tantum me exspectatio accusationis meae, concursus- 
 que tantae multitudinis (quibus ego rebus vehemen- 
 5 tissime perturbor) commovet, quantum istius insidiae 
 nefariae, quas uno tempore mihi, vobis, M\ Glabrioni, 
 populo Romano, sociis, exteris nationibus, ordini, no- 
 mini denique senatorio, facere conatur : qui ita dictitat, 
 eis esse metuendum, qui quod ipsis solis satis esset 
 
 io surripuissent ; se tantum eripuisse, ut id multis satis 
 
 esse possit ; nihil esse tarn sanctum quod non violari, 
 
 nihil tarn munitum quod non expugnari pecunia possit. 
 
 5. Quod si quam audax est ad conandum, tarn 
 
 esset obscurus in agendo, fortasse aliqua in re nos 
 
 15 aliquando fefellisset. Verum hoc adhuc percommode 
 cadit, quod cum incredibili ejus audacia singularis 
 stultitia conjuncta est. Nam, ut apertus in corripien- 
 dis pecuniis fuit, sic in spe corrumpendi judici, per- 
 spicua sua consilia conatusque omnibus fecit. Semel, 
 
 20 ait, se in vita pertimuisse, turn cum primum a me 
 reus factus sit ; quod, cum e provincia recens esset, 
 invidiaque et infamia non recenti, sed vetere ac diu- 
 turna flagraret, turn, ad judicium corrumpendum, 
 tempus alienum ofFenderet. 6. Itaque, cum ego diem 
 
 2 5 in Siciliam inquirendi perexiguam postulavissem, in- 
 venit iste, qui sibi in Achaiam biduo breviorem diem 
 postularet, — non ut is idem conficeret diligentia et 
 industria sua quod ego meo labore et vigiliis consecu- 
 tus sum, etenim ille Achaicus inquisitor ne Brundisi- 
 
 3° um quidem pervenit ; ego Siciliam totam quinquaginta 
 diebus sic obii, ut omnium populorum privatorumque 
 literas injuriasque cognoscerem ; ut perspicuum cuivis 
 esse posset, hominem ab isto quaesitum esse, non qui 
 reum suum adduceret, sed qui meum tempus obsideret. 
 
 35 in. 7. Nunc homo audacissimus atque amentissimus 
 hoc cogitat. Intellegit me ita paratum atque in- 
 
iv. io.] How he thinks to Escafe. 27 
 
 structum in judicium venire, ut non modo in auribus 
 vestris, sed in oculis omnium, sua furta atque flagitia 
 defixurus sim. Videt senatores multos esse testis 
 audaciae suae ; videt multos equites Romanos frequen- 
 tis praeterea civis atque' socios, quibus ipse insignis 5 
 injurias fecerit. Videt etiam tot tain gravis ab ami- 
 cissimis civitatibus legationes, cum publicis auctori- 
 tatibus convenisse. 8. Quae cum ita sint, usque 
 eo de omnibus bonis male existimat, usque eo sena- 
 toria judicia perdita profligataque esse arbitratur, ut 10 
 hoc palam dictitet, non sine causa se cupidum pecuniae 
 fuisse, quoniam in pecunia tantum praesidium experia- 
 tur esse : sese (id quod difficillimum fuerit) tempus 
 ipsum emisse judici sui, quo cetera facilius emere 
 postea posset ; ut, quoniam criminum vim subterfugere 15 
 nullo modo poterat, procellam temporis devitaret. 
 
 9. Quod si non modo in causa, verum in aliquo ho- 
 nesto praesidio, aut in alicujus eloquentia aut gratia, 
 spem aliquam conlocasset, profecto non haec omnia 
 conligeret atque aucuparetur ; non usque eo despice- 20 
 ret contemneretque ordinem senatorium, ut arbitratu 
 ejus deligeretur ex senatu, qui reus fieret ; qui, dum 
 hie quae opus essent compararet, causam interea 
 ante eum diceret. 10. Quibus ego rebus quid iste 
 speret, et quo animum intendat, facile perspicio. 25 
 Quam ob rem vero se confidat aliquid perficere posse, 
 hoc praetore, et hoc consilio, intellegere non possum. 
 Unum illud intellego (quod populus Romanus in rejec- 
 tione judicum judicavit), ea spe istum fuisse praeditum 
 ut omnem rationem salutis in pecunia constitueret ; 3° 
 hoc erepto praesidio, ut nullam sibi rem adjumento 
 fore arbitraretur. 
 
 iv. Etenim quod est ingenium tantum, quae tanta 
 facultas dicendi aut copia, quae istius vitam, tot vitiis 
 flagitiisque convictam, jampridem omnium voluntate 35 
 judicioque damnatam, aliqua ex parte possit defen- 
 
28 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. 1. 
 
 dere? 11. Cujus ut adulescentiae maculas ignominias- 
 que praeteream ; quaestura [primus gradus honoris] 
 quid aliud habet in se, nisi [Cn. Carbonem spoliatum] 
 a quaestore suo pecunia publica nudatum et proditum 
 5 consulem? desertum exercitum ? relictam provinciam? 
 sortis necessitudinem religionemque violatam? Cujus 
 legatio exitium fuit Asiae totius et Pamphyliae : quibus 
 in provinciis multas domos, plurimas urbis, omnia fana 
 depopulatus est, turn cum [in Cn. Dolabellam] suum 
 
 io scelus illud pristinum renovavit et instauravit quaesto- 
 rium ; cum eum, cui et legatus et pro quaestore fuisset, 
 et in invidiam suis maleficiis adduxit, et in ipsis peri- 
 culis non solum deseruit, sed etiam oppugnavit ac 
 prodidit? 12. Cujus praetura urbana aedium sacrarum 
 
 15 fuit publicorumque operum depopulatio ; simul in jure 
 dicundo, bonorum possessionumque, contra omnium 
 instituta, addictio et condonatio. Jam vero omnium 
 vitiorum suorum plurima et maxima constituit monu- 
 menta et indicia in provincia Sicilia ; quam iste per 
 
 20 triennium ita vexavit ac perdidit, ut ea restitui in anti- 
 quum statum nullo modo possit ; vix autem per multos 
 annos, innocentisque praetores, aliqua ex parte recre- 
 ari aliquando posse videatur. 13. Hoc praetore, Si- 
 culi neque suas leges, neque nostra senatus-consulta, 
 
 25 neque communia jura tenuerunt. Tantum quisque 
 habet in Sicilia, quantum hominis avarissimi et libi- 
 dinosissimi aut imprudentiam subterfugit, aut satietati 
 superfuit. 
 
 v. Nulla res per triennium, nisi ad nutum istius, 
 
 30 judicata est : nulla res cujusquam tarn patria atque 
 avita fuit, quae non ab eo, imperio istius, abjudica- 
 retur. Innumerabiles pecuniae ex aratorum bonis 
 novo nefarioque instituto coactae ; socii fidelissimi in 
 hostium numero existimati ; cives Romani servilem 
 
 35 in modum cruciati et necati ; homines nocentissimi 
 propter pecunias judicio liberati ; honestissimi atque 
 
vi. 1 5-] His Crimes in Sicily, 29 
 
 integerrimi, absentes rei facti, indicta causa damnati 
 et ejecti ; portus munitissimi, maximae tutissimaeque 
 urbes piratis praedonibusque patefactae ; nautae mili- 
 tesque Siculorum, socii nostri atque amici, fame ne- 
 cati ; classes optimae atque opportunissimae, cum 5 
 magna ignominia populi Romani, amissae et perditae. 
 14. Idem iste praetor monumenta antiquissima, partim 
 regum locupletissimorum, quae illi ornamento urbi- 
 bus esse voluerunt, partim etiam nostrorum impera- 
 torum, quae victores civitatibus Siculis aut dederunt 10 
 aut reddiderunt, spoliavit, nudavitque omnia. Neque 
 hoc solum in statuis ornamentisque publicis fecit ; 
 sed etiam delubra omnia, sanctissimis religionibus 
 consecrata, depeculatus est. Deum denique nullum 
 Siculis, qui ei paulo magis adfabre atque antiquo 15 
 artificio factus videretur, reliquit. In stupris vero et 
 flagitiis, nefarias ejus libidines commemorare pudore 
 deterreor : simul illorum calamitatem commemorando 
 augere nolo, quibus liberos conjugesque suas integras 
 ab istius petulantia conservare non licitum est. 20 
 
 15. At enim haec ita commissa sunt ab isto, ut non 
 cognita sint ab hominibus? Hominem arbitror esse ne- 
 minem, qui nomen istius audierit, quin facta quoque 
 ejus nefaria commemorare possit ; ut mihi magis 
 timendum sit, ne multa crimina praetermittere, quam 25 
 ne qua in istum fingere, existimer. Neque enim mihi 
 videtur haec multitudo, quae ad audiendum convenit, 
 cognoscere ex me causam voluisse, sed ea, quae scit, 
 mecum recognoscere. 
 
 vi. Quae cum ita sint, iste homo amens ac perditus 30 
 alia mecum ratione pugnat. Non id agit, ut alicujus 
 eloquentiam mihi opponat ; non gratia, non auctoritate 
 cujusquam, non potentia nititur. Simulat his se rebus 
 confidere, sed video quid agat (neque enim agit 
 occultissime) : proponit inania mihi nobilitatis, hcc 35 
 est, hominum adrogantium, nomina ; qui non tarn vo% 
 
30 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. I. 
 
 impediunt quod nobiles sunt, quam adjuvant quod 
 noti sunt. Simulat se eorum praesidio confidere, cum 
 interea aliud quiddam jam diu machinetur. 
 
 16. Quam spem nunc habeat in manibus, et quid mo- 
 S liatur, breviter jam, judices, vobis exponam : sed prius, 
 ut ab initio res ab eo constituta sit, quaeso, cognoscite. 
 Ut primum e provincia rediit, redemptio est hujus 
 judici facta grandi pecunia. Mansit in condicione 
 atque pacto usque ad eum finem, dum judices rejecti 
 
 10 sunt. Postea quam rejectio judicum facta est — quod 
 et in sortitione istius spem fortuna populi Romani, 
 et in reiciendis judicibus mea diligentia, istorum 
 impudentiam vicerat — renuntiata est tota condicio. 
 17. Praeclare se res habebat. Libelli nominum ves- 
 
 15 trorum, consilique hujus, in manibus erant omnium. 
 Nulla nota, nullus color, nullae sordes videbantur his 
 sententiis adlini posse : cum iste repente, ex alacri 
 atque laeto, sic erat humilis atque demissus, ut non 
 modo populo Romano, sed etiam sibi ipse, condem- 
 
 2 ° natus videretur. Ecce autem repente, his diebus pau- 
 cis comitiis consularibus factis, eadem ilia Vetera 
 consilia pecunia majore repetuntur ; eaedemque ves- 
 trae famae fortunisque omnium insidiae per eosdem 
 homines comparantur. Quae res primo, judices, per- 
 
 2 5 tenui nobis argumento indicioque patefacta est : post, 
 aperto suspitionis introitu, ad omnia intima istorum 
 consilia sine ullo errore pervenimus. 
 
 vii. 18. Nam, ut Hortensius, consul designatus, do- 
 mum reducebatur e Campo, cum maxima frequentia 
 
 3° ac multitudine, fit obviam casu ei multitudini C. 
 Curio ; quern ego hominem honoris [potius quam 
 contumeliae] causa nominatum volo. Etenim ea di- 
 cam, quae ille, si commemorari noluisset, non tanto in 
 conventu, tarn aperte palamque dixisset : quae tamen 
 
 35 a me pedetentim cauteque dicentur ; ut et amicitiae 
 nostrae,-et dignitatis illius, habita ratio esse intellegatur. 
 
viii. 2i.] His Partisans are Elected. 31 
 
 i&. Videt ad ipsum fornicem Fabianum in turba Ver- 
 rem : appellat hominem, et ei voce maxima gratu- 
 latur : ipsi Hortensio, qui consul erat factus, pro- 
 pinquis necessariisque ejus, qui turn aderant, verbum 
 nullum facit : cum hoc cpnsistit ; hunc amplexatur ; 5 
 hunc jubet sine cura esse. \ Renuntio,' inquit, ' tibi, 
 te hodiernis comitiis esse absolutum.' Quod cum tarn 
 multi homines honestissimi audissent, statim ad me 
 defertur : immo vero, ut quisque me viderat, narrabat. 
 Aliis illud indignum, aliis ridiculum, videbatur : ridi- 10 
 culum eis qui istius causam in testium fide, in criminum 
 ratione, in judicum potestate, non in comitiis consu- 
 laribus, positam arbitrabantur : indignum eis, qui al- 
 tius aspiciebant, et hanc gratulationem ad judicium 
 corrumpendum spectare videbant. 20. Etenim sic 15 
 ratiocinabantur, sic honestissimi homines inter se et 
 mecum loquebantur : aperte jam et perspicue nulla 
 esse judicia. Qui reus pridie jam ipse se condemna- 
 tum putabat, is, postea quam defensor ejus consul est 
 factus, absolvitur ! Quid igitur? quod tota Sicilia, 20 
 quod omnes Siculi, omnes negotiatores, omnes publicae 
 privataeque litterae Romae sunt, nihilne id valebit? 
 nihil, invito consule designato ! Quid, judices? non 
 crimina, non testis, non existimationem populi Ro- 
 mani sequentur? Non: omnia in unius potestate ac 25 
 moderatione vertentur. 
 
 viii. Vere loquar, judices : vehementer me haec 
 res commovebat. Optimus enim quisque ita loque- 
 batur : iste quidem tibi eripietur : sed nos non tene- 
 bimus judicia diutius. Etenim quis poterit, Verre 30 
 absoluto, de transferendis judiciis recusare? 21. Erat 
 omnibus molestum : neque eos tarn istius hominis 
 perditi subita laetitia, quam hominis amplissimi nova 
 gratulatio, commovebat. Cupiebam dissimulare me 
 id moleste ferre : cupiebam animi dolorem vultu 35 
 tegere, et taciturnitate celare. Ecce autem, illis ipsis 
 
32 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. I. 
 
 diebus, cum praetores designati sortirentur, et M. 
 Metello obtigisset, ut is de pecuniis repetundis quae- 
 reret; nuntiatur mihi, tantam isti gratulationem esse 
 factam, ut is domum quoque pueros mitteret, qui uxori 
 5 suae nuntiarent. 22. Sane ne haec quidem mihi res 
 placebat : neque tamen, tanto opere quid in hac sorte 
 metuendum mihi esset, intellegebam. Unum illud ex 
 hominibus certis, ex quibus omnia comperi, reperie- 
 bam : fiscos compluris cum pecunia Siciliensi, a quo- 
 
 io dam senatore ad equitem Romanum esse translatos : 
 ex his quasi decern fiscos ad senatorem ilium relictos 
 esse, comitiorum meorum nomine : divisores omnium 
 tribuum noctu ad istum vocatos. 23. Ex quibus qui- 
 dam, qui se omnia mea causa debere arbitrabatur, 
 
 15 eadem ilia nocte ad me venit : demonstrat, qua iste 
 oratione usus esset : commemorasse istum, quam liber- 
 aliter eos tractasset [etiam] antea, cum ipse praeturam 
 petisset, et proximis consularibus praetoriisque comi- 
 tiis : deinde continuo esse pollicitum, quantam vellent 
 
 20 pecuniam, si me aedilitate dejecissent. Hie alios 
 negasse audere ; alios respondisse, non putare id 
 perfici posse : inventum tamen esse fortem amicum, 
 ex eadem familia, Q^ Verrem, Romilia, ex optima 
 divisorum disciplina, patris istius discipulum atque 
 
 2 5 amicum, qui, HS quingentis milibus depositis, id se 
 perfecturum polliceretur : et fuisse turn non nullos, 
 qui se una facturos esse dicerent. Quae cum ita 
 essent, sane benevolo animo me, ut magno opere cave- 
 rem praemonebat. 
 
 3° ix. 24. Sollicitabar rebus maximis uno atque eo per- 
 exiguo tempore. Urgebant comitia ; et in his ipsis 
 oppugnabar grandi pecunia. Instabat judicium : ei 
 quoque negotio fisci Sicilienses minabantur. Agere 
 quae ad judicium pertinebant libere, comitiorum metu 
 
 35 deterrebar : petitioni toto animo servire, propter judi- 
 cium non licebat. Minari denique divisoribus ratio 
 
ix. 27-] His Friends are in Office, 33 
 
 non erat, propterea quod eos intellegere videbam 
 me hoc judicio districtum atque obligatum futurum. 
 25. Atque hoc ipso tempore Siculis denuntiatum esse 
 audio, primum ab Hortensio, domum ad ilium ut veni- 
 rent : Siculos in eo sane liberos fuisse ; qui quam ob 5 
 rem arcesserentur cum intellegerent, non venisse. 
 Interea comitia nostra, quorum iste se, ut ceterorum 
 hoc anno comitiorum, dominum esse arbitrabatur, 
 haberi coepta sunt. Cursare iste homo potens, cum 
 filio blando et gratioso, circum tribus : paternos ami- 10 
 cos, hoc est divisores, appellare omnes et convenire. 
 Quod cum esset intellectum et animadversum, fecit 
 animo libentissimo populus Rom anus, ut cujus divi- 
 tiae me de fide deducere non potuissent, ne ejusdem 
 pecunia de honore deicerer. 15 
 
 26. Postea quam ilia petitionis magna cura liberatus 
 sum, animo coepi multo magis vacuo ac soluto, nihil 
 aliud nisi de judicio agere et cogitare. Reperio, ju- 
 dices, haec ab istis consilia inita et constituta, ut, 
 quacumque posset ratione, res ita duceretur, ut apud 20 
 M. Metellum praetorem causa diceretur. In eo 
 esse haec commoda : primum M. Metellum amicis- 
 simum ; deinde Hortensium consulem non [solum, sed] 
 etiam Q^ Metellum, qui quam isti sit amicus attendite : 
 dedit enim praerogativam suae voluntatis ejus modi, 25 
 ut isti pro praerogativis earn reddidisse videatur. 
 
 27. An me taciturum tantis de rebus existimavistis? 
 et me, in tanto rei publicae existimationisque meae 
 periculo, cuiquam consulturum potius quam officio et 
 dignitati meae? Arcessit alter consul designatus Si- 30 
 culos : veniunt non nulli, propterea quod L. Metellus 
 esset praetor in Sicilia. Cum iis ita loquitur : se 
 consulem esse ; fratrem suum alterum Siciliam pro- 
 vinciam obtinere, alterum esse quaesiturum de pecuniis 
 repetundis ; Verri ne noceri possit multis rationibus 35 
 esse provisum. 
 
 3 
 
34 Impeachment of Verres, [Verr. I. 
 
 x. 28. Quid est, quaeso, Metelle, judicium corrum- 
 pere, si hoc non est? testis, praesertim [Siculos], timi- 
 dos homines et adflictos, non solum auctoritate deter- 
 rere, sed etiam consulari metu, et duorum praetorum 
 5 potestate? Quid faceres pro innocente homine et pro- 
 pinquo, cum propter hominem perditissimum atque 
 alienissimum de officio ac dignitate decedis, et com- 
 mittis, ut, quod ille dictitat, alicui, qui te ignoret, 
 verum esse videatur? 29. Nam hoc Verrem dicere 
 
 io aiebant, te non fato, ut ceteros ex vestra familia, sed 
 opera sua consulem factum. Duo igitur consules et 
 quaesitor erunt ex illius voluntate. * Non solum efFu- 
 giemus   inquit ' hominem in quaerendo nimium dili- 
 gentem, nimium servientem populi existimationi, M\ 
 
 15 Glabrionem : accedet etiam nobis illud. Judex est 
 M. Caesonius, conlega nostri accusatoris, homo in 
 rebus judicandis spectatus et cognitus, quern minime 
 expediat esse in eo consilio quod conemur aliqua 
 ratione corrumpere : propterea quod jam antea, cum 
 
 20 judex in Juniano consilio fuisset, turpissimum illud 
 facinus non solum graviter tulit, sed etiam in medium 
 protulit. Hunc judicem ex Kal. Januariis non habebi- 
 mus. 30. Q^ Manlium, et Q^ Cornificium, duos se- 
 verissimos atque integerrimos judices, quod tribuni 
 
 25 plebis turn erunt, judices non habebimus. P. Sulpi- 
 cius, judex tristis et integer, magistratum ineat oportet 
 Nonis Decembribus. M. Crepereius, ex acerrima ilia 
 equestri familia et disciplina ; L. Cassius ex familia 
 cum ad ceteras res turn ad judicandum severissima ; 
 
 3° Cn. Tremellius, homo summa religione et diligentia, 
 — tres hi, homines veteres, tribuni militares sunt desig- 
 nati : ex Kal. Januariis non judicabunt. Subsortiemur 
 etiam in M. Metelli locum, quoniam is huic ipsi quaes- 
 tioni praefuturus est. Ita secundum Kalendas Janua- 
 
 35 rias, et praetore et prope toto consilio commutato, 
 magnas accusatoris minas, magnamque exspecta- 
 
xi. 33-] The Danger of Delay, 35 
 
 "tionem judici, ad nostrum arbitrium libidinemque 
 eludemus. 
 
 31. Nonae sunt hodie Sextiles : hora vin. convenire 
 coepistis. Hunc diem jam ne numerant quidem. 
 Decern dies sunt ante ludos votivos, quos Cn. Pom- 5 
 peius facturus est. Hi ludi dies quindecim auferent : 
 deinde continuo Romani consequentur. Ita prope xl. 
 diebus interpositis, turn denique se ad ea quae a no- 
 bis dicta erunt responsuros esse arbitrantur : deinde 
 se ducturos, et dicendo et excusando, facile ad ludos 10 
 Victoriae. Cum his plebeios esse conjunctos ; secun- 
 dum quos aut nulli aut perpauci dies ad agendum fu- 
 turi sunt. Ita defessa ac refrigerata accusatione, rem 
 integram ad M. Metellum praetorem esse venturam : 
 quern ego hominem, si ejus fidei diffisus essem, judi- 15 
 cem non retinuissem. 32. Nunc tamen hoc animo 
 sum, ut eo judice quam praetore hanc rem transigi 
 malim ; et jurato suam quam injurato aliorum tabellas 
 committere. 
 
 xi. Nunc ego, judices, jam vos consulo, quid mihi 20 
 faciendum putetis. Id enim consili mihi profecto 
 taciti dabitis, quod egomet mihi necessario capiendum 
 intellego. Si utar ad dicendum meo legitimo tempore, 
 mei laboris, industriae, diligentiaeque capiam fructum ; 
 et [ex accusatione] perficiam ut nemo umquam post 25 
 hominum memoriam paratior, vigilantior, compositior 
 ad judicium venisse videatur. Sed, in hac laude indus- 
 triae meae, reus ne elabatur summum periculum est. 
 Quid est igitur quod fieri possit ? Non obscurum, opi- 
 nor, neque absconditum. 33. Fructum istum laudis, qui 30 
 ex perpetua oratione percipi potuit, in alia tempora 
 reservemus : nunc hominem tabulis, testibus, privatis 
 publicisque litteris auctoritatibusque accusemus. Res 
 omnis mihi tecum erit, Hortensi. Dicam aperte : si 
 te mecum dicendo ac diluendis criminibus in hac 35 
 causa contendere putarem, ego quoque in accusando 
 
36 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. I. 
 
 atque in explicandis criminibus operam consumerem ; 
 nunc, quoniam pugnare contra me instituisti, non tarn 
 ex tua natura quam ex istius tempore et causa [mali- 
 tiose], necesse est istius modi rationi aliquo consilio 
 5 obsistere. 34. Tua ratio est, ut secundum binos ludos 
 mihi respondere incipias; mea, ut ante primos ludos 
 comperendinem. Ita fit ut tua ista ratio existimetur 
 astuta, meum hoc consilium necessarium. 
 
 xii. Verum illud quod institueram dicere, mihi rem 
 
 10 tecum esse, hujus modi est. Ego cum hanc causam 
 Siculorum rogatu recepissem, idque mihi amplum et 
 praeclarum existimassem, eos velle meae fidei diligenti- 
 aeque periculum facere, qui innocentiae abstinentiae- 
 que fecissent ; turn suscepto negotio, majus quiddam 
 
 15 mihi proposui, in quo meam in rem publicam vo- 
 luntatem populus Romanus perspicere posset. 35. Nam 
 illud mihi nequaquam dignum industria conatuque 
 meo videbatur, istum a me in judicium, jam omnium 
 judicio condemnatum, vocari, nisi ista tua intolera- 
 
 20 bilis potentia, et ea cupiditas qua per hosce annos in 
 quibusdam judiciis usus es, etiam in istius hominis 
 desperati causa interponeretur. Nunc vero, quoniam 
 haec te omnis dominatio regnumque judiciorum tanto 
 opere delectat, et sunt homines quos libidinis infami- 
 
 25 aeque suae neque pudeat neque taedeat, — qui, quasi 
 de industria, in odium ofFensionemque populi Romani 
 inruere videantur, — hoc me profiteor suscepisse, mag- 
 num fortasse onus et mihi periculosissimum, verum 
 tamen dignum in quo omnis nervos aetatis industri- 
 
 3° aeque meae contenderem. 
 
 36. Quoniam totus ordo paucorum improbitate et 
 audacia premitur et urgetur infamia judiciorum, pro- 
 fiteor huic generi hominum me inimicum accusatorem, 
 odiosum, adsiduum, acerbum adversarium. Hoc mihi 
 
 35 sumo, hoc mihi deposco, quod agam in magistratu, 
 quod agam ex eo loco ex quo me populus Romanus 
 
xii. 39-] Corruption of the Courts. 37 
 
 ex Kal. Januariis secum agere de re publica ac de ho- 
 minibus improbis voluit : hoc munus aedilitatis meae 
 populo Romano amplissimum pulcherrimumque polli- 
 ceor. Moneo, praedico, ante denuntio ; qui aut depo- 
 nere, aut accipere, aut -recipere, aut polliceri, aut 5 
 sequestres aut interpretes corrumpendi judici solent 
 esse, quique ad hanc rem aut potentiam aut impuden- 
 tiam suam professi sunt, abstineant in hoc judicio 
 manus animosque ab hoc scelere nefario. 
 
 xiii. 3T. Erit turn consul Hortensius cum summo 10 
 imperio et potestate ; ego autem aedilis, hoc est, paulo 
 amplius quam privatus. Tamen hujus modi haec res 
 est, quam me acturum esse polliceor, ita populo Ro- 
 mano grata atque jucunda, ut ipse consul in hac causa 
 prae me minus etiam (si fieri possit) quam privatus 15 
 esse videatur. Omnia non modo commemorabuntur, 
 sed etiam, expositis certis rebus, agentur, quae inter 
 decern annos, postea quam judicia ad senatum trans- 
 lata sunt, in rebus judicandis nefarie flagitioseque facta 
 sunt. 38. Cognoscet ex me populus Romanus quid 20 
 sit, quam ob rem, cum equester ordo judicaret, annos 
 prope quinquaginta continuos, in nullo judice [equite 
 Romano judicante] ne tenuissima quidem suspitio 
 acceptae pecuniae ob rem judicandam constituta sit : 
 quid sit quod, judiciis ad senatorium ordinem transla- 25 
 tis, sublataque populi Romani in unum quemque ves- 
 trum potestate, Q^ Calidius damnatus dixerit, minoris 
 HS triciens praetorium hominem honeste non posse 
 damnari : quid sit quod, P. Septimio senatore dam- 
 nato, Q^ Hortensio praetore, de pecuniis repetundis 30 
 lis aestimata sit eo nomine, quod ille ob rem judican- 
 dam pecuniam accepisset ; 39. quod in C. Herennio, 
 quod in C. Popilio, senatoribus, qui ambo peculatus 
 damnati sunt ; quod in M. Atilio, qui de majestate 
 damnatus est, hoc planum factum sit, eos pecuniam 35 
 ob rem judicandam accepisse ; quod inventi sint sena- 
 
38 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. I. 
 
 tores, qui, C. Verre praetore urbano sortiente, exirent 
 in eum reum, quem incognita causa condemnarent ; 
 quod inventus sit senator, qui, cum judex esset, in 
 eodem judicio et ab reo pecuniam acciperet quam judi- 
 
 5 cibus divideret, et ab accusatore, ut reum condemna- 
 ret? 40. Jam vero quomodo illam labem, ignominiam, 
 calamitatemque totius ordinis conquerar? hoc factum 
 esse in hac civitate, cum senatorius ordo judicaret, 
 ut discoloribus signis juratorum hominum sententiae 
 
 10 notarentur? Haec omnia me diligenter severeque ac- 
 turum esse, polliceor. 
 
 xiv. Quo me tandem animo fore putatis, si quid 
 in hoc ipso judicio intellexero simili aliqua ratione 
 esse violatum atque commissum? cum planum fa- 
 
 15 cere multis testibus possim, C. Verrem in Sicilia, 
 multis audientibus, saepe dixisse, ' se habere homi- 
 nem potentem, cujus fiducia provinciam spoliaret : 
 neque sibi soli pecuniam quaerere, sed ita triennium 
 illud praeturae Siciliensis distributum habere, ut se- 
 
 20 cum praeclare agi diceret, si unius anni quaestum 
 
 in rem suam converteret; alterum patronis et defen- 
 
 soribus traderet ; tertium ilium uberrimum quaestuo- 
 
 sissimumque annum totum judicibus reservaret.' 
 
 41. Ex quo mihi venit in mentem illud dicere (quod 
 
 25 apud M\ Glabrionem nuper cum id reiciundis judici- 
 bus commemorassem, intellexi vehementer populum 
 Romanum commoveri), me arbitrari, fore uti natio- 
 nes exterae legatos ad populum Romanum mitterent, 
 ut lex de pecuniis repetundis judiciumque tolleretur. 
 
 30 Si enim judicia nulla sint, tantum unum quemque abla- 
 turum putant, quantum sibi ac liberis suis satis esse 
 arbitretur : nunc, quod ejus modi judicia sint, tantum 
 unum quemque auferre, quantum sibi, patronis, advo- 
 catis, praetori, judicibus, satis futurum sit : hoc pro- 
 
 35 fecto infinitum esse : se avarissimi hominis cupiditati 
 satisfacere posse, nocentissimi victoriae non posse. 
 
xv. 450 justice to be vindicated, 39 
 
 42. O commemoranda judicia, praeclaramque existi- 
 mationem nostri ordinis ! cum socii populi Romani 
 judicia de pecuniis repetundis fieri nolunt, quae a 
 majoribus nostris sociorum causa comparata sunt. 
 An iste umquam de se bonam spem habuisset, nisi 5 
 de vobis malam opinionem animo imbibisset? Quo 
 majore etiam (si fieri potest) apud vos odio esse de- 
 bet, quam est apud populum Romanum, cum in ava- 
 ritia, scelere, perjurio, vos sui similis esse arbitretur. 
 
 xv. 43. Cui loco (per Deos immortalis !), judices, 10 
 consulite ac providete. Moneo praedicoque — id quod 
 intellego — tempus hoc vobis divinitus datum esse, ut 
 odio, invidia, infamia, turpitudine, totum ordinem 
 liberetis. Nulla in judiciis severitas, nulla religio, 
 nulla denique jam existimantur esse judicia. Itaque 15 
 a populo Romano contemnimur, despicimur : gravi 
 diuturnaque jam flagramus infamia. 44. Neque enim 
 ullam aliam ob causam populus Romanus tribuniciam 
 potestatem tanto studio requisivit ; quam cum poscebat, 
 verbo illam poscere videbatur, re vera judicia posce- 20 
 bat. Neque hoc Q^ Catulum, hominem sapientissimum 
 atque amplissimum, fugit, qui (Cn. Pompeio, viro 
 fortissimo et clarissimo, de tribunicia potestate refer- 
 ente), cum esset sententiam rogatus, hoc initio est 
 summa cum auctoritate usus : 4 Patres conscriptos 25 
 judicia male et flagitiose tueri : quod si in rebus judi- 
 candis, populi Romani existimationi satis facere vol- 
 uissent, non tanto opere homines fuisse tribuniciam 
 potestatem desideraturos.' 45. Ipse denique Cn. 
 Pompeius, cum primum contionem ad Urbem consul 30 
 designatus habuit, ubi (id quod maxime exspectari 
 videbatur) ostendit se tribuniciam potestatem restitu- 
 turum, factus est in eo strepitus, et grata contionis ad- 
 murmuratio. Idem in eadem contione cum dixisset 
 ' populatas vexatasque esse provincias ; judicia autem 35 
 turpia ac flagitiosa fieri ; ei rei se providere ac consu- 
 
40 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. I. 
 
 lere velle ; ' turn vero non strepitu, sed maximo cla- 
 more, suam populus Romanus significavit voluntatem. 
 xvi. 46. Nunc autem homines in speculis sunt : ob- 
 servant quern ad modum sese unus quisque nostrum 
 5 gerat in retinenda religione, conservandisque legibus. 
 Vident adhuc, post legem tribuniciam, unum senatorem 
 hominem vel tenuissimum esse damnatum : quod tam- 
 etsi non reprehendunt, tamen magno opere quod lau- 
 dent non habent. Nulla est enim laus, ibi esse integrum, 
 
 10 ubi nemo est qui aut possit aut conetur corrumpere. 
 47. Hoc est judicium, in quo vos de reo, populus Ro- 
 manus de vobis judicabit. In hoc homine statuetur, 
 possitne, senatoribus judicantibus, homo nocentissi- 
 mus pecuniosissimusque damnari. Deinde est ejus 
 
 15 modi reus, in quo homine nihil sit, praeter summa 
 peccata maximamque pecuniam ; ut, si liberatus sit, 
 nulla alia suspitio, nisi ea quae turpissima est, resi- 
 dere possit. Non gratia, non cognatione, non aliis 
 recte factis, non denique aliquo mediocri vitio, tot tan- 
 
 20 taque ejus vitia sublevata esse videbuntur. 
 
 48. Postremo ego causam sic agam, judices : ejus 
 modi res, ita notas, ita testatas, ita magnas, ita manifes- 
 tas proferam, ut nemo a vobis ut istum absolvatis per 
 gratiam conetur contendere. Habeo autem certam 
 
 25 viam atque rationem, qua omnis illorum conatus in- 
 vestigare et conseqm possim. Ita res a me agetur, ut 
 in eorum consiliis omnibus non modo aures hominum, 
 sed etiam oculi [populi Romani] interesse videantur. 
 49. Vos aliquot jam per annos conceptam huic ordini 
 
 3° turpitudinem atque infamiam delere ac tollere potestis. 
 Constat inter omnis, post haec constituta judicia, qui- 
 bus nunc utimur, nullum hoc splendore atque hac 
 dignitate consilium fuisse. Hie si quid erit offensum, 
 omnes homines non jam ex eodem ordine alios magis 
 
 35 idoneos (quod fieri non potest), sed alium omnino ordi- 
 nem ad res judicandas quaerendum arbitrabuntur. 
 
xviii. 53-] Appeal to the Court. 41 
 
 xvii. 50. Quapropter, primum ab Dis immortali- 
 bus, quod sperare mihi videor, hoc idem, judices, 
 opto, ut in hoc judicio nemo improbus praeter eum qui 
 jampridem inventus est reperiatur : deinde si plures 
 improbi fuerint, hoc vobis, hoc populo Romano, judi- 5 
 ces, confirmo, vitam (mehercule) mihi prius, quam 
 vim perseverantiamque ad illorum improbitatem per- 
 sequendam defuturam. 
 
 51. Verum, quod ego laboribus, periculis, inimicir 
 tiisque meis, turn cum admissum erit dedecus severe 10 
 me persecuturum esse polliceor, id ne accidat, tu tua 
 auctoritate, sapientia, diligentia, M\ Glabrio, potes 
 providere. Suscipe causam judiciorum : suscipe cau- 
 sam severitatis, integritatis, fidei, religionis : suscipe 
 causam senatus, ut is, hoc judicio probatus, cum po- 15 
 pulo Romano et in laude et in gratia esse possit. 
 Cogita qui sis, quo loco sis, quid dare populo Ro- 
 mano, quid reddere majoribus tuis, debeas : fac tibi 
 paternae legis [Aciliae] veniat in mentem, qua lege 
 populus Romanus de pecuniis repetundis optimis ju- 2 <> 
 diciis severissimisque judicibus usus est. 52. Circum- 
 stant te summae auctoritates, quae te oblivisci laudis 
 domesticae non sinant ; quae te noctis diesque com- 
 moneant, fortissimum tibi patrem, sapientissimum 
 avum, gravissimum socerum fuisse. Qua re si [Gla- 2 5 
 brionis] patris vim et acrimoniam ceperis ad resistendum 
 hominibus audacissimis ; si avi [Scaevolae] prudentiam 
 ad prospiciendas insidias, quae tuae atque horum famae 
 comparantur ; si soceri [Scauri] constantiam, ut ne quis 
 te de vera et certa possit sententia demovere ; intelle- 3° 
 get populus Romanus, integerrimo atque honestissimo 
 praetore, delectoque consilio, nocenti reo magnitudi- 
 nem pecuniae plus habuisse momenti ad suspitionem 
 criminis, quam ad rationem salutis. 
 
 xviii. 53. Mihi certum est, non committere ut in 35 
 hac causa praetor nobis consiliumque mutetur. Non 
 
42 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. I. 
 
 patiar rem in id tempus adduci, ut [Siculi], quos ad- 
 huc servi designatorum consulum non moverunt, cum 
 eos novo exemplo universos arcesserent, eos turn lictores 
 consulum vocent; ut homines miseri, antea socii atque 
 
 5 amici populi Romani, nunc servi ac supplices, non 
 modo jus suum fortunasque omnis eorum imperio 
 amittant, verum etiam deplorandi juris sui potestatem 
 non habeant. 54. Non sinam profecto, causa a me 
 perorata, [quadraginta diebus interpositis,] turn nobis 
 
 io denique responded, cum accusatio nostra in oblivionem 
 diuturnitate adducta sit : non committam, ut turn haec 
 res judicetur, cum haec frequentia totius Italiae Roma 
 discesserit ; quae convenit uno tempore undique, comi- 
 tiorum, ludorum, censendique causa. Hujus judici 
 
 is et laudis fructum, et offensionis periculum, vestrum ; 
 laborem sollicitudinemque, nostram ; scientiam quid 
 agatur, memoriamque quid a quoque dictum sit, 
 omnium puto esse oportere. 
 
 55. Faciam hoc non novum, sed ab eis qui nunc 
 
 20 principes nostrae civitatis sunt ante factum, ut testibus 
 utar statim : illud a me novum, judices, cognoscetis, 
 quod ita testis constituam, ut crimen totum explicem ; 
 ut, ubi id [interrogando] arguments atque oratione fir- 
 mavero, turn testis ad crimen adcommodem : ut nihil 
 
 25 inter illam usitatam accusationem atque hanc novam 
 intersit, nisi quod in ilia tunc, cum omnia dicta sunt, 
 testes dantur ; hie in singulas res dabuntur ; ut illis 
 quoque eadem interrogandi facultas, argumentandi 
 dicendique sit. Si quis erit, qui perpetuam orationem 
 
 3° accusationemque desideret, altera actione audiet : nunc 
 id, quod facimus — ea ratione facimus, ut malitiae illo- 
 rum consilio nostro occurramus — necessario fieri intel- 
 legat. Haec primae actionis erit accusatio. 56. Dici- 
 mus C. Verrem, cum multa libidinose, multa crude- 
 
 35 liter, in civis RjOmanos atque in socios, multa in deos 
 hominesque nefarie fecerit turn praeterea quadringen- 
 
mi. n6.] The Plunder of Syracuse, 43 
 
 tiens sestertium ex Sicilia contra leges abstulisse. Hoc 
 testibus, hoc tabulis privatis publicisque auctoritatibus 
 ita vobis planum faciemus, ut hoc statuatis, etiam si 
 spatium ad dicendum nostro commodo, vacuosque dies 
 habuissemus, tamen oratione longa nihil opus fuisse. 
 Dixi. 
 
 The Plunder of Syracuse. 
 
 [Actio Secunda, Lib. IV. ch. 52-60.] 
 
 lii. Unius etiam urbis omnium pulcherrimae atque 
 ornatissimae, Syracusarum, direptionem commemora- 
 bo et in medium proferam, judices, ut aliquando totam 
 hujus generis orationem concludam atque definiam. 10 
 Nemo fere vestrum est quin quern ad modum captae 
 sint a M. Marcello Syracusae saepe audierit, non num- 
 quam etiam in annalibus legerit. Conferte hanc pacem 
 cum illo bello, hujus praetoris adventum cum illius 
 imperatoris victoria, hujus cohortem impuram cum 15 
 illius exercitu invicto, hujus libidines cum illius conti- 
 nentia : ab illo, qui cepit, conditas, ab hoc qui consti- 
 tutas accepit, captas dicetis Syracusas. 
 
 2. Ac jam illn omitto, quae disperse a me multis in 
 locis dicentur ac dicta sunt : forum Syracusanorum, 20 
 quod introitu Marcelli purum caede servatum esset, id 
 adventu Verris Siculorum innocentium sanguine re- 
 dundasse : portum Syracusanorum, qui turn et nostris 
 classibus et Karthaginiensium clausus fuisset, eum 
 isto praetore Cilicum myoparoni praedonibusque patu- 2 S 
 isse : mitto adhibitam vim ingenuis, matres familias 
 violatas, quae turn in urbe capta commissa non sunt 
 neque odio hostili neque licentia militari neque more 
 belli neque jure victoriae : mitto, inquam, haec omnia, 
 quae ab isto per triennium perfecta sunt : ea, quae 3° 
 conjuncta cum illis rebus sunt, de quibus antea dixi, 
 cognoscite. 
 
44 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. V. 
 
 3. Urbem Syracusas maximam esse Graecarum, 
 pulcherrimam omnium saepe audistis. Est, judices, 
 ita ut dicitur. Nam et situ est cum munito turn ex 
 omni aditu, vel terra vel mari, praeclaro ad aspectum, 
 5 et portus habet prope in aedificatione aspectuque urbis 
 inclusos : qui cum diversos inter se aditus habeant, 
 in exitu conjunguntur et confluunt. Eorum conjunc- 
 tione pars oppidi, quae appellatur Insula, mari dijunc- 
 ta angusto, ponte rursus adjungitur et continetur. 
 
 io liii. 4. Ea tanta est urbs, ut ex quattuor urbibus 
 maximis constare dicatur : quarum una est ea quatn 
 dixi Insula, quae duobus portubus cincta, in utriusque 
 portus ostium aditumque projecta est, in qua domus 
 est, quae Hieronis regis fuit, qua praetores uti solent. 
 
 15 In ea sunt aedes sacrae complures, sed duae quae 
 longe ceteris antecellant : Dianae, et altera, quae 
 fuit ante istius adventum ornatissima, Minervae. In 
 hac insula extrema est fons aquae dulcis, cui nomen 
 Arethusa est, incredibili magnitudine, plenissimus pis- 
 
 20 cium, qui fluctu totus operiretur, nisi munitione ac 
 mole lapidum dijunctus esset a mari. 5. Altera au- 
 tem est urbs Syracusis, cui nomen Achradina est : in 
 qua forum maximum, pulcherrimae porticus, ornatis- 
 simum prytanium, amplissima est curia templumque 
 
 25 egregium Jovis Olympii ceteraeque urbis partes, quae 
 una via lata perpetua multisque transversis divisae 
 privatis aedificiis continentur. Tertia est urbs, quae, 
 quod in ea parte Fortunae fanum antiquum fuit, Ty- 
 cha nominata est, in qua gymnasium amplissimum est 
 
 30 et complures aedes sacrae : coliturque ea pars et habi- 
 tatur frequentissime. Quarta autem est, quae quia 
 postrema coaedificata est, Neapolis nominatur : quam 
 ad summam theatrum maximum : praeterea duo tem- 
 pla sunt egregia, Cereris unum, alterum Liberae sig- 
 
 35 numque Apollinis, qui Temenites vocatur, pulcherri- 
 mum et maximum : quod iste si portare potuisset, non 
 dubitasset auferre. 
 
lv. 122.] Mar cell us the Conqueror \ 45 
 
 liv. 6. Nunc ad Marcellum revertar, ne haec a me 
 sine causa commemorata esse videantur : qui cum 
 tarn praeclaram urbem vi copiisque cepisset, non puta- 
 vit ad laudem populi Romani hoc pertinere, hanc 
 pulchritudinem, ex qua praesertim periculi nihil osten- 5 
 deretur, delere et exstinguere. Itaque aedificiis omni- 
 bus, publicis privatis, sacris profanis, sic pepercit, 
 quasi ad ea defendenda cum exercitu, non oppugnan- 
 da venisset. In ornatu urbis habuit victoriae rationem, 
 habuit humanitatis. Victoriae putabat esse multa Ro- 10 
 mam deportare, quae ornamento urbi esse possent, 
 humanitatis non plane exspoliare urbem, praesertim 
 quam conservare voluisset. 7. In hac partitione orna- 
 tus non plus victoria Marcelli populo Romano appeti- 
 vit quam humanitas Syracusanis reservavit. Romam 15 
 quae apportata sunt, ad aedem Honoris et Virtutis 
 itemque aliis in locis videmus. Nihil in aedibus, nihil 
 in hortis posuit, nihil in suburbano : putavit, si urbis 
 ornamenta domum suam non contulisset, domum suam 
 ornamento urbi futuram. Syracusis autem permulta 20 
 atque egregia reliquit : deum vero nullum violavit, 
 nullum attigit. Conferte Verrem : non ut hominem 
 cum homine comparetis, ne qua tali viro mortuo fiat 
 injuria, sed ut pacem cum bello, leges cum vi, forum 
 et juris dictionem cum ferro et armis, adventum et 25 
 comitatum cum exercitu et victoria conferatis. 
 
 lv. 8. Aedis Minervae est in Insula, de qua ante 
 dixi : quam Marcellus non attigit, quam plenam atque 
 ornatam reliquit : quae ab isto sic spoliata atque di- 
 repta est, non ut ab hoste aliquo, qui tamen in bello 30 
 religionum et consuetudinis jura retineret, sed ut a 
 barbaris praedonibus vexata esse videatur. Pugna 
 erat equestris Agathocli regis in tabulis picta : his 
 autem tabulis interiores templi parietes vestiebantur. 
 Nihil erat ea pictura nobilius, nihil Syracusis quod 35 
 magis visendum putaretur. Has tabulas M. Marcel- 
 
46 Impeachment of Verves, [Verr. V. 
 
 lus cum omnia victoria ilia sua profana fecisset, 
 tamen religione impeditus non attigit : iste, cum ilia 
 jam propter diuturnam pacem fidelitatemque populi 
 Syracusani sacra religiosaque accepisset, omnes eas 
 5 tabulas abstulit : parietes, quorum ornatus tot saecula 
 manserant, tot bella effugerant, nudos ac deformatos 
 reliquit. 9. Et Marcellus, qui, si Syracusas cepisset, 
 duo templa se Romae dedicaturum voverat, is id, quod 
 erat aedificaturus, iis rebus ornare, quas ceperat, no- 
 lo luit : Verres, qui non Honori neque Virtuti, quern ad 
 modum ille, sed Veneri et Cupidini vota deberet, is 
 Minervae templum spoliare conatus est. Ille deos 
 deorum spoliis ornari noluit : hie ornamenta Minervae 
 virginis in meretriciam domum transtulit. Viginti 
 15 et septem praeterea tabulas pulcherrime pictas ex 
 eadem aede sustulit : in quibus erant imagines Siciliae 
 regum ac tyrannorum, quae non solum pictorum artifi- 
 cio delectabant, sed etiam commemoratione hominum 
 et cognitione formarum. Ac videte quanto taetrior 
 20 hie tyrannus Syracusanus fuerit quam quisquam supe- 
 riorum : cum illi tamen ornarint templa deorum 
 immortalium, hie etiam illorum monumenta atque 
 ornamenta sustulerit. 
 
 lvi. 10. Jam vero quid ego de valvis illius templi 
 
 25 commemorem? Vereor ne, haec qui non viderint, 
 
 omnia me nimis augere atque ornare arbitrentur : 
 
 quod tamen nemo suspicari debet, tarn esse me cupi- 
 
 dum, ut tot viros primarios velim, praesertim ex judi- 
 
 cum numero, qui Syracusis fuerint, qui haec viderint, 
 
 30 esse temeritati et mendacio meo conscios. Confirmare 
 
 hoc liquido, judices, possum, valvas magnificentiores, 
 
 ex auro atque ebore perfectiores, nullas umquam ullo in 
 
 templo fuisse. Incredibile dictu est quam multi Graeci 
 
 de harum valvarum pulchritudine scriptum reliquerint. 
 
 35 Nimium forsitan haec illi mirentur atque efFerant. 
 
 Esto : verum tamen honestius est rei publicae nostrae, 
 
lvii. 126.] Verres the Plunderer. 47 
 
 judices, ea quae illis pulchra esse videantur imperato- 
 rem nostrum in bello reliquisse, quam praetorem in 
 pace abstulisse. Ex ebore diligentissime perfecta 
 argumenta erant in valvis': ea detrahenda curavit 
 omnia. 11. Gorgonis os pulcherrimum, cinctum an- 5 
 guibus, revellit atque abstulit : et tamen indicavit se 
 non solum artificio, sed etiam pretio quaestuque duci. 
 Nam bullas aureas omnes ex iis valvis, quae erant 
 multae et graves, non dubitavit auferre : quarum iste 
 non opere delectabatur, sed pondere. Itaque ejus 10 
 modi valvas reliquit, ut quae olim ad ornandum tern- 
 plum erant maxime, nunc tantum ad cludendum factae 
 esse videantur. Etiamne gramineas hastas — vidi 
 enim vos in hoc nomine, cum testis diceret, commo- 
 veri, quod erat ejus modi, ut semel vidisse satis esset ; 15 
 in quibus neque manu factum quicquam neque pulchri- 
 tudo erat ulla, sed tantum magnitudo incredibilis, de 
 qua vel audire satis esset, nimium videre plus quam 
 semel — etiam id concupisti? 
 
 lvii. 12. Nam Sappho, quae sublata de prytanio 20 
 est, dat tibi justam excusationem, prope ut conceden- 
 dum atque ignoscendum esse videatur. Silanionis 
 ppus tarn perfectum, tarn elegans, tarn elaboratum 
 quisquam non modo privatus, sed populus potius habe- 
 ret quam homo elegantissimus atque eruditissimus, 25 
 Verres? Nimirum contra dici nihil potest. Nostrum 
 enim unus quisque — qui tarn beati quam iste est non 
 sumus, tarn delicati esse non possumus — si quando ali- 
 quid istius modi videre volet, eat ad aedem Felicitatis, 
 ad monumentum Catuli, in porticum Metelli \ det 30 
 operam ut admittatur in alicujus istorum Tusculanum ; 
 spectet forum ornatum, si quid iste suorum aedilibus 
 commodarit : Verres haec habeat domi, Verres orna- 
 mentorum fanorum atque oppidorum habeat plenam do- 
 mum, villas refertas? Etiamne hujus operari studia ac 35 
 delicias, judices, perferetis? qui ita natus, ita educa- 
 
48 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. V. 
 
 tus est, ita factus et animo et corpore, ut multo apposi- 
 tior ad ferenda quam ad auferenda signa esse videatur. 
 13. Atque haec Sappho sublata quantum desiderium 
 sui reliquerit dici vix potest. Nam cum ipsa fuit egre- 
 5 gie facta, turn epigramma Graecum pernobile incisum 
 est in basi : quod iste eruditus homo et Graeculus, 
 qui haec subtiliter judicat, qui solus intellegit, si unam 
 litteram Graecam scisset, certe non tulisset. Nunc 
 enim, quod scriptum est inani in basi, declarat quid 
 
 io fuerit, et id ablatum indicat. 
 
 14. Quid? signum Paeanis ex aede Aesculapii prae- 
 clare factum, sacrum ac religiosum, non sustulisti? 
 quod omnes propter pulchritudinem visere, propter reli- 
 gionem colere solebant. Quid? ex aede Liberi sim- 
 
 15 ulacrum Aristaei non tuo imperio palam ablatum est? 
 Quid? ex aede Jovis religiosissimum simulacrum Jo- 
 vis Imperatoris, pulcherrime factum, nonne abstulisti? 
 Quid? ex aede Liberae, f parinum caput illud pulcher- 
 rimum, quod visere solebamus, num dubitasti tollere? 
 
 20 Atque ille Paean sacrifices, anniversariis simul cum 
 Aesculapio apud illos colebatur : Aristaeus, qui [ut 
 Graeci ferunt, Liberi Alius] inventor olei esse dicitur, 
 una cum Libero patre apud illos eodem erat in templo 
 consecratus. 
 
 25 lviii. 15. Jovem autem Imperatorem quanto honore 
 in suo templo fuisse arbitramini? Conicere potestis, 
 si recordari volueritis quanta religione fuerit eadem 
 specie ac forma signum illud, quod ex Macedonia cap- 
 turn in Capitolio posuerat Flamininus. Etenim tria 
 
 30 ferebantur in orbe terrarum signa Jovis Imperatoris 
 uno in genere pulcherrime facta : unum illud Macedo- 
 nicum, quod in Capitolio vidimus ; alterum in Ponti 
 ore et angustiis; tertium, quod Syracusis ante Verrem 
 praetorem fuit. Illud Flamininus ita ex aede sua sus- 
 
 35 tulit, ut in Capitolio, hoc est, in terrestri domicilio 
 Jovis poneret. Quod autem est ad introitum Ponti, 
 
lix. 132.] How these Treasures are Prized. 49 
 
 id, cum tarn multa ex illo mari bella emerserint, 
 tarn multa porro in Pontum invecta sint, usque ad 
 hanc diem integrum inviolatumque servatum est. Hoc 
 tertium, quod erat Syracusis, quod M. Marcellus ar- 
 matus et victor viderat, quod religioni concesserat, 5 
 quod cives atque incolae Syracusani colere, advenae 
 non solum visere, verum etiam venerari solebant, id 
 Verres ex templo Jovis sustulit. 
 
 16. Ut saepius ad Marcellum revertar, judices, sic 
 habetote : plures esse a Syracusanis istius adventu 10 
 deos, quam victoria Marcelli homines desideratos. 
 Etenim ille requisisse etiam dicitur Archimedem ilium, 
 summo ingenio hominem ac disciplina, quern cum 
 audisset interfectum, permoleste tulisse : iste omnia, 
 quae requisivit, non ut conservaret, verum ut asporta- 15 
 ret requisivit. 
 
 lix. it. Jam ilia quae leviora videbuntur ideo prae- 
 teribo, — quod mensas Delphicas e marmore, cra- 
 teras ex aere pulcherrimas, vim maximam vasorum 
 Corinthiorum ex omnibus aedibus sacris abstulit Syra- 20 
 cusis. Itaque, judices, ei qui hospites ad ea quae vi- 
 senda sunt solent ducere, et unum quidque ostendere, 
 quos illi mystagogos vocant, conversam jam habent 
 demonstrationem suam. Nam, ut ante demonstrabant 
 quid ubique esset, item nunc quid undique ablatum sit 25 
 ostendunt. 
 
 18. Quid turn? mediocrine tandem dolore eos adfec- 
 tos esse arbitramini? Non ita est, judices : primum, 
 quod omnes religione moventur, et deos patrios, quos 
 a majoribus acceperunt, colendos sibi diligenter et 30 
 retinendos esse arbitrantur : deinde hie ornatus, haec 
 opera atque artificia, signa, tabulae pictae, Graecos 
 homines nimio opere delectant. Itaque ex illorum 
 querimoniis intellegere possumus, haec illis acerbis- 
 sima videri, quae forsitan nobis levia et contemnenda 35 
 esse videantur. Mihi credite, judices, — tametsi vos- 
 
50 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. V. 
 
 met ipsos haec eadem audire certo scio, — cum mul- 
 tas acceperint per hosce annos socii atque exterae 
 nationes calamitates et injurias, nullas Graeci homines 
 gravius ferunt ac tulerunt, quam hujusce modi spolia- 
 
 5 tiones fanorum atque oppidorum. 
 
 19. Licet iste dicat emisse se, sicuti solet dicere, cre- 
 dite hoc mihi, judices : nulla umquam civitas tota Asia 
 et Graecia signum ullum, tabulam pictam, ullum deni- 
 que ornamentum urbis, sua voluntate cuiquam vendi- 
 
 10 dit, nisi forte existimatis, postea quam judicia severa 
 Romae fieri desierunt, Graecos homines haec vendi- 
 tare coepisse, quae turn non modo non venditabant, 
 cum judicia fiebant, verum etiam coemebant ; aut nisi 
 arbitramini L. Crasso, Q^ Scaevolae, C. Claudio, po- 
 
 15 tentissimis hominibus, quorum aedilitates ornatissimas 
 vidimus, commercium istarum rerum cum Graecis 
 hominibus non fuisse, eis qui post judiciorum dissolu- 
 tionem aediles facti sunt fuisse. 
 
 lx. 20. Acerbiorem etiam scitote esse civitatibus 
 
 20 falsam istam et simulatam emptionem, quam si qui 
 clam surripiat aut eripiat palam atque auferat. Nam 
 turpitudinem summam esse arbitrantur referri in tabu- 
 las publicas, pretio adductam civitatem (et pretio par- 
 vo) ea quae accepisset a majoribus vendidisse atque 
 
 25 abalienasse. Etenim mirandum in modum Graeci 
 rebus istis, quas nos contemnimus, delectantur. Itaque 
 majores nostri facile patiebantur, haec esse apud illos 
 quam plurima : apud socios, ut imperio nostro quam 
 ornatissimi florentissimique essent ; apud eos autem, 
 
 30 quos vectigalis aut stipendiarios fecerant, tamen haec 
 relinquebant, ut illi quibus haec jucunda sunt, quae 
 nobis levia videntur, haberent haec oblectamenta et 
 solacia servitutis. 
 
 21. Quid arbitramini Reginos, qui jam cives Ro- 
 
 35 mani sunt, merere velle, ut ab eis marmorea Venus 
 ilia auferatur? quid Tarentinos, ut Europam in tauro 
 
lxi. 1 60.] Crucifixion of a Roman Citizen. 51 
 
 amittant? ut Satyrum, qui apud illos in aede Vestae 
 est? ut cetera? quid Thespienses, ut Cupidinis sig- 
 num [propter quod unum visuntur Thespiae] ? quid 
 Cnidios, ut Venerem marmoream ? quid, ut pictam, 
 Coos? quid Ephesios, ut Alexandrum? quid Cyzice- 5 
 nos, ut Ajacem aut Medeam? quid Rhodios, ut Ialy- 
 sum? quid Athenienses, ut ex marmore Iacchum aut 
 Paralum pictum aut ex aere Myronis buculam? Lon- 
 gum est et non necessarium commemorare quae apud 
 quosque visenda sunt tota Asia et Graecia : verum 10 
 illud est quam ob rem haec comraemorem, quod existi- 
 mare hoc vos volo. mirum quendam dolorem accipere 
 eos, ex quorum urbibus haec auferantur. 
 
 Crucifixion of a Roman Citizen. 
 
 [Actio Secunda, Lib. V., ch. 61-66.] 
 
 Quid nunc agam ? Cum jam tot horas de uno gen- 
 ere ac de istius nefaria crudelitate dicam, — cum prope 15 
 omnem vim verborum ejus modi, quae scelere istius 
 digna sint, aliis in rebus consumpserim, neque hoc 
 providerim, ut varietate criminum vos attentos tene- 
 rem, — quern ad modum de tanta re dicam? Opinor, 
 unus modus atque una ratio est. Rem in medio 20 
 ponam, quae tantum habet ipsa gravitatis, ut neque 
 mea (quae nulla est) neque cujusquam, ad inflamman- 
 dos vestros animos, eloquentia requiratur. 
 
 2. Gavius hie, quern dico, Consanus, cum in illo nu- 
 mero civium Romanorum ab isto in vincla conjectus 25 
 esset, et nescio qua ratione clam e lautumiis profugis- 
 set, Messanamque venisset, — qui tarn prope jam Ital- 
 iam et moenia Reginorum civium Romanorum videret, 
 et ex illo metu mortis ac tenebris, quasi luce libertatis 
 et odore aliquo legum recreatus, revixisset, — loqui 3° 
 
52 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. VI. 
 
 Messanae et queri coepit, se civem Romanum in 
 vincla esse conjectum ; sibi recta iter esse Romam ; 
 Verri se praesto advenienti futurum. 
 
 3. Non intellegebat miser nihil interesse, utrum haec 
 5 Messanae, an apud istum in praetorio loqueretur. 
 
 Nam (ut ante vos docui) hanc sibi iste urbem delege- 
 rat, quam haberet adjutricem scelerum, furtorum re- 
 ceptricem, fiagitiorum omnium consciam. Itaque ad 
 magistratum Mamertinum statim deducitur Gavius : 
 
 io eoque ipso die casu Messanam Verres venit. Res ad 
 eum defertur : esse civem Romanum, qui se Syracusis 
 in lautumiis fuisse quereretur : quern, jam ingredientem 
 in navem, et Verri nimis atrociter minitantem, ab se 
 retractum esse et asservatum, ut ipse in eum statueret 
 
 15 quod videretur. 
 
 4. Agit hominibus gratias, et eorum benevolentiam 
 erga se diligentiamque conlaudat. Ipse, inflammatus 
 scelere et furore, in forum venit. Ardebant oculi : 
 toto ex ore crudelitas eminebat. Exspectabant omnes, 
 
 20 quo tandem progressurus aut quidnam acturus esset ; 
 cum repente hominem proripi, atque in foro medio 
 nudari ac deligari, et virgas expediri jubet. Clama- 
 bat ille miser, se civem esse Romanum, municipem 
 Consanum ; meruisse cum L. Raecio, splendidissimo 
 
 25 equite Romano, qui Panhormi negotiaretur, ex quo 
 haec Verres scire posset. Turn iste, se comperisse 
 eum speculandi causa in Siciliam a ducibus fugitivo- 
 rum esse missum ; cujus rei neque index, neque ves- 
 tigium aliquod, neque suspitio cuiquam esset ulla. 
 
 30 Deinde jubet undique hominem vehementissime 
 verberari. 
 
 5. Caedebatur virgis in medio foro Messanae civis 
 Romanus, judices ; cum interea nullus gemitus, nulla 
 vox alia illius miseri inter dolorem crepitumque pla- 
 
 35 garum audiebatur, nisi haec, Civis Romanus sum! 
 Hac se commemoratione civitatis omnia verbera de- 
 
lxiii. 164.] Gavius is Scourged and Tortured. 53 
 
 pulsurum, cruciatumque a corpore dejecturum, arti- 
 trabatur. Is non modo hoc non perfecit, ut virgarum 
 vim deprecaretur ; sed, cum imploraret saepius, usur- 
 paretque nomen civitatis, crux — crux, inquam — infe- 
 lici et aerumnoso, qui numquam istam pestem vide- s 
 rat, comparabatur. 
 
 lxiii. 6. O nomen dulce libertatis ! O jus eximium 
 nostrae civitatis ! O lex Porcia, legesque Semproniae ! 
 O graviter desiderata, et aliquando reddita plebi Ro- 
 manae, tribunicia potestas ! Hucine tandem omnia 10 
 reciderunt, ut civis Romanus, in provincia populi Ro- 
 mani, in oppido foederatorum, ab eo qui beneficio po- 
 puli Romani fascis et securis haberet, deligatus in 
 foro virgis caederetur? Quid? cum ignes ardentes- 
 que laminae ceterique cruciatus admovebantur, si te 15 
 illius acerba imploratio et vox miserabilis non inhibe- 
 bat, ne civium quidem Romanorum, qui turn aderant, 
 fletu et gemitu maximo commovebare? In crucem 
 tu agere ausus es quemquam, qui se civem Romanum 
 esse diceret? 7. Nolui tarn vehementer agere hoc 20 
 prima actione, judices : nolui. Vidistis enim, ut ani- 
 mi multitudinis in istum dolore et odio et communis 
 periculi metu concitarentur. Statui egomet mihi 
 turn modum orationi meae, et C. Numitorio, equiti 
 Romano, primo homini, testi meo ; et Glabrionem, id 25 
 quod sapientissime fecit, facere laetatus sum, ut re- 
 pente consilium in medio testimonio dimitteret. Et- 
 enim verebatur ne populus Romanus ab isto eas poe- 
 nas vi repetisse videretur, quas veritus esset ne iste 
 legibus ac vestro judicio non esset persoluturus. 30 
 
 8. Nunc, quoniam exploratum est omnibus quo 
 loco causa tua sit, et quid de te futurum sit, sic tecum 
 agam : Gavium istum, quern repentinum speculatorem 
 fuisse dicis, ostendam in lautumias Syracusis abs te esse 
 conjectum. Neque id solum ex litteris ostendam Syra- 35 
 cusanorum, ne possis dicere me, quia sit aliquis in 
 
54 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. VI. 
 
 litteris Gavius, hoc fingere et eligere nomen, ut hunc 
 ilium esse possim dicere ; sed ad arbitrium tuum testis 
 dabo, qui istum ipsum Syracusis abs te in lautumias 
 conjectum esse dicant. Producam etiam Consanos, 
 5 municipes illius ac necessarios, qui te nunc sero doce- 
 ant, judices non sero, ilium P. Gavium, quern tu in 
 crucem egisti, civem Romanum et municipem Con- 
 sanum, non speculatorem fugitivorum fuisse. 
 
 lxiv, 0. Cum haec omnia, quae polliceor, cumulate 
 
 io tuis patronis plana fecero, turn istuc ipsum tenebo, 
 quod abs te mi hi datur : eo contentum me esse dicam. 
 Quid enim nuper tu ipse, cum populi Romani clamore 
 atque impetu perturbatus exsiluisti, quid, inquam, locu- 
 tus es? Ilium, quod moram supplicio quaereret, ideo 
 
 15 clamitasse se esse civem Romanum, sed speculatorem 
 fuisse. Jam mei testes veri sunt. Quid enim dicit 
 aliud C. Numitorius? quid M. et P. Cottii, nobilissimi 
 homines, ex agro Tauromenitano? quid Q^ Lucceius, 
 qui argentariam Regii maximam fecit? quid ceteri? 
 
 20 Adhuc enim testes ex eo genere a me sunt dati, non 
 qui novisse Gavium, sed se vidisse dicerent, cum is, 
 qui se civem Romanum esse clamaret, in crucem age- 
 retur. Hoc tu, Verres, idem dicis ; hoc tu conriteris 
 ilium clamitasse, se civem esse Romanum ; apud te 
 
 25 nomen civitatis ne tantum quidem valuisse, ut dubita- 
 
 tionem aliquam crucis, ut crudelissimi taeterrimique 
 
 supplici aliquam parvam moram saltern posset adferre. 
 
 10. Hoc teneo, hie haereo, judices. Hoc sum conten- 
 
 tus uno ; omitto ac neglego cetera ; sua confessione 
 
 30 induatur ac juguletur necesse est. Qui esset ignora- 
 bas ; speculatorem esse suspicabare. Non quaero qua 
 suspitione : tua te accuso oratione. Civem Romanum 
 se esse dicebat. Si tu, apud Persas aut in extrema 
 India deprehensus, Verres, ad supplicium ducerere, 
 
 35 quid aliud clamitares, nisi te civem esse Romanum? 
 Et, si tibi ignoto apud ignotos, apud barbaros, apud 
 
lxvi. 13.] The Claim of Citizenship. 55 
 
 homines in extremis atque ultimis gentibus positos, 
 nobile et inlustre apud omnis nomen civitatis tuae pro- 
 fuisset, — ille, quisquis erat, quern tu in crucem rapie- 
 bas, qui tibi esset ignotus, cum civem se Romanum 
 esse diceret, apud te praetorem, si non effugium, ne 5 
 moram quidem mortis, mentione atque usurpatione 
 civitatis, adsequi potuit? 
 
 lxv. 11. Homines tenues, obscuro loco nati, navi- 
 gant ; adeunt ad ea loca quae numquam antea vide- 
 runt ; ubi neque noti esse eis quo venerunt, neque 10 
 semper cum cognitoribus esse possunt. Hac una ta- 
 men fiducia civitatis, non modo apud nostros magistra- 
 tus, qui et legum et existimationis periculo continentur, 
 neque apud civis solum Romanos, qui et sermonis et 
 juris et multarum rerum societate juncti sunt, fore se 15 
 tutos arbitrantur ; sed, quocumque venerint, hanc sibi 
 rem praesidio sperant futuram. 12. Tolle hanc spem, 
 tolle hoc praesidium civibus Romanis ; constitue nihil 
 esse opis in hac voce, Civis Romanus sum; posse im- 
 pune praetorem, aut alium quemlibet, supplicium quod 20 
 velit in eum constituere qui se civem Romanum esse 
 dicat, quod eum quis ignoret ; jam omnis provincias, 
 jam omnia regna, jam omnis liberas civitates, jam 
 omnem orbem terrarum, qui semper nostris hominibus 
 maxime patuit, civibus Romanis ista defensione prae- 25 
 cluseris. Quid si L. Raecium, equitem Romanum, 
 qui turn in Sicilia erat, nominabat? etiamne id mag- 
 num fuit, Panhormum litteras mittere? Adservasses 
 hominem ; custodiis Mamertinorum tuorum vinctum, 
 clausum habuisses, dum Panhormo Raecius veniret ; 3° 
 cognosceret hominem, aliquid de summo supplicio re- 
 mitteres. Si ignoraret, turn, si ita tibi videretur, hoc 
 juris in omnis constitueres, ut, qui neque tibi notus 
 esset, neque cognitorem locupletem daret, quamvis 
 civis Romanus esset, in crucem tolleretur. 35 
 
 lxvi. 13. Sed quid ego plura de Gavio? quasi tu 
 
56 Impeachment of Verres. [Verr. VI. 
 
 Gavio turn fueris infestus, ac non nomini, generi, juri 
 civium hostis. Non ill i (inquam) homini, sed causae 
 communi libertatis, inimicus fuisti. Quid enim attinu- 
 it, cum Mamertini, more atque instituto suo, crucem 
 5 fixissent post urbem, in via Pompeia, te jubere in ea 
 parte figere, quae ad fretum spectaret ; et hoc addere 
 — quod negare nullo modo potes, quod omnibus audien- 
 tibus dixisti palam — te idcirco ilium locum deligere, ut 
 ille, quoniam se civem Romanum esse diceret, ex cruce 
 
 10 Italiam cernere ac domum suam prospicere posset? 
 Itaque ilia crux sola, judices, post conditam Messanam, 
 illo in loco fixa est. Italiae conspectus ad earn rem ab 
 isto delectus est, ut ille, in dolore cruciatuque moriens, 
 perangusto fretu divisa servitutis ac libertatis jura co- 
 
 15 gnosceret ; Italia autem alumnum suum servitutis ex- 
 tremo summoque supplicio adfixum videret. 
 
 14. Facinus est vincire civem Romanum ; scelus 
 verberare ; prope parricidium necare : quid dicam in 
 crucem tollere? verbo satis digno tarn nefaria res ap- 
 
 20 pellari nullo modo potest. Non fuit his omnibus iste 
 contentus. Spectet (inqult) pal riam : in conspectu Ic- 
 gutn libertatisque moriatur. Non tu hoc loco Gavium, 
 non unum hominem nescio quern, [civem Romanum,] 
 sed communem libertatis et civitatis causam in ilium 
 
 25 cruciatum et crucem egisti. Jam vero videte hominis 
 audaciam. Nonne eum graviter tulisse arbitramini, 
 quod illam civibus Romanis crucem non posset in foro, 
 non in comitio, non in rostris defigere? Quod enim 
 his locis, in provincia sua, celebritate simillimum, re- 
 
 30 gione proximum potuit, elegit. Monumentum sceleris 
 audaciaeque suae voluit esse in conspectu Italiae, ves- 
 tibulo Siciliae, praetervectione omnium qui ultro citro- 
 que navigarent. 
 
POMPEY'S MILITARY COMMAND. 
 
 (Por the Manilian Law.) 
 b.c. 66. 
 
 The last serious resistance made to the Roman power in the 
 East was by Mithridates VI., king of Pontus, whose dominions 
 embraced the whole eastern coast of the Black Sea (Pontus Euxi- 
 nus), including the kingdom of Bosporus (Crimea) on the one hand, 
 and Paphlagonia on the other; while the king of Armenia was 
 closely allied to him by marriage. He was the most formidable 
 enemy encountered by Rome after Hannibal, and there were three 
 several wars between them. The first was conducted by Sulla (b.c. 
 88-84), who gained great successes, and obliged Mithridates to pay 
 a large sum of money ; the second (83-82) was a short and unim- 
 portant affair, in which Murena was worsted. The third broke out 
 B.C. 74, and was conducted successfully by Lucius Licinius Lucullus, 
 the ablest general of the aristocracy, who was distinguished for the 
 severe justice of his administration in Asia Minor, and was an 
 amiable and cultivated man, but of very luxurious habits. 
 
 When the war had continued for several years, the democratic 
 faction {populares) took advantage of some temporary reverses sus- 
 tained by Lucullus, and the unpopularity of his administration, to 
 revoke his command, and give to the consul of B.C. 67, M'. Acilius 
 Glabrio, — the same who presided at the trial of Verres, — the east- 
 ern war as his province. The law was proposed by the tribune A. 
 Gabinius, one of the most active demagogues of the time. Another 
 law, proposed by the same politician, required the Senate to appoint 
 a commander of consular rank, with extraordinary powers for 
 three years, by land and sea, to suppress the piracy which infested 
 every part of the Mediterranean, having its chief seat in Cilicia. 
 It was understood as a matter of course that Gnaeus (or Cneius) 
 Pompey, who had been living in retirement since his consulship, 
 B.C. 70, would receive this appointment. Pompey accomplished his 
 task with the most brilliant success, and in three months had the 
 seas completely cleared. (See below, chap, xn.) 
 
 Meantime Glabrio had shown himself wholly incompetent to con- 
 duct the war against Mithridates, and early in B.C. 66, the Tribune 
 Caius Manilius, " an utterly incompetent and worthless man," pro* 
 
58 Pomfey's Military Command. [Manil. 
 
 posed a law extending Pompey's command over the entire East. 
 Power like this was quite inconsistent with the republican institu- 
 tions of Rome, and with the established authority of the Senate ; 
 the law was of course opposed by the leaders of the aristocracy 
 {optimates), led by Hortensius and Catulus. Cicero was now prae- 
 tor. He was no democrat of the school of Gabinius and Caesar ; 
 on the other hand he had no hereditary sympathies with the Sen- 
 ate, and he probably failed to recognize the revolutionary character 
 of the proposition, but considered merely its practical advantages : 
 he therefore supported it with ardor. This was his first political 
 speech. Before this time he had been a public-spirited lawyer ; from 
 this time on he was essentially a politician, and it is not hard to see 
 how unfavorably his character was influenced by contact with the 
 corrupt politics of that day. 
 
 The Manilian Law was passed, and Pompey fulfilled the most 
 sanguine expectations of his friends. He brought the Mithridatic 
 War to an end, organized the Roman power throughout the East, 
 and returned home B.C. 61, with greater prestige and glory than had 
 ever been reached by any Roman before him. 
 
 QUAMQUAM mihi semper frequens conspectus 
 vester multo jucundissimus, hie autem locus ad 
 agendum amplissimus, ad dicendum ornatissimus est 
 visus, Quirites, tamen hoc aditu laudis, qui semper 
 S optimo cuique maxime patuit, non mea me voluntas 
 adhuc, sed vitae meae rationes ab ineunte aetate sus- 
 ceptae prohibuerunt. Nam cum antea per aetatem 
 nondum hujus auctoritatem loci attingere auderem, 
 statueremque nihil hue nisi perfectum ingenio, elabo- 
 
 10 ratum industria adferri oportere, omne meum tempus 
 amicorum temporibus transmittendum putavi. 2. Ita 
 neque hie locus vacuus umquam fuit ab eis qui ves- 
 tram causam defenderent, et meus labor, in privatorum 
 periculis caste integreque versatus, ex vestro judicio 
 
 15 fructum est amplissimum consecutus. Nam cum 
 propter dilationem comitiorum ter praetor primus cen- 
 turiis cunctis renuntiatus sum, facile intellexi, Qui- 
 rites, et quid de me judicaretis, et quid aliis praescri- . 
 
n. 5-1 The Mithridaiic War. 59 
 
 beretis. Nunc cum et auctoritatis in me tantum sit, 
 quantum vos honoribus mandandis esse voluistis, et 
 ad agendum facultatis tantum, quantum homini vigi- 
 lanti ex forensi usu prope cotidiana dicendi exercitatio 
 potuit adferre, certe et si quid auctoritatis in me est, 5 
 apud eos utar qui earn mihi dederunt, et si quid in 
 dicendo consequi possum, eis ostendam potissimum, 
 qui ei quoque rei fructum suo judicio tribuendum esse 
 duxerunt. 3. Atque illud in primis mihi laetandum 
 jure esse video, quod in hac insolita mihi ex hoc loco 10 
 ratione dicendi causa talis oblata est, in qua oratio de- 
 esse nemini possit. Dicendum est enim de Cn. Pom- 
 pei singulari eximiaque virtute : hujus autem orationis 
 difficilius est exitum quam principium invenire. Ita 
 mihi non tarn copia quam modus in dicendo quaeren- 15 
 dus est. 
 
 11. 4. Atque, — ut inde oratio mea proficiscatur, unde 
 haec omnis causa ducitur, — bellum grave et periculo- 
 sum vestris vectigalibus ac sociis a duobus potentissi- 
 mis regibus infertur, Mithridate et Tigrane, quorum 20 
 alter relictus, alter lacessitus, occasionem sibi ad occu- 
 pandam Asiam oblatam esse arbitrantur. Equitibus 
 Romanis, honestissimis viris, adferuntur ex Asia coti- 
 die litterae, quorum magnae res aguntur in vestris 
 vectigalibus exercendis occupatae : qui ad me, pro 25 
 necessitudine quae mihi est cum illo ordine, causam 
 rei publicae periculaque rerum suarum detulerunt : 
 5. Bithyniae, quae nunc vestra -provincia est, vicos 
 exustos esse compluris ; regnum Ariobarzanis, quod 
 finitimum est vestris vectigalibus, totum esse in hosti- 30 
 um potestate ; L. Lucullum, magnis rebus gestis, ab eo 
 bello discedere ; huic qui successerit non satis esse 
 paratum ad tantum bellum administrandum ; unum ab 
 omnibus sociis et civibus ad id bellum imperatorem 
 deposci atque expeti, eundem hunc unum ab hostibus 35 
 metui, praeterea neminem. 
 
60 Pompey's Military Command, [Manil. 
 
 6. Causa quae sit videtis : nunc quid agendum sit 
 considerate. Primum mini videtur de genere belli, 
 deinde de magnitudine, turn de imperatore deligendo 
 esse dicendum. Genus est belli ejus modi, quod max- 
 5 ime vestros animos excitare atque inflammare ad per- 
 sequendi studium debeat : in quo agitur populi Romani 
 gloria, quae vobis a majoribus cum magna in omnibus 
 rebus turn summa in re militari tradita est ; agitur 
 salus sociorum atque amicorum, pro qua multa majo- 
 
 10 res vestri magna et gravia bella gesserunt ; aguntur 
 certissima populi Romani vectigalia et maxima, quibus 
 amissis et pacis ornamenta et subsidia belli requiretis ; 
 aguntur bona multorum civium, quibus est a vobis et 
 ipsorum et rei publicae causa consulendum. in. 7. Et 
 
 15 quoniam semper appetentes gloriae praeter ceteras 
 gentis atque avidi laudis fuistis, delenda est vobis ilia 
 macula [Mithridatico] bello superiore concepta, quae 
 penitus jam insedit ac nimis inveteravit in populi Ro- 
 mani nomine, — quod is, qui uno die, tota in Asia, tot in 
 
 20 civitatibus, uno nuntio atque una significatione [littera- 
 rum] civis Romanos necandos trucidandosque denota- 
 vit, non modo adhuc poenam nullam suo dignam 
 scelere suscepit, sed ab illo tempore annum jam ter- 
 tium et vicesimum regnat, et ita regnat, ut se non Ponti 
 
 25 neque Cappadociae latebris occultare velit, sed emer- 
 gere ex patrio regno atque in vestris vectigalibus, hoc 
 est, in Asiae luce versari. 8. Etenim adhuc ita nostri 
 cum illo rege contenderunt imperatores, ut ab illo in- 
 signia victoriae, non victoriam reportarent. Trium- 
 
 3° phavit L. Sulla, triumphavit L. Murena de Mithridate, 
 duo fortissimi viri et summi imperatores ; sed ita tri- 
 umpharunt, ut ille pulsus superatusque regnaret. Ve- 
 rum tamen illis imperatoribus laus est tribuenda quod 
 egerunt, venia danda quod reliquerunt, propterea quod 
 
 35 ab eo bello Sullam in Italiam res publica, Murenam 
 Sulla revocavit. 
 
v. ii.] Earlier Conduct of the War. 61 
 
 iv. 9. Mithridates autem omne reliquum tempus non 
 ad oblivionem veteris belli, sed ad comparationem novi 
 contulit : qui [postea] cum maximas aedificasset ornas- 
 setque classis exercitusque permagnos quibuscumque 
 ex gentibus potuisset comparasset, et se Bosporanis 5 
 finitimis suis bellum inferre simularet, usque in Hispa- 
 niam legatos ac litteras misit ad eos duces quibuscum 
 turn bellum gerebamus, ut, cum duobus in locis dis- 
 junctissimis maximeque diversis uno consilio a binis 
 hostium copiis bellum terra marique gereretur, vos 10 
 ancipiti contentione districti de imperio dimicaretis. 
 10. Sed tamen alterius partis periculum, Sertorianae 
 atque Hispaniensis, quae multo plus firmamenti ac ro- 
 boris habebat, Cn. Pompei divino consilio ac singu- 
 lari virtute depulsum est ; in altera parte ita res a L. 15 
 Lucullo summo viro est administrata, ut initia ilia 
 rerum gestarum magna atque praeclara non felicitati 
 ejus, sed virtuti, haec autem extrema, quae nuper 
 acciderunt, non culpae, sed fortunae tribuenda esse 
 videantur. Sed de Lucullo dicam alio loco, et ita 20 
 dicam, Quirites, ut neque vera laus ei detracta ora- 
 tione mea neque falsa adficta esse videatur : 11. de 
 vestri imperi dignitate atque gloria — quoniam is est 
 exorsus orationis meae — videte quern vobis animum 
 suscipiendum putetis. 25 
 
 v. Majores nostri saepe mercatoribus aut navicula- 
 riis nostris injuriosius tractatis bella gesserunt : vos, tot 
 milibus civium Romanorum uno nuntio atque uno tem- 
 pore necatis, quo tandem animo esse debetis? Legati 
 quod erant appellati superbius, Corinthum patres vestri 30 
 totius Graeciae lumen exstinctum esse voluerunt: vos 
 eum regem inultum esse patiemini, qui legatum populi 
 Romani consularem vinculis ac verberibus atque omni 
 supplicio excruciatum necavit? Illi libertatem immi- 
 nutam civium Romanorum non tulerunt : vos ereptam 35 
 vitam neglegetis? Jus legationis verbo violatum illi 
 
62 Po?nfey*s Military Command. [Manil. 
 
 persecuti sunt : vos legatum omni supplicio interfec- 
 tum relinquetis? 12. Videte ne, ut illis pulcherrimum 
 fuit tantam vobis imperi gloriam tradere, sic vobis tur- 
 pissimum sit, id quod accepistis tueri et conservare 
 5 non posse. 
 
 Quid? quod salus sociorum summum in periculum 
 ac discrimen vocatur, quo tandem animo ferre debetis? 
 Regno est expulsus Ariobarzanes rex, socius populi 
 Romani atque amicus ; imminent duo reges toti Asiae 
 
 io non solum vobis inimicissimi, sed etiam vestris sociis 
 atque amicis ; civitates autem omnes cuncta Asia atque 
 Graecia vestrum auxilium exspectare propter periculi 
 magnitudinem coguntur ; imperatorem a vobis certum 
 deposcere, cum praesertim vos alium miseritis, neque 
 
 15 audent, neque se id facere sine summo periculo posse 
 arbitrantur. 13. Vident et sentiunt hoc idem quod vos, 
 — unum virum esse, in quo summa sint omnia, et eum 
 propter esse, quo etiam carent aegrius ; cujus adventu 
 ipso atque nomine, tametsi ille ad maritimum bellum 
 
 20 venerit, tamen impetus hostium repressos esse intelle- 
 gunt ac retardatos. Hi vos, quoniam libere loqui non 
 licet, tacite rogant, ut se quoque, sicut ceterarum pro- 
 vinciarum socios, dignos existimetis, quorum salutem 
 tali viro commendetis ; atque hoc etiam magis, quod 
 
 25 ceteros in provinciam ejus modi homines cum imperio 
 mittimus, ut etiam si ab hoste defendant, tamen ipso- 
 rum adventus in urbis sociorum non multum ab hos- 
 tili expugnatione differant. Hunc audiebant antea, 
 nunc praesentem vident, tanta temperantia, tanta man- 
 
 30 suetudine, tanta humanitate, ut ei beatissimi esse vide- 
 antur, apud quos ille diutissime commoratur. 
 
 vi. 14. Qua re si propter socios, nulla ipsi injuria la- 
 cessiti, majores nostri cum Antiocho, cum Philippo, 
 cum Aetolis, cum Poenis bella gesserunt, quanto vos 
 
 35 studio convenit injuriis provocatos sociorum salutem 
 una cum imperi vestri dignitate defendere, praesertim 
 
vii. i7«] Importance of the Province, 63 
 
 cum de maximis vestris vectigalibus agatur? Nam 
 ceterarum provinciarum vectigalia, Quirites, tanta 
 sunt, ut eis ad ipsas provincias tutandas vix contend 
 esse possimus : Asia vero tarn opima est ac fertilis, ut 
 et ubertate agrorum et varietate fructuum et magnitu- 5 
 dine pastionis et multitudine earum rerum quae expor- 
 tantur, facile omnibus terris antecellat. Itaque haec 
 vobis provincia, Quirites, si et belli utilitatem et pacis 
 dignitatem retinere voltis, non modo a calamitate, sed 
 etiam a metu calamitatis est defendenda. 15. Nam in 10 
 ceteris rebus cum venit calamitas, turn detrimentum 
 accipitur ; at in vectigalibus non solum adventus mali, 
 sed etiam metus ipse adfert calamitatem. Nam cum 
 hostium copiae non longe absunt, etiam si inruptio 
 nulla facta est, tamen pecuaria relinquitur, agri cul- 15 
 tura deseritur, mercatorum navigatio conquiescit. Ita 
 neque ex portu neque ex decumis neque ex scriptura 
 vectigal conservari potest : qua re saepe totius anni 
 fructus uno rumore periculi atque uno belli terrore 
 amittitur. 16. Quo tandem igitur animo esse existimatis 20 
 aut eos qui vectigalia nobis pensitant, aut eos qui exer- 
 cent atque exigunt, cum duo reges cum maximis copiis 
 propter adsint? cum una excursio equitatus perbrevi 
 tempore totius anni vectigal auferre possit? cum pub- 
 licani familias maximas, quas in saltibus habent, quas 25 
 in agris, quas in portubus atque custodiis, magno pe- 
 riculo se habere arbitrentur? Putatisne vos illis rebus 
 frui posse, nisi eos qui vobis fructui sunt conservari- 
 tis non solum (ut ante dixi) calamitate, sed etiam 
 calamitatis formidine liberatos. 3° 
 
 vii. 17. Ac ne illud quidem vobis neglegendum est, 
 quod mihi ego extremurn proposueram, cum essem de 
 belli genere dicturus, quod ad multorum bona civium 
 Romanorum pertinet, quorum vobis pro vestra sapien- 
 tia, Quirites, habenda est ratio diligenter. Nam et 35 
 publicani, homines honestissimi atque ornatissimi, suas 
 
6\ Pompey's Military Command. [Manil. 
 
 rationes et copias in illam provinciam contulerunt, quo- 
 rum ipsorum per se res et fortunae vobis curae esse 
 debent. Etenim si vectigalia nervos esse rei publicae 
 semper duximus, eum certe ordinem, qui exercet ilia, 
 S firmamentum ceterorum ordinum recte esse dicemus. 
 18. Deinde ex ceteris ordinibus homines gnavi atque 
 industrii partim ipsi in Asia negotiantur, quibus vos 
 absentibus consulere debetis, partim eorum in ea pro- 
 vincia pecunias magnas conlocatas habent. Est igitur 
 
 10 humanitatis vestrae magnum numerum eorum civium 
 calamitate prohibere, sapientiae videre multorum civi- 
 um calamitatem a re publica sejunctam esse non posse. 
 Etenim primum illud parvi refert, nos publica his amis- 
 sis [vectigalia] postea victoria recuperare. Neque enim 
 
 15 isdem redimendi facultas erit propter calamitatem, ne- 
 que aliis voluntas propter timorem. 19. Deinde quod 
 nos eadem Asia atque idem iste Mithridates initio belli 
 Asiatici docuit, id quidem certe calamitate docti memo- 
 ria retinere debemus. Nam turn, cum in Asia res 
 
 20 magnas permulti amiserant, scimus Romae, solutione 
 impedita, fidem concidisse. Non enim possunt una in 
 civitate multi rem ac fortunas amittere, ut non plures 
 secum in eandem trahant calamitatem. A quo peri- 
 culo prohibete rem publicam, et mihi credite id quod 
 
 25 ipsi videtis : haec fides atque haec ratio pecuniarum, 
 quae Romae, quae in foro versatur, implicata est cum 
 illis pecuniis Asiaticis et cohaeret. Ruere ilia non 
 possunt, ut haec non eodem labefacta motu concidant. 
 Qua re videte num dubitandum vobis sit omni studio 
 
 30 ad id bellum incumbere, in quo gloria nominis vestri, 
 salus sociorum, vectigalia maxima, fortunae plurimo- 
 rum civium conjunctae cum re publica defendantur. 
 
 viii. 20. Quoniam de genere belli dixi, nunc de 
 magnitudine pauca dicam. Potest hoc enim dici, belli 
 
 35 genus esse ita necessarium ut sit gerendum, non esse 
 ita magnum ut sit pertimescendum. In quo maxime 
 
ix. 22.] The Praise of Lucullus. 65 
 
 elaborandum est, ne forte ea vobis quae diligentissime 
 providenda sunt, contemnenda esse videantur. Atque 
 ut omnes intellegant me L. Lucullo tantum impertire 
 laudis, quantum forti viro et sapienti homini et magno 
 imperatori debeatur, dico ejus adventu maximas Mith- 5 
 ridati copias omnibus rebus ornatas atque instructas 
 fuisse, urbemque Asiae clarissimam nobisque amicis- 
 simam, Cyzicenorum, obsessam esse ab ipso rege 
 maxima multitudine et oppugnatam vehementissime, 
 quam L. Lucullus virtute, adsiduitate, consilio, sum- 10 
 mis obsidionis periculis liberavit : 21. ab eodem im- 
 peratore classem magnam et ornatam, quae ducibus 
 Sertorianis ad Italiam studio atque odio inflammata 
 raperetur, superatam esse atque depressam ; magnas 
 hostium praeterea copias multis proeliis esse deletas, 15 
 patefactumque nostris legionibus esse Pontum, qui 
 antea populo Romano ex omni aditu clausus fuisset ; 
 Sinopen atque Amisum, quibus in oppidis erant domi- 
 cilia regis, omnibus rebus ornatas ac refertas, cete- 
 rasque urbis Ponti et Cappadociae permultas, uno aditu 20 
 advent uque esse captas ; regem, spoliatum regno patrio 
 atque avito, ad alios se reges atque ad alias gentis sup- 
 plicem contulisse ; atque haec omnia salvis populi 
 Romani sociis atque integris vectigalibus esse gesta. 
 Satis opinor haec esse laudis, atque ita, Quirites, ut 25 
 hoc vos intellegatis, a nullo istorum, qui huic obtrec- 
 tant legi atque causae, L. Lucullum similiter ex hoc 
 loco esse laudatum. 
 
 ix. 22. Requiretur fortasse nunc quern ad modum, 
 cum haec ita sint, reliquum possit magnum esse bellum. 30 
 Cognoscite, Quirites. Non enim hoc sine causa quae- 
 ri videtur. Primum ex suo regno sic Mithridates 
 profugit, ut ex eodem Ponto Medea ilia quondam pro- 
 fugisse dicitur, quam praedicant in fuga fratris sui 
 membra in eis locis, qua se parens persequeretur, 35 
 dissipavisse, ut eorum conlectio dispersa, maerorque 
 
 5 
 
66 Po7nfey*s Military Command. [Manil. 
 
 patrius, celeritatem persequendi retardaret. Sic Mith- 
 ridates fugiens rnaximam vim auri atque argenti pul- 
 cherrimarumque rerum omnium, quas et a majoribus 
 acceperat et ipse bello superiore ex tota Asia direptas 
 5 in suum regnum congesserat, in Ponto omnem reliquit. 
 Haec dum nostri coniigunt omnia diligentius, rex ipse 
 e manibus effugit. Ita ilium in persequendi studio 
 maeror, hos laetitia tardavit. 23. Hunc in illo timore 
 et fuga Tigranes rex Armenius excepit, diffidentem- 
 
 10 que rebus suis confirmavit, et adflictum erexit, perdi- 
 tumque recreavit. Cujus in regnum postea quam L. 
 Lucullus cum exercitu venit, plures etiam gentes con- 
 tra imperatorem nostrum concitatae sunt. Erat enim 
 metus injectus eis nationibus, quas numquam populus 
 
 15 Romanus neque lacessendas bello neque temptandas 
 putavit : erat etiam alia gravis atque vehemens opinio, 
 quae animos gentium barbararum pervaserat, fani lo- 
 cupletissimi et religiosissimi diripiendi causa in easoras 
 nostrum esse exercitum adductum. Ita nationes mul- 
 
 20 tae atque magnae novo quodam terrore ac metu con- 
 citabantur. Noster autem exercitus, tametsi urbem ex 
 Tigrani. regno ceperat, et proeliis usus erat secundis, 
 tamen nimia longinquitate locorum ac desiderio suo- 
 rum commovebatur. 
 
 25 24. Hie jam plura non dicam. Fuit enim illud ex- 
 tremum, ut ex eis locis a militibus nostris reditus 
 magis maturus quam processio longior quaereretur. 
 Mithridates autem et suam manum jam conrirmarat, [et 
 eorum] qui se ex ipsius regno conlegerant, et magnis 
 
 3° adventiciis auxiliis multorum regum et nationum juva- 
 batur. Jam hoc fere sic fieri solere accepimus, ut 
 regum adflictae fortunae facile multorum opes adlici- 
 ant ad misericordiam, maximeque eorum qui aut reges 
 sunt aut vivunt in regno, ut eis nomen regale magnum 
 
 35 et sanctum esse videatur. 25. Itaque tantum victus 
 efficere potuit, quantum incolumis numquam est ausus 
 
x. 28.] The Return of Luculhis. 67 
 
 optare. Nam cum se in regnum suum recepisset, non 
 fuit eo contentus, quod ei praeter spem acciderat, — ut 
 illam, postea quam pulsus erat, terram umquam attinge- 
 ret, — sed in exercitum nostrum clarum atque victorem 
 impetum fecit. Sinite hoc loco, Quirites, sicut poetae 5 
 solent, qui res Romanas scribunt, praeterire me nos- 
 tram calamitatem, quae tanta fuit, ut earn ad auris 
 [Luculli] imperatoris non ex proelio nuntius, sed ex 
 sermone rumor adferret. 26. Hie in illo ipso malo gra- 
 vissimaque belli ofFensione, L. Lucullus, qui tamen ali- 10 
 qua ex parte eis incommodis mederi fortasse potuisset, 
 vestro jussu coactus, — qui imperi diuturnitati modum 
 statuendum vetere exemplo putavistis, — partem mili- 
 tum, qui jam stipendiis confecti erant, dimisit, partem 
 M\ Glabrioni tradidit. Multa praetereo consulto, sed 15 
 ea vos conjectura perspicite, quantum illud bellum fac- 
 tum putetis, quod conjungant reges potentissimi, reno- 
 vent agitatae nationes, suscipiant integrae gentes, nov- 
 us imperator noster accipiat, vetere exercitu pulso. 
 
 x. 27. Satis mihi multa verba fecisse videor, qua 20 
 re esset hoc bellum genere ipso necessarium, mag- 
 nitudine periculosum. Restat ut de imperatore ad 
 id bellum deligendo ac tantis rebus praeficiendo 
 dicendum esse videatur. 
 
 Utinam, Quirites, virorum fortium atque innocen- 25 
 tium copiam tantam haberetis, ut haec vobis delibera- 
 te difficilis esset, quemnam potissimum tantis rebus ac 
 tanto bello praeficiendum putaretis ! Nunc vero — cum 
 sit unus Cn. Pompeius, qui non modo eorum hominum 
 qui nunc sunt gloriam, sed etiam antiquitatis memo- 3° 
 riam virtute superarit — quae res est quae cujusquam 
 animum in hac causa dubium facere possit? 28. Ego 
 enim sic existimo, in summo imperatore quattuor has 
 res inesse oportere, — scientiam rei militaris, virtutem, 
 auctoritatem, felicitatem. Quis igitur hoc homine 35 
 scientior umquam aut fuit aut esse debuit? qui e ludo 
 
68 Pomfefs Military Command. [Manil. 
 
 atque e pueritiae disciplinis bello maximo atque acer- 
 rimis hostibus ad patris exercitum atque in militiae 
 disciplinam profectus est; qui extrema pueritia miles 
 in exercitu fuit sum mi imperatoris, ineunte adulescen- 
 5 tia maximi ipse exercitus imperator ; qui saepius cum 
 hoste conflixit quam quisquam cum inimico concerta- 
 vit, plura bella gessit quam ceteri legerunt, plures pro- 
 vincias confecit quam alii concupiverunt 5 cujus adules- 
 centia ad scientiam rei militaris non alienis praeceptis 
 
 10 sed suis imperiis, non offensionibus belli sed victoriis, 
 non stipendiis sed triumphis est erudita. Quod de- 
 nique genus esse belli potest, in quo ilium non exercu- 
 erit fortuna rei publicae? Civile, Africanum, Trans- 
 alpinum, Hispaniense, [mixtum ex civitatibus atque ex 
 
 15 bellicosissimis nationibus,] servile, navale bellum, varia 
 et diversa genera et bellorum et hostium, non solum 
 gesta ab hoc uno, sed etiam confecta, nullam rem esse 
 declarant in usu positam militari, quae hujus vin scien- 
 tiam fugere possit. 
 
 20 xi. 29. Jam vero virtuti Cn. Pompei quae potest 
 oratio par inveniri? Quid est quod quisquam aut illo 
 dignum aut vobis novum aut cuiquam inauditum pos- 
 sit adferre? Neque enim illae sunt solae virtutes im- 
 peratoriae, quae volgo existimantur, — labor in negotiis, 
 
 25 fortitudo in periculis, industria in agendo, celeritas in 
 conficiendo, consilium in providendo : quae tanta sunt 
 in hoc uno, quanta in omnibus reliquis imperatoribus, 
 quos aut vidimus aut audivimus, non fuerunt. 30. Tes- 
 tis est Italia, quam ille ipse victor L. Sulla hujus vir- 
 
 30 tute et subsidio confessus est liberatam. Testis est 
 Sicilia, quam multis undique cinctam periculis non ter- 
 rore belli, sed consili celeritate explicavit. Testis est 
 Africa, quae, magnis oppressa hostium copiis, eorum 
 ipsorum sanguine redundavit. Testis est Gallia, per 
 
 35 quam legionibus nostris iter in Hispaniam Gallorum 
 internecione patefactum est. Testis est Hispania, quae 
 
xii. 33-1 His Earlier Victories : the Pirates. 6y 
 
 saepissime plurimos hostis ab hoc superatos prostra- 
 tosque conspexit. Testis est iterum et saepius Italia, 
 quae cum servili bello taetro periculosoque premeretur, 
 ab hoc auxilium absente expetivit : quod bellum ex- 
 spectatione ejus attenuatum atque imminutum est, 5 
 adventu sublatum ac sepultum. 31. Testes nunc vero 
 jam omnes orae atque omnes exterae gentes ac na- 
 tiones, denique maria omnia cum universa, turn in sin- 
 gulis oris omnes sinus atque portus. Quis enim toto 
 mari locus per hos annos aut tarn firmum habuit prae- 10 
 sidium ut tutus esset, aut tarn fuit abditus ut lateret? 
 Quis navigavit qui non se aut mortis aut servitutis 
 periculo committeret, cum aut hieme aut referto prae- 
 donum mari navigaret? Hoc tantum bellum, tarn 
 turpe, tarn vetus, tarn late divisum atque dispersum, 15 
 quis umquam arbitraretur aut ab omnibus imperatori- 
 bus uno anno aut omnibus annis ab uno imperatore 
 confici posse? 32. Quam provinciam tenuistis a prae- 
 donibus liberam per hosce annos? quod vectigal vobis 
 tutum fuit? quern socium defendistis? cui praesidio 20 
 classibus vestris fuistis? quam multas existimatis in- 
 sulas esse desertas? quam multas aut metu relictas 
 aut a praedonibus captas urbis esse sociorum? 
 
 xii. Sed quid ego longinqua commemoro? Fuit 
 hoc quondam, fuit proprium populi Romani, longe a 25 
 domo bellare, et propugnaculis imperi sociorum for- 
 tunas, non sua tecta defendere. Sociis ego nostris mare 
 per hos annos clausum fuisse dicam, cum exercitus 
 vestri numquam a Brundisio nisi hieme summa trans- 
 miserint? Qui ad vos ab exteris nationibus venirent 3° 
 captos querar, cum legati populi Romani redempti 
 sint? Mercatoribus tutum mare non fuisse dicam, 
 cum duodecim secures in praedonum potestatem per- 
 venerint? 33. Cnidum aut Colophonem aut Samum, 
 nobilissimas urbis, innumerabilisque alias captas esse 35 
 commemorem, cum vestros portus, atque eos portus 
 
70 Pomfiey's Military Command. [Manil. 
 
 quibus vitam ac spiritum ducitis, in praedonum fuisse 
 potestatem sciatis? An vero ignoratis portum Cajetae 
 celeberrimum ac plenissimum navium inspectante 
 praetore a praedonibus esse direptum? ex Miseno 
 5 autem ejus ipsius liberos, qui cum praedonibus antea 
 ibi bellum gesserat, a praedonibus esse sublatos? 
 Nam quid ego Ostiense incommodum atque illam la- 
 bem atque ignominiam rei publicae querar, cum, pro- 
 pe inspectantibus vobis, classis ea, cui consul populi 
 
 10 Romani praepositus esset, a praedonibus capta atque 
 oppressa est? Pro di immortales ! tantamne unius 
 hominis incredibilis ac divina virtus tarn brevi tempore 
 lucem adferre rei publicae potuit, ut vos, qui modo 
 ante ostium Tiberinum classem hostium videbatis, ei 
 
 15 nunc nullam intra Oceani ostium praedonum navem 
 esse audiatis? 34. Atque haec qua celeritate gesta 
 sint quamquam videtis, tamen a me in dicendo prae- 
 tereunda non sunt. Quis enim umquam aut obeundi 
 negoti aut consequendi quaestus studio tarn brevi tem- 
 
 20 pore tot loca adire, tantos cursus conficere potuit, quam 
 celeriter Cn. Pompeio duce tanti belli impetus naviga- 
 vit? Qui nondum tempestivo ad navigandum mari Si- 
 ciliam adiit, Africam exploravit ; inde Sardiniam cum 
 classe venit, atque haec tria frumentaria subsidia rei 
 
 25 publicae firmissimis praesidiis classibusque munivit ; 
 35. inde cum se in Italiam recepisset, duabus Hispan- 
 iis et Gallia [transalpina] praesidiis ac navibus confir- 
 mata, missis item in oram Illyrici maris et in Achaiam 
 omnemque Graeciam navibus, Italiae duo maria maxi- 
 
 30 mis classibus firmissimisque praesidiis adornavit ; ipse 
 autem ut Brundisio profectus est, undequinquagesimo 
 die totam ad imperium populi Romani Ciliciam ad- 
 junxit ; omnes, qui ubique praedones fuerunt, partim 
 capti interfectique sunt, partim unius hujus se imperio 
 
 35 ac potestati dediderunt. Idem Cretensibus, cum ad 
 cum usque in Pamphyliam legatos deprecatoresque 
 
xtii. 38.] Jfis Qualities in Administration. 71 
 
 misissent, spem deditionis non ademit, obsidesque im- 
 peravit. Ita tantum bellum, tarn diuturnum, tam 
 longe lateque dispersum, quo bello omnes gentes ac 
 nationes premebantur, Cn. Pompeius extrema hieme 
 apparavit, ineunte vere suscepit, media aestate con- 5 
 fecit. 
 
 xiii. 36. Est haec divina atque incredibilis virtus 
 imperatoris. Quid ceterae, quas paulo ante com- 
 memorare coeperam, quantae atque quam multae sunt? 
 Non enim bellandi virtus solum in summo ac perfecto 10 
 imperatore quaerenda est, sed multae sunt artes exim- 
 iae hujus administrae comitesque virtutis. Ac primum, 
 quanta innocentia debent esse imperatores? quanta 
 deinde in omnibus rebus temperantia? quanta fide? 
 quanta facilitate? quanto ingenio? quanta humani- 15 
 tate? Quae breviter qualia sint in Cn. Pompeio consi- 
 deremus : summa enim omnia sunt, Quirites, sed ea 
 magis ex aliorum contentione quam ipsa per sese co- 
 gnosci atque intellegi possunt. 37. Quern enim impera- 
 torem possumus ullo in numero putare, cujus in exer- 20 
 citu centuriatus veneant atque venierint? Quid hunc 
 hominem magnum aut amplum de re publica cogitare, 
 qui pecuniam, ex aerario depromptam ad bellum 
 administrandum, aut propter cupiditatem provinciae 
 magistratibus diviserit, aut propter avaritiam Romae 25 
 in quaestu reliquerit? Vestra admurmuratio facit, 
 Quirites, ut agnoscere videamini qui haec fecerint : 
 ego autem nomino neminem ; qua re irasci mihi nemo 
 poterit, nisi qui ante de se voluerit confiteri. Itaque 
 propter hanc avaritiam imperatorum quantas calami- 30 
 tates, quocumque ventum est, nostri exercitus ferant 
 quis ignorat? 38. Itinera quae per hosce annos in 
 Italia per agros atque oppida civium Romanorum nos- 
 tri imperatores fecerint recordamini : turn facilius sta- 
 tuetis quid apud exteras nationes fieri existimetis. 35 
 Utrum pluris arbitramini per hosce annos militum 
 
72 Po7npey's Military Command. [Manil. 
 
 vestrorum armis hostium urbis, an hibernis sociorum 
 civitates esse deletas? Neque enim potest exercitum 
 is continere imperator, qui se ipse non continet, neque 
 severus esse in judicando, qui alios in se severos esse 
 5 judices non volt. 39, Hie miramur hunc hominem 
 tantum excellere ceteris, cujus legiones sic in Asiam 
 pervenerint, ut non modo manus tanti exercitus, sed 
 ne vestigium quidem cuiquam pacato nocuisse dicatur? 
 Jam vero quern ad modum milites hibernent cotidie 
 
 io sermones ac litterae perferuntur : non modo ut sump- 
 tum faciat in militem nemini vis adfertur, sed ne cupi- 
 enti quidem cuiquam permittitur. Hiemis enim, non 
 avaritiae perfugium majores nostri in sociorum atque 
 amicorum tectis esse voluerunt. 
 
 15 xiv. 40. Age vero : ceteris in rebus quali sit tempe- 
 rantia considerate. Unde illam tantam celeritatem et 
 tarn incredibilem cursum inventum putatis? Non 
 enim ilium eximia vis remigum aut ars inaudita quae- 
 dam gubernandi aut venti aliqui novi tarn celeriter in 
 
 20 ultimas terras pertulerunt ; sed eae res quae ceteros 
 remorari solent, non retardarunt : non avaritia ab in- 
 stitute cursu ad praedam aliquam devocavit, non libido 
 ad voluptatem, non amoenitas ad delectationem, non 
 nobilitas urbis ad cognitionem, non denique labor ipse 
 
 25 ad quietem ; postremo signa et tabulas ceteraque orna- 
 menta Graecorum oppidorum, quae ceteri tollenda 
 esse arbitrantur, ea sibi ilie ne visenda quidem existi- 
 mavit. 4io Itaque omnes nunc in eis locis Cn. Pom- 
 peium sicut aliquem non ex hac urbe missum, sed de 
 
 30 caelo delapsum intuentur. Nunc denique incipiunt cre- 
 dere fuisse homines Romanos hac quondam continen- 
 tia, quod jam nationibus exteris incredibile ac falso 
 memoriae proditum videbatur. Nunc imperi vestri 
 splendor illis gentibus lucem adferre coepit. Nunc in- 
 
 35 tellegunt non sine causa majores suos, turn cum ea 
 temperantia magistratus habebamus, servire populo 
 
xv. 44] His Justice, Moderation, Dignity, 73 
 
 Romano quam imperare aliis maluisse. Jam vero ita 
 faciles aditus ad eum' privatorum, ita liberae queri- 
 moniae de aliorum injuriis esse dicuntur, ut is, qui 
 dignitate principibus excellit, facilitate infimis par esse 
 videatur. 42. Jam quantum consilio, quantum dicendi 5 
 gravitate et copia valeat, — in quo ipso inest quaedam 
 dignitas imperatoria, — vos, Quirites, hoc ipso ex loco 
 saepe cognovistis. Fidem vero ejus quantam inter socios 
 existimari putatis, quam hostes omnes omnium gene- 
 rum sanctissimam judicarint? Humanitate jam tanta 10 
 est, ut difficile dictu sit utrum hostes magis virtutem 
 ejus pugnantes timuerint, an mansuetudinem victi di- 
 lexerint. Et quisquam dubitabit quin huic hoc tantum 
 bellum transmittendum sit, qui ad omnia nostrae memo- 
 riae bella conficienda divino quodam consilio natus 15 
 esse videatur? 
 
 xv. 43. Et quoniam auctoritas quoque in bellis 
 administrandis multum atque in imperio militari valet, 
 certe nemini dubium est quin ea re idem ille imperator 
 plurimum possit. Vehementer autem pertinere ad 20 
 bella administranda quid hostes, quid socii de impera- 
 toribus nostris existiment quis ignorat, cum sciamus 
 homines in tantis rebus, ut aut contemnant aut metuant 
 aut oderint aut ament, opinione non minus et fama 
 quam aliqua ratione certa commoveri? Quod igitur 25 
 nomen umquam in orbe terrarum clarius fuit? cujus 
 res gestae pares? de quo homine vos, — id quod maxi- 
 me facit auctoritatem, — tanta et tarn praeclara judicia 
 fecistis? 44. An vero ullam usquam esse oram tarn 
 desertam putatis, quo non illius diei fama pervaserit, 30 
 cum universus populus Rom anus, referto foro comple- 
 tisque omnibus templis ex quibus hie locus conspici 
 potest, unum sibi ad commune omnium gentium bellum 
 Cn. Pompeium imperatorem depoposcit? Itaque — ut 
 plura non dicam, neque aliorum exemplis confirmem 35 
 quantum [hujus] auctoritas valeat in bello — ab eodem 
 
74 Pompey's Military Command. [Manil. 
 
 Cn. Pompeio omnium rerum egregiarum exempla 
 sumantur : qui quo die a vobis maritimo bello praepo- 
 situs est imperator, tanta repente vilitas annonae ex 
 summa inopia et caritate rei frumentariae consecuta 
 5 est unius hominis spe ac nomine, quantam vix in sum- 
 ma ubertate agrorum diuturna pax efficere potuisset. 
 45. Jam accepta in Ponto calamitate ex eo proelio, de 
 quo vos paulo ante invitus admonui, — cum socii pertim- 
 uissent, hostium opes animique crevissent, satis firmum 
 
 io praesidium provincia non haberet, — amisissetis Asiam, 
 Quirites, nisi ad ipsum discrimen ejus temporis divini- 
 tus Cn. Pompeium ad eas regiones fortuna populi Ro- 
 mani attulisset. Hujus adventus et Mithridatem insolita 
 inflammatum victoria continuit, et Tigranem magnis 
 
 15 copiis minitantem Asiae retardavit. Et quisquam 
 dubitabit quid virtute perfecturus sit, qui tantum auc- 
 toritate perfecerit? aut quam facile imperio atque 
 exercitu socios et vectigalia conservaturus sit, qui ipso 
 nomine ac rumore defenderit? xvi. 46. Age vero, 
 
 20 ilia res quantam declarat ejusdem hominis apud hostis 
 populi Romani auctoritatem, quod ex locis tarn longin- 
 quis tamque diversis tarn brevi tempore omnes huic se 
 uni dediderunt? quod a communi Cretensium legati, 
 cum in eorum insula noster imperator exercitusque es- 
 
 25 set, ad Cn. Pompeium in ultimas prope terras venerunt, 
 eique se omnis Cretensium civitates dedere velle dixe- 
 runt? Quid? idem iste Mithridates nonne ad eundem 
 Cn. Pompeium legatum usque in Hispaniam misit? 
 eum quern Pompeius legatum semper judicavit, ei 
 
 30 quibus erat [semper] molestum ad eum potissimum 
 esse missum, speculatorem quam legatum judicari 
 maluerunt. Potestis igitur jam constituere, Quirites, 
 hanc auctoritatem, multis postea rebus gestis magnis- 
 que vestris judiciis ampliflcatam, quantum apud illos 
 
 35reges, quantum apud exteras nationes valituram esse 
 existimetis. 
 
xvii. 5o.] The Fortune of Pomfiey. 75 
 
 47. Reliquum est ut de felicitate (quam praestare de 
 se ipso nemo potest, meminisse et commemorare de 
 altero possumus, sicut aequum est homines de potestate 
 deorum) timide et pauca dicamus. Ego enim sic exis- 
 timo : Maximo, Marcello, Scipioni, Mario, et ceteris 5 
 magnis imperatoribus non solum propter virtutem, sed 
 etiam propter fortunam saepius imperia mandata atque 
 exercitus esse commissos. Fuit enim profecto quibus- 
 dam summis viris quaedam ad amplitudinem et ad 
 gloriam et ad res magnas bene gerendas divinitus 10 
 adjuncta fortuna. De hujus autem hominis felicitate, 
 de quo nunc agimus, hac utar moderatione dicendi, 
 non ut in illius potestate fortunam positam esse dicam, 
 sed ut praeterita meminisse, reliqua sperare videamur, 
 ne aut invisa dis immortalibus oratio nostra aut ingrata 15 
 esse videatur. 48. Itaque non sum praedicaturus quan- 
 tas ille res domi militiae, terra marique, quantaque 
 felicitate gesserit ; ut ejus semper voluntatibus non mo- 
 do cives adsenserint, socii obtemperarint, hostes obe- 
 dierint, sed etiam venti tempestatesque obsecundarint : 20 
 hoc brevissime dicam, neminem umquam tarn impu- 
 dentem fuisse, qui ab dis immortalibus tot et tantas res 
 tacitus auderet optare, quot et quantas di immortales 
 ad Cn. Pompeium detulerunt. Quod ut illi proprium 
 ac perpetuum sit, Quirites, cum communis salutis 25 
 atque imperi turn ipsius hominis causa, sicuti facitis, 
 velle et optare debetis. 
 
 49. Qua re, — cum et bellum sit ita necessarium ut 
 neglegi non possit, ita magnum ut accuratissime 
 sit administrandum ; et cum ei imperatorem praeli- 30 
 cere possitis, in quo sit eximia belli scientia, singularis 
 virtus, clarissima auctoritas, egregia fortuna, — dubita- 
 tis, Quirites, quin hoc tantum boni, quod vobis ab dis 
 immortalibus oblatum et datum est, in rem publicam 
 conservandam atque amplificandam conferatis? xvii. 35 
 50. Quod si Romae Cn. Pompeius privatus esset hoe 
 
^6 Pompefs Military Command. [Manil. 
 
 tempore, tamen ad tantum bellum is erat deligendus 
 atque mittendus : nunc cum ad ceteras summas utilita- 
 tes haec quoque opportunitas adjungatur, ut in eis ipsis 
 locis adsit, ut habeat exercitum, ut ab eis qui habent 
 5 accipere statim possit, quid exspectamus? aut cur non 
 ducibus dis immortalibus eidem, cui cetera summa cum 
 salute rei publicae commissa sunt, hoc quoque bellum 
 regium committamus? 
 
 51. At enim vir clarissimus, amantissimus rei publi- 
 
 io cae, vestris beneficiis amplissimis adfectus, Q^Catulus, 
 itemque summis ornamentis honoris, fortunae, virtutis, 
 ingeni praeditus, Q^ Hortensius, ab hac ratione dis- 
 sentiunt. Quorum ego auctoritatem apud vos multis 
 locis plurimum valuisse et valere oportere conflteor; 
 
 15 sed in hac causa, tametsi cognoscitis auctoritates con- 
 trarias virorum fortissimorum et clarissimorum, tamen 
 omissis auctoritatibus ipsa re ac ratione exquirere pos- 
 sumus veritatem, atque hoc facilius, quod ea omnia 
 quae a me adhuc dicta sunt, eidem isti vera esse con- 
 
 20 cedunt, — et necessarium bellum esse et magnum, et in 
 uno Cn. Pompeio summa esse omnia. 52. Quid igi- 
 tur ait Hortensius? Si uni omnia tribuenda sint dig- 
 nissimum esse Pompeium, sed ad unum tamen omnia 
 deferri non oportere. Obsolevit jam ista oratio, re 
 
 25 multo magis quam verbis refutata. Nam tu idem, Q^ 
 Hortensi, multa pro tua summa copia ac singulari fa- 
 cultate dicendi et in senatu contra virum fortem, A. 
 Gabinium, graviter ornateque dixisti, cum is de uno 
 imperatore contra praedones constituendo legem pro= 
 
 30 mulgasset, et ex hoc ipso loco permulta item contra 
 earn legem verba fecisti. 53. Quid? turn, per deos 
 immortalis ! si plus apud populum Romanum auctori- 
 tas tua quam ipsius populi Romani salus et vera causa 
 valuisset, hodie hanc gloriam atque hoc orbis terrae 
 
 35 imperium teneremus? An tibi turn imperium hoc esse 
 videbatur, cum populi Romani- legati quaesto'es prae- 
 
xix. s6.] Terror of the Piratic War. 77 
 
 toresque capiebantur ? cum ex omnibus provinciis com- 
 meatu et privato et publico prohibebamur? cum ha 
 clausa nobis erant maria omnia, ut neque privatum rem 
 transmarinam neque publicam jam obire possemusf 
 
 xviii. 54. Quae civitas antea umquam fuit, — non 5 
 dico Atheniensium, quae satis late quondam mare tenu- 
 isse dicitur ; non Karthaginiensium, qui permultum 
 classe ac maritimis rebus valuerunt; non Rhodiorum, 
 quorum usque ad nostram memoriam disciplina navalis 
 et gloria remansit, — sed quae civitas umquam antea 10 
 tarn tenuis, quae tarn parva insula fuit, quae non portus 
 suos et agros et aliquam partem regionis atque orae 
 maritimae per se ipsa defenderet? At (hercule) aliquot 
 annos continuos ante legem Gabiniam ille populus Ro- 
 manus, cujus usque ad nostram memoriam nomen in- 15 
 victum in navalibus pugnis permanserit, magna ac 
 multo maxima parte non modo utilitatis, sed dignitatis 
 atque imperi caruit. 55, Nos, quorum majores Antio- 
 chum regem classe Persenque superarunt, omnibusque 
 navalibus pugnis Karthaginiensis, homines in mariti- 20 
 mis rebus exercitatissimos paratissimosque, vicerunt, 
 ei nullo in loco jam praedonibus pares esse poteramus : 
 nos, qui antea non modo Italiam tutam habebamus, sed 
 omnis socios in ultimis oris auctoritate nostri imperi sal- 
 vos praestare poteramus, — turn cum insula Delos, tarn 25 
 procul a nobis in Aegaeo mari posita, quo omnes undi- 
 que cum mercibus atque oneribus commeabant, referta 
 divitiis, parva, sine muro, nihil timebat, — eidem non 
 modo provinciis atque oris Italiae maritimis ac portu- 
 bus nostris, sed etiam Appia jam via carebamus ; et eis 30 
 temporibus non pudebat magistratus populi Romani in 
 hunc ipsum locum escendere, cum eum nobis majores 
 nostri exuviis nauticis et classium spoliis ornatum reli- 
 quissent. 
 
 xix. 5G. Bono te animo turn, Q^ Hortensi, populus 35 
 Romanus et ceteros qui erant in eadem sententia. dicere 
 
78 Pom fay's Military Command. [Manil. 
 
 existimavit ea quae sentiebatis : sed tarnen in salute 
 communi idem populus Romanus dolori suo maluit 
 quam auctoritati vestrae obtemperare. Itaque una 
 lex, unus vir, unus annus non modo nos ilia miseria 
 5 ac turpitudine liberavit, sed etiam effecit, ut aliquando 
 vere videremur omnibus gentibus ac nationibus terra 
 manque imperare. 57. Quo mihi etiam indignius vi- 
 detur obtrectatum esse adhuc, — Gabinio dicam anne 
 Pompeio, an utrique, id quod est verius? — ne legaretur 
 
 io A. Gabinius Cn. Pompeio expetenti ac postulanti. 
 Utrum ille, qui postulat ad tantum bellum legatum 
 quern velit, idoneus non est qui impetret, cum ceteri 
 ad expilandos socios diripiendasque provincias quos 
 voluerunt legatos eduxerint ; an ipse, cujus lege salus 
 
 15 ac dignitas populo Romano atque omnibus gentibus 
 constituta est, expers esse debet gloriae ejus imperato- 
 ris atque ejus exercitus, qui consilio ipsius ac periculo 
 est constitutus? 58. An C. Falcidius, Q^ Metellus, 
 Q^ Caelius Latiniensis, Cn. Lentulus, quos omnis 
 
 20 honoris causa nomino, cum tribuni plebi fuissent, anno 
 proximo legati esse potuerunt : in uno Gabinio sunt 
 tarn diligentes, qui in hoc bello, quod lege Gabinia 
 geritur, in hoc imperatore atque exercitu, quern per 
 vos ipse constituit, etiam praecipuo jure esse deberet? 
 
 25 De quo legando consules spero ad senatum relaturos. 
 Qui si dubitabunt aut gravabuntur, ego me proriteor 
 relaturum. Neque me impediet cujusquam inimicum 
 edictum, quo minus vobis fretus vestrum jus benefi- 
 ciumque defendam ; neque praeter intercessionem quic- 
 
 30 quam audiam, de qua (ut arbitror) isti ipsi, qui minan- 
 tur, etiam atque etiam quid liceat considerabunt. Mea 
 quidem sententia, Quirites, unus A. Gabinius belli 
 maritimi rerumque gestarum Cn. Pompeio socius 
 ascribitur, propterea quod alter uni illud bellum sus- 
 
 35 cipiendum vestris suffrages detulit, alter delatum sus- 
 ceptumque confecit. 
 
xxl 61.] The Opinion of Catulus. 79 
 
 xx. 59. Reliquum est ut de Q^ Catuli auctoritate et 
 sententia dicendum esse videatur. Qui cum ex vobis 
 quaereret, si in uno Cn. Pompeio omnia poneretis, si 
 quid eo factum esset, in quo spem essetis habituri, — 
 cepit magnum suae virtutis fructum ac dignitatis, cum 5 
 omnes una prope voce in [eo] ipso vos spem habituros 
 esse dixistis. Etenim talis est vir, ut nulla res tanta sit 
 ac tarn difficilis, quam ille non et consilio regere et in- 
 tegritate tueri et virtute conficere possit. Sed in hoc 
 ipso ab eo vehementissime dissentio, quod, quo minus 10 
 certa est hominum ac minus diuturna vita, hoc magis 
 res publica, dum per deos immortalis licet, frui debet 
 sum mi viri vita atque virtute. 60. ' At enim ne quid 
 novi fiat contra exempla atque instituta majorum.' 
 Non dicam hoc loco majores nostros semper in pace 15 
 consuetudini, in bello utilitati paruisse ; semper ad no- 
 vos casus temporum novorum consiliorum rationes ad- 
 commodasse : non dicam duo bella maxima, Punicum 
 atque Hispaniense, ab uno imperatore esse confecta, 
 duasque urbis potentissimas, quae huic imperio maxi- 20 
 me minitabantur, Karthaginem atque Numantiam, ab 
 eodem Scipione esse deletas : non commemorabo nuper 
 ita vobis patribusque vestris esse visum, ut in uno C. 
 Mario spes imperi poneretur, ut idem cum Jugurtha, 
 idem cum Cimbris, idem cum Teutonis bellum admin- 25 
 istraret. 61. In ipso Cn. Pompeio, in quo novi con- 
 stitui nihil volt Q^ Catulus, quam multa sint nova 
 summa Q^ Catuli voluntate constituta recordamini. 
 xxi. Quid tarn novum quam adulescentulum priva- 
 tum exercitum difficili rei publicae tempore conficere? 30 
 Confecit. Huic praeesse? Praefuit. Rem optime 
 ductu suo gerere? Gessit. Quid tarn praeter consue- 
 tudinem quam homini peradulescenti, cujus aetas a 
 senatorio gradu longe abesset, imperium atque exerci- 
 tum dari, Siciliam permitti, atque Africam bellumque 35 
 in ea provincia administrandum? Fuit in his provin- 
 
80 Pompey's Military Command. [Manil. 
 
 ciis singulari innocentia, gravitate, virtute : bellum in 
 Africa maximum confecit, victorem exercitum depor- 
 tavit. Quid vero tarn inauditum quam equitem Ro 
 manum triumphare? At earn quoque" rem populus 
 
 5 Romanus non modo vidit, sed omnium etiam studio 
 visendam et concelebrandam putavit. 62. Quid tam 
 inusitatum quam ut, cum duo consules clarissimi fortis- 
 simique essent, eques Romanus ad bellum maximum 
 formidolosissimumque pro consule mitteretur? Missus 
 
 10 est. Quo quidem tempore, cum esset non nemo in 
 senatu qui diceret non oportere mitti hominem priva- 
 tum pro consule, L. Philippus dixisse dicitur non se 
 ilium sua sententia pro consule, sed pro consulibus 
 mittere. Tanta in eo rei publicae bene gerendae spes 
 
 15 constituebatur, ut duorum consulum munus unius adu- 
 lescentis virtuti committeretur. Quid tam singulare 
 quam ut ex senatus consulto legibus solutus consul 
 ante fieret, quam ullum alium magistratum per leges 
 capere licuisset? quid tam incredibile quam ut iterum 
 
 20 eques Romanus ex senatus consulto triumpharet? 
 Quae in omnibus hominibus nova post hominum me- 
 moriam constituta sunt, ea tam multa non sunt quam 
 haec, quae in hoc uno homine videmus. 63. Atque 
 haec tot exempla, tanta ac tam nova, profecta sunt in 
 
 25 eundem hominem a Q^ Catuli atque a ceterorum ejus- 
 dem dignitatis amplissimorum hominum auctoritate. 
 
 xxii. Qua re videant ne sit periniquum et non ferun- 
 dum, illorum auctoritatem de Cn. Pompei dignitate a 
 vobis comprobatam semper esse, vestrum ab illis de 
 
 30 eodem homine judicium populique Romani auctorita- 
 tem improbari ; praesertim cum jam suo jure populus 
 Romanus in hoc homine suam auctoritatem vel con- 
 tra omnis qui dissentiunt possit defendere, propterea 
 quod, isdem istis reclamantibus, vos unum ilium ex 
 
 35 omnibus delegistis quern bello praedonum praeponere- 
 tis. 64. Hoc si vos temere fecistis, et rei publicae pa- 
 
xxiii. 66.] The Wounds of the Allies. 81 
 
 rum consuluistis, recte isti studia vestra suis consiliis 
 regere conantur. Sin autem vos plus turn in re publica 
 vidistis, vos eis repugnantibus per vosmet ipsos dignita- 
 tem huic imperio, salutem orbi terrarum attulistis, ali- 
 quando isti principes et sibi et ceteris populi Romani 5 
 universi auctoritati parendum esse fateantur. Atque in 
 hoc bello Asiatico et regio non solum militaris ilia 
 virtus, quae est in Cn. Pompeio singularis, sed aliae 
 quoque virtutes animi magnae et multae requiruntur. 
 Difficile est in Asia, Cilicia, Syria regnisque interiorum 10 
 nationum ita versari nostrum imperatorem, ut nihil 
 aliud nisi de hoste ac de laude cogitet. Deinde etiam 
 si qui sunt pudore ac temperantia moderatiores, tamen 
 eos esse talis propter multitudinem cupidorum homi- 
 num nemo arbitratur. 65. Difficile est dictu, Quirites, 15 
 quanto in odio simus apud exteras nationes propter 
 eorum, quos ad eas per hos annos cum imperio misi- 
 mus, libidines et injurias. Quod enim fanum putatis 
 in illis terris nostris magistratibus religiosum, quam 
 civitatem sanctam, quam domum satis clausam ac 20 
 munitam fuisse? Urbes jam locupletes et copiosae 
 requiruntur, quibus causa belli propter diripiendi cupi- • 
 ditatem inferatur. 66. Libenter haec coram cum Q^ 
 Catulo et Q^ Hortensio, summis et clarissimis viris, 
 disputarem. Noverunt enim sociorum volnera, vident 25 
 eorum calamitates, querimonias audiunt. Pro sociis 
 vos contra hostis exercitum mittere putatis, an hostium 
 simulatione contra socios atque amicos? Quae civitas 
 est in Asia quae non modo imperatoris aut legati, sed 
 unius tribuni militum animos ac spiritus capere possit? 30 
 
 xxiii. Qua re, etiam si quern habetis qui conlatis sig- 
 nis exercitus regios superare posse videatur, tamen 
 nisi erit idem, qui [se] a pecuniis sociorum, qui ab eo- 
 rum conjugibus ac liberis, qui ab ornamentis fanorum 
 atque oppidorum, qui ab auro gazaque regia manus, 35 
 oculos, animum cohibere possit, non erit idoneus qui 
 
 6 
 
82 Pompey^s Military Command. [Manil. 
 
 ad bellum Asiaticum fegiumque mittatur. 67. Ecquam 
 putatis civitatem pacatam fuisse quae locuples sit? 
 ecquam esse locupletem quae istis pacata esse videa- 
 tur? Ora maritima, Quirites, Cn. Pompeium non so- 
 5 lum propter rei militaris gloriam, sed etiam propter 
 animi continentiam requisivit. Videbat enim prae- 
 tores locupletari quot annis pecunia publica praeter 
 paucos ; neque eos quicquam aliud adsequi, classium 
 nomine, nisi ut detrimentis accipiendis majore adfici 
 
 io turpitudine videremur. Nunc qua cupiditate homines 
 in provincias, quibus jacturis et quibus condicionibus 
 proficiscantur, ignorant videlicet isti, qui ad unum de- 
 ferenda omnia esse non arbitrantur? Quasi vero Cn. 
 Pompeium non cum suis virtutibus turn etiam alienis 
 
 is vitiis magnum esse videamus. 68. Qua re nolite dubi- 
 tare quin huic uni credatis omnia, qui inter tot annos 
 unus inventus sit, quern socii in urbis suas cum exerci- 
 tu venisse gaudeant. 
 
 Quod si auctoritatibus hanc causam, Quirites, con- 
 
 20 firmandam putatis, est vobis auctor vir bellorum om- 
 nium maximarumque rerum peritissimus, P. Servilius, 
 cujus tantae res gestae terra marique exstiterunt, ut 
 cum de bello deliberetis, auctor vobis gravior nemo 
 esse debeat; est C. Curio, summis vestris beneficiis 
 
 25 maximisque rebus gestis, summo ingenio et prudentia 
 praeditus ; est Cn. Lentulus, in quo omnes pro amplis- 
 simis vestris honoribus summum consilium, summam 
 gravitatem esse cognovistis ; est C. Cassius, integritate, 
 virtute, constantia singulari. Qua re videte ut horum 
 
 3° auctoritatibus illorum orationi, qui dissentiunt, respon- 
 dere posse videamur. 
 
 xxiv. 69. Quae cum ita sint, C. Manili, primum 
 istam tuam et legem etvoluntatem et sententiam laudo 
 vehementissimeque comprobo : deinde te hortor, ut 
 
 35 auctore populo Romano maneas in sententia, neve 
 cujusquam vim aut minas pertimescas. Primum in te 
 
xxiv. 7i.] Cicero's Motive and Purpose. 83 
 
 satis esse animi perseverantiaeque arbitror : deinde 
 cum tantam multitudin'em cum tanto studio adesse 
 videamus, quantam iterum nunc in eodem homine 
 praeficiendo videmus, quid est quod aut de re aut de 
 perficiendi facultate dubitemus? Ego autem quicquid 5 
 est in me studi, consili, laboris, ingeni, quicquid hoc 
 beneficio populi Romani atque hac potestate praetoria, 
 quicquid auctoritate, fide, constantia possum, id omne 
 ad hanc rem conficiendam tibi et populo Romano pol- 
 liceor ac defero : 70. testorque omnis deos, et eos max- 10 
 ime qui huic loco temploque praesident, qui omnium 
 mentis eorum qui ad rem publicam adeunt maxime 
 perspiciunt, me hoc neque rogatu facere cujusquam, 
 neque quo Cn. Pompei gratiam mihi per hanc causam 
 conciliari putem, neque quo mihi ex cujusquam ampli- 15 
 tudine aut praesidia periculis aut adjumenta honoribus 
 quaeram ; propterea quod pericula facile, ut hominem 
 praestare oportet, innocentia tecti repellemus, honorem 
 autem neque ab uno neque ex hoc loco, sed eadem 
 ilia nostra laboriosissima ratione vitae, si vestra volun- 20 
 tas feret, consequemur. 71. Quam ob rem quicquid 
 in hac causa mihi susceptum est, Quirites, id ego 
 omne me rei publicae causa suscepisse confirmo ; tan- 
 tumque abest ut aliquam mihi bonam gratiam quae- 
 sisse videar, ut multas me etiam simultates partim 25 
 obscuras, partim apertas intellegam mihi non necessa- 
 rias, vobis non inutilis suscepisse. Sed ego me hoc 
 honore praeditum, tantis vestris beneficiis adfectum 
 statui, Quirites, vestram voluntatem et rei publicae dig- 
 nitatem et salutem provinciarum atque sociorum meis 30 
 omnibus commodis et rationibus praeferre oportere. 
 
THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 
 
 B.C. 63. 
 
 During the absence of Pompey in the East (see the preceding 
 Introduction), the politics of the city were kept in a constant fer- 
 ment by the strife of parties. The violence and corruption of the 
 time seemed to afford a fit opportunity for some daring enterprise. 
 This opportunity was seized by Lucius Sergius Catilina. He was a 
 man of noble birth, of middle age, and of the vilest character ; an 
 intimate friend of Verres, and like him distinguished for his infa- 
 mous career in Sulla's army. He expected, probably, to make him- 
 self tyrant, as Dionysius and Agathocles — men no better than he — 
 had done in Syracuse ; but it was suspected at the time, and is 
 believed by many at the present day, that he was, after all, only a 
 tool of Caesar and Crassus, the leaders of the democratic party. 
 
 Catiline's plan was to make use of the consulship as a stepping- 
 stone to the tyranny ; and with this end he desired to be a candi- 
 date for this office, for the year B.C. 65. He was shut out, however, 
 both that year and the next, by a charge of repetundce : of this he 
 was at last acquitted, in season to present himself for the year 
 B.C. 63. There was a very exciting canvass, which resulted in the 
 election of Cicero by an overwhelming majority, while a confede- 
 rate of Catiline, Caius Antonius — son of the distinguished orator, 
 and uncle of the triumvir — was elected as his colleague. Catiline, 
 nothing daunted, offered himself again for the following year, but 
 was again defeated, mainly through the exertions of the consul Ci- 
 cero, who had completely gained over his weak and greedy colleague 
 Antonius. The rich province of Macedonia had fallen to Cicero 
 by lot, for his proconsular year ; but he transferred this to Anto- 
 nius, on condition of his cooperation against Catiline. 
 
 Catiline would now wait no longer, but prepared for an immedi- 
 ate outbreak. As a private citizen he lost the advantages which 
 the holding of the consulship would have given him, and the only 
 member of the conspiracy who held a magistracy was the vain and 
 indolent Lentulus, praetor and of consular rank. In the course 
 of October, B.C. 63, a body of troops was collected at Faesulae (now 
 Fiesole, close to Florence), a town in the north of Etruria ; this 
 was under the command of the centurion Caius Manlius, Catiline 
 
I. 3] Invective against Catiline. 85 
 
 himself remaining in the city to direct operations there. Cicero, 
 meantime, had managed to keep track of the conspiracy in all its 
 details ; and, when Catiline had the effrontery to appear in his seat 
 in the Senate, he burst upon him with a fiery invective, the first 
 of the four " Orations against Catiline." Probably none of his 
 speeches is better known than this, or conveys a better impression 
 of his power as an orator. 
 
 I. Invective against Catiline. 
 
 In the Senate, Nov. 8. 
 
 QUO usque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia no- 
 stra? Quam diu etiam furor iste tuus nos elu- 
 det? Quern ad finem sese effrenata jactabit audacia? 
 Nihilne te nocturnum praesidium Palati, nihil urbis 
 vigiliae, nihil timor populi, nihil concursus bonorum 5 
 omnium, nihil hie munitissimus habendi senatus locus, 
 nihil horum ora voltusque moverunt? Patere tua 
 consilia non sentis? constrictam jam horum omnium 
 scientia teneri conjurationem tuam non vides? Quid 
 proxima, quid superiore nocte egeris, ubi fueris, quos 10 
 convocaveris, quid consili ceperis, quern nostrum igno- 
 rare arbitraris? 
 
 2. O tempora ! O mores ! Senatus haec intellegit, 
 consul videt: hie tamen vivit. Vivit? immo vero 
 etiam in senatum venit, fit publici consili particeps, 15 
 notat et designat oculis ad caedem unum quemque 
 nostrum. Nos autem, fortes viri, satis facere rei pub- 
 licae videmur, si istius furorem ac tela vitemus. Ad 
 mortem te, Catilina, duci jussu consulis jam pridem 
 oportebat; in te conferri pestem quam tu in nos [jam 20 
 diu] machinaris. 3. An vero vir amplissimus, P. Sci- 
 pio, pontifex maximus, Ti. Gracchum mediocriter 
 labefactantem statum rei publicae privatus interfecit: 
 Catilinam, orbem terrae caede atque incendiis vastare 
 cupientem, nos consules perferemus? Nam ilia nimis 25 
 antiqua praetereb, quod C. Servilius Ahala Sp. Mae- 
 
86 Conspiracy of Catiline. [Catil. I 
 
 Hum novis rebus studentem manu sua occidit. Fuit, 
 fuit ista quondam in hac re publica virtus, ut viri fortes 
 acrioribus suppliciis civem perniciosum quam acerbis- 
 simum hostem coercerent. Habemus senatus consul- 
 5 turn in te, Catilina, vehemens et grave. Non deest 
 rei publicae consilium, neque auctoritas hujus ordinis : 
 nos, nos, dico aperte, consules desumus. , 
 
 ii. 4. Decrevit quondam senatus, ut L. Opimius 
 consul videret ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet. 
 
 io Nox nulla intercessit : interfectus est propter quasdam 
 seditionum suspiciones C. Gracchus, clarissimo patre, 
 avo, majoribus ; occisus est cum liberis M. Fulvius 
 consularis. Simili senatus consulto C. Mario et L. 
 Valerio consulibus est permissa res publica : num 
 
 15 unum diem postea L. Saturninum tribunum plebis et 
 C. Servilium praetorem [mors ac] rei publicae poena 
 remorata est? At nos vicesimum jam diem patimur 
 hebescere aciem horum auctoritatis. Habemus enim 
 hujusce modi senatus consultum, verum inclusum in 
 
 20 tabulis, tamquam in vagina reconditum, quo ex sena- 
 tus consulto confestim te interfectum esse, Catilina, 
 convenit. Vivis, et vivis non ad deponendam, sed ad 
 confirmandam audaciam. Cupio, patres conscripti, 
 me esse clementem : cupio in tantis rei publicae peri- 
 
 25 culis me non dissolutum videri ; sed jam me ipse inertiae 
 nequitiaeque condemnoi 5. Castra sunt in Italia con- 
 tra populum Romanum in Etruriae faucibus conlocata : 
 crescit in dies singulos hostium numerus ; eorum au- 
 tem castrorum imperatorem ducemque hostium intra 
 
 30 moenia atque adeo in senatu videmus, intestinam ali- 
 quam cotidie perniciem rei publicae molientem. Si te 
 jam, Catilina, comprehendi, si interfici jussero, credo, 
 erit verendum mihi ne non hoc potius omnes boni 
 serius a me, quam quisquam crudelius factum esse 
 
 35 dicat. Verum ego hoc, quod jam pridem factum esse 
 oportuit, certa de causa nondum aaducor ut faciam. 
 
in. 8.] His Plans are known and watched, 87 
 
 Turn denique interficiere, cum jam nemo tarn impro- 
 bus, tarn perditus, tarn tui similis inveniri poterit, qui 
 id non jure factum esse fateatur. 6. Quam diu quis- 
 quam erit qui te defendere audeat, vives ; et vives ita 
 ut vivis, multis meis et rirmis praesidiis oppressus, ne 
 commovere te contra rem publicam possis. Multorum 
 te etiam oculi et aures non sentientem, sicut adhuc 
 fecerunt, speculabuntur atque custodient. sf 
 
 in. Etenim quid est, Catilina, quod jam amplius 
 exspectes, si neque nox tenebris obscurare coetus ne- 10 
 farios, nee privata domus parietibus continere voces 
 conjurationis [tuae] potest? si inlustrantur, si erumpunt 
 omnia? Muta jam istam mentem : mihi crede, obli- 
 viscere caedis atque incendiorum. Teneris undique : 
 luce sunt clariora nobis tua consilia omnia, quae jam 15 
 mecum licet recognoscas. • 7. Meministine me ante 
 diem xn. Kalendas Novembris dicere in senatu, fore 
 in armis certo die — qui dies futurus esset ante diem 
 vi. Kal. Novembris — C. Manlium, audaciae satellitem 
 atque administrum tuae? Num me fefellit, Catilina, 20 
 non modo res tanta, tarn atrox tamque incredibilis, 
 verum — id quod multo magis est admirandum — 
 dies? Dixi ego idem in senatu caeclem te optimatium 
 contulisse in ante diem v. Kalendas Novembris, turn 
 cum multi principes civitatis Roma non tarn sui con- 25 
 servandi quam tuorum consiliorum reprimendorum 
 causa profugerunt. Num infitiari potes te illo ipso die, 
 meis praesidiis, mea diligentia circumclusum, commo- 
 vere te contra rem publicam non potuisse, cum tu dis- 
 cessu ceterorum, nostra tamen qui remansissemus 30 
 caede, te contentum esse dicebas? 8. Quid? cum te 
 Praeneste Kalendis ipsis Novembribus occupaturum 
 nocturno impetu esse confideres, sensistine illam colo- 
 niam meo jussu [meis] praesidiis custodiis vigiliis 
 esse munitam? Nihil agis, nihil moliris, nihil cogitas, 35 
 quod non ego non modo audiam, sed etiam videam 
 planeque sentiam. 
 
 -h 
 
88 Conspiracy of Catiline. [Catil. I. 
 
 iv. Recognosce tandem mecum noctem illam su- 
 periorem : jam intelleges multo me vigilare acrius ad 
 salutem quam te ad perniciem rei publicae. Dico te 
 priore nocte venisse inter falcarios — non agam ob- 
 5 scure — in M. Laecae domum ; convenisse eodem 
 compluris ejusdem amentiae scelerisque socios. Num 
 negare audes? quid taces? convincam, si negas. 
 Video enim esse hie in senatu quosdam, qui tecum una 
 fuerunt. 9. O di immortales ! ubinam gentium su- 
 
 io raus? in qua urbe vivimus? quam rem publicam 
 habemus? Hie, hie sunt, in nostro numero, patres 
 conscripti, in hoc orbis terrae sanctissimo gravissimo- 
 que consilio, qui de nostro omnium interitu, qui de 
 hujus urbis atque adeo de orbis terrarum exitio cogi- 
 
 15 tent. Hos ego video [consul] etde republica sententiam 
 rogo, et quos ferro trucidari oportebat, eos nondum 
 voce volnero. Fuisti igitur apud Laecam ilia nocte, 
 Catilina : distribuisti partis Italiae ; statuisti quo quem- 
 que proficisci placeret ; delegisti quos Romae relinque- 
 
 20 res, quos tecum educeres ; descripsisti urbis partis ad 
 incendia : confirmasti te ipsum jam esse exiturum ; 
 dixisti paulum tibi esse etiam nunc morae, quod ego 
 viverem. Reperti sunt duo equites Romani qui te ista 
 cura liberarent, et sese ilia ipsa nocte paulo ante lu- 
 
 25 cem me in meo lectulo interfecturos esse pollicerentur. 
 30. Haec ego omnia, vixdum etiam coetu vestro di- 
 misso, comperi : domum meam majoribus praesidiis 
 munivi atque firmavi : exclusi eos quos tu ad me salu- 
 tatum miseras, cum illi ipsi venissent, quos ego jam 
 
 3° multis ac summis viris ad me id temporis venturos esse 
 praedixeram. 
 
 v. Quae cum ita sint, Catilina, perge quo coepisti. 
 Egredere aliquando ex urbe : patent portae : proficis- 
 cere. Nimium diu te imperatorem tua ilia Manliana 
 
 35 castra desiderant. Educ tecum etiam omnis tuos ; si 
 minus, quam plurimos : pur*ga urbem. Magno me 
 
vi. i3] He is bidden to leave the City. 89 
 
 metu liberabis, dum modo inter me atque te murus 
 intersit. Nobiscum versari jam diutius non potes : non 
 feram, non patiar, non sinam. 11. Magna dis immor- 
 talibus habenda est, atque huic ipsi Jovi Statori, anti- 
 quissimo custodi hujus urbis, gratia, quod hanc tarn 5 
 taetram, tarn horribilem tamque infestam rei publicae 
 pestem totiens jam effugimus. Non est saepius in uno 
 homine summa salus periclitanda rei publicae. Quam L ^ 
 diu mihi consuli designato, Catilina, insidiatus es, non 
 publico me praesidio, sed privata diligentia defendi. 10 
 Cum proximis comitiis consularibus me consulem in 
 campo et competi tores tuos interficere voluisti, com- 
 pressi conatus tuos nefarios amicorum praesidio et 
 copiis, nullo tumultu publice concitato : denique, quoti- 
 enscumque me petisti, per me tibi obstiti, quamquam 15 
 videbam perniciem meam cum magna calamitate rei 
 publicae esse conjunctam. 12. Nunc jam aperte rem 
 publicam universam petis : templa deorum immorta- 
 lium, tecta urbis, vitam omnium civium, Italiam [deni- 
 que] totam ad exitium ac vastitatem vocas. Qua re, 20 
 quoniam id quod est primum, et quod hujus imperi 
 disciplinaeque majorum proprium est, facere nondum 
 audeo, faciam id quod est ad severitatem lenius, et ad 
 communem salutem utilius. Nam si te interfici jussero, 
 residebit in re publica reliqua conjuratorum manus. 25 
 Sin tu, quod te jam dudum hortor, exieris, exhaurietur 
 ex urbe tuorum comitum magna et perniciosa sentina 
 rei publicae. 
 
 13. Quid est, Catilina? num* dubitas id me impe- 
 rante facere, quod jam tua sponte faciebas? Exire ex 30 
 urbe jubet consul hostem. Interrogas me, num in 
 exsilium? Non jubeo ; sed, si me consulis, suadeo. 
 vi. Quid est enim, Catilina, quod te jam in hac urbe 
 delectare possit? in qua nemo est extra istam conjura- 
 tion em perditorum hominum qui te non metuat, nemo 35 
 qui non oderit. Quae nota domesticae turpitudinis non 
 
90 Conspiracy of Catiline. [Catil. I. 
 
 inusta vitae tuae est? Quod privatarum rerum dede- 
 cus non haeret in fama? quae libido ab oculis, quod 
 facinus a manibus umquam tuis, quod flagitium a toto 
 corpore afuit? Cui tu adulescentulo, quern corrupte- 
 5 larum inlecebris inretisses, non aut ad audaciam ferrum 
 V aut ad libidinem facem praetulisti? 14. Quid vero? 
 nuper cum morte superioris uxoris novis nuptiis do- 
 mum vacuefecisses, nonne etiam alio incredibili scelere * 
 hoc scelus cumulasti? quod ego praetermitto et facile 
 
 10 patior sileri, ne in hac civitate tanti facinoris im- 
 manitas aut exstitisse aut non vindicata esse videatur. 
 Praetermitto ruinas fortunarum tuarum, quas omnis 
 impendere tibi proximis Idibus senties. Ad ilia venio, 
 quae non ad privatam ignominiam vitiorum tuo.rum, 
 
 15 non ad domesticam tuam difficultatem ac turpitudinem, 
 sed ad summam rem publicam atque ad omnium nos- 
 trum vitam salutemque pertinent. 15. Potestne tibi 
 haec lux, Catilina, aut hujus caeli spiritus esse jucun- 
 dus, cum scia's horum esse neminem qui nesciat te 
 
 20 pridie Kalendas Januarias Lepido et Tullo consulibus 
 stetisse in comitio cum telo? manum consulum et prin- 
 cipum civitatis interficiendorum causa paravisse? sce- 
 leri ac furori tuo non mentem aliquam aut timorem 
 [tuum], sed fortunam populi Romani obstitisse? Ac 
 
 25 jam ilia omitto — neque enim sunt aut obscura aut non 
 multa commissa — quotiens tu me designatum, quotiens 
 consulem interficere conatus es ! quot ego tuas peti- 
 tiones, ita conjectas ut vitari posse non viderentur, parva 
 quadam declinatione et (ut aiunt) corpore effugi ! [Ni- 
 
 30 hil agis,] nihil acfsequerls, [nihil moliris,] neque tamen 
 conari ac velle desistis. 16. Quotiens tibi jam extorta 
 est ista sica de manibus ! quotiens yero excidit casu 
 aliquo et elapsa est ! [Tamen ea carere diutius non 
 potes,] quae quidem quibus abs te initiata sacris ac 
 
 35 devota sit nescio, quod earn necesse putas esse in con- 
 sulis corpore defigere. 
 
vii. 1 8.] General Fear and Hate of him. " 91 
 
 vii. Nunc vero quae tua est ista vita? Sic enim 
 jam tecum loquar, non ut odio permotus esse videar, 
 quo debeo, sed ut misericordia, quae tibi nulla debetur. 
 Venisti paulo ante in senatum. Quis te ex hac tanta 
 frequentia, tot ex tuis amicis ac necessariis salutavit? 5 
 Si hoc post hominum memoriam contigit nemini, vocis 
 exspectas contumeliam, cum sis gravissimo judicio taci- 
 turnitatis oppressus? I Quid, quod adventu tuo ista ... 
 subsellia vacuefacta sunt? quod omnes consulares, qui 
 tibi persaepe ad caedem constituti fuerunt, simul atque 10 
 adsedisti, partem istam subselliorum nudam atque in- 
 anem reliquerunt, quo tandem animo tibi ferendum 
 putas? 17. Servi (mehercule) mei si me isto pacto me- 
 tuerent, ut te metuunt omnes cives tui, domum meam 
 relinquendam putarem : tu tibi urbem non arbitraris? 15 
 et, si me meis civibus injuria suspectum tarn graviter 
 atque offensum videVem, carere me aspectu civium 
 quam infestis omnium oculis conspici mallem. Tu, cum 
 conscientia scelerum tuorum agnoscas odium omnium 
 justum et jam diu tibi debitum, dubitas quorum men- 20 
 tis sensusque volneras, eorum aspectum praesentiam- 
 que vitare? Si te parentes timerent atque odissent tui, 
 neque eos ulla ratione placare posses, tu (opinor) ab 
 eorum oculis aliquo concederes. Nunc te patria, quae 
 communis est parens omnium nostrum, odit ac metuit, 25 
 et jam diu te nihil judicat nisi de parricidio suo cogi- 
 tare : hujus tu neque auctoritatem verebere, nee judi- 
 cium sequere, nee vim pertimesces? 
 
 18. Quae tecum, Catilina, sic agit, et quodam modo 
 tacita loquitur : « Nullum jam aliquot annis facinus ex- 3° 
 stitit nisi per te, nullum flagitium sine te : tibi uni mul- 
 torum civium neces, tibi vexatio direptioque sociorum 
 impunita fuit ac libera : tu non solum ad neglegendas 
 . leges et quaestiones, verum etiam ad evertendas per- 
 fringendasque valuisti. Superiora ilia, quamquam 35 
 ferenda non fuerunt, tamen, ut potui, tuli : nunc vero 
 
92 Conspiracy of Catiline, [Catil. I. 
 
 me totam esse in metu propter unum te, quicquid in- 
 crepuerit Catilinam timeri, nullum videri contra me 
 consilium iniri posse quod a tuo scelere abhorreat, non 
 est ferendum. Quam ob rem discede, atque hunc mihi 
 5 timorem eripe : si est verus, ne opprimar ; sin falsus, 
 \j ut tandem aliquando timere desinam.'Y viii. 19. Haec 
 si tecum, ut dixi, patria loquatur, nonne impetrare 
 debeat, etiam si vim adhibere non possit? Quid, 
 quod tu te ipse in custodiam dedisti? quod vitandae 
 
 io suspitionis causa, ad M\ Lepidum te habitare velle 
 dixisti ? a quo non receptus etiam ad me venire ausus 
 es, atque ut domi meae te adservarem rogasti. Cum 
 a me quoque id responsum tulisses, me nullo modo 
 posse isdem parietibus tu'to esse tecum, qui magno in 
 
 15 periculo essem quod isdem moenibus contineremur, 
 ad Q^ Metellum praetorem venisti : a quo repudiatus 
 ad sodalem tuum, virum optimum, M. Marcellum de- 
 migrasti ; quern tu videlicet et ad custodiendum [te] 
 diligentissimum et ad suspicandum sagacissimum et 
 
 20 ad vindicandum fortissimum fore putasti. Sed quam 
 longe videtur a carcere atque a vinculis abesse debere, 
 qui se ipse jam dignum custodia judicarit? 20. Quae 
 cum ita sint, Catilina, dubitas, si emori aequo animo 
 non potes, abire in aliquas terras, et vitam istam, 
 
 25 multis suppliciis justis debitisque ereptam, fugae soli- 
 tudinique mandare? , ^ 
 
 * Refer ' inquis ? ad senatum : ' id enim postulas, et, si 
 hie ordo placere decreverit te ire in exsilium, obtempe- 
 raturum te esse dicis. Non referam, id quod abhorret 
 
 30 a meis moribus ; et tamen faciam ut intellegas quid hi 
 de te sentiant. Egredere ex urbe, Catilina ; libera rem 
 publicam metu; in exsilium, si hanc vocem exspectas, 
 proficiscere. Quid est, Catilina? ecquid attehdis? 
 ecquid animadvertis horum silentium? Patiuntur, 
 
 35 tacent. Quid exspectas auctoritatem loquentium, quo- 
 rum voluntatem tacitorum perspicis? 21. At si hoc 
 
ix. 23.] All Good Men wish him gone, 93 
 
 idem huic adulescenti optimo P. Sestio, si fortissimo 
 viro M. Marcello dixissem, jam mihi consuli, hoc ipso 
 in templo, senatus jure optimo vim et manus intulisset. 
 De te autem, Catilina, cum quiescunt, probant : cum 
 patiuntur, decernunt : cum tacent, clamant. Neque hi 5 
 solum, — quorum tibi auctoritas est videlicet cara, vita 
 vilissima, — sed etiam ill i equites Romani, honestissimi 
 atque optimi viri, ceterique fortissimi cives, qui circum- 
 stant senatum, quorum tu et frequentiam videre et 
 studia perspicere et voces paulo ante exaudire potu- 10 
 isti. Quorum ego vix abs te jam diu manus ac tela 
 contineo, eosdem facile adducam, ut te haec, quae vas- 
 tare jam pridem studes, relinquentem usque ad portas 
 prosequantur. If 
 
 ix. 22. Quamquam quid loquor? Te ut ulla res 15 
 frangat? tu ut umquam te corrigas? tu ut ullam fu- 
 gam meditere? tu ut exsilium cogites? Utinam tibi 
 istam mentem di immortales duint ! tametsi video, si 
 mea voce perterritus ire in exsilium animum induxeris, 
 quanta tempestas invidiae nobis — si minus in praesens 20 
 tempus, recenti memoria scelerum tuorum, at in pos- 
 teritatem — impendeat : sed est tanti, dum modo ista sit 
 privata calamitas, et a rei publicae periculis sejungatur. 
 Sed tu ut vitiis tuis commoveare, ut legum poenas per- 
 timescas, ut temporibus rei publicae cedas, non est 25 
 postulandum. Neque enim is es, Catilina, ut te aut 
 pudor umquam a turpitudine aut metus a periculo aut 
 ratio a furore revocarit. 23. Quam ob rem, ut saepe jam 
 dixi, proficiscere ; ac, si mihi inimico (ut praedicas) 
 tuo conflare vis invidiam, recta perge in exsilium : vix z° 
 feram sermones hominum si id feceris ; vix molem 
 istius invidiae, si in exsilium jussu consulis ieris, 
 sustinebo. Sin autem servire meae laudi et gloriae 
 mavis, egredere cum importuna sceleratorum manu : 
 confer te ad Manlium, concita perditos civis, secerne 35 
 te a bonis, infer patriae bellum, exsulta impio latro- 
 

 94 Conspiracy of Catiline, [Catil. I. 
 
 cinio, ut a me non ejectus ad alienos, sed invitatus ad 
 tuos isse videaris. 
 
 24. Quamquam quid ego te invitem, a quo jam sciam 
 esse praemissos qui tibi ad Forum Aurelium praestola- 
 5 rentur armati? cui sciam pactam et constitutam cum 
 Manlio diem? a quo etiam aquilam illam argenteam 
 quam tibi ac tuis omnibus confido perniciosam ac funes- 
 tam futuram, cui domi tuae sacrarium scelerum tuorum 
 constitutum fuit, sciam esse praemissam? Tu ut ilia 
 
 io carere diutius possis, quam venerari ad caedem profi- 
 
 ciscens solebas, a cujus altaribus saepe istam impiam 
 
 y/^dexteram ad necem civium transtulisti?Vx. 25. Ibis 
 
 tandem aliquando, quo te jam pridern ista tua cupiditas 
 
 effrenata ac furiosa rapiebat. Neque enim tibi haec 
 
 is res adfert dolorem, sed quandam incredibilem volup- p0 jji 
 tatem. Ad hanc te amentiam natura peperit, voluntas 
 exercuit, fortuna servavit. Numquam tu non modo 
 otium, sed ne bellum quidem nisi nefarium concupisti. 
 Nanctus es ex perditis atque ab omni non modo fortuna 
 
 20 verum etiam spe derelictis conflatam improborum ma- 
 num. 26. Hie tu qua laetitia perfruere I quibus gau- 
 diis exsultabis ! quanta in voluptate bacchabere, cum 
 in tanto numero tuorum neque audies virum bonum 
 quemquam neque videbis ! Ad hujus vitae studium 
 
 25 meditati illi sunt qui feruntur labores tui, — jacere humi 
 non solum ad obsidendum stuprum, verum etiam ad 
 facinus obeundum ; vigilare non solum insidiantem som- 
 no maritorum, verum etiam bonis otiosorum. Habes 
 ubi ostentes tuam illam praeclaram patientiam famis, 
 
 30 frigoris, inopiae rerum omnium, quibus te brevi tem- 
 pore confectum esse senties. 27. Tantum profeci turn, 
 cum te a corisulatu reppuli, ut exsul potius temptare 
 quam consul vexare rem publicam posses, atque ut 
 id quod est a te scelerate susceptum, latrocinium po- 
 
 35 tius quam bellum nominaretur. 
 
 xi. Nunc, ut a me, patres. conscripti, quandam 
 
xii. 29] Afpeal of the Commonwealth, 95 
 
 4f 
 
 prope justam patriae querimoniam detester ac depre- 
 cer, percipite, quaeso, diligenter quae dicam, et ea 
 penitus animis vestris mentibusque mandate. Etenim 
 si mecum patria, quae mihi vita mea multo est carior, 
 si cuncta Italia, si omnis res publica, loquatur : * M. 5 
 Tulli, quid agis? Tune eum, quern esse hostem com- 
 peristi, quem ducem belli futurum/vides, quern exspecT 
 tari imperatorem in castris hostium sentis, auctorem 
 sceleris, principem conjurationis, evocatorem servorum 
 et civium perditorum, exire patiere, ut abs te non 10 
 emissus ex urbe, sed immissus in urbem esse videatur? 
 Non hunc in vincula duci, non ad mortem rapi, non 
 summo supplicio mactari imperabis? 28. Quid tan- 
 dem te impedit? Mosne majorum? At persaepe etiam 
 privati in hac re publica perniciosos civis morte mul- 15 
 taverunt. An leges, quae de civium Romanorum sup- 
 plicio rogatae sunt? At numquam in hac urbe qui a — 
 re publica defecerunt civium jura tenuerunt. An in- 
 vidiam posteritatis times? Praeclaram vero populo 
 Romano refers gratiam, qui te hominem per te cogni- 20 
 turn, nulla commendatione majorum, tarn mature ad 
 summum imperium per omnis honorum gradus extulit, 
 si propter invidiae aut alicujus periculi metum salutem 
 civium tuorum neglegis. 29. Sed si quis est invidiae 
 metus, num est vehementius severitatis ac fortitudinis 25 
 invidia quam inertiae ac nequitiae pertimescenda? An 
 cum bello vastabitur Italia, vexabuntur urbes, tecta 
 ardebunt, turn te non existimas invidiae incendio con- 
 flagraturum ? ' 2L 
 
 xii. His ego sanctissimis rei publicae vocibus, et 30 
 eorum hominum qui hoc idem sentiunt mentibus, pauca 
 respondebo. Ego, si hoc optimum factu judicarem, 
 patres conscripti, Catilinam morte multari, unius usu- 
 ram horae gladiatori isti ad vivendum non dedissem. 
 Etenim si summi et clarissimi viri Saturnini et Graccho- 35 
 rum et Flacci et superiorum complurium sanguine non 
 
96 Conspiracy of Catiline. [Catil. I. 
 
 modo se non contaminarunt, sed etiam honestarunt, 
 certe verendum mihi non erat ne quid/hoc parricida 
 civium interfecto invidiae mihi in posteritatem redun- 
 daret. Quod si ea mihi maxime impenderet, tamen 
 5 hoc animo fui semper, ut invidiam virtute partam glo- 
 riam, non invidiam putarem. 30. Quamquam non 
 nulli sunt in hoc ordine, qui aut ea quae imminent non 
 videant, aut ea quae vident dissimulent : qui spem Cat- 
 ilinae mollibus sententiis aluerunt, conjurationemque 
 
 10 nascentem non credendo corroboraverunt : quorum 
 auctoritatem secuti multi non solum improbi, verum 
 etiam imperiti, si in hunc animadvertissem, crudeliter 
 et regie factum esse dicerent. Nunc intellego, si iste, 
 quo intendit, in Manliana castra pervenerit, neminem 
 
 15 tarn stultum fore qui non videat conjurationem esse 
 factam, neminem tarn improbum qui non fateatur. 
 Hoc autem uno interfecto, intellego hanc rei publicae 
 pestem paulisper reprimi, non in perpetuum comprimi 
 
 V posse. ^Quod si se ejecerit, secumque suos eduxerit, et 
 
 20 eodem ceteros undique conlectos naufragos adgregarit, 
 exstinguetur atque delebitur non modo haec tarn adulta 
 rei publicae pestis, verum etiam stirps ac semen malo- 
 rum omnium. 
 
 xiii. 31. Etenim jam diu, patres conscripti, in his 
 
 25 periculis conjurationis insidiisque versamur, sed nescio 
 quo pacto omnium scelerum ac veteris furoris et auda- 
 ciae maturitas in nostri consulatus tempus erupit. 
 Quod si ex tanto latrocinio iste unus tolletur, videbimur 
 fortasse ad breve quoddam tempus cura et metu esse 
 
 30 relevati ; periculum autem residebit, et erit inclusum 
 penitus in venis atque in visceribus rei publicae. Ut 
 saepe homines aegri morbo gravi, cum aestu febri- 
 que^ jactantur, si aquam gelidam biberint, primo rele- 
 vari videntur, deinde multo gravius vehementiusque 
 
 35 adflictantur ; sic hie morbus, qui est in re publica, rele- 
 vatus istius poena, vehementius reliquis vivis ingra- 
 
xiii. 33-] Character of the Conspiracy. 97 
 
 vescet. 32. Qua re secedant improbi, secernant se a 
 bonis, unum in locum congregentur, muro denique [id] 
 (quod saepe jam dixi) discernantur a nobis : desinant 
 insidiari domi suae' consuli, circumstare tribunal prae- 
 toris urbani, obsidere cum gladiis curiam, malleolos et 5 
 faces ad inflammandam urbem comparare : sit denique 
 inscriptum in fronte unius cujusque quid de re publica 
 sentiat. Polliceor hoc vobis, patres conscripti, tantam 
 in nobis consulibus fore diligentiam, tantam in vobis 
 auctoritatem, tantam in equitibus Romanis virtutem, 10 
 tantam in omnibus bonis consensionem, ut Catilinae 
 profectione omnia patefacta, inlustrata, oppressa, vindi- 
 cata esse videatis. 
 
 33. Hisce ominibus, Catilina, cum summa rei publi- 
 cae salute, ci*m tua peste ac pernicie, cumque eorum 15 
 exitio qui se tecum omni scelere parricidioque junxe- 
 runt, proficiscere ad impium bellum ac nefarium. Tu, 
 Juppiter, qui isdem quibus haec urbs auspiciis [a Rom- 
 ulo] es constitutus, quern Statorem hujus urbis atque 
 imperi vere nominamus, hunc et hujus socios a tuis 20 
 ceterisque templis, a tectis urbis ac moenibus, a vita 
 fortunisque civium [omnium] arcebis, et homines bono- 
 rum inimicos, hostis patriae, latrones Italiae, scelerum 
 foedere inter se ac nefaria societate conjunctos, aeter- 
 nis suppliciis vivos mortuosque mactabis. t , 25 
 
 2. Character of the Conspiracy. 
 
 Before the People, Nov. 9. 
 
 When Cicero had finished his speech and taken his seat, Cati- 
 line attempted to reply, but was interrupted by the cries and re- 
 proaches of the Senators. With a few threatening words, he rushed 
 from the house, and left the city the same night, for the camp of 
 Manlius. The next morning the consul assembled the people, and 
 announced to them the news, in the triumphant speech which follows. 
 
 7 
 
98 Conspiracy of Catiline. [Catil. II. 
 
 i. l. Tandem aliquando, Quirites, L. Catilinam, 
 furentem audacia, scelus anhelantem, pestem patriae 
 nefarie molientem, vobis atque huic urbi ferro flam- 
 maque minitantem, ex urbe vel ejecimus, vel emisi- 
 5 mus, vel ipsum egredientem verbis prosecuti sumus. 
 Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit. Nulla jam pernicies a 
 monstro illo atque prodigio moenibus ipsis intra moe- 
 nia comparabitur. Atque hunc quidem unum hu- 
 jus belli domestici ducem sine controversia vicimus. 
 
 io Non enim jam inter latera nostra sica ilia versabitur : 
 non in campo, non in foro, non in curia, non denique 
 intra domesticos parietes pertimescemus. Loco ille 
 motus est, cum est ex urbe depulsus. Palam jam cum 
 hoste nullo impediente bellum [justum] geremus. Sine 
 
 15 dubio perdidimus hominem magnificeque vicimus, cum 
 ilium ex occultis insidiis in apertum latrocinium con- 
 jecimus. 2. Quod vero non cruentum mucronem (ut 
 voluit) extulit, quod vivis nobis egressus est, quod ei 
 ferrum e manibus extorsimus, quod incolumis civis, 
 
 20 quod stantem urbem reliquit, quanto tandem ilium 
 maerore esse adflictum et profligatum putatis? Jacet 
 ille nunc prostratusque est, et se perculsum atque ab- 
 jectum esse sentit, et retorquet oculos profecto saepe ad 
 hanc urbem, quam e suis faucibus ereptam esse luget : 
 
 25 quae quidem mihi laetari videtur, quod tantam pestem 
 evomuerit forasque projecerit. 
 
 11. 3. Ac si quis est talis, qualis esse omnis opqrte- 
 bat, qui in hoc ipso, in quo exsultat et triumphat oratio 
 mea, me vehementer accuset, quod tarn capitalem hos- 
 
 30 tern non comprehenderim potius quam emiserim, non 
 est ista mea culpa, sed temporum. Interfectum esse L. 
 Catilinam et gravissimo supplicio adfectum jam pridem 
 oportebat, idque a me et mos majorum et hujus imperi 
 severitas et res publica postulabat. Sed quam multos 
 
 35 fuisse putatis qui quae ego deferrem non crederent? 
 [quam multos qui propter stultitiam non putarent?] 
 
in. 6.] His Companions in Guilt. 99 
 
 quam multos qui etiam defenderent? [quam multos 
 qui propter improbitatem faverent?] Ac si illo sub- 
 lato depelli a vobis omne periculum judicarem, jam 
 pridem ego L. Catilinam non modo invidiae meae, 
 verum etiam vitae periculo sustulissem. S(±. Sed cum 5 
 viderem, ne vobis quicTem omnibus re etiam turn 
 probata, si ilium, ut erat meritus, morte multassem, 
 fore ut ejus socios invidia oppressus persequi non pos- 
 sem, rem hue deduxi, ut turn palam pugnare possetis, 
 cum hostem aperte videretis. Quern quidem ego hos- 10 
 tern quam vehementer foris esse timendum putem, 
 licet hinc intellegatis, quod etiam moleste fero, quod 
 ex urbe parum comitatus exierit. Utinam ille omnis 
 secum suas copias eduxisset ! Tongilium mihi eduxit, 
 quern amare in praetexta coeperat, Publicium et Mi- 15 
 nucium, quorum aes alienum contractum in popina nul- 
 lum rei publicae motum adferre poterat : reliquit quos 
 viros ! quanto aere alieno ! quam valentis ! quam no- 
 bilis ! iin. 5. Itaque ego ilium exercitum prae Galli- 
 canis legionibus, et hoc dilectu quern in agro Piceno 20 
 et Gallico Q^ Metellus habuit, et his copiis quae a 
 nobis cotidie comparantur, magno opere contemno, 
 conlectum ex senibus desperatis, ex agresti luxuria, ex 
 rusticis decoctoribus, ex eis qui vadimonia deserere 
 quam ilium exercitum maluerunt : quibus ego non modo 25 
 si aciem exercitus nostri, verum etiam si edictum prae- 
 toris ostendero, concident. Hos, quos video volitare 
 in foro, quos stare ad curiam, quos etiam in senatum 
 venire, qui nitent unguentis, qui fulgent purpura, mal- 
 lem secum milites eduxisset : qui si hie permanent, 30 
 mementote non tarn exercitum ilium esse nobis quam 
 hos, qui exercitum deseruerunt, pertimescendos. At- 
 que hoc etiam sunt timendi magis, quod quicquid cogi- 
 tant me scire sentiunt, neque tamen permoventur. 
 6. Video cui sit Apulia attributa, quis habeat Etruriam, 35 
 quis agrum Picenum, quis Gallicum, quis sibi has 
 
ioo Conspiracy of Catiline, [Catil. II. 
 
 urbanas insidias caedis atque incendiorum depoposce- 
 rit : omnia superioris noctis consilia ad me perlata esse 
 sentiunt : patefeci in senatu hesterno die : Catilina ipse 
 pertimuit, profugit : hi quid exspectant? Ne illi ve- 
 
 5 hementer errant, si illam meam pristinam lenitatem 
 perpetuam sperant futuram. 
 
 v iv. Quod exspectavi, jam sum adsecutus, ut vos 
 omnes factam esse aperte conjurationem contra rem 
 publicam videretis : nisi vero si quis est qui Catilinae 
 
 10 similis cum Catilina sentire non putet. Non est jam 
 lenitati locus : severitatem res ipsa flagitat. Unum 
 etiam nunc concedam : exeant, proficiscantur; nepati- 
 antur desiderio sui Catilinam miserum tabescere. De- 
 monstrabo iter : Aurelia via profectus est : si adcelerare 
 
 15 volent, ad vesperam consequentur. 7. O fortunatam 
 rem publicam, si quidem hanc sentinam urbis ejecerit ! 
 Uno (mehercule) Catilina exhausto, levata mihi et re- 
 creata res publica videtur. Quid enim mali aut sceleris 
 fingi aut cogitari potest quod non ille conceperit? Quis 
 
 20 tota Italia veneficus, quis gladiator, quis latro, quis 
 sicarius, quis parricida, quis testamentorum subjector, 
 quis circumscriptor, quis ganeo, quis hepos, quis adul- 
 ter, quae mulier, infamis, quis corruptor juventutis, 
 quis corruptus, quis perditus inveniri potest, qui se cum 
 
 25 Catilina non familiarissime vixisse fateatur? quae cae- 
 des per hosce annos sine illo facta est? quod nefarium 
 stuprum non per ilium? 8. Jam vero quae tanta um- 
 quam in ullo homine juventutis inlecebra fuit, quanta in 
 illo? qui alios ipse amabat turpissime, aliorum amori 
 
 30 flagitiosissime serviebat : aliis fructum libidinum, aliis 
 mortem parentum non modo impellendo, verum etiam 
 adjuvando pollicebatur. Nunc vero quam subito non 
 solum ex urbe, verum etiam ex agris ingentem nume- 
 rum perditorum hominum conlegerat ! Nemo non 
 
 35 modo Romae, sed ne ullo quidem in angulo totius 
 Italiae oppressus aere alieno fuit, quern non ad hoc 
 incredibile sceleris foedus ascivcrit. 
 
v. ii.] All Scoundrels throng to join him, 101 
 
 v. 9. Atque ut ejus diversa studia in dissimili ratione 
 perspicere possitis, nemo est in ludo gladiatorio paulo 
 ad facinus audacior, qui se non intimum Catilinae esse 
 fateatur ; nemo in scaena levior et nequior, qui se non 
 ejusdem prope sodalem fuisse commemoret. Atque idem 5 
 tamen, stuprorum et scelerum exercitatione adsuefac- 
 tus, frigore et fame et siti et vigiliis perferendis, fortis 
 ab istis praedicabatur, cum industriae subsidia atque 
 instrumenta virtutis in libidine audaciaque consumeret. 
 
 10. Hunc vero si secuti erunt sui comites, si ex urbe 10 
 exierint desperatorum hominum flagitiosi greges, O nos 
 beatos ! O rem publicam fortunatam ! O praeclaram 
 laudem consulatus mei ! Non enim jam sunt mediocres 
 hominum libidines, non humanae ac tolerandae auda- 
 ciae : nihil cogitant nisi caedem, nisi incendia, nisi 15 
 rapinas. Patrimonia sua profuderunt, fortunas suas 
 obligaverunt : res eos jam pridem, fides nuper deficere 
 coepit : eadem tamen ilia, quae erat in abundantia, 
 libido permanet. TGJuod si in vino et alea comissationes 
 solum et scorta quaererent, essent illi quidem despe- 20 
 randi, sed tamen essent ferendi : hoc vero quis ferre 
 possit, inertis homines fortissimis viris insidiari, stultis- 
 simos prudentissimis, ebriosos sobriis, dormientis vigi- 
 lantibus? qui mihi accubantes in conviviis, complexi 
 mulieres impudicas, vino languidi, conferti cibo, sertis 25 
 redimiti, unguentis obliti, debilitati stupris, eructant ser- 
 monibus suis caedem bonorum atque urbis incendia. 
 
 11. Quibus ego confido impendere fatum aliquod, et 
 poenam jam diu improbitati, nequitiae, sceleri, libidini 
 debitam aut instare jam plane, aut certe appropinquare. 3° 
 Quos si meus consulatus, quoniam sanare non potest, 
 sustulerit, non breve nescio quod tempus, sed multa sae- 
 cula propagarit rei publicae. Nulla est enim natio 
 quam pertimescamus, nullus rex qui bellum populo Ro- 
 mano facere possit. Omnia sunt externa unius virtute 35 
 terra marique pacata : domesticum bellum manet ; in- 
 
102 Conspiracy of Catiline. [Catil. II. 
 
 tus insidiae sunt, intus inclusum periculum est, intus 
 est hostis. Cum luxuria nobis, cum amentia, cum 
 scelere certandum est. ^/Huic ego me bello ducem 
 profiteor, Quirites : suscipio inimicitias hominum per- 
 5 ditorum. Quae sanari poterunt, quacumque ratione 
 sanabo ; quae resecanda erunt, non patiar ad perniciem 
 civitatis manere. Proinde aut extant, aut quiescant, 
 aut, si et in urbe et in eadem mente permanent, ea 
 quae merentur exspectent. 
 
 10 vi. 12. At etiam sunt qui dicant, Quirites, a me in 
 exsilium ejectum esse Catilinam. Quod ego si verbo 
 adsequi possem, istos ipsos eicerem, qui haec loquun- 
 tur. Homo enim videlicet timidus aut etiam permo- 
 destus vocem consulis ferre non potuit : simul atque 
 
 15 ire in exsilium jussus est, paruit. Quid? ut hesterno 
 die, Quirites, cum domi meae paene interfectus essem, 
 senatum in aedem Jovis Statoris convocavi, rem om- 
 nem ad patres conscriptos detuli : quo cum Catilina 
 venisset, quis eum senator appellavit? quis salutavit? 
 
 20 quis denique ita aspexit ut perditum civem, ac non po- 
 tius ut importunissimum hostem? Quin etiam principes 
 ejus ordinis partem illam subselliorum, ad quam ille 
 accesserat, nudam atque inanem reliquerunt. 13. Hie 
 ego vehemens ille consul, qui verbo civis in exsilium 
 
 25 eicio, quaesivi a Catilina in nocturno conventu ad 
 M. Laecam fuisset necne. Cum ille, homo audacissi- 
 mus, conscientia convictus, primo reticuisset, patefeci 
 cetera : quid ea nocte egisset, quid in proximam con- 
 stituisset, quern ad modum esset ei ratio totius belli 
 
 3° descripta, edocui. Cum haesitaret, cum teneretur, 
 quaesivi quid dubitaret proficisci eo, quo jam pridem 
 pararet, cum arma, cum securis, cum fascis, cum tubas, 
 cum signa militaria, cum aquilam illam argenteam, cui 
 ille etiam sacrarium [scelerum] domi suae fecerat, sci- 
 
 35 rem esse praemissam. 14. In exsilium eiciebam, quern 
 jam ingressum esse in bellum videbam ? Etenim, credo, 
 
vii. 16.] He will soon affear in Arms, 103 
 
 Manlius iste centurio, qui in agro Faesulano castra 
 posuit, bellum populo Romano suo nomine indixit, et 
 ilia castra nunc non Catilinam ducem exspectant, et 
 ille ejectus in exsilium se Massiliam, ut aiunt, non in 
 haec castra conferet. -j~ \/4> 
 
 vit. O condicionem miseram non modo adminis- 
 trandae, verum etiam conservandae rei publicae ! 
 Nunc si L. Catilina consiliis, laborious, periculis meis 
 circumclusus ac debilitatus subito pertimuerit, senten- 
 tiam mutaverit, deseruerit suos, consilium belli faci- 10 
 endi abjecerit, ex hoc cursu sceleris ac belli iter ad 
 fugam atque in exsilium converterit, — non ille a me 
 spoliatus armis audaciae, non obstupefactus ac perter- 
 ritus mea diligentia, non de spe conatuque depulsus, 
 sed indemnatus, innocens, in exsilium ejectus a consule 15 
 vi et minis esse dicetur ; et erunt qui ilium, si hoc fece- 
 rit, non improbum, sed miserum, me non diligentissi- 
 mum consulem, sed crudelissimumtyrannum existimari 
 velint ! 15. Est mihi tanti, Quirites, hujus invidiae 
 falsae atque iniquae tempestatem subire, dum modo a 20 
 vobis hujus horribilis belli ac nefarii periculum depel- 
 latur. Dicatur sane ejectus esse a me, dum modo eat 
 in exsilium. Sed, mihi credite, non est iturus. Num- 
 quam ego a dis immortalibus optabo, Quirites, invidiae 
 meae levandae causa, ut L. Catilinam ducere exerci- 25 
 turn hostium atque in armis volitare audiatis : sed tri- 
 duo tamen audietis ; multoque magis illud timeo, ne 
 mihi sit invidiosum aliquando, quod ilium emiserim 
 potius quam quod ejecerim. Sed cum sint homines 
 qui ilium, cum profectus sit, ejectum esse dicant, eidem 30 
 si interfectus esset quid dicerent? 16. Quamquam isti, 
 qui Catilinam Massiliam ire dictitant, non tarn hoc 
 queruntur quam verentur. Nemo est istorum tarn 
 misericors, qui ilium non ad Manlium quam ad Massil- 
 iensis ire malit. Ille autem, si (me hercule) hoc quod 35 
 agit numquam antea cogitasset, tamen latrocinantem 
 
104 Conspiracy of Catiline, [Catil. II. 
 
 se interfici mallet quam exsulem vivere. Nunc vero, 
 cum ei nihil adhuc praeter ipsius voluntatem cogi- 
 tationemque accident, nisi quod vivis nobis Roma pro- 
 fectus est, optemus potius ut eat in exsilium quam 
 5 queramur. \S 
 
 viii. 17. Sed cur tarn diu de uno hoste loquimur, et 
 de hoste qui jam fatetur se esse hostem, et quem, quia 
 (quod semper volui) murus interest, non timeo : de eis 
 qui dissimulant, qui Romae remanent, qui nobiscum 
 
 10 sunt, nihil dicimus? Quos quidem ego, si ullo modo 
 fieri possit, non tarn ulcisci studeo quam sanare sibi 
 ipsos, placare rei publicae, neque id qua re fieri non 
 possit, si me audire volent, intellego. Exponam enim 
 vobis, Quirites, ex quibus generibus hominum istae 
 
 15 copiae comparentur : deinde singulis medicinam con- 
 sili atque orationis meae, si quam potero, adferam. 
 
 18. Unum genus est eorum, qui magno in aere alieno 
 majores etiam possessiones habent, quarum amore ad- 
 ducti dissolvi nullo modo possunt. Horum hominum 
 
 20 species est honestissima — sunt enim locupletes : volun- 
 tas vero et causa impudentissima. Tu agris", tu aedi- 
 ficiis, tu argento, tu familia, tu rebus omnibus ornatus 
 et copiosus sis, et dubites de possessione detrahere, 
 adquirere ad fidem? Quid enim exspectas? bellum? 
 
 25 Quid ergo? in vastatione omnium, tuas possessiones 
 sacrosanctas futuras putas? An tabulas novas? Errant 
 qui istas a Catilina exspectant : meo beneficio tabulae 
 novae proferentur, verum auctionariae. Neque enim 
 isti, qui possessiones habent, alia ratione ulla salvi esse 
 
 3° possunt. Quod si maturius facere voluissent, neque — 
 id quod stultissimum est — certare cum usuris fructibus 
 praediorum, et locupletioribus his et melioribus civibus 
 uteremur. Sed hosce homines minime puto pertimes- 
 cendos, quod aut deduci de sententia possunt, aut, si 
 
 35 permanebunt, magis mihi videntur vota facturi contra 
 
 . rem publicam quam arma laturi. v * 
 
ix. 2o.] Spendthrifts ', Debtors, Sulla's Veterans, 105 
 
 ix. 19. Alterum genus est eorum qui, quamquam 
 premuntur aere alieno, dominationem tamen exspec- 
 tant, rerum potiri volunt, honores, quos quieta re pub- 
 lica desperant, perturbata se consequi posse arbitrantur. 
 Quibus hoc praecipiendum videtur J— - unum scilicet et 5 
 idem quod reliquis omnibus^^ut desperent id quod ~* . 
 conantur se consequi posse : primum omnium me ipsum 
 vigilare, adesse, providere rei publicae ; deinde mag- 
 nos animos esse in bonis viris, magnam concordiam 
 in maxima multitudine, magnas praeterea copias mil- 10 
 itum ; deos denique immortalis huic invicto populo, 
 clarissimo imperio, pulcherrimae urbi, contra tantam 
 vim sceleris praesentis auxilium esse laturos. Quod 
 si jam sint id, quod cum summo furore cupiunt, adepti, 
 num illi in cinere urbis et in sanguine civium, quae 15 
 mente conscelerata ac nefaria concupiverunt, se con- 
 sules ac dictatores aut etiam reges sperant futuros? 
 Non vident id se cupere, quod si adepti sint, fugitivo 
 alicui aut gladiatori concedi sit necesse? 
 
 20. Tertium genus est aetate jam adfectum, sed ta- 20 
 men exercitatione robustum ; quo ex genere iste est 
 Manlius, cui nunc Catilina succedit. Sunt homines ex 
 eis coloniis quas Sulla constituit : quas ego universas 
 civium esse optimorum et fortissimorum virorum sen- 
 tio ; sed tamen ei sunt coloni, qui se in insperatis ac re- 25 
 pentinis pecuniis sumptuosius insolentiusque jactarunt. 
 Hi dum aedificant tamquam beati, dum praediis lectis, 
 familiis magnis, conviviis apparatis delectantur, in tan- 
 tum aes alienum inciderunt, ut, si salvi esse velint, 
 Sulla sit [eis] ab inferis excitandus : qui etiam non 30 
 nullos agrestis, homines tenuis atque egentis, in ean- 
 dem illam spem rapinarum veterum impulerunt. Quos 
 ego utrosque in eodem genere praedatorum direpto- 
 rumque pono. Sed eos hoc moneo : desinant furere 
 ac proscriptiones et dictaturas cogitare. Tantus enim 35 
 illorum temporum dolor inustus est civitati, ut jam ista Cmw|: 
 
106 Conspiracy of Catiline. [Catil. II. 
 
 non modo homines, sed ne pecudes quidem mihi pas- 
 surae esse yideantur. \y^ 
 
 x. 21. Quartum genus est sane varium et mixtum et 
 turbulentum, qui jam pridem premuntur, qui numquam 
 5 emergunt, qui partim inertia, partim male gerendo 
 7*/ negotio, partim etiam sumptibus in vetere aere alieno 
 vacillant ; qui vadimoniis, judiciis, proscriptione bo- 
 norum defatigati, permulti et ex urbe et ex agris se in 
 ilia castra conferre dicuntur. Hosce ego non tarn mili- 
 
 io tes acris quam infitiatores lentos esse arbitror. Qui 
 homines primum, si stare non possunt, conruant ; sed 
 ita, ut non modo civitas, sed ne vicini quidem proximi 
 sentiant. Nam illud non intellego, quam ob rem, si 
 vivere honeste non possunt, perire turpiter velint ; aut 
 
 15 cur minore dolore perituros se cum multis, quam si 
 soli pereant, arbitrentur. 
 
 22. Quintum genus est parricidarum, sicariorum, 
 denique omnium facinorosorum : quos ego a Catilina 
 non revoco ; nam neque ab eo divelli possunt, et pere- 
 
 20 ant sane in latrocinio, quoniam sunt ita multi ut eos 
 career capere non possit. Postremum autem genus 
 est non solum numero, verum etiam genere ipso atque 
 vita, quod proprium Catilinae est, — de ejus dilec- 
 tu, immo vero de complexu ejus ac sinu ; quos pexo 
 
 25 capillo, nitidos, aut imberbis aut bene barbatos videtis, 
 manicatis et talaribus tunicis, velis amictos non togis, 
 quorum omnis industria vitae et vigilandi Labor in ante- 
 lucanis cenis expromitur. 23. In his gregibus omnes 
 aleatores, omnes adulteri, omnes impuri impudicique 
 
 3° versantur. Hi pueri tarn lepidi ac delicati non solum 
 amare et amari, neque saltare et cantare, sed etiam 
 sicas vibrare et spargere venena didicerunt ; qui nisi 
 exeunt, nisi pereunt,' etiam si Catilina perierit, scitote 
 hoc in re publica seminarium Catilinarum futurum. 
 
 35 Verum tamen quid sibi isti miseri volunt? Num suas 
 secum mulierculas sunt in castra ducturi? Quern ad 
 
xi. 25.] Cut-throats ) Debauchees : the Contrast, 107 
 
 modum autem illis carere poterunt, his praesertim jam 
 noctibus? Quo autem pacto illi Apenninum atque 
 illas pruinas ac nivis perferent? nisi idcirco se facil- 
 ius hiemem toleraturos putant, quod nudi in conviviis 
 saltare didicerunt. L<* j~ 5 
 
 xi. 24. O bellum magno opere pertimescendum, 
 cum hanc sit habiturus Catilina scortorum cohortem 
 praetoriam ! Instruite nunc, Quirites, contra has tarn 
 praeclaras Catilinae copias vestra praesidia vestrosque 
 exercitus. Et primum gladiatori illi confecto et saucio 10 
 consules imperatoresque vestros opponite ; deinde con- 
 tra illam naufragorum ejectam ac debilitatam manum 
 florem totius Italiae ac robur educite. Jam vero urbes 
 coloniarum ac municipiorum respondebunt Catilinae 
 tumulis silvestribus. Neque ego ceteras copias, or- 15 
 namenta, praesidia vestra cum illius latronis inopia 
 atque egestate conferre debeo. 25. Sed si, omissis his 
 rebus, quibus nos suppeditamur, eget ille, — senatu, 
 equitibus Romanis, urbe, aerario, vectigalibus, cuncta 
 Italia, provinciis omnibus, exteris nationibus, — si, 20 
 his rebus omissis, causas ipsas quae inter se confli- 
 gunt contendere velimus, ex eo ipso quam valde illi 
 jaceant intellegere possumus. Ex hac enim parte 
 pudor pugnat, illinc petulantia ; hinc pudicitia, illinc 
 stuprum ; hinc fides, illinc fraudatio ; hinc pietas, 25 
 illinc scelus ; hinc constantia, illinc furor ; hinc hones- 
 tas, illinc turpitudo ; hinc continentia, illinc libido ; 
 denique aequitas, temperantia, fortitudo, prudentia, 
 [virtutes omnes,] certant cum iniquitate, luxuria, ig- 
 navia, temeritate, [cum vitiis omnibus] ; postremo 30 
 copia cum egestate, bona ratio cum perdita, mens 
 sana cum amentia, bona denique spes cum omnium 
 rerum desperatione confligit. In ejus modi certamine 
 ac proelio, nonne, etiam si hominum studia deficiant, 
 di ipsi immortales cogant ab his praeclarissimis virtu- 35 
 tibus tot et tanta vitia superari ? 
 
108 Conspiracy of Catiline, [Catil. II. 
 
 xii. 26. Quae cum ita sint, Quirites, vos, quern ad 
 modum jam antea, vestra tecta custodiis vigiliisque 
 defendite : mihi, ut urbi sine vestro motu ac sine ullo 
 tumultu satis esset praesidi, consultum atque provisum 
 5 est. Coloni omnes municipesque vestri, certiores a me 
 facti de hac nocturna excursione Catilinae, facile urbis 
 suas finisque defendent. Gladiatores, quam sibi ille 
 manum certissimam fore putavit, — quamquam animo 
 meliore sunt quam pars patriciorum, — potestate ta- 
 
 io men nostra continebuntur. (/Q± Metellus, quern ego 
 hoc prospiciens in agrum Gallicum Picenumque prae- 
 misi, aut opprimet hominem, aut omnis ejus motus 
 conatusque prohibebit. Reliquis autem de rebus con- 
 stituendis, maturandis, agendis, jam ad senatum re- 
 
 15 feremus, quem vocari videtis. 
 
 27. Nunc illos qui in urbe remanserunt, atque adeo 
 qui contra urbis salutem omniumque vestrum in urbe a 
 Catilina relicti sunt, quamquam sunt hostes, tamen, 
 quia sunt cives, monitos etiam atque etiam volo. Mea 
 
 20 lenitas si cui adhuc solutior visa est, hoc exspectavit, 
 ut id quod latebat erumperet. Quod reliquum est, 
 jam non possum oblivisci meam hanc esse patriam, 
 me horum esse consulem, mihi aut cum his vivendum 
 aut pro his esse moriendum. Nullus est portis custos, 
 
 25 nullus insidiator viae : si qui exire volunt, conivere 
 possum. Qui vero se in urbe commoverit, cujus ego 
 non modo factum, sed inceptum ullum conatumve con- 
 tra patriam deprehendero, sentiet in hac urbe esse con- 
 sules vigilantis, esse egregios magistratus, esse fortem 
 
 30 senatum, esse arma, esse carcerem, quem vindicem 
 nefariorum ac manifestorum scelerum majores nostri 
 esse voluerunt. -f* 
 
 xiii. 28. Atqueliaec omnia sic agentur, Quirites, ut 
 maximae res minimo motu, pericula summa nullo tu- 
 
 35 multu, bellum intestinum ac domesticum post hominum 
 memoriam crudelissimum et maximum, me uno togato 
 
i- i-] How the Conspiracy was suppressed. 109 
 
 duce et imperatore sedetur. Quod ego sic adminis- 
 trabo, Quirites, ut, si ullo modo fieri poterit, ne impro- 
 bus quidem quisquam in hac urbe poenam sui sceleris 
 sufferat. Sed si vis manifestae audaciae, si impen- 
 dens patriae periculum me necessario de hac animi 5 
 lenitate deduxerit, illud profecto perficiam, quod in 
 tanto et tam insidioso bello vix optandum videtur, ut 
 neque bonus quisquam intereat, paucorumque poena 
 vos omnes salvi esse possitis. 29. Quae quidem ego 
 neque mea prudentia neque humanis consiliis fretus 10 
 polliceor vobis, Quirites, sed multis et non dubiis deo- 
 rum immortalium significationibus, quibus ego ducibus 
 in hanc spem sententiamque sum ingressus ; qui jam 
 non procul, ut quondam solebant, ab externo hoste 
 atque longinquo, sed hie praesentes suo numine atque 15 
 auxilio sua templa atque urbis tecta defendunt. Quos 
 vos, Quirites, precari, venerari, implorare debetis, ut, 
 quam urbem pulcherrimam florentissimamque esse vol- 
 uerunt, hanc, omnibus hostium copiis terra marique 
 superatis, a perditissimorum civium nefario scelere 20 
 defendant. 
 
 3. How the Conspiracy was suppressed. 
 
 Before the People, Dec. 3. 
 
 Now that Catiline had been driven into open war, the conspir- 
 acy within the city was in the hands of utterly incompetent men. 
 Lentulus, who claimed the lead by virtue of his consular rank, was 
 vain, pompous, and inefficient. The next in rank, Cethegus, was 
 energetic enough, but rash and bloodthirsty. The consul easily 
 kept the run of events, and at last succeeded in getting them to 
 commit themselves in writing, when he had no difficulty in secur- 
 ing the documents, and arresting the conspirators. How this was 
 accomplished is told in the third oration. 
 
 i. 1. Rem publicam, Quirites, vitamque omnium 
 vestrum, bona, fortunas, conjuges liberosque vestros, 
 
no Conspiracy of Catiline. [Catil. III. 
 
 atque hoc domicilium clarissimi imperi, fortunatissi- 
 mam pulcherrimamque urbem, hodierno die deorum 
 immortalium summo erga vos amore, laboribus, con- 
 siliis, periculis meis, e flamma atque ferro ac paene 
 5 ex faucibus fati ereptam et vobis conservatam ac 
 restitutam videtis. 2. Et si non minus nobis jucundi 
 atque inlustres sunt ei dies quibus conservamur, 
 quam illi quibus nascimur, — quod salutis certa lae- 
 titia est, nascendi incerta condicio ; et quod sine sensu 
 
 10 nascimur, cum voluptate servamur, — profecto, quo- 
 niam ilium qui banc urbem condidit ad deos immor- 
 talis benevolentia famaque sustulimus, esse apud vos 
 posterosque vestros in honore debebit is qui eandem 
 hanc urbem conditam amplificatamque servavit. Nam 
 
 15 toti urbi, templis, delubris, tectis ac moenibus subjectos 
 prope jam ignis circumdatosque restinximus ; idemque 
 gladios in rem publicam destrictos rettudimus, mucro- 
 nesque eorum a jugulis vestris dejecimus. 3. Quae 
 quoniam in senatu inlustrata, patefacta, comperta sunt 
 
 20 per me, vobis jam exponam breviter, Quirites, ut et 
 quanta et qua ratione investigata et comprehensa sint, 
 vos qui ignoratis et exspectatis scire possitis. 
 
 Principio, ut Catilina paucis ante diebus erupit ex 
 urbe, cum sceleris sui socios, hujusce nefarii belli acer- 
 
 25 rimos duces, Romae reliquisset, semper vigilavi et 
 providi, Quirites, quern ad modum in tantis et tam 
 absconditis insidiis salvi esse possemusCL n. Nam 
 turn, cum ex urbe Catilinam eiciebam, — non enim 
 jam vereor hujus verbi invidiam, cum ilia magis sit 
 
 30 timenda, quod vivus exierit, — sed turn, cum ilium 
 exterminari volebam, aut reliquam conjuratorum raa- 
 num simul exituram, aut eos qui restitissent infirmos 
 sine illo ac debilis fore putabam.\/ 4 * Atque ego, ut 
 vidi quos maximo furore et scelere esse inflammatos 
 
 35 sciebam eos nobiscum esse, et Romae remansisse, in 
 eo omnis dies noctisque consumpsi, ut quid agerent, 
 
ni. 6.] At the Mulvian Bridge. 1 1 1 
 
 quid molirentur, sentirem ac viderem ; lit, quoniam 
 auribus vestris propter incredibilem magnitudinem 
 sceleris minorem fidem faceret oratio mea, rem ita 
 comprehenderem, ut turn demum animis saluti vestrae 
 provideretis, cum oculis maleficium ipsum videretis. 5 
 Itaque, ut comperi legatos Allobrogum, belli Transal- 
 pini et tumultus Gallici excitandi causa, a P. Lentulo 
 esse sollicitatos, eosque in Galliam ad suos civis, eo- 
 demque itinere cum litteris mandatisque ad Catilinam 
 esse missos, comitemque eis adjunctum esse T. Vol- 10 
 turcium, atque huic ad Catilinam esse datas litteras, 
 facultatem mihi oblatam putavi, ut — quod erat difficilli- 
 mum, quodque ego semper optabam ab dis immortali- 
 bus — tota res non solum a me, sed etiam a senatu et a 
 vobis manifesto deprehenderetur. 5. Itaque hesterno i 5 
 die L. Flaccum et C. Pomptinum praetores, fortissi- 
 mos atque amantissimos rei publicae viros, ad me 
 vocavi ; rem exposui, quid fieri placeret ostendi. Ill] 
 autem, qui omnia de re publica praeclara atque egre- 
 gia sentirent, sine recusatione ac sine ulla mora nego- 20 
 tium susceperunt, et, cum advesperasceret, occulte ad 
 pontem Mulvium pervenerupt, atque ibi in proximis 
 villis ita bipartito fuerunt, ut Tiberis inter eos et pons 
 interesset. Eodem autem et ipsi sine cujusquam 
 suspitione multos fortis viros eduxerant, et ego ex 25 
 praefectura Reatina compluris delectos adulescentis, 
 quorum opera utor adsidue in re publica praesidio, 
 cum gladiis miseram. 6. Interim, tertia fere vigilia 
 exacta, cum jam pontem Mulvium magno comitatu 
 legati Allobrogum ingredi inciperent, unaque Voltur- 30 
 cius, fit in eos impetus ; educuntur et ab illis gladii et 
 a nostris. Res praetoribus erat nota solis, ignorabatur 
 a ceteris. 
 
 in. Turn, interventu Pomptini atque Flacci, pugna 
 [quae erat commissa] sedatur. Litterae, quaecumque 35 
 erant in eo comitatu, integris signis praetoribus tra- 
 
112 Conspiracy of Catiline. [Catil. III. 
 
 duntur ; ipsi comprehensi ad me, cum jam dilucesce- 
 re£, deducuntur. Atque horum omnium scelerum 
 improbissimum machinatorem Cimbrum Gabinium sta- 
 tion ad me, nihil dum suspicantem, vocavi ; deinde item 
 5 arcessitus est L. Statilius, et post eum C. Cethegus ; 
 tardissime autem Lentulus venit, credo quod in litteris 
 dandis praeter consuetudinem proxima nocte vigila- 
 rat. 7. Cum summis ac clarissimis hujus civitatis 
 viris (qui audita re frequentes ad me mane convene- 
 
 io rant) litteras a me prius aperiri quam ad senatum de- 
 ferrem placeret, — ne, si nihil esset inventum, temere 
 a me tantus tumultus injectus civitati videretur, — ne- 
 gavi me esse facturum, ut de periculo publico non ad 
 consilium publicum rem integram deferrem. Etenim, 
 
 15 Quirites, si ea quae erant ad me delata reperta non 
 essent, tamen ego non arbitrabar, in tantis rei publicae 
 periculis, esse mihi nimiam diligentiam pertimescen- 
 dam. Senatum frequentem celeriter, ut vidistis, coegi. 
 
 8. Atque interea statim, admonitu Allobrogum, C. Sul- 
 20 picium praetorem, fortem virum, misi, qui ex aedibus 
 
 Cethegi si quid telorum esset efferret : ex quibus ille 
 maximum sicarum numerum et gladiorum extulit. ± 
 
 iv. Introduxi Volturcium sine Gallis : fidem publi- 
 cam jussu senatus dedi : hortatus sum, ut ea quae sci- 
 
 25 ret sine timore indicaret. Turn ille dixit, cum vix se 
 ex magno timore recreasset, ab Lentulo se habere 
 ad Catilinam mandata et litteras, ut servorum prae- 
 sidio uteretur, ut ad urbem quam primum cum exercitu 
 accederet : id autem eo consilio, ut, cum urbem ex 
 
 30 omnibus partibus quern ad modum descriptum dis- 
 tributumque erat incendissent, caedemque infinitam 
 civium fecissent, praesto esset ille, qui et fugientis 
 exciperet, et se cum his urbanis ducibus conjungeret.t^ 
 
 9. Introducti autem Galli jus jurandum sibi et litteras 
 35 ab Lentulo, Cethego, Statilio ad suam gentem data 
 
 esse dixerunt, atque ita sibi ab his et a L. Cassio esse 
 
v. ii.] Testimony of the Gauls: the Letters, 113 
 
 praescriptum, ut equitatum in Italiam quam primum 
 mitterent ; pedestris sibi copias non defuturas. Len- 
 tulum autem sibi confirmasse, ex fatis Sibyllinis harus- 
 picumque responsis, se esse tertium ilium Cornelium, 
 ad quern regnum hujus urbis atque imperium perve- 5 
 nire esset necesse ; Cinnam ante se et Sullam fuisse ; 
 eundemque dixisse fatalem hunc annum esse ad inter- 
 itum hujus urbis atque imperi, qui esset annus deci- 
 mus post virginum absolutionem, post Capitoli autem 
 incensionem vicesimus. 10. Hanc autem Cethego cum 10 
 ceteris controversiam fuisse dixerunt, quod Lentulo et 
 aliis Saturnalibus caedem fieri atque urbem incendi 
 placeret, Cethego nimium id longum videretur. 
 
 v. Ac ne longum sit, Quirites, tabellas proferri jus- 
 simus, quae a quoque dicebantur datae. Primum 15 
 ostendimus Cetliego signum : cognovit. Nos linum 
 incidimus : legimus. Erat scriptum ipsius manu Allo- 
 brogum senatui et populo, sese quae eorum legatis con- 
 firmasset facturum esse ; orare ut item il II facerent quae 
 sibi eorum legati recepissent. Turn Cethegus, qui 20 
 paulo ante aliquid tamen de gladiis ac sicis, quae apud 
 ipsum erant deprehensa, respondisset, dixissetque se 
 semper bonorum ferramentorum studiosum fuisse, 
 recitatis litteris debilitatus atque abjectus conscientia 
 repente conticuit. Introductus est Statilius : cognovit 25 
 et signum et manum suam. Recitatae sunt tabellae in 
 eandem fere sententiam : confessus est. Turn ostendi 
 tabellas Lentulo, et quaesivi cognosceretne signum. 
 Adnuit. \ Est vero,' inquam, ' notum quidem signum, 
 imago avi tui, clarissimi viri, qui amavit unice patriam 30 
 et civis suos ; quae quidem te a tanto scelere etiam 
 muta revocare debuit/^i. Leguntur eadem ratione ad 
 senatum Allobrogum populumque litterae. Si quid 
 de his rebus dicere vellet, feci potestatem. Atque ille 
 primo quidem negavit ; post autem aliquanto, toto jam 35 
 indicio exposito atque edito, surrexit ; quaesivit a Gal- 
 
 8 
 
114 Conspiracy of Catiline. [Catil. III. 
 
 lis quid sibi esset cum eis, quam ob rem domum suam 
 venissent, itemque a Volturcio. Qui cum illi brevi- 
 ter constanterque respondissent, per quem ad eum 
 quotiensque venissent, quaesissentque ab eo nihilne 
 5 secum esset de fatis Sibyllinis locuius, turn ille subito, 
 scelere demens, quanta conscientiae vis esset ostendit. 
 Nam cum id posset infitiari, repente praeter opinionem 
 omnium confessus est. Ita eum non modo ingenium 
 illud et dicendi exercitatio, qua semper valuit, sed etiam 
 
 10 propter vim sceleris manifesti atque deprehensi impu- 
 dentia, qua superabat omnis, improbitasque defecit. 
 
 I, 12. Volturcius vero subito litteras proferri atque ape- 
 riri jubet, quas sibi a Lentulo ad Catilinam datas esse 
 dicebat. Atque ibi vehementissime perturbams Len- 
 
 15 tulus tamen et signum et manum suam cognovit. 
 Erant autem [scriptae] sine nomine, sed ita : £>uis sink 
 scies ex eo quem ad te misi. Cur a ut vir sis, et co- . 
 gita quem in locum sis progress us; vide ecquid tibi 
 jam sit necesse, et cura ut omnium tibi auxitia adjun- 
 
 20 gas, etiam infimorum. Gabinius deinde introductus, 
 cum primo impudenter respondere coepisset, ad extre- 
 mum nihil ex eis quae Galli insimulabant negavit. 
 
 13. Ac mihi quidem, Quirites, cum ilia certissima visa 
 sunt argumenta atque indicia sceleris, — tabellae, sig- 
 
 25 na, manus, denique unius cujusque confessio ; turn 
 multo certiora ilia, — color, oculi, voltus, taciturnitas. 
 Sic enim obstupuerant, sic terram intuebantur, sic fur- 
 tim non numquam inter sese aspiciebant, ut non jam 
 ab aliis indicari, sed indicare se ipsi viderentur. 
 
 30 vi. Indiciis expositis atque editis, senatum consului 
 de summa re publica quid fieri placeret. Dictae sunt 
 a principibus acerrimae ac fortissimae sententiae, quas 
 senatus sine ulla varietate est secutus. Et quoniam 
 nondum est perscriptum senatus consultum, ex memo- 
 
 35 ria vobis, Quirites, quid senatus censuerit exponam.y 
 
 14. Primum mihi gratiae verbis amplissimis aguntur, 
 
vi. i5-] Action of the Senate. 115 
 
 quod virtute, consilio, providentia mea res publica 
 maximis periculis sit liberata : deinde L. Flaccus et C. 
 Pomptinus praetores, quod eorum opera forti fidelique 
 usus essem, merito ac jure laudantur ; atque etiam 
 viro forti, conlegae meo, laus impertitur, quod eos qui 5 
 hujus conjurationis participes fuissent a suis et a rei 
 publicae consiliis removisset. Atque ita censuerunt, 
 ut P. Lentulus, cum se praetura abdicasset, in cus- 
 todiam traderetur ; itemque uti C. Cethegus, L. Sta- 
 tilius, P. Gabinius, qui omnes praesentes erant, in 10 
 custodiam traderentur ; atque idem hoc decretum est 
 in L. Cassium, qui sibi procurationem incendendae 
 urbis depoposce'rat, in M. Ceparium, cui ad sollici- 
 tandos pastores Apuliam attributam esse erat indica- 
 turn, in P. Furium, qui est ex eis colonis quos Faesulas 15 
 L. Sulla deduxit, in.Q^Annium Chilonem, qui una 17 
 cum hoc Furio semper erat in hac Allobrogum solli- 
 citatione versatus, in P. Umbrenum, libertinum homi- 
 nem, a quo primum Gallos ad Gabinium perductos 
 esse constabat. Atque ea lenitate senatus est usus, 20 
 Quirites, ut ex tanta conjuratione, tantaque hac mul- 
 titudine domesticorum hostium, novem hominum per- 
 ditissimorum poena re publica conservata, reliquorum 
 mentis sanari posse arbitraretur. 15. Atque etiam 
 supplicatio dis immortalibus pro singulari eorum me- 25 
 rito meo nomine decreta est, quod mihi primum post 
 hanc urbem conditam togato contigit. Et his verbis 
 decreta est : quod urbem incendii's, caede civis, Italiam 
 bcllo Iiberassem.\] Quae supplicatio si cum ceteris con- 
 feratur, hoc interest, quod ceterae bene gesta, haecuna 3° 
 conservata re publica constituta est. Atque illud, quod 
 faciendum primum fuit, factum atque transactum est. 
 Nam P. Lentulus — quamquam patefactis indiciis, 
 confessionrbus suis, judicio senatus non modo prae- 
 toris jus, verum etiam civis amiserat — tamen magis- 35 
 tratu se abdicavit, ut, quae religio C. Mario, claris- 
 
n6 Conspiracy of Catiline, [Catil. III. 
 
 simo viro, non fuerat, quo minus C. Glauciam, de quo 
 nihil nominatim erat decretum, praetorem occideret, 
 ea nos religione in privato P. Lentulo puniendo libe- 
 raremur. 
 
 S vn. 16. Nunc quoniam, Quirites, consceleratissimi 
 periculosissimique belli nefarios duces captos jam et 
 comprehensos tenetis, existimare debetis omnis Catili- 
 nae copias, omnis spes atque opes, his depulsis urbis 
 periculis concidisse. Quern quidem ego cum ex urbe 
 
 10 pellebam, hoc providebam animo v Quirites, — remoto 
 Catilina, non mihi esse P. Lentuli somnum, nee L. 
 Cassi adipes, nee C. Cethegi furiosam temeritatem 
 pertimescendam.i. Ille erat unus timendus ex istis 
 omnibus, sed tarn diu, dum urbis moenibus contine- 
 
 15 batur. Omnia norat, omnium aditus tenebat : appel- 
 lare, temptare, sollicitare poterat, audebat : erat ei 
 consilium ad facinus aptum, consilio autem neque 
 manus neque lingua deerat. Jam ad certas res con- 
 ficiendas certos homines delectos ac descriptos ha- 
 
 20 bebat. Neque vero, cum aliquid mandarat, confectum 
 
 putabat : nihil erat quod non ipse obiret, occurreret, 
 
 vigilaret, laboraret. Frigus, sitim, famem, ferre po- 
 
 V v teratAyn'. Hunc ego hominem tarn acrem, tarn auda- 
 
 cem, tarn paratum, tarn callidum, tarn in scelere 
 
 2 5 vigilantem, tarn in perditis rebus diligentem, nisi ex 
 domesticis insidiis in castrense latrocinium compulis- 
 sem, — dicam id quod sentio, Quirites, — non facile 
 hanc tantam molem mali a cervicibus vestris depulis- 
 sem. Non ille nobis Saturnalia constituisset, neque 
 
 3° tanto ante exsili ac fati diem rei publicae denuntiavis- 
 set ; neque commisisset ut signum, ut litterae suae 
 testes manifesti sceleris deprehenderentur. Quae 
 nunc illo absente sic gesta sunt, ut nullum in privata 
 domo furtum umquam sit tarn palam inverrtum, quam 
 
 35 haec tanta in re publica conjuratio manifesto inven- 
 ta atque deprehensa est. Quod si Catilina in urbe 
 
viii. 2o.] The Deliverance: Signs and Omens. 117 
 
 ad hanc diem remansisset, quamquam, quoad fuit, 
 omnibus ejus consiliis occurri atque obstiti, tamen, ut 
 levissime dicam, dimicandum nobis cum illo fuisset ; 
 neque nos umquam, cum ille in urbe hostis esset, 
 tantis periculis rem publicam tanta pace, tanto otio, 5 
 tanto silentio liberassemus. 
 
 viii. 18. Quamquam haec omnia, Quirites, ita sunt 
 a me administrata, ut deorum immortalium nutu atque 
 consilio et gesta et provisa esse videantur ; idque 
 cum conjectura consequi possumus, quod vix vide- 10 
 tur humani consili tantarum rerum gubernatio esse 
 potuisse ; turn vero ita praesentes his temporibus opem 
 et auxilium nobis tulerunt, ut eos paene oculis videre 
 possemus.(^ Nam ut ilia omittam, — visas nocturno 
 tempore ab occidente faces, ardoremque caeli, ut ful- 15 
 minum jactus, ut terrae motus relinquam, ut omittam 
 cetera, quae tarn multa nobis consulibus facta sunt, 
 ut haec, quae nunc hunt, canere di immortales vide- 
 rentur, — hoc certe, quod sum dicturus, neque prae- 
 termittendum neque relinquendum est. 20 
 
 19. Nam profecto memoria tenetis, Cotta et Torquato 
 consulibus, compluris in Capitolio res de caelo esse 
 percussas, cum et simulacra deorum depulsa sunt, 
 et statuae veterum hominum dejectae, et legum aera 
 liquefacta : tactus est etiam ille qui hanc urbem con- 25 
 didit Romulus, quern inauratum in Capitolio, parvum 
 atque lactentem, uberibus lupinis inhiantem, fuisse 
 meministis. Quo quidem tempore cum haruspices 
 ex tota Etruria convenissent, caedes atque incendia et 
 legum interitum et bellum civile ac domesticum, et 30 
 totius urbis atque imperi occasum appropinquare 
 dixerunt, nisi di immortales, omni ratione placati, suo 
 numine prope fata ipsa flexissent. 20 Itaque illorum 
 responsis turn et ludi per decern dies facti sunt, neque 
 res ulla quae ad placandos deos pertineret praeter- 35 
 missa est ; idemque jusserunt simulacrum Jovis facere 
 
n8 Conspiracy of Catiline, [Catil. III. 
 
 majus, et in excelso conlocare, et (contra atque antea 
 fuerat) ad orientem convertere ; ac se sperare dix- 
 erunt, si illud signum, quod videtis, solis ortum et 
 forum curiamque conspiceret, fore ut ea consilia, quae 
 5 clam essent inita contra salutem urbis atque imperi, 
 inlustrarentur, ut a senatu populoque Romano perspici 
 possent. l^Atque [illud signum] conlocandum consules 
 illi locaverunt ; sed tanta fuit operis tarditas, ut neque 
 superioribus consulibus, neque nobis ante hodiernum 
 
 10 diem, conlocaretur. ^ti 
 
 ix. 21. Hie quis potest esse tarn aversus a vero, tarn 
 praeceps, tarn mente captus, qui neget haec omnia 
 quae videmus, praecipueque hanc urbem, deorum im- 
 mortalium nutu ac potestate administrari ? Etenim 
 
 15 cum esset ita responsum, caedes, incendia, interitum 
 rei publicae comparari, et ea per civis, — quae turn 
 propter magnitudinem scelerum non nullis incredibilia 
 videbantur, — ea non modo cogitata a nefariis civibus, 
 verum etiam suscepta esse sensistis. Illud vero nonne 
 
 20 ita praesens est, ut nutu Jovis Optimi Maximi factum 
 
 esse videatur, ut, cum hodierno die mane per forum 
 
 meo jussu et conjurati et eorum indices in aedem 
 
 .Concordiae ducerentur, eo ipso tempore signum sta- 
 
 tueretur? quo conlocato atque ad vos senatumque con- 
 
 25 verso, omnia [et senatus et vos] quae erant cogitata 
 contra salutem omnium, inlustrata et patefacta vidistis. 
 22. Quo etiam majore sunt isti odio supplicioque digni, 
 qui non solum vestris domiciliis atque tectis, sed etiam 
 deorum templis atque delubris sunt funestos ac nefa- 
 
 30 rios ignis inferre conati. Quibus ego si me restitisse 
 dicam, nimium mihi sumam, et non sim ferendus. 
 Ille, ille Juppiter restitit : ille Capitolium, ille haec 
 templa, ille cunctam urbem, ille vos omnis salvos esse 
 voluit. Dis ego immortalibus ducibus hanc m.ntem, 
 
 35 Quirites, voluntatemque suscepi, atque ad haec tanta 
 indicia perveni.\/Jam vero [ilia Allobrogum sollici- 
 
x. 25.] Thanksgiving to the Gods. 119 
 
 tatio] ab Lentulo ceterisque domesticis hostibus tarn 
 dementer tantae res creditae et ignotis et barbaris 
 [commissae litterae] numquam essent profecto, nisi ab 
 dis immortalibus huic tantae audaciae consilium esset 
 ereptum. Quid vero? ut homines Galli, ex civitate 5 
 male pacata, quae gens una restat quae bellum populo 
 Romano facere posse et non nolle videatur, spem 
 imperi ac rerum maximarum ultro sibi a patriciis 
 hominibus oblatam neglegerent, vestramque salutem 
 suis opibus anteponerent, id non divinitus esse factum 10 
 putatis? praesertim qui nos non pugnando, sed tacendo 
 superare potuerint? 
 
 x. 23. Quam ob rem, Quirites, quoniam ad omnia 
 pulvinaria supplicatio decreta est, celebratote illos dies 
 cum conjugibus ac liberis vestris. Nam multi saepe 15 
 honores dis immortalibus justi habiti sunt ac debiti, 
 sed profecto justiores numquam. Erepti enim estis 
 ex crudelissimo ac miserrimo interitu ; erepti sine 
 caede, sine sanguine, sine exercitu, sine dimicatione. 
 Togati me uno togato duce et imperatore vicistis. 20 
 24. Etenim recordamini, Quirites, omnis civilis dissen- 
 siones : non solum eas quas audistis, sed eas quas 
 vosmet ipsi meministis atque vidistis. L. Sulla P. 
 Sulpicium oppressit ; [ejecit ex urbe] C. Marium, 
 custodem hujus urbis, multosque fortis viros partim 25 
 ejecit ex civitate, partim interemit. Cn. Octavius 
 consul armis expulit ex urbe conlegam : omnis hie 
 locus acervis corporum et civium sanguine redundavit. 1/ 
 Superavit postea Cinna cum Mario : turn vero, claris- 
 simis viris interfectis, lumina civitatis exstincta sunt. 30 
 Ultus est hujus victoriae crudelitatem postea Sulla : 
 ne dici quidem opus est quanta diminutione civium, 
 et quanta calamitate rei publicae. Dissensit M. Lepi- 
 dus a clarissimo ac fortissimo viro Q^ Catulo : attulit 
 non tarn ipsius interitus rei publicae luctum quam 35 
 ceterorum. 25. Atque illae tamen omnes dissensiones 
 
120 Conspiracy of Catiline. [Catil. III. 
 
 erant ejus modi, quae non ad delendam, sed ad com- 
 mutandam rem publicam pertinerent. Non illi nullam 
 esse rem publicam, sed in ea quae esset, se esse prin- 
 cipes ; neque hanc urbem conflagrare, sed se in hac 
 5 urbe florere voluerunt. [Atque illae tamen omnes 
 dissensiones, quarum nulla exitium rei publicae quae- 
 sivit, ejus modi fuerunt, ut non reconciliatione concor- 
 diae, sed internecione civium dijudicatae sint.] In hoc 
 autem uno post hominum memoriam maximo crudelis- 
 
 10 simoque bello, quale bellum nulla umquam barbaria 
 cum sua gente gessit, quo in bello lex haec fuit 
 a Lentulo, Catilina, Cethego, Cassio constituta, ut 
 omnes, qui salva urbe salvi esse possent, in hostium 
 numero ducerentur, ita me gessi, Quirites, ut salvi 
 
 15 omnes conservaremini ; et cum hostes vestri tantum 
 civium superfuturum putassent, quantum infinitae 
 caedi restitisset, tantum autem urbis, quantum flamma 
 obire non potuisset, et urbem et civis integros incolu- 
 
 ^Vmisque servavi.N/ 
 
 20 xi. 26. Quibus pro tantis rebus, Quirites, nullum 
 ego a vobis praemium virtutis, nullum insigne honoris, 
 nullum monumentum laudis postulo, praeterquam 
 hujus diei memoriam sempiternam. In animis ego 
 vestris omnis triumphos meos, omnia ornamenta ho- 
 
 25 noris, monumenta gloriae, laudis insignia condi et 
 conlocari volo. Nihil me mutum potest delectare, 
 nihil taciturn, nihil denique ejus modi, quod etiam 
 minus digni adsequi possint. Memoria vestra, Qui- 
 rites, res nostrae alentur, sermonibus crescent, lit— 
 
 30 terarum monumentis inveterascent et conroborabun- 
 tur; eandemque diem intellego, quam spero aeternam 
 fore, propagatam esse et ad salutem urbis et ad me- 
 moriam consulatus mei ; unoque tempore in hac re 
 publica duos civis' exstitisse, quorum alter finis vestri 
 
 35 imperi non terrae, sed caeli regionibus terminaret, 
 alter ejusdem imperi domicilium sedisque servaret. 
 
xii. 29.] Appeal to the Citizens. 121 
 
 xii. 27. Sed quoniam earum rerum quas ego gessi 
 non eadem est fortuna' atque condicio quae illorum 
 qui externa bella gesserunt, — quod mihi cum eis 
 vivendum est quos vici ac subegi, isti hostis aut in- 
 terfectos aut oppressos reliquerunt, — vestrum est, 5 
 Quirites, si ceteris facta sua recte prosunt, mihi 
 mea ne quando obsint providere. Mentes enim 
 hominum audacissimorum sceleratae ac nefariae ne 
 vobis nocere possent ego providi ; ne mihi noceant 
 vestrum est providere. V"Qi iamcmam > Quirites, mihi 10 
 quidem ipsi nihil ab istis jam noceri potest. Mag- 
 num enim est in bonis praesidium, quod mihi in 
 perpetuum comparatum est ; magna in re publica 
 dignitas, quae me semper tacita defendet; magna vis 
 conscientiae, quam qui neglegunt, cum me violare 15 
 volent, se [ipsi] indicabunt. 28. Est etiam nobis is 
 animus, Quirites, ut non modo nullius audaciae ce- 
 damus, sed etiam omnis improbos ultro semper laces- 
 samus. Quod si omnis impetus domesticorum hostium, 
 depulsus a vobis, se in me unum convertit, vobis 20 
 erit videndum, Quirites, qua condicione posthac eos 
 esse velitis, qui se pro salute vestra obtulerint in- 
 vidiae periculisque omnibus : mihi quidem ipsi, quid 
 est quod jam ad vitae fructum possit adquiri, cum 
 praesertim neque in honore vestro, neque in gloria vir- 25 
 tutis, quicquam videam altius, quo mihi libeat ascen- 
 dere? 29. Illud profecto perficiam, Quirites, ut ea quae 
 gessi in consulatu privatus tuear atque ornem : ut si 
 qua est invidia conservanda re publica suscepta, lae- 
 dat invidos, mihi valeat ad gloriam. Denique ita me 3° 
 in re publica tractabo, ut meminerim semper quae 
 gesserim, curemque ut ea virtute, non casu gesta esse 
 videantur. Vos, Quirites, quoniam jam nox est, vene- 
 rati Jovem, ilium custodem hujus urbis ac vestrum, 
 in vestra tecta discedite ; et ea, quamquam jam est 35 
 periculum depulsum, tamen aeque ac priore nocte 
 
122 Conspiracy of Catiline, [Catil. IV. 
 
 custodiis vigiliisque defendite. Id ne vobis diutius 
 faciendum sit, atque ut in perpetua pace esse pos- 
 sitis, providebo. >j 
 
 4. Sentence of the Conspirators. 
 
 In the Senate, Dec. 5. 
 
 Two days later the Senate was convened, to determine what was 
 to be done with the prisoners. It was a fundamental principle ot 
 the Roman Constitution that no citizen should be put to death 
 without the right of appeal to the people. Against the view of 
 Caesar, which favored perpetual confinement, Cicero urged the 
 very lame argument that, by the fact of taking up arms against the 
 Republic, they had forfeited their citizenship, and the law therefore 
 did not protect them. This view prevailed, and the conspirators 
 — Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Caeparius — were 
 strangled by the public executioners. 
 
 This was one of those acts of excessive vigor and severity which 
 a man who feels himself deficient in decision of character — as 
 Cicero was, at bottom — will sometimes force himself to commit 
 Had he had the strength to maintain himself as a leader in public 
 affairs, it need not have hurt him in the end. As it was, he was 
 soon pushed aside by men of genuine executive power, Pompey 
 and Caesar, and was made to suffer severely for his illegal act. 
 
 i. 1. Video, patres conscripti, in me omnium ves- 
 
 5 trum ora atque oculos esse conversos. Video vos non 
 
 solum de vestro ac rei publicae, verum etiam, si id 
 
 depulsum sit, de meo periculo esse sollicitos. Est 
 
 mihi jucunda in malis et grata in dolore vestra erga 
 
 me voluntas : sed earn, per deos immortalis, deponite ; 
 
 10 atque obliti salutis meae, de vobis ac de vestris liberis 
 
 cogitate. Mihi si haec condicio consulatus data est, 
 
 ut omnis acerbitates, omnis dolores cruciatusque per- 
 
 ferrem, feram non solum fortiter, verum etiam libenter, 
 
 dum modo meis laboribus vobis populoque Romano 
 
 15 dignitas salusque pariatur. 2. Ego sum ille consul, 
 
n. 3] Cicero's Position and Responsibility. 123 
 
 patres conscripti, cui non forum, in quo omnis aequitas 
 continetur, non campus consularibus auspiciis conse- 
 cratus, non curia, summum auxilium omnium gen- 
 tium, non domus, commune perfugium, non lectus ad 
 quietem datus, non denique haec sedes honoris [sella 5 
 curulis] umquam vacua mortis periculo atque in- 
 sidiis fuit. Ego multa tacui, multa pertuli, multa 
 concessi, multa meo quodam dolore in vestro timore 
 sanavi. Nunc si hunc exitum consulatus mei di im- 
 mortales esse voluerunt, ut vos populumque Roma- 10 
 num ex caede miserrima, conjuges liberosque vestros 
 virginesque Vestalis ex acerbissima vexatione, templa 
 atque delubra, hanc pulcherrimam patriam omnium 
 nostrum ex foedissima flamma, totam Italiam ex bello 
 etvastitate eriperem, quaecumque mihi uni proponetur 15 
 fortuna, subeatur. Etenim si P. Lentulus suum nomen, 
 inductus a vatibus, fatale ad perniciem rei publicae 
 fore putavit, cur ego non laeter meum consulatum ad 
 salutem populi Romani prope fatalem exstitisse? 
 
 11. 3. Qua re, patres conscripti, consulite vobis, 20 
 prospicite patriae, conservate vos, conjuges, liberos for- 
 tunasque vestras, populi Romani nomen salutemque 
 defendite : mihi parcere ac de me cogitare desinitt\ c 
 Nam primum debeo sperare omnis deos, qui huic 
 urbi praesident, pro eo mihi ac mereor relaturos esse 25 
 .gratiam ; deinde, si quid obtigerit, aequo animo para- 
 toque moriar. Nam neque turpis mors forti viro 
 potest accidere, neque immatura consulari, nee misera 
 sapienti. Nee tamen ego sum ille ferfeus, qui fratris 
 carissimi atque amantissimi praesentis maerore non 3° 
 movear, horumque omnium lacrimis, a quibus me cir- 
 cumsessum videtis. Neque meam mentem non domum 
 saepe revocat exanimata uxor, et abjecta metu filia, et 
 parvolus filius, quern mihi videtur amplecti res publica 
 tamquam obsidem consulatus mei, neque ille, qui ex- 35 
 spectans hujus exitum diei adstat in conspectu meo 
 
124 Conspiracy of Catiline, [Catil. IV. 
 
 gener. Moveor his rebus omnibus, sed in earn partem, 
 uti salvi sint vobiscum omnes, etiam.si me vis aliqua 
 oppresserit, potius quam et illi et nos una rei publicae 
 peste pereamus. 
 5 4. Qua re, patres conscripti, incumbite ad salutem 
 rei publicae, circumspicite omnis procellas, quae im- 
 pendent nisi providetis. Non Ti. Gracchus, quod iterum 
 tribunus plebis fieri voluit, non C. Gracchus, quod 
 agrarios concitare conatus est, non L. Saturninus, 
 
 io quod C. Memmium occidit, in discrimen aliquod atque 
 in vestrae severitatis judicium adducitur : tenentur ei 
 qui ad urbis incendium, ad vestram omnium caedem, 
 ad Catilinam accipiendum, Romae restiterunt ; tenen- 
 tur litterae, signa, manus, denique unius cujusque 
 
 15 confessio ; sollicitantur Allobroges, servitia excitantur, 
 Catilina arcessitur; id est initum consilium, ut inter- 
 fectis omnibus nemo ne ad deplorandum quidem populi 
 Romani nomen atque ad lamentandam tanti imperi 
 calamitatem relinquatur. 
 
 20 in. 5. Haec omnia indices detulerunt, rei confessi 
 sunt, vos multis jam judiciis judicavistis : primum 
 quod mihi gratias egistis singularibus verbis, et mea 
 virtute atque diligentia perditorum hominum conjura- 
 tionem patefactam esse decrevistis ; deinde quod P. 
 
 25 Lentulum se abdicare praetura coegistis ; turn quod 
 eum et ceteros, de quibus judicastis, in custodiam 
 dandos censuistis ; maximeque quod meo nomine 
 supplicationem decrevistis, qui honos togato habitus 
 ante me est nemini ; postremo hesterno die praemia 
 
 30 legatis Allobrogum Titoque Volturcio dedistis amplis- 
 sima. Quae sunt omnia ejus modi, ut ei qui in custo- 
 diam nominatim dati sunt sine ulla dubitatione a vobis 
 damnati esse videantur. 
 
 6. Sed ego institui referre ad vos, patres conscripti, 
 
 35 tamquam integrum, et de facto quid judicetis, et de 
 poena quid censeatis. Ilia praedicam quae sunt*con- 
 
 • 
 
iv. 8.] What shall be the Sentence? 125 
 
 sulis. Ego magnum in re publica versari furorem, et 
 nova quaedam misceri et concitari mala jam pridem 
 videbam ; sed hanc tantam, tarn exitiosam haberi con- 
 jurationem a civibus numquam putavi. Nunc quic- 
 quid est, quocumque vestrae mentes inclinant atque 5 
 sententiae, statuendum vobis ante noctem est. Quan- 
 tum facinus ad vos delatum sit videtis. Huic si paucos 
 putatis aclfmis esse, vehementer erratis. Latius opin- 
 ione disseminatum est hoc malum : manavit non solum 
 per Italiam, verum etiam transcendit Alpis, et obscure 10 
 serpens multas jam provincias occupavit. Id opprimi 
 sustentando ac prolatando nullo pa'&o potest. Qua- 
 cumque ratione placet, celeriter vobis vindicandum est. 
 iv. 7. Video adhuc duas esse sententias : unam D. 
 Silani, qui censet eos, qui haec delere conati sunt, 15 
 morte esse multandos ; alteram C. Caesaris, qui mortis 
 poenam removet, ceterorum suppliciorum omnis acer- 
 bitates amplectitur. Uterque et pro sua dignitate et 
 pro rerum magnitudine in summa severitate versatur. 
 Alter eos qui nos omnis, [qui populum Romanum,] 20 
 vita privare conati sunt, qui delere imperium, qui 
 populi Romani nomen exstinguere, punctum temporis 
 frui vita et hoc communi spiritu non putat oportere ; 
 atque hoc genus poenae saepe in improbos civis in 
 hac re publica esse usurpatum recordatur. Alter in- 25 
 tellegit mortem ab dis immortalibus non esse supplici t 
 causa constitutam, sed aut necessitatem naturae, aut 
 laborum ac miseriarum quietem<zltaque earn sapientes 
 numquam Inviti, fortes saepe etiam libenter oppetive- 
 runt. Vincula vero et ea sempiterna certe ad singu- 30 
 larem poenam nefarii sceleris inventa sunt. Municipiis 
 dispertiri jubet. Habere videtur ista res iniquitatem si 
 imperare velis, difficultatem si rogare. Decernatur 
 tamen, si placet. 8. Ego enim suscipiam, et (ut spero) 
 reperiam qui id quod salutis omnium causa statueritis-, 35 
 non putent esse suae dignitatis recusare. Adjungit 
 
126 Conspiracy of Catiline. [Catil. IV. 
 
 gravem poenam municipibus, si quis eorum vincula 
 ruperit : horribilis custodias circumdat, et dignas sce- 
 lere hominum perditorum ; sancit ne quis eorum 
 poenam quos condemnat, aut per senatum aut per 
 5 populum, levare possit ; eripit etiarn spem, quae sola 
 hominem in miseriis consolari solet ; bona praeterea 
 publicari jubet ; vitam solam relinquit netariis ho- 
 minibus, quam si eripuisset, multos uno dolores animi 
 atque corporis et omnis scelerum poenas ademisset. 
 
 ic Itaque, ut aliqua in vita formido improbis esset posita, 
 apud inferos ejus modi quaedam illi antiqui supplicia 
 impiis constituta esse voluerunt, quod videlicet intelle- 
 gebant, eis remotis, non esse mortem ipsam pertimes- 
 cendam. ^^^*^ 
 
 15 v. 9. Nunc, patres conscripti, ego mea video quid 
 intersit. Si eritis secuti sententiam C. Caesaris, quo- 
 niam hanc is in re publica viam quae popularis habe- 
 tur secutus est, fortasse minus erunt — hoc auctore et 
 cognitore hujusce sententiae — mihi populares impetus 
 
 20 pertimescendi : sin illam alteram, nescio an amplius mihi 
 negoti contrahatur. Sed tamen meorum periculorum 
 rationes utilitas rei publicae vincat. Habemus enim a 
 Caesare, sicut ipsius dignitas et majorum ejus ampli- 
 tudo postulabat, sententiam tamquam obsidem perpe- 
 
 25 tuae in rem publicam voluntatis. Intellectum est quid 
 interesset inter levitatem contionatorum et animum vere 
 popularem, saluti populi consulentem. 10. Video de 
 istis, qui se popularis haberi volunt, abesse non nemi- 
 nem, ne de capite videlicet civium Romanorum sen- 
 
 30 tentiam ferat. At is et nudius tertius in custodiam 
 civis Romanos dedit, et supplicationem mihi decrevit, 
 et indices hesterno die maximis praemiis adfecit. Jam 
 hoc nemini dubium est, qui reo custodiam, quaesitori 
 gratulationem, indici praemium decrevit, quid de tota re 
 
 35 et causa judicarit. At vero C. Caesar intellegit legem 
 Semproniam esse de civibus Romanis constitutam ; qui 
 
 Ax 
 
vi. i2.] They have forfeited Citizenship. 127 
 
 autem rei publicae sit hostis, eum civem nullo modo 
 esse posse ; denique ipsum latorem Semproniae legis 
 jussu populi poenas rei publicae dependisse. Idem 
 ipsum Lentulum, largitorem et prodigum, non putat, 
 cum de pernicie populi Romani, exitio hujus urbis 5 
 tarn acerbe, tarn crudeliter cogitarit, etiam appellari 
 posse popularem. Itaque homo mitissimus atque lenis- 
 simus non dubitat P. Lentulum aeternis tenebris vincu- 
 lisque mandare, et sancit in posterum, ne quis hujus 
 supplicio levando se jactare, et in perniciem populi 10 
 Romani posthac popularis esse possit : adjungit etiam 
 publieationem bonorum, ut omnis animi cruciatus et 
 corporis etiam egestas ac mendicitas consequatur. 
 
 vi. 11. Quam ob rem, sive hoc statueritis, dederitis 
 mihi comitem ad contionem populo carum atque ju- 15 
 cundum ; sive Silani sententiam sequi malueritis, facile 
 me [atque vos] crudelitatis vituperatione exsolveritis, 
 atque obtinebo earn multo leniorem fuisse. Quam- " 
 quam, patres conscripti, quae potest esse in tanti sce- 
 leris immanitate punienda crudelitas? Ego enim de 20 
 meo sensu judico. Nam ita mihi salva re publica vo- 
 biscum perfrui liceat, ut ego, quod in hac causa vehe- 
 mentior sum, non atrocitate animi moveor — quis est 
 enim me mitior? — sed singulari quadam humanitate 
 et misericordia. Videor enim mihi videre hanc urbem, 25 
 lucem orbis terrarum atque arcem omnium gentium, 
 subito uno incendio concidentem. Cerno animo se- ' 
 pulta in patria miseros atque insepultos acervos civium. 
 Versatur mihi ante oculos aspectus Cethegi, et furor 
 in vestra caede bacchantis. 12. Cum vero mihi pro- 30 
 posui regnantem Lentulum, sicut ipse ex fatis se spe- 
 rasse confessus est, purpuratum esse huic Gabinium, 
 cum exercitu venisse Catilinam, turn lamentationem 
 matrum familias, turn fugam virginum atque puero- 
 rum ac vexationem virginum Vestalium perhorresco ; 35 
 et quia mihi vehementer haec videntur misera atque 
 
128 Conspiracy of Catiline, [Catil. IV. 
 
 miseranda, idcirco in eos qui ea perficere voluerunt me 
 severum vehementemque praebeo. Etenim quaero, si 
 quis pater familias, liberis suis a servo interfectis, uxore 
 occisa, incensa domo, supplicium de servo non quam 
 5 acerbissimum sumpserit, utrum is clemens ac miseri- 
 cors, an inhumanissimus et crudelissimus esse videa- 
 
 -i tur F 1 Mihi vero importunus ac ferreus, qui non dolore 
 et cruciatu nocentis suum dolorern cruciatumque le- 
 nient. * Sic nos in his hominibus, — qui nos, qui con- 
 
 10 juges, qui liberos nostros trucidare voluerunt ; qui 
 singulas unius cujusque nostrum domos et hoc univer- 
 sum rei publicae domicilium delere conati sunt; qui 
 id egerunt, ut gentem Allobrogum in vestigiis hujus 
 urbis atque in cinere deflagrati imperi conlocarent, — 
 
 15 si vehementissimi fuerimus, misericordes habebimur : 
 sin remissiores esse voluerimus, summae nobis crudeli- 
 tatis in patriae civiumque pernicie fama subeunda est. 
 13. Nisi vero cuipiam L. Caesar, vir fortissimus et aman- 
 tissimus rei publicae, crudelior nudius tertius visus est, 
 
 20 cum sororis suae, feminae lectissimae, virum praesen- 
 tem et audientem vita privandum esse dixit, cum avum 
 suum jussu consulis interfectum, filiumque ejus impu- 
 berem, legatum a patre missum, in carcere necatum 
 esse dixit. Quorum quod simile factum ? quod initum 
 
 25 delendae rei publicae consilium ? Largitionis voluntas 
 turn in re publica versata est, et partium quaedam 
 contentio. Atque eo tempore hujus avus Lentuli, vir 
 clarissimus, armatus Gracchum est persecutus. Ille 
 etiam grave turn volnus accepit, ne quid de summa re 
 
 3° publica deminueretur : hie ad evertenda rei publicae 
 fundamenta Gallos arcessit, servitia concitat, Catili- 
 nam vocat, attribuit nos trucidandos Cethego, et 
 ceteros civis interficiendos Gabinio, urbem inflam- 
 mandam Cassio, totam Italiam vastandam diripien- 
 
 35 damque Catilinae. Vereamini, censeo, ne in hoc 
 scelere tarn immani ac nefando nimis aliquid severe 
 
vii. 15.] JVo Penalty can be too Severe, 129 
 
 statuisse videamini : multo magis est verendum ne 
 remissione poenae crudeles in patriam, quam ne se- 
 veritate animadversionis nimis vehementes in acer- 
 bissimos hostis, fuisse videamur. 
 
 vii. 14. Sed ea quae exaudio, patres conscripti, dis- 5 
 simulare non possum. Jaciuntur enim voces, quae 
 perveniunt ad auris meas, eorum qui vereri videntur 
 ut habeam satis praesidi ad ea quae vos statueritis 
 hodierno die transigunda. Omnia et provisa et parata 
 et constituta sunt, patres conscripti, cum mea summa 10 
 cura atque diligentia, turn multo etiam majore populi 
 Romani ad summum imperium retinendum et ad 
 communis fortunas conservandas voluntate. Omnes 
 adsunt omnium ordinum homines, omnium denique 
 aetatum : plenum est forum, plena templa circum fo- 15 
 rum, pleni omnes aditus hujus templi ac loci. Causa 
 est enim post urbem conditam haec inventa sola, in 
 qua omnes sentirent unura atque idem, praeter eos 
 qui, cum sibi viderent esse pereundum, cum omnibus 
 potius quam soli perire voluerunt. 15. Hosce ego 20 
 homines excipio et secerno libenter, neque in impro- 
 borum civium, sed in acerbissimorum hostium numero 
 habendos puto. Ceteri vero, di immortales ! qua fre- 
 quentia, quo studio, qua virtute ad communem salutem 
 dignitatemque consentiunt ! Quid ego hie equites Ro- 25 
 manos commemorem? qui vobis ita summam ordinis 
 consilique concedunt, ut vobiscum de amore rei publi- 
 cae certent ; quos ex multorum annorum dissensione 
 hujus ordinis ad societatem concordiamque revocatos 
 hodiernus dies vobiscum atque haec causa conjungit : 30 
 quam si conjunctionem, in consulatu confirmatam meo, 
 perpetuam in re publica tenuerimus, confirmo vobis 
 nullum posthac malum civile ac domesticum ad ullam 
 rei publicae partem esse venturum. Pari studio defen- 
 dundae rei publicae convenisse video tribunos aerarios, 35 
 fortissimos viros ; scribas item universos, quos cum 
 
 9 
 
130 Conspiracy of Catiline. [Catil. IV. 
 
 casu hie dies ad aerarium frequentasset, video ab ex- 
 spectatione sortis ad salutem communem esse conver- 
 ses. 16. Omnis ingenuorum adest multitudo, etiam 
 tenuissimorum. Quis est enim cui non haec templa, 
 
 5 aspectus urbis, possessio libertatis, lux denique haec 
 ipsa et [hoc] commune patriae solum, cum sit carum 
 turn vero dulce atque jucundum ? \y 
 
 viii. Operae pretium est, patres conscripti, liberti- 
 norum hominum studia cognoscere, qui, sua virtute 
 
 10 fortunam hujus civitatis consecuti, hanc suam patriam 
 judicant, — quam quidam hie nati, et summo loco nati, 
 non patriam suam sed urbem hostium esse judicave- 
 runt. Sed quid ego hosce homines ordinesque com- 
 memoro, quos privatae fortunae, quos communis res 
 
 15 publica, quos denique libertas, ea quae dulcissima est, 
 ad salutem patriae defendendam excitavit ? Servus 
 est nemo, qui modo tolerabili condicione sit servitutis, 
 qui non audaciam civium perhorrescat, qui non haec 
 stare cupiat, qui non quantum audet et quantum potest 
 
 20 conferat ad salutem voluntatis. IT. Qua re si quern 
 vestrum forte commovet hoc, quod auditum est, leno- 
 nem quendam Lentuli concursare circum tabernas, 
 pretio sperare sollicitari posse animos egentium atque 
 imperitorum, — est id quidem coeptum atque tempta- 
 
 25 turn ; sed nulli sunt inventi tarn aut fortuna miseri aut 
 voluntate perditi, qui non ilium ipsum sellae atque 
 operis et quaestus cotidiani locum, qui non cubile ac 
 lectulum suum, qui denique non cursum hunc otiosum 
 vitae suae salvum esse velint. Multo vero maxima 
 
 30 pars eorum qui in tabernis sunt, immo vero — id enim 
 potius est dicendum — genus hoc universum, amantis- 
 simum est oti. Etenim omne instrumentum, ornnis 
 opera atque quaestus frequentia civium sustentatur, 
 alitur otio : quorum si quaestus occlusis tabernis minui 
 
 35 solet, quid tandem incensis futurum fuit ? 
 
 18. Quae cum ita sint, patres conscripti, vobis populi 
 
x. 2o.] Importance of the Decision. 131 
 
 Romani praesidia non desunt : vos ne populo Romano 
 deesse videamini providete.lLix. Habetis consulem ex 
 plurimis periculis et insidiis atque ex media morte, non 
 ad vitam suam, sed ad salutem vestram reservatum. 
 Omnes ordines ad conservandam rem publicam mente, 5 
 voluntate, voce consentiunt. Obsessa facibus et telis 
 impiae conjurationis vobis supplex manus tendit patria 
 communis ; vobis se, vobis vitam omnium civium, vobis 
 arcem et Capitolium, vobis aras Penatium, vobis ilium 
 ignem Vestae sempiternum, vobis omnium deorum 10 
 templa atque delubra, vobis muros atque urbis tecta 
 commendat. Praeterea de vestra vita, de conjugum 
 vestrarum atque liberorum anima, de fortunis omnium, 
 de sedibus, de focis vestris, hodierno die vobis judican- 
 dum est. 19. Habetis ducem memorem vestri, oblitum 15 
 sui, quae non semper facultas datur : habetis omnis 
 ordines, omnis homines, universum populum Roma- 
 nura — id quod in civili causa hodierno die primum 
 videmus — unum atque idem sentientem. Cogitate 
 quantis laboribus fundatum imperium, quanta virtute 20 
 stabilitam libertatem, quanta deorum benignitate auc- 
 tas exaggeratasque fortunas, una nox paene delerit. 
 Id ne umquam posthac non modo non coniici, sed ne 
 cogitari quidem possit a civibus, hodierno die provi- 
 dendum est. Atque haec non ut vos, qui mihi studio 25 
 paene praecurritis, excitarem, locutus sum ; sed ut mea 
 vox, quae debet esse in re publica princeps, officio 
 functa consulari videretur. 
 
 x. 20. Nunc, ante quam ad sententiam redeo, de 
 me pauca dicam. Ego, quanta manus est conjurato- 3° 
 rum, quam videtis esse permagnam, tantam me inimi- 
 corum multitudinem suscepisse video : sed earn judico 
 esse turpem et infirmam et abjectam. Quod si ali- 
 quando alicujus furore et scelere concitata manus ista 
 plus valuerit quam vestra ac rei publicae dignitas, me 35 
 tamen meorum factorum atque consiliorum numquam, 
 
132 Conspiracy of Catiline. [Catil. IV. 
 
 patres conscripti, poenitebit.— Etenim mors, quam illi 
 fortasse minitantur, omnibus est parata : vitae tantam 
 laudem, quanta vos me vestris decretis honestastis, 
 nemo est adsecutus. Ceteris enim semper bene gesta, 
 5 mihi uni conservata re publica, gratulationem decre- 
 vistis. 21. Sit Scipio ille clarus, cujus consilio atque 
 virtute Hannibal in Africam redire atque Italia dece- 
 dere coactus est; ornetur alter eximia laude Africanus, 
 qui duas urbis huic imperio infestissimas, Karthaginem 
 
 10 Numantiamque, delevit; habeatur vir egregius Paulus 
 ille, cujus currum rex potentissimus quondam et nobi- 
 lissimus Perses honestavit ; sit aeterna gloria Marius, 
 qui bis Italiam obsidione et metu servitutis liberavit ; 
 anteponatur omnibus Pompeius, cujus res gestae atque 
 
 15 virtutes isdem quibus solis cursus regionibus ac ter- 
 minis continentur : erit profecto inter horum laudes 
 aliquid loci nostrae gloriae, — nisi forte majus est pate- 
 facere nobis provincias quo exire possimus, quam 
 curare ut etiam illi qui absunt habeant quo victores 
 
 20 revertantur^f 22. Quamquam est uno loco, condicio 
 melior externae victoriae quam domesticae, — quod 
 hostes alienigenae #ut oppressi serviunt, aut recepti 
 in amicitiam beneficio se obligates putant ; qui autem 
 ex numero civium, dementia aliqua depravati, hostes 
 
 25 patriae semel esse coeperunt, eos cum a pernicie rei 
 publicae reppuleris, nee vi coercere nee beneficio 
 placare possis. Qua re mihi cum perditis civibus 
 aeternum bellum susceptum esse video. Id ego vestro 
 bonorumque omnium auxilio, memoriaque tantorum 
 
 3° periculorum, — quae non modo in hoc populo, qui 
 servatus est, sed in Gmnium gentium sermonibus ac 
 mentibus semper haerebit, — a me atque a meis facile 
 propulsari posse confido. Neque ulla profecto tanta 
 vis reperietur, quae conjunctionem, vestram equitum- 
 
 35 que Romanorum, et tantam conspirationem bonorum 
 omnium, confringere et labefactare possit. 
 
xi. 24-] Affeal to the Senators. 133 
 
 xr. 23. Quae cum ita sint, pro imperio, pro exercitu, 
 pro provincia, quam neglexi, pro triirmpho ceteris- 
 que laudis insignibus, quae sunt a me propter urbis 
 vestraeque salutis custodiam repiidiata, pro clientelis 
 hospitiisque provincialibus, quae tamen urbanis opibus 5 
 non minore labore tueor quam comparo, pro his lgitur 
 omnibus rebus, pro meis in vos singularibus studiis, 
 proque hac quam perspicitis ad conservandam rem 
 publicam diligentia, nihil a vobis nisi hujus temporis 
 totiusque mei consulatus memoriam postulo : quae dum 10 
 erit vestris fixa mentibus, tutissimo me muro saeptum 
 esse arbitrabor. Quod si meam spem vis improborum 
 fefellerit atque superaverit, commendo vobis parvum 
 meum filium, cui profecto satis erit praesidi non solum 
 ad salutem, verum etiam ad dignitatem, si ejus, qui 15 
 haec omnia suo solius periculo conservarit, ilium filium 
 esse memineritis. 24. Quapropter de summa salute 
 vestra populique Romani, de vestris conjugibus ac 
 liberis, de aris ac focis, de fanis atque templis, de 
 totius urbis tectis ac sedibus, de imperio ac libertate, 20 
 de salute Italiae, de universa re publica, decernite dili- 
 genter, ut instituistis, ac fortiter. 9 Habetis eum con- 
 sulem qui et parere vestris decretis non dubitet, et ea 
 quae statueritis, quoad vivet, defendere et per se ipsum 
 praestare possit. 25 
 
THE CITIZENSHIP OF ARCHIAS. 
 
 B.C. 62. 
 
 The case of Archias, though not a public one, yet had its origin 
 in the politics of the time. The aristocratic faction, suspecting 
 that much of the strength of their opponents was derived from the 
 fraudulent votes of those who were not citizens, procured in B.C. 65 
 the passage of the Lex Papia, by which " all the strangers, who pos- 
 sessed neither Roman nor Latin burgess-rights, were ejected from 
 the capital " (Mommsen). Archias, a native of Antioch, but for 
 many years a Roman citizen, a friend of Lucius Lucullus, was 
 accused in B.C. 62, by a certain Gratius, under this law, on the 
 ground that he was not a aitizen. The case was tried before 
 the praetor Quintus Cicero, brother of the orator. 
 
 It was a very small matter to disprove the charge, and com- 
 pletely establish Archias's claims to citizenship. The greater part 
 of the speech, therefore, is made up of an eulogy upon the poet, 
 and upon poetry and literature in general. It is, for this reason, 
 one of the most agreeable of Cicero's orations, and perhaps the 
 greatest favorite of them all. 
 
 * ..... 
 
 SI QUID est in me ingeni, judices, quod sentio 
 quam sit exiguum, aut si qua exercitatio dicendi, 
 in qua me non infitior mediocriter esse versatum, aut 
 si hujusce rei ratio aliqua ab optimarum artium studiis 
 5 ac disciplina profecta, a qua ego nullum confiteor aeta- 
 tis meae tempus abhorruisse, earum rerum omnium vel 
 in primis hie A. Licinius fructum a me repetere prope 
 suo jure debet. Nam quoad longissime potest mens 
 mea respicere spatium praeteriti temporis, et pueritiae 
 
 10 memoriam recordari ultimam, inde usque repetens 
 hunc video mihi principem et ad suscipiendam et ad 
 ingrediendam rationem horum studiorum exstitisse. 
 Quod si haec vox, hujus hortatu praeceptisque con- 
 formata, non nullis aliquando saluti fuit, a quo id 
 
 15 accepimus quo ceteris opitulari et alios servare pos- 
 semus, huic profecto ipsi, quantum est situm in nobis, 
 
m. 4-] Character of the Plea. 135 
 
 et opem et salutem ferre debemus. 2. Ac ne quis a 
 nobis hoc ita dici forte miretur, quod alia quaedam in 
 hoc facultas sit ingeni, neque haec dicendi ratio aut 
 disciplina, ne nos quidem huic uni studio penitus um- 
 quam dediti fuimus. Etenim omnes artes, quae ad 5 
 humanitatem pertinent, habent quoddam commune 
 vinculum, et quasi cognatione quadam inter se con- 
 tinentur. 
 
 11. 3. Sed ne cui vestrum mirum esse videatur me 
 in quaestione legitima et in judicio publico — cum res 10 
 agatur apud praetorem populi Romani, lectissimum 
 virum, et apud severissimos judices, tanto conventu 
 hominum ac frequentia — hoc uti genere dicendi, 
 quod non modo a consuetudine judiciorum, verum 
 etiam a forensi sermone abhorreat ; quaeso a vobis, 15 
 ut in hac causa mihi detis hanc veniam, adcommo- 
 datam huic reo, vobis (quern ad modum spero) non 
 molestam, ut me pro summo poeta atque eruditissimo 
 homine dicentem, hoc concursu hominum literatissi- 
 morum, hac vestra humanitate, hoc denique praetore 20 
 exercente judicium, patiamini de studiis humanitatis 
 ac litterarum paulo loqui liberius, et in ejus modi per- 
 sona, quae propter otium ac studium minime in judi- 
 ciis periculisque tractata est, uti prope novo quodam 
 et inusitato genere dicendi. 4. Quod si mihi a vobis 25 
 tribui concedique sentiam, perficiam profecto ut hunc 
 A. Licinium non modo non segregandum, cum sit 
 civis, a numero civium, verum etiam si non esset, 
 putetis asciscendum fuisse. * 
 
 in. Nam ut primum ex pueris excessit Archias, 30 
 atque ab eis artibus quibus aetas puerilis ad humanita- 
 tem informari solet se ad scribendi studium contulit, 
 primum Antiochiae — nam ibi natus est loco nobili — 
 celebri quondam urbe et copiosa, atque eruditissimis 
 hominibus liberalissimisque studiis adfluenti, celeriter 35 
 antecellere omnibus ingeni gloria contigit. Post in 
 
136 Citizenship of Archias. [Arch. 
 
 ceteris Asiae partibus cunctaeque Graeciae sic ejus 
 adventus celebrabantur, ut famam ingeni exspectatio 
 hominis, exspectationem ipsius adventus admiratioque 
 superaret. 5. Erat Italia tunc plena Graecarum artium 
 5 ac disciplinarum, studiaque haec et in Latio vehemen- 
 tius turn colebantur quam nunc eisdem in oppidis, et 
 hie Romae propter tranquillitatem rei publicae non 
 neglegebantur. Itaque hunc et Tarentini et Regini 
 et Neapolitani civitate ceterisque praemiis donarunt ; 
 
 10 et omnes, qui aliquid de ingeniis poterant ju-dicare, 
 cognitione atque hospitio dignum existimarunt. Hac 
 tanta celebritate famae cum esset jam absentibus notus, 
 Romam venit Mario consule et Catulo. Nactus est 
 primum consules eos, quorum alter res ad scriben- 
 
 15 dum maximas, alter cum res gestas turn etiam studium 
 atque auris adhibere posset. Statim Luculli, cum 
 praetextatus etiam turn Archias esset, eum domum 
 suam receperunt. Sic etiam hoc non solum ingeni 
 ac litterarum, verum etiam naturae atque virtutis, ut 
 
 20 domus, quae hujus adulescentiae prima fuit, eadem 
 esset familiarissima senectuti. 6. Erat temporibus 
 illis jucundus Metello illi Numidico et ejus Pio filio ; 
 audiebatur a M. Aemilio ; vivebat cum Q^ Catulo et 
 patre et filio ; a L. Crasso colebatur ; Lucullos vero et 
 
 25 Drusum et Octavios et Catonem et totam Hortensiorum 
 domum devinctam consuetudine cum teneret, adficie- 
 batur summo honore, quod eum non solum colebant 
 qui aliquid percipere atque audire studebant, verum 
 etiam si qui forte simulabant. iv. Interim satis longo 
 
 30 intervallo, cum esset cum M. Lucullo in Siciliam pro- 
 fectus, et cum ex ea provincia cum eodem Lucullo 
 decederet, venit Heracliam : quae cum esset civitas 
 aequissimo jure ac foedere, ascribi se in earn civita- 
 tem voluit ; idque, cum ipse per se dignus putaretur, 
 
 35 turn auctoritate et gratia Luculli ab Heracliensibus 
 impetravit. , 
 
v. 9-1 His Technical Right cn> Citizen. 137 
 
 7. Data est civitas Silvani lege et Carbonis : Si qui 
 foederatis civitatibus dscripti fuissent ; si turn, cum 
 lex ferebatur, in Italia domicilium habuissent ; et 
 si sexaginta diebus apud -praetor em ess en t professi. 
 Cum hie domicilium Romae multos jam annos habe- 5 
 ret, professus est apud praetorem Q^ Metellum fami- 
 liarissimum suum. 8. Si nihil aliud nisi de civitate 
 ac lege dicimus, nihil dico amplius : causa dicta est. 
 Quid enim horum infirmari, Grati, potest ? Hera- 
 cliaene esse turn ascriptum negabis? Adest vir summa 10 
 auctoritate et religione et fide, M. Lucullus, qui se non 
 opinari sed scire, non audisse sed vidisse, non inter- 
 fuisse sed egisse dicit. Adsunt Heraclienses legati, 
 nobilissimi homines : hujus judici causa cum mandatis 
 et cum publico testimonio [venerunt] ; qui hunc ascrip- 15 
 turn Heracliensem dicunt. Hie tu tabulas desideras 
 Heracliensium publicas : quas Italico bello incenso ta- 
 bulario interisse scimus omnis. Est ridiculum ad ea 
 quae habemus nihil dicere, quaerere quae habere non 
 possumus ; et de hominum memoria tacere, litterarum 20 
 memoriam flagitare ; et, cum habeas amplissimi viri 
 religionem, integerrimi municipi jus jurandum fidem- 
 que, ea quae depravari nullo modo possunt repudiare, 
 tabulas, quas idem dicis solere corrumpi, desiderare. 
 
 9. An domicilium Romae non habuit is, qui tot annis 25 
 ante civitatem datam sedem omnium rerum ac fortu- 
 narum suarum Romae conlocavit ? At non est pro- 
 fessus. Immo vero eis tabulis professus, quae solae 
 ex ilia professione conlegioque praetorum obtinent pub- 
 licarum tabularum auctoritatem. v. Nam — -cum Appi 30 
 tabulae neglegentius adservatae dicerentur ; Gabini, 
 quam diu incolumis fuit, levitas, post damnationem 
 calamitas omnem tabularum fidem resignasset — Me- 
 tellus, homo sanctissimus modestissimusque omnium, 
 tanta diligentia fuit, ut ad L. Lentulum praetorem et 35 
 ad judices venerit, et unius nominis litura se commo- 
 
138 Citizenship of Archias. [Arch. 
 
 turn esse dixerit. In his igitur tabulis nullam lituram 
 in nomine A. Licini videtis. 
 
 10. Quae cum ita sint, quid est quod de ejus civitate 
 dubitetis, praesertim cum aliis quoque in civitatibus 
 5 fuerit ascriptus ? Etenim cum mediocribus multis et 
 aut nulla aut humili aliqua arte praeditis gratuito civi- 
 tatem in Graecia homines impertiebant, Reginos credo 
 aut Locrensis aut Neapolitanos aut Tarentinos, quod 
 scenicis artiiicibus largiri solebant, id huic summa 
 
 10 ingeni praedito gloria noluisse ! Quid ? cum ceteri 
 non modo post civitatem datam, sed etiam post legem 
 Papiam aliquo modo in eorum municipiorum tabulas 
 inrepserunt, hie, qui ne utitur quidem illis in quibus 
 est scriptus, quod semper se Heracliensem esse voluit, 
 
 15 reicietur ? 11. Census nostros requiris scilicet. Est 
 enim obscurum proximis censoribus hunc cum claris- 
 simo imperatore L. Lucullo apud exercitum fuisse ; 
 superioribus, cum eodem quaestore fuisse in Asia ; 
 primis Julio et Crasso nullam populi partem esse cen- 
 
 20 sam. Sed — quoniam census non jus civitatis confir- 
 mat, ac tantum modo indicat eum qui sit census [ita] se 
 jam turn gessisse pro cive — eis temporibus quibus tu 
 criminaris ne ipsius quidem judicio in civium Roma- 
 norum jure esse versatum, et testamentum saepe fecit 
 
 25 nostris legibus, et adiit hereditates civium Roma- 
 norum, et in beneficiis ad aerarium delatus est a L. 
 Lucullo pro consule. vi. Quaere argumenta, si qua 
 potes : numquam enim hie neque suo neque amicorum 
 judicio revincetur. 
 
 3° 12. Quaeres a nobis, Grati, cur tanto opere hoc 
 homine delectemur. Quia suppeditat nobis ubi et 
 animus ex hoc forensi strepitu reficiatur, et aures con- 
 vitio defessae conquiescant. An tu existimas aut sup- 
 petere nobis posse quod cotidie dicamus in tanta 
 
 35 varietate rerum, nisi animos nostros doctrina excola- 
 mus; aut ferre animos tantam posse contentionem, 
 
vi. I4-] The Utility of Letters. 139 
 
 nisi eos doctrina eadem relaxemus ? Ego vero fateor 
 me his studiis esse deditum : ceteros pudeat, si qui se 
 ita litteris abdiderunt ut nihil possint ex eis neque ad 
 communem adferre fructum, neque in aspectum lu- 
 cemque proferre : me autem quid pudeat, qui tot annos 5 
 ita vivo, judices, ut a nullius umquam me tempore aut 
 commodo aut otium meum abstraxerit, aut voluptas 
 avocarit, aut denique somnus retardarit ? 13. Qua re 
 quis tandem me reprehendat, aut quis mihi jure sus- 
 censeat, si, quantum ceteris ad suas res obeundas, 10 
 quantum ad festos dies ludorum celebrandos, quantum 
 ad alias voluptates et ad ipsam requiem animi et cor- 
 poris conceditur temporum, quantum alii tribuunt tem- 
 pestivis conviviis, quantum denique alveolo, quantum 
 pilae, tantum mihi egomet ad haec studia recolenda 15 
 sumpsero ? Atque hoc ideo mihi concedendum est 
 magis, quod ex his studiis haec quoque crescit oratio 
 et facultas ; quae, quantacumque in me est, numquam 
 amicorum periculis defuit. Quae si cui levior videtur, 
 ilia quidem certe, quae summa sunt, ex quo fonte 20 
 hauriam sentio. 14. Nam nisi multorum praeceptis 
 multisque litteris mihi ab adulescentia suasissem, nihil 
 esse in vita magno opere expetendum nisi laudem 
 atque honestatem, in ea autem persequenda omnis 
 cruciatus corporis, omnia pericula mortis atque exsili 25 
 parvi esse ducenda, numquam me pro salute vestra in 
 tot ac tantas dimicationes atque in hos profligatorum 
 hominum cotidianos impetus objecissem. Sed pleni 
 omnes sunt libri, plenae sapientium voces, plena ex- 
 emplorum vetustas : quae jacerent in tenebris omnia, 30 
 nisi litterarum lumen accederet. Quam multas nobis 
 imagines — non solum ad intuendum, verum etiam ad 
 imitandum — fortissimorum virorum expressas scrip- 
 tores et Graeci et Latini reliquerunt ? Quas ego mihi 
 semper in administranda re publica proponens, ani- 35 
 mum et mentem meam ipsa cogitatione hominum ex- 
 cellentium conformabam. 
 
140 Citizenship of Archias. [Arch. 
 
 vii. 15. Quaeret quispiam : 'Quid? illi ipsi sum mi 
 viri, quorum virtutes litteris proditae sunt, istane doc- 
 trina, quam tu efters laudibus, eruditi fuerunt?' Dif- 
 ficile est hoc de omnibus confirmare, sed tamen est 
 5 certe quod respondeam. Ego multos homines excel- 
 lenti animo ac virtute fuisse, et sine doctrina naturae 
 ipsius habitu prope divino per se ipsos et moderatos et 
 gravis exstitisse, fateor : etiam illud adjungo, saepius 
 ad laudem atque virtutem naturam sine doctrina quam 
 
 10 sine natura valuisse doctrinam. Atque idem ego con- 
 tendo, cum ad naturam eximiam atque inlustrem acces- 
 serit ratio quaedam conformatioque doctrinae, turn illud 
 nescio quid praeclarum ac singulare solere exsistere. 
 16. Ex hoc esse hunc numero, quern patres nostri vide- 
 
 15 runt, divinum hominem Africanurrt ; ex hoc C. Laelium, 
 L. Furium, moderatissimos homines et continentissi- 
 mos ; ex hoc fortissimum virum et illis temporibus doc- 
 tissimum, M. Catonem ilium senem : qui profecto si 
 nihil ad percipiendam [colendam] virtutem litteris adju- 
 
 20 varentur, numquam se ad earum studium contulissent. 
 Quod si non hie tantus fructus ostenderetur, et si ex 
 his studiis delectatio sola peteretur, tamen (ut opinor) 
 hancanimi adversionem humanissimam ac liberalissi- 
 mam judicaretis. Nam ceterae neque temporum sunt 
 
 25 neque aetatum omnium neque locorum : haec studia 
 adulescentiam alunt, senectutem oblectant, secundas 
 res ornant, adversis perfugium ac solacium praebent, 
 delectant domi, non impediunt foris, pernoctant nobis- 
 cum, peregrinantur, rusticantur. 
 
 30 17. Quod si ipsi haec neque attingere neque sensu 
 nostro gustare possemus, tamen ea mirari deberemus, 
 etiam cum in aliis videremus. viii. Quis nostrum tarn 
 animo agresti ac duro fuit, ut Rosci morte nuper non 
 commoveretur? qui cum esset senex mortuus, tamen 
 
 35 propter excellentem artem ac venustatem videbatur 
 omnino mori non debuisse. Ergo ille corporis motu 
 
ix. 19] The Poefs Claim to Honor, 141 
 
 tantum amorem sibi conciliarat a nobis omnibus : nos 
 animorum incredibilis rhotus celeritatemque ingenio- 
 rum neglegemus ? 18. Quotiens ego hunc Archiam 
 vidi, judices, — utar enim vestra benignitate, quoniam 
 me in hoc novo genere dicendi tarn diligenter atten- 5 
 ditis, — quotiens ego hunc vidi, cum litteram scripsis- 
 set nullam, magnum numerum optimorum versuum de 
 eis ipsis rebus quae turn agerentur dicere ex tempore ! 
 Quotiens revocatum eandem rem dicere, commutatis 
 verbis atque sententiis ! Quae vero adcurate cogita- 10 
 teque scripsisset, ea sic vidi probari, ut ad veterum 
 scriptorum laudem perveniret. Hunc ego non dili- 
 gam? non admirer? non omni ratione defendendum 
 putem? 
 
 Atque sic a summis hominibus eruditissimisque ac- 15 
 cepimus, ceterarum rerum studia et doctrjna et prae- 
 ceptis et arte constare : poetam natura ipsa valere, et 
 mentis viribus excitari, et quasi divino quodam spiritu 
 inflari. Qua re suo jure noster ille Ennius sanctos 
 appellat poetas, quod quasi deorum aliquo dono atque 20 
 munere commendati nobis esse videantur. 19. Sit 
 igitur, judices, sanctum apud vos, humanissimos ho- 
 mines, hoc poetae nomen, quod nulla umquam bar- 
 baria violavit. Saxa et solitudines voci respondent, 
 bestiae saepe immanes cantu flectuntur atque consis- 25 
 tunt : nos, instituti rebus optimis, non poetarum voce 
 moveamur? Homerum Colophonii civem esse dicunt 
 suum, Chii suum vindicant, Salaminii repetunt, Smyr- 
 naei vero suum esse confirmant, itaque etiam delubrum 
 ejus in oppido dedicaverunt : permulti alii praeterea 30 
 pugnant inter se atque contendunt. ix. Ergo illi 
 alienum, quia poeta fuit, post mortem etiam expetunt : 
 nos hunc vivum, qui et voluntate et legibus noster est, 
 repudiabimus ? praesertim cum omne olim studium 
 atque omne ingenium contulerit Archias ad populi 35 
 Romani gloriam laudemque celebrandam ? Nam et 
 
142 Citizenship of Archias. [Arch. 
 
 Cimbricas res adulescens attigit, et ipsi illi C. Mario, 
 qui durior ad haec studia videbatur, jucundus fuit. 
 
 20. Neque enim quisquam est tarn aversus a Musis, 
 qui non mandari versibus aeternum suorum laborum 
 5 facile praeconium patiatur. Themistoclem ilium, sum- 
 mum Athenis virum, dixisse aiunt, cum ex eo quae- 
 reretur, quod acroama aut cujus vocem libentissime 
 audiret : Ejus, a quo sua virtus of time -praedicare- 
 tur. Itaque ille Marius item eximie L. Plotium dilexit, 
 
 10 cujus ingenio putabat ea quae gesserat posse celebrari. 
 21. Mithridaticum vero bellum, magnum atque difficile 
 et in multa varietate terra marique versatum, totum ab 
 hoc expressum est : qui libri non modo L. Lucullum, 
 fortissimum et clarissimum virum, verum etiam populi 
 
 15 Romani nomen inlustrant. Populus enim Romanus 
 aperuit Lucullo imperante Pontum, et regiis quondam 
 opibus et ipsa natura et regione vallatum : populi Ro- 
 mani exercitus, eodem duce, non maxima manu innu- 
 merabilis Armeniorum copias fudit : populi Romani 
 
 20 laus est urbem amicissimam Cyzicenorum ejusdem 
 consilio ex omni impetu regio atque totius belli ore ac 
 faucibus ereptam esse atque servatam : nostra semper 
 feretur et praedicabitur, L. Lucullo dimicante, cum 
 interfectis ducibus depressa hostium classis, et incredi- 
 
 25 bilis apud Tenedum pugna ilia navalis : nostra sunt 
 tropaea, nostra monimenta, nostri triumphi. Quae 
 quorum ingeniis efferuntur, ab eis populi Romani fama 
 celebratur. 22, Carus fuit Africano superiori noster 
 Ennius, itaque etiam in sepulcro Scipionum putatur is 
 
 30 esse constitutus ex marmore. At eis laudibus certe 
 non solum ipse qui laudatur, sed etiam populi Romani 
 nomen ornatur. In caelum hujus proavus Cato tollitur : 
 magnus honos populi Romani rebus adjungitur. 0m- 
 nes denique illi Maximi, Marcelli, Fulvii, non sine 
 
 35 communi omnium nostrum laude decorantur. x. Ergo 
 ilium, qui haec fecerat, Rudinum hominem, majores 
 
x. 25-J Fame is conveyed by Letters. 143 
 
 nostri in civitatem receperunt : nos hunc Heraclien- 
 sem, multis civitatibus expetitum, in hac autem legibus 
 constitutum, de nostra civitate eiciemus? 
 
 23. Nam si quis minorem gloriae fructum putat ex 
 Graecis versibus percipi quam ex Latinis, vehementer 5 
 errat : propterea quod Graeca leguntur in omnibus 
 fere gentibus, Latina suis finibus, exiguis sane, con- 
 tinentur. Qua re si res eae quas gessimus orbis 
 terrae regionibus definiuntur, cupere debemus, quo 
 manuum nostrarum tela pervenerint, eodem gloriam 10 
 famamque penetrare ; quod cum ipsis populis de quo- 
 rum rebus scribitur, haec ampla sunt, turn eis certe, 
 qui de vita gloriae causa dimicant, hoc maximum et 
 periculorum incitamentum est et laborum. 24. Quam 
 multos scriptores rerum suarum magnus ille Alexander 15 
 secum habuisse dicitur! Atque is tamen, curri in 
 Sigeo ad Achillis tumulum astitisset : O fortunate 
 inquit adutescens, qui tuae virtutis Homcru?n frae- 
 conem tnveneris/ Et vere. Nam nisi Ilias ilia exsti- 
 tisset, idem tumulus, qui corpus ejus contexerat, 20 
 nomen etiam obruisset. Quid? noster hie Magnus, 
 qui cum virtute fortunam adaequavit, nonne Theopha- 
 nem Mytilenaeum, scriptorem rerum suarum, in con- 
 tione militum civitate donavit; et nostri illi fortes viri, 
 sed rustici ac milites, dulcedine quadam gloriae com- 25 
 moti, quasi participes ejusdem laudis, magno illud 
 clamore approbaverunt ? 
 
 25. Itaque, credo, si civis Romanus Archias legibus 
 non esset, ut ab aliquo imperatore civitate donaretur 
 perficere non potuit. Sulla cum Hispanos donaret et 30 
 Gallos, credo hunc petentem repudiasset : quern nos 
 in contione vidimus, cum ei libellum malus poeta de 
 populo subjecisset, quod epigramma in eum fecisset, 
 tantummodo alternis versibus longiusculis, statim ex 
 eis rebus quas tunc vendebat jubere ei praemium 35 
 tribui, sed ea condicione, ne quid postea scriberet. 
 
144 Citizenship of Archias. [Arch. 
 
 Qui sedulitatem mali poetae duxerit aliquo tamen 
 praemio dignam, hujus ingenium et virtutem in scri- 
 bendo et copiam non expetisset? 26. Quid? a Q^ 
 Metello Pio, familiarissimo suo, qui civitate multos 
 5 donavit, neque per se neque per Lucullos impetravis- 
 set? qui praesertim usque eo de suis rebus scribi 
 cuperet, ut etiam Cordubae natis poetis, pingue quid- 
 dam sonantibus atque peregrinum, tamen auris suas 
 dederet. 
 
 io xi. Neque enim est hoc dissimulandum (quod ob- 
 scurar: non potest) sed prae nobis ferendum : trahi- 
 mur omnes studio laudis, et optimus quisque maxime 
 gloria ducitur. Ipsi illi philosophi, etiam in eis libellis 
 quos de contemnenda gloria scribunt, nomen suum 
 
 15 inscribunt : in eo ipso, in quo praedicationem nobilita- 
 temque despiciunt, praedicari de se ac nominari vo- 
 lunt. 27. Decimus quidem Brutus, summus vir et 
 imperator, Acci, amicissimi sui, carminibus templorum 
 ac monumentorum aditus exornavit suorum. Jam 
 
 20 vero ille, qui cum Aetolis Ennio comite bellavit, Ful- 
 vius, non dubitavit Martis manubias Musis consecrare. 
 Qua re in qua urbe imperatores prope armati poeta- 
 rum nomen et Musarum delubra coluerunt, in ea non 
 debent togati judices a Musarum honore et a poetarum 
 
 25 salute abhorrere. 
 
 28. Atque ut id libentius faciatis, jam me vobis, judi- 
 ces, indicabo, et de meo quodam amore gloriae, nimis 
 acri fortasse verum tamen honesto vobis, confitebor. 
 Nam quas res nos in consulatu nostro vobiscum simul 
 
 30 pro salute hujusce imperi et pro vita civium proque 
 universa re publica gessimus, attigit hie versibus 
 atque inchoavit : quibus auditis, quod mihi magna 
 res et jucunda visa est, hunc ad perficiendum ador- 
 navi. Nullam enim virtus aliam mercedem laborum 
 
 35 periculorumque desiderat, praeter hanc laudis et glo- 
 riae : qua quidem detracta, judices, quid est quod in 
 
xii. 3i.] Fame the Motive of Virtue, 145 
 
 hoc tarn exiguo vitae curriculo [et tarn brevi] tantis 
 nos in laboribus exerceamus? 29. Certe si nihil ani- 
 mus praesentiret in posterum, et si quibus regionibus 
 vitae spatium circumscriptum est, eisdem omnis cogi- 
 tationes terminaret suas ; nee tantis se laboribus fran- 5 
 geret, neque tot curis vigiliisque angeretur, nee totiens 
 de ipsa vita dimicaret. Nunc insidet quaedam in 
 Optimo quoque virtus, quae noctis ac dies animum 
 gloriae stimulis concitat, atque admonet non cum vitae 
 tempore esse dimittendam commemorationem nominis 10 
 nostri, sed cum omni posteritate adaequandam. 
 
 xii. 30. An vero tarn parvi animi videamur esse 
 omnes, qui in re publica atque in his vitae periculis 
 laboribusque versamur, ut, cum usque ad extremum 
 spatium nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum 15 
 duxerimus, nobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitre- 
 mur? An statuas et imagines, non animorum simu- 
 lacra sed corporum, studiose multi summi homines 
 reliquerunt ; consiliorum relinquere ac virtutum nos- 
 trarum effigiem nonne multo malle debemus, summis 20 
 ingeniis expressam et politam? Ego vero omnia quae 
 gerebam, jam turn in gerendo spargere me ac dissemi- 
 nare arbitrabar in orbis terrae memoriam sempiternam. 
 Haec vero sive a meo sensu post mortem afutura est, 
 sive — ut sapientissimi homines putaverunt — ad ali- 25 
 quam mei partem pertinebit, nunc quidem certe cogH 
 tatione quadam speque delector. 
 
 31. Qua re conservate, judices, hominem pudore 
 eo, quern amicorum videtis comprobari cum dignitate 
 turn etiam vetustate ; ingenio autem tanto, quantum id 30 
 convenit existimari, quod summorum hominum inge- 
 niis expetitum esse videatis ; causa vero ejus modi, 
 quae beneficio legis, auctoritate municipi, testimonio 
 Luculli, tabulis Metelli comprobetur. Quae cum ita 
 sint, petimus a vobis, judices, si qua non modo hu- 35 
 mana, verum etiam divina in tantis ingeniis com- 
 
 10 
 
146 Citizenship of Archias. 
 
 mendatio debet esse, ut eum qui vos, qui vestros 
 imperatores, qui populi Romani res gestas semper 
 ornavit, qui etiam his recentibus nostris vestrisque 
 domesticis periculis aeternum se testimonium laudis 
 
 5 daturum esse profitetur, estque ex eo numero qui 
 semper apud omnis sancti sunt habiti itaque dicti, 
 sic in vestram accipiatis fidem, ut humanitate vestra 
 levatus potius quam acerbitate violatus esse videatur. 
 32. Quae de causa pro mea consuetudine breviter 
 
 10 simpliciterque dixi, judices, ea confido probata esse 
 omnibus. Quae autem remota a mea judicialique 
 consuetudine, et de hominis ingenio et communiter de 
 ipsius studio loeutus sum, ea, judices, a vobis spero 
 esse in bonam partem accepta; ab eo qui judicium 
 
 15 exercet, certo scio. 
 
CICERO'S EXILE AND RETURN. 
 
 (Extract from the Defence of Sestius.) 
 b.c. 56. 
 
 The year B. c. 60 is marked by the coalition between Caesar, 
 Pompey, and Crassus, — sometimes called the First Triumvirate, — 
 of which the immediate result was the election of Caesar to the 
 consulship for the following year. During the existence of this 
 coalition, the Senate was almost wholly stripped of power. The 
 chief act of Caesar's administration was his iniquitous law for 
 dividing the fertile and populous territory of Campania among 
 needy citizens of Rome ; which was carried with such a 1 degree of 
 mob violence, that Bibulus, Caesar's colleague, after vainly resist- 
 ing it, shut himself up in his house, leaving affairs of state to their 
 own course. Cicero had refused to serve as one of the Board {viginti 
 viri) for executing this law, and thus brought upon himself the re- 
 sentment of the party in power ; whose leaders, while claiming to be 
 his personal friends, gave him no support in the attacks which 
 were presently made upon him. His most active enemy was Publius 
 Clodius, a man of patrician birth (of the great Claudian house, 
 whence his name Clodius), who, in order to hold the plebeian 
 office of Tribune, caused himself to be adopted as son into a 
 plebeian family. As Tribune, early in b. C. 58, he introduced a bill 
 (apparently never passed) aimed at Cicero, making it penal to put 
 to death a Roman citizen without trial. Upon this, Cicero and his 
 friends — as many, it is said, as 20,000 — went into mourning. The 
 consuls, Gabinius and Piso, refused to interfere. Pompey would 
 not meet or see his eloquent advocate. Caesar, just departing for 
 his campaigns in Gaul, waited till he should be assured of Clodius's 
 triumph. As the affair was just coming to blows, Cicero withdrew 
 into voluntary exile, which was followed, the next day, by a decree 
 {privilegiu7ti) forbidding him by name the use of fire or water 
 — the regular formula for a sentence of banishment — anywhere 
 \vithin four hundred miles of Rome. 
 
 The year of his exile Cicero spent mostly in Thessalonica, with 
 his friend Plancius, quaestor of Macedonia, the same whom he 
 afterwards defended on a charge of bribery. In the summer of the 
 following year he was restored, " by the late but earnest efforts 
 
148 Cicero's Exile and Return, [Sestius, 
 
 of Pompey, by the vows of Italy, by the resolutions of the Senate,, 
 by the courage and energy of the tribune Annius Milo " (Veil. 
 Paterc.). The consuls of this year, Lentulus and Metellus, with 
 eight of the tribunes, actively favored Cicero's recall. But it was 
 violently resisted by Clodius, who attempted to prevent it by an 
 appeal to terror ; and the disorders which followed led the way to 
 that period of party passion and mob rule, which culminated in the 
 civil war and the dictatorship of Julius Caesar. The most full and 
 authentic account of these disorders is contained in Cicero's de- 
 fence of Publius Sestius, a colleague of Milo in the tribuneship, 
 who was brought to trial on a charge of assault (de vi). The fol- 
 lowing extracts include nearly a third of this great speech. 
 
 I^UERAT ille annus jam in re publica, judices, cum 
 *■ in magno motu et multorum timore intentus est 
 arcus in me unum, sicut volgo ignari rerum loqueban- 
 tur; re quidem vera in universam rem publicam, tra- 
 ductione ad plebem furibundi hominis ac perditi, mihi 
 irati, sed multo acrius oti et communis salutis inimici. 
 Hunc vir clarissimus mihique multis repugnantibus 
 amicissimus, Cn. Pompeius, omni cautione, foedere, 
 exsecratione devinxerat nihil in tribunatu contra me 
 esse facturum. Quod ille nefarius, ex omnium sce- 
 lerum colluvione natus, parum se foedus violaturum 
 arbitratus est, nisi ipsum cautorem alieni periculi suis 
 propriis periculis terruisset. 2. Sed fuit profecto quae- 
 dam ilia rei publicae fortuna fatalis, ut ille caecus atque 
 amens tribunus plebis nancisceretur, — quid dicam? 
 consules ? hocine ut ego nomine appellem eversores 
 hujus imperi, proditores vestrae dignitatis, hostis bo- 
 norum omnium? — qui ad delendum senatum, adfli- 
 gendum equestrem ordinem, exstinguenda omnia jura 
 atque instituta majorum se illis fascibus ceterisque 
 insignibus summi honoris atque imperi ornatos esse 
 arbitrabantur. Quorum (per deos immortalis !) si 
 nondum scelera volneraque inusta rei publicae voltis 
 recordari, voltum atque incessum animis intuemini. 
 Facilius eorum facta occurrent mentibus vestris, si ora 
 ipsa oculis proposueritis. 
 
ix. 20.] The Consuls Gabinius and Piso. 149 
 
 3. Alter unguentis adfluens, calamistrata coma, de- 
 spiciens conscios stuprorum ac veteres vexatores aeta- 
 tulae suae, puteali et faeneratorum gregibus inflatus, — 
 a quibus compulsus olim, ne in Scyllaeo illo aeris 
 alieni tamquam [in] fretu ad columnam adhaeresceret, 
 in tribunatus portum perfugerat, — contemnebat equites 
 Romanos, minitabatur senatui, venditabat se operis, 
 atque ab eis se ereptum, ne de ambitu causam diceret, 
 praedicabat, ab isdemque se etiam invito senatu pro- 
 vinciam sperare dicebat : eamque nisi adeptus esset, 
 se incolumem nullo modo fore arbitrabatur. 
 
 4. Alter, O di boni ! quam taeter incedebat ! quam 
 truculentus ! quam terribilis aspectu ! — unum aliquem 
 te ex barbatis illis, exemplum imperi veteris, imagi- 
 nem antiquitatis, columen rei publicae diceres intueri : 
 vestitus aspere nostra hac purpura plebeia ac paene 
 fusca ; capillo ita horrido, ut Capua, in qua ipsa turn 
 imaginis ornandae causa duumviratum gerebat, Se- 
 plasiam sublaturus videretur. Nam quid ego de super- 
 cilio dicam, quod turn hominibus non supercilium, sed 
 pignus rei publicae videbatur? [Tanta erat gravitas in 
 oculo, tanta contractio frontis, ut illo supercilio annus 
 ille niti tamquam vade videretur] . 5. Erat hie omnium 
 sermo : * Est tamen rei publicae magnum firmumque 
 subsidium ; habeo quern opponam labi illi atque caeno ; 
 voltu, me dius fidius, conlegae sui libidinem levitatem- 
 que franget ; habebit senatus in hunc annum quern 
 sequatur ; non deerit auctor et dux bonis.' Mihi deni- 
 que homines praecipue gratulabantur, quod habiturus 
 essem, contra tribunum plebis furiosum et audacem, 
 cum amicum et adfinem, turn etiam fortem et gravem 
 consulem. 
 
 6. Atque eorum alter fefellit neminem. Quis enim 
 clavum tanti imperi tenere, et gubernacula rei publicae 
 tractare in maximo cursu ac fluctibus, posse arbitra- 
 retur hominem emersum subito ex diuturnis tenebris 
 
150 Cicero's Exile and Return, [Sestius, 
 
 lustrorum ac stuprorum, vino, ganeis, lenociniis adul- 
 teriisque confectum? cum is praeter spem in altissimo 
 gradu alienis opibus positus esset, qui non modo tem- 
 pestatem impendentem intueri temulentus, sed ne lu- 
 cem quidem insolitam aspicere posset? 7. Alter multos 
 plane in omnis partis fefellit. Erat enim hominum 
 opinioni nobilitate ipsa, blanda conciliatricula, com- 
 mendatus. Omnes boni semper nobilitati favemus, et 
 quia utile est rei publicae nobilis homines esse dignos 
 majoribus suis, et quia valet apud nos clarorum homi- 
 num et bene de re publica meritorum memoria etiam 
 mortuorum. Quia tristem semper, quia taciturnum, 
 quia subhorridum atque incultum videbant, et quod 
 erat eo nomine, ut ingenerata familiae frugalitas vide- 
 retur, favebant, gaudebant, et ad integritatem majo- 
 rum spe sua hominem vocabant, materni generis obliti. 
 8. Ego autem — vere dicam, judices — tantum esse in 
 homine sceleris, audaciae, crudelitatis, quantum ipse 
 cum re publica sensi, numquam putavi. Nequam esse 
 hominem et levem et [falsa opinione] errore hominum 
 ab adulescentia commendatum sciebam. Etenim ani- 
 mus ejus voltu, flagitia parietibus tegebantur ; sed haec 
 obstructio nee diuturna est, neque obducta ita ut curi- 
 osis oculis perspici non possit. 
 
 9. Videbamus genus vitae, desidiam, inertiam : in- 
 clusas ejus libidines qui paulo propius accesserant in- 
 tuebantur : denique etiam sermones ansas dabant, qui- 
 bus reconditos ejus sensus tenere possemus* Laudabat 
 homo doctus philosophos nescio quos, neque eorum 
 tamen nomina poterat dicere : sed tamen eos laudabat 
 maxime qui dicuntur praeter ceteros esse auctores et 
 laudatores voluptatis — cujus et quo tempore et quo 
 modo non quaerebat ; verbum ipsum omnibus animi 
 et corporis sensibus devorabat : eosdemque praeclare 
 dicere aiebat, sapientis omnia sua causa facere ; rem 
 publicam capessere hominem bene sanum non opor- 
 
xiv. 32.] The Crime: the General Mourning. 151 
 
 tere ; nihil esse praestabilius otiosa vita, plena et con- 
 ferta voluptatibus ; eos autem, qui dicerent dignitati 
 esse serviendum, rei publicae consulendum, offici ra- 
 tionem in omni vita, non commodi esse ducendam, 
 adeunda pro patria pericula, volnera excipienda, mor- 
 tem oppetendam, vaticinari atque insanire dicebat. 
 10. Ex his adsiduis ejus cotidianisque sermonibus, et 
 quod videbam quibuscum hominibus in interiore parte 
 aedium viveret, et quod ita domus ipsa fumabat ut mul- 
 ta ejus sermonis indicia redolerent, statuebam sic, boni 
 nihil ab illis nugis esse exspectandum, mali quidem 
 certe nihil pertimescendum. Sed ita est, judices, ut, 
 si gladium parvo puero aut si imbecillo seni aut debili 
 dederis, ipse impetu suo nemini noceat, sin ad nudum 
 vel fortissimi viri corpus accesserit, possit acie ipsa et 
 ferri viribus volnerare ; sic cum hominibus enervatis 
 atque exsanguibus consulatus tamquam gladius esset 
 datus, qui perse pungere neminem umquam potuissent, 
 ei summi imperi nomine armati totam rem publicam 
 contrucidaverunt. Foedus fecerunt cum tribuno plebis 
 palam, ut ab eo provincias acciperent quas ipsi vel- 
 lent ; exercitum et pecuniam quantam vellent ea lege, 
 si ipsi prius tribuno plebis adflictam et constrictam 
 rem publicam tradidissent : id autem foedus meo 
 sanguine ici posse dicebant. Qua re patefacta — 
 neque enim dissimulari tantum scelus poterat nee 
 latere — promulgantur uno eodemque tempore roga- 
 tiones ab eodem tribuno de mea pernicie et de provin- 
 ces consulum nominatim. . . . 
 
 11. Erat igitur in luctu senatus ; squalebat civitas, 
 publico consilio veste mutata ; nullum erat Italiae 
 municipium, nulla colonia, nulla praefectura, nulla 
 Romae societas vectigalium, nullum conlegium aut 
 concilium aut omnino aliquod commune consilium, 
 quod turn non honorificentissime de mea salute decre- 
 visset : cum subito edicunt duo consules, ut ad suum 
 
152 Cicero s Exile and Return. [Sestius, 
 
 vestitum senatores redirent. Quis umquam consul 
 senatum ipsius decretis parere prohibuit ? Quis tyran- 
 nus Nniiseros lugere vetuit ? Parumne est, Piso — ut 
 omittam Gabinium — quod tantum homines fefellisti, 
 ut neglegeres auctoritatem senatus, optimi cujusque 
 consilia contemneres, rem publicam proderes, con- 
 sulare nomen adfligeres ? Etiamne edicere audebas, 
 ne maererent homines meam, suam, rei publicae ca- 
 lamitatem? ne hunc suum dolorem veste significarent? 
 Sive ilia vestis mutatio ad luctum ipsorum, sive ad 
 deprecandum valebat, quis umquam tarn crudelis fuit 
 qui prohiberet quemquam aut sibi maerere aut ceteris 
 supplicare ? 12. Quid ? sua sponte homines in ami- 
 corum periculis vestitum mutare non solent ? Pro te 
 ipso, Piso, nemone mutabit ? ne isti quidem, quos 
 [legatos] non modo nullo senatus consulto, sed etiam 
 repugnante senatu tibi tute legasti ? Ergo hominis 
 desperati et proditoris rei publicae casum lugebunt 
 fortasse qui volent : civis florentissimi benevolentia 
 bonorum et optime de salute patriae meriti periculum 
 conjunctum cum periculo civitatis lugere senatui non 
 licebit ? Eidemque consules (si appellandi sunt con- 
 sules, quos nemo est quin non modo ex memoria, sed 
 etiam ex fastis evellendos putet), pacto jam foedere 
 provinciarum, producti in circo Flaminio in contionem 
 ab ilia furia ac peste patriae, maximo cum gemitu ves- 
 tro ilia omnia voce ac sententia sua comprobaverunt. 
 Isdem consulibus sedentibus atque inspectantibus lata 
 lex est, JVe auspicia valerent, ne quis obnuntiaret, ne 
 quis legi inter ceder et : ut omnibus fastis diebus legem 
 fcrri liceret: ut lex Aelia, lex Fufia ne valeret: qua 
 una rogatione quis est qui non intellegat universam rem 
 publicam esse deletam ? 13. Isdemque consulibus in- 
 spectantibus, servorum dilectus habebantur pro tribu- 
 nali Aurelio nomine conlegiorum, cum vicatim homines 
 conscriberentur, decuriarentur, ad vim, ad manus, ad 
 
xvii. 38.] Affcal to Violence and Terror. 153 
 
 caedem, ad direptionem incitarentur. Isdemque consu- 
 libus arma in templum Castoris palam comportabantur ; 
 gradus ejusdem templi tollebantur ; armati homines 
 forum et contiones tenebant ; caedes lapidationesque 
 fiebant. Nullus erat senatus, nihil reliqui magistra- 
 tes ; unus omnem omnium potestatem armis et latro- 
 ciniis possidebat, non aliqua vi sua, sed cum duo con- 
 sules a re publica provinciarum foedere retraxisset, 
 insultabat, dominabatur, [aliis pollicebatur,] terrore ac 
 metu multos, pluris etiam spe et promissis tenebat. 
 
 14. Quae cum essent ejus modi, judices, — cum sena- 
 tus duces nullos ac pro ducibus proditores aut potius 
 apertos hostis haberet, equester ordo reus a consuli- 
 bus citaretur, Italiae totius auctoritas repudiaretur, alii 
 nominatim relegarentur, alii metu et periculo terre- 
 rentur, arma essent in templis, armati in foro, eaque 
 non silentio consulum dissimularentur, sed et voce et 
 sententia comprobarentur, cum omnes urbem nondum 
 excisam et eversam, sed jam captam atque oppres- 
 sam videremus, — tamen his tantis malis tanto bono- 
 rum studio, judices, restitissemus : sed me alii metus 
 atque aliae curae suspitionesque moverunt. 15. Ex- 
 ponam enim hodierno die, judices, omnem rationem 
 facti et consili mei, neque huic vestro tanto studio 
 audiendi nee vero huic tantae multitudini, quanta mea 
 memoria numquam ullo in judicio fuit, deero. Nam 
 si ego — in causa tarn bona, tanto studio senatus, con- 
 sensu tarn incredibili bonorum omnium, tarn parato, 
 tota denique Italia ad omnem contentionem expedita 
 — cessi tribuni plebis, despicatissimi hominis, furori, 
 contemptissimorum consulum levitatem audaciamque 
 pertimui, nimium me timidum, nullius animi, nullius 
 consili fuisse confiteor. 
 
 16. Erat autem mihi contentio non cum victore exer- 
 citu, sed cum operis conductis et ad diripiendam urbem 
 concitatis. Habebam inimicum non C. Marium, ter- 
 
154 Cicero's Exile and Return. [Sestius, 
 
 rorem hostium, spem subsidiumque patriae, sed duo 
 importuna prodigia, quos egestas, quos aeris alieni 
 magnitudo, quos levitas, quos improbitas tribuno ple- 
 bis constrictos addixerat. Quos homines si — id quod 
 facile factu fuit, et quod fieri debuit, quodque a me 
 optimi et fortissimi cives flagitabant — vi armisque 
 superassem, non verebar ne quis aut vim vi depui- 
 sam reprehenderet, aut perditorum civium [vel potius 
 domesticorum hostium] mortem maereret. 1T» Sed me 
 ilia moverunt. Omnibus in contionibus ilia furia cla- 
 mabat se quae faceret contra salutem meam facere 
 auctore Cn. Pompeio, clarissimo viro mihique et nunc 
 et quoad licuit amicissimo. M. Crassus, quocum 
 mihi omnes erant amicitiae necessitudines, vir fortissi- 
 mus, ab eadem ilia peste infestissimus esse meis for- 
 tunis praedicabatur. C. Caesar, qui a me nullo meo 
 merito alienus esse debebat, inimicissimus esse meae 
 saluti ab eodem cotidianis contionibus dicebatur. His 
 se tribus auctoribus in consiliis capiendis, adjutoribus 
 in re gerenda esse usurum dicebat : ex quibus unum 
 habere exercitum in Italia maximum ; duo, qui privati 
 turn essent, et praesto esse et parare, si vellent, exerci- 
 tum posse, idque facturos esse dicebat. 18. Nee mihi ille 
 judicium populi, nee legitimam aliquam contentionem, 
 necdisceptationem aut causae dictionem, sed vim, arma, 
 exercitus, imperatores, castra denuntiabat. Quid ergo? 
 inimici oratio, vana praesertim, tarn improbe in claris- 
 simos viros conjecta me movit ? Me vero non illius 
 oratio, sed eorum taciturnitas, in quos ilia oratio tarn 
 improba conferebatur : qui turn, quamquam ob alias 
 causas tacebant, tamen hominibus omnia timentibus 
 tacendo loqui, non infitiando confiteri videbantur. Illi 
 autem alio turn timore perterriti [quod acta ilia atque 
 omnis res anni superioris labefactari a praetoribus, in- 
 firmari a senatu atque principibus civitatis putabant], 
 tribunum popularem a se alienare nolebant, suaque 
 
xx. 46.] Why he shuns an Affeal to Force, 155 
 
 sibi propiora esse pericula quam mea loquebantur. 
 19. Sed tamen et Crassus a consulibus meam causam 
 suscipiendam esse dicebat, et eorum fidem Pompeius 
 implorabat, neque se privatum publice susceptae cau- 
 sae defuturum esse dicebat. Quern virum studiosum 
 mei, cupidissimum rei publicae conservandae [domi 
 meae], certi homines [ad earn rem positi] monuerunt, 
 ut esset cautior, ejusque vitae a me insidias apud me 
 domi positas esse dixerunt ; atque hanc ejus suspitio- 
 nem alii litteris mittendis, alii nuntiis, alii coram ipsi 
 excitaverunt, ut ille, cum a me certe nihil timeret, ab 
 illis ne quid meo nomine molirentur sibi cavendum 
 putaret. Ipse autem Caesar, quern maxime homines 
 ignari veritatis mihi esse iratum putabant, erat ad 
 portas, erat cum imperio ; erat in Italia ejus exercitus, 
 inque eo exercitu ipsius tribuni plebis, inimici mei, 
 fratrem praefecerat. 
 
 20. Unum enim mihi restabat illud, quod forsitan non 
 nemo vir fortis et acris animi magnique dixerit : * Re- 
 stitisses, repugnasses, mortem pugnans oppetisses.' De 
 quo te, te, inquam, patria, testor, et vos, penates patrii- 
 que dei, me vestrarum sedum templorumque causa, me 
 propter salutem meorum civium, quae mihi semper 
 fuit mea carior vita, dimicationem caedemque fugisse. 
 Etenim si mihi in aliqua nave cum meis amicis navi- 
 ganti hoc, judices, accidisset, ut multi ex multis locis 
 praedones classibus earn navem se oppressuros mini- 
 tarentur, nisi me unum sibi dedidissent, si id vectores 
 negarent, ac mecum simul interire quam me tradere 
 hostibus mallent, jecissem ipse me potius in profun- 
 dum, ut ceteros conservarem, quam illos mei tarn cupi- 
 dos non modo ad certam mortem, sed in magnum vitae 
 discrimen adducerem. 21. Cum vero in hanc rei pub- 
 licae navem, ereptis senatui, gubernaculis, fluitantem in 
 alto tempestatibus seditionum ac discordiarum, armatae 
 tot classes, nisi ego essem unus deditus, incursurae 
 
156 Cicero's Exile and Return. [Sestius, 
 
 viderentur, — cum proscriptio, caedes, direptio denun- 
 tiaretur; cum alii me suspitione periculi sui non 
 defenderent, alii vetere odio bonorum incitarentur, alii 
 inviderent, alii obstare sibi me arbitrarentur, alii ul- 
 cisci dolorem aliquem suum vellent, alii rem ipsam 
 publicam atque hunc bonorum statum otiumque odis- 
 sent, et ob hasce causas tot tamque varias me unum 
 deposcerent, — depugnarem potius cum summo non 
 dicam exitio, sed periculo certe vestro liberorumque 
 vestrorum quam [non] id, quod omnibus impendebat, 
 unus pro omnibus susciperem ac subirem? 
 
 22. i Victi essent improbi.' At cives, at ab eo pri- 
 vato, qui sine armis etiam consul rem publicam conser- 
 varat. Sin victi essent boni, qui superessent? nonne 
 ad servos videtis rem publicam venturam fuisse? An 
 mihi ipsi, ut quidam putant, fuit mors aequo animo 
 oppetenda? Quid? turn mortemne fugiebam? an erat 
 res ulla quam mihi magis optandam putarem? aut ego 
 illas res tantas in tanta improborum multitudine cum 
 gerebam, non mihi mors, non exitium ob oculos ver- 
 sabatur? non haec denique a me turn tamquam fata 
 in ipsa re gerenda canebantur? 23. An erat mihi in 
 tanto luctu meorum, tanta dijunctione, tanta acerbi- 
 tate, tanta spoliatione omnium rerum, quas mihi aut 
 natura aut fortuna dederat, vita retinenda? Tarn 
 eram rudis, tarn ignarus rerum, tam expers consili aut 
 ingeni? nihil audieram? nihil videram? nihil ipse 
 legendo quaerendoque cognoveram? Nesciebam vitae 
 brevem esse cursum, gloriae sempiternum? cum esset 
 omnibus definita mors, optandum esse ut vita, quae 
 necessitati deberetur, patriae potius donata quam 
 reservata naturae videretur? Nesciebam inter sapi- 
 entissimos homines hanc contentionem fuisse, ut alii 
 dicerent animos hominum sensusque morte restingui, 
 alii autem turn mentis maxime sapientium ac fortium 
 virorum, cum ex corpore excessissent, sentire ac vi- 
 
xxii. so.] His Exile has saved the State. 157 
 
 gere? Quorum alterum fugiendum non esse, carere 
 sensu : alterum etiam optandum, meliore esse sensu. 
 
 24. Haec ego et multa alia cogitans hoc videbam, si 
 causam publicam mea mors peremisset, neminem um- 
 quam fore qui auderet suscipere contra improbos civis 
 salutem rei publicae. Itaque non solum si vi interis- 
 sem, sed etiam si morbo exstinctus essem, fore puta- 
 bam ut exemplum rei publicae conservandae mecum 
 simul internet. Quis enim umquam — me a senatu 
 populoque Romano tanto omnium bonorum studio non 
 restituto, quod certe, si essem interfectus, accidere non 
 potuisset — ullam rei publicae partem cum sua minima 
 invidia auderet attingere? Servavi igitur rem publi- 
 cam discessu meo, judices : caedem a vobis liberisque 
 vestris, vastitatem, incendia, rapinas meo dolore luctu- 
 que depuli, et unus bis rem publicam servavi, semel glo- 
 ria, iterum aerumna mea. 25. Neque enim in hoc me 
 hominem esse infitiabor umquam, ut me optimo fratre, 
 carissimis liberis, fidissima conjuge, vestro conspectu, 
 patria, hoc honoris gradu, sine dolore caruisse glorier. 
 Quod si fecissem, quod a me beneficium haberetis, 
 cum pro vobis ea, quae mihi essent vilia, reliquissem? 
 Hoc meo quidem animo summi in patriam amoris mei 
 signum esse debet certissimum, quod, cum abesse ab 
 ea sine summo dolore non possem, hunc me perpeti 
 quam illam labefactari ab improbis malui. 
 
 26. Memineram, judices, divinum ilium virum, at- 
 que ex isdem quibus nos radicibus natum ad salutem 
 hujus imperi, C. Marium, sum ma senectute, cum vi 
 prope justorum armorum profugisset, primo senile 
 corpus paludibus occultasse demersum, deinde ad 
 infimorum ac tenuissimorum hominum [Minturnis] mi- 
 sericordiam confugisse ; inde navigio perparvo, cum 
 omnis portus terrasque fugeret, in oras Africae deser- 
 tissimas pervenisse. 27. Atque ille vitam suam, ne 
 inultus esset, ad incertissimam spem et ad rei publicae 
 
IS 8 Cicero's Exile and Return. [Sestius, 
 
 fatum reservavit : ego, qui (quern ad modum multi 
 in senatu me absente dixerunt) periculo rei publicae 
 vivebam, quique ob earn causam consularibus litteris 
 de senatus sententia exteris nationibus commendabar, 
 nonne, si meam vitam deseruissem, rem publicam 
 prodidissem? in qua quidem nunc me restituto vivit 
 mecum simul exemplum fidei publicae. Quod si 
 immortale retinetur, quis non intellegit immortalem 
 banc civitatem futuram? 28. Nam externa bella 
 regum, gentium, nationum jam pridem ita exstincta 
 sunt, ut praeclare cum eis agamus, quos pacatos 
 esse patiamur. Denique ex bellica victoria non fere 
 quemquam est invidia civium consecuta. Domes- 
 ticis malis et audacium civium consiliis saepe est re- 
 sistendum, eorumque periculorum est in re publica 
 retinenda medicina : quam omnem, judices, perdidis- 
 setis, si meo interitu senatui populoque Romano dolo- 
 ris sui de me declarandi potestas esset erepta. Qua 
 re moneo vos, adulescentes, atque hoc meo jure prae- 
 cipio, qui dignitatem, qui rem publicam, qui glonam 
 spectatis, ne, si quae vos aliquando necessitas ad rem 
 publicam contra improbos civis defendendam vocabit, 
 segniores sitis, et recordatione mei casus a consiliis 
 fortibus refugiatis. 29. Primum, non est periculum ne 
 quis umquam incidat in ejus modi consules, praesertim 
 si erit eis id quod debetur persolutum. Deinde num- 
 quam jam, ut spero, quisquam improbus consilio et 
 auxilio bonorum se oppugnare rem publicam dicet illis 
 tacentibus, nee armati exercitus terrorem opponet to- 
 gatis ; neque erit justa causa ad portas sedenti impera- 
 tori, qua re suum terrorem falso jactari opponique pati- 
 atur. Numquam denique erit tarn oppressus senatus, 
 ut ei ne supplicandi quidem ac lugendi sit potestas ; 
 tarn captus equester ordo, ut equites Romani a consule 
 relegentur. Quae cum omnia atque etiam multo alia 
 majora, quae consulto praetereo, accidissent, videtis 
 
xxiv. 54] The Consuls have their Reward* 159 
 
 me tamen in meam pristinam dignitatem, brevi tem- 
 pore doloris interjecto, rei publicae voce esse re- 
 vocatum. 
 
 30. Sed (ut revertar ad illud quod mihi in hac omni 
 est oratione propositum, omnibus malis illo anno sce- 
 lere consulum rem publicam esse confectam) primum 
 illo ipso die, qui mihi funestus fuit, omnibus bonis 
 luctuosus, — cum ego me e complexu patriae con- 
 spectuque vestro eripuissem, et metu vestri periculi, 
 non mei, furori hominis, sceleri, perfidiae, telis minis- 
 que cessissem, patriamque, quae mihi erat carissima, 
 propter ipsius patriae caritatem reliquissem ; cum 
 meum ilium casum tarn horribilem, tarn gravem, tarn 
 repentinum non solum homines, sed tecta urbis ac tem- 
 pla lugerent, nemo vestrum forum, nemo curiam, nemo 
 lucem aspicere vellet, — illo, inquam, ipso die, die 
 dico? immo hora atque etiam puncto temporis eodem, 
 mihi reique publicae pernicies, Gabinio et Pisoni pro- 
 vincia rogata est. 31. Pro dei immortales, custodes et 
 conservatores hujus urbis atque imperi ! quaenam ilia 
 in re publica monstra, quae scelera vidistis ! Civis erat 
 expulsus is, qui rem publicam ex senatus auctoritate 
 cum omnibus bonis defenderat, et expulsus non alio 
 aliquo, sed eo ipso crimine. Erat autem expulsus 
 sine judicio, vi, lapidibus, ferro, servitio denique con- 
 citato : lex erat lata vasto ac relicto foro et sicariis ser- 
 visque tradito ; et ea lex, quae ut ne ferretur, senatus 
 fuerat veste mutata. 32. Hac tanta perturbatione civi- 
 tatis ne noctem quidem consules inter meum interitum 
 et suam praedam interesse passi sunt : statim me per- 
 culso ad meum sanguinem hauriendum, et spirante 
 etiam re publica ad ejus spolia detrahenda advolave- 
 runt. Omitto gratulationes, epulas, partitionem aerari, 
 beneficia, spem, promissa, praedam, laetitiam pauco- 
 rum in luctu omnium. Vexabatur uxor mea : liberi 
 ad necem quaerebantur : gener, et Piso gener a Pi- 
 
160 Cicero's Exile and Return. [Sestius, 
 
 sonis consulis pedibus supplex reiciebatur : bona di- 
 ripiebantur, eaque ad consules deferebantur : domus 
 ardebat in Palatio : consules epulabantur. Quod si 
 meis incommodis laetabantur, urbis tamen periculo 
 commoverentur. . . . 
 
 33. Hie aliquando, serius quam ipse vellet, Cn. 
 Pompeius, invitissimis eis qui mentem optimi ac fortis- 
 simi viri suis consiliis fictisque terroribus a defensione 
 meae salutis averterant, excitavit illam suam non sopi- 
 tam, sed suspitione aliqua retardatam consuetudinem 
 reipublicae bene gerendae. Non est passus ille vir — 
 qui sceleratissimos civis, qui acerrimos hostis, qui maxi- 
 mas nationes, qui reges, qui gentis feras atque inaudi- 
 tas, qui praedonum infinitam manum, qui etiam servitia 
 virtute victoriaque domuisset, qui omnibus bellis terra 
 marique compressis imperium populi Romani orbis 
 terrarum terminis definisset — rem publicam everti 
 scelere paucorum, quam ipse non solum consiliis, sed 
 etiam sanguine suo saepe servasset. 34. Accessit ad 
 causam publicam : restitit auctoritate sua reliquis re- 
 bus : questus est de praeteritis. Fieri quaedam ad 
 meliorem spem inclinatio visa est. Decrevit senatus 
 frequens de meo reditu Kalendis Juniis, dissentiente 
 nullo, referente L. Ninnio, cujus in mea causa num- 
 quam fides virtusque contremuit. De meo reditu octo 
 tribuni promulgaverunt. Ex quo intellectum est non 
 mihi absenti cfecrevisse amicos, in ea praesertim for- 
 tuna, in qua non nulli etiam, quos esse putaveram, non 
 erant, sed eos voluntatem semper eandem, libertatem 
 non eandem semper habuisse. Nam ex novem tribu- 
 nis, quos tamen habueram, unus me absente defluxit, 
 qui cognomen sibi ex Aeliorum imaginibus adripuit, 
 quo magis nationis ejus esse quam generis videretur. 
 
 35. Abiit ille annus : veniunt Kalendae Januariae. 
 Vos haec melius scire potestis ; equidem audita dico : 
 quae turn frequentia senatus, quae exspectatio populi, 
 
xxxiv. 74-] Cotia moves his Recall. 161 
 
 qui concursus legator urn ex Italia cuncta, quae virtus, 
 actio, gravitas P. Lentuli consulis fuerit, quae etiam 
 conlegae ejus moderatio de me ; qui cum inimicitias 
 sibi mecum ex rei publicae dissensione susceptas esse 
 dixisset, eas se patribus conscriptis dixit et temporibus 
 rei publicae permissurum. 36. Turn princeps rogatus 
 sententiam L. Cotta dixit — id quod dignissimum re 
 publica fuit — nihil de me actum esse jure, nihil more 
 majorum, nihil legibus ; non posse quemquam de civi- 
 tate tolli sine judicio ; de capite non modo ferri sed 
 ne judicari quidem posse nisi comitiis centuriatis ; vim 
 fuisse illam, flammam quassatae rei publicae pertur- 
 batorumque temporum jure judiciisque sublatis ; magna 
 rerum permutatione impendente, declinasse me pau- 
 lum, et spe reliquae tranquillitatis praesentis fluctus 
 tempestatemque fugisse : qua re, cum absens rem pub- 
 licam non minus magnis periculis quam quodam tem- 
 pore praesens liberassem, non restitui me solum, sed 
 etiam ornari a senatu decere. Disputavit etiam multa 
 prudenter, ita de me ilium amentissimum et profliga- 
 tissimum hostem pudoris et pudicitiae scripsisse quae 
 scripsisset, eis verbis, rebus, sententiis, ut, etiam si 
 jure esset rogatum, tamen vim habere non posset: 
 qua re me, qui nulla lege abessem, non restitui lege, 
 sed revocari senatus auctoritate oportere. 37. Hunc 
 nemo erat quin verissime sentire diceret. Sed post 
 eum rogatus Cn. Pompeius, approbata laudataque 
 Cottae sententia, dixit sese oti mei causa, ut omni 
 populari concitatione defungerer, censere ut ad se- 
 natus auctoritatem populi quoque Romani beneficium 
 erga me adjungeretur. Cum omnes certatim, aliusque 
 alio gravius atque ornatius de mea salute dixisset, 
 fieretque sine ulla varietate discessio, surrexit (ut sci- 
 tis) Atilius hie Gavianus, nee ausus est, cum esset 
 emptus, intercedere : noctem sibi ad deliberandum 
 postulavit. Clamor senatus : querellae, preces, socer 
 
1 62 Cicero's Exile and Return. [Sestius, 
 
 ad pedes abjectus. Ille se adfirmare postero die mo- 
 ram nullam esse facturum. Creditum est : discessum 
 est. Illi interea deliberatori merces, longa interposita 
 nocte, duplicata est. Consecuti dies pauci omnino 
 Januario mense per quos senatum haberi liceret : sed 
 tamen actum nihil nisi de me. 
 
 38. Cum omni mora, ludifkatione, calumnia senatus 
 auctoritas impediretur, venit tandem concilio de me 
 agencii dies vin. Kalendas Februarias. Princeps ro- 
 gationis, vir mihi amicissimus, Q^ Fabricius, templum 
 aliquanto ante lucem occupavit. Quietus eo die Ses- 
 tius, is qui est de vi reus : actor hie defensorque causae 
 meae nihil progreditur ; consilia exspectat inimicorum 
 meorum. Quid illi, quorum consilio P. Sestius in 
 judicium vocatur, quo se pacto gerunt? Cum forum, 
 comitium, curiam multa de nocte armatis hominibus 
 ac servis plerisque occupavissent, impetum faciunt in 
 Fabricium ; manus adferunt, occidunt non nullos, vol- 
 nerant multos. 39. Venientem in forum, virum opti- 
 mum et constantissimum, M. Cispium, tribunum plebis, 
 vi depellunt : caedem in foro maximam faciunt : uni- 
 versique, destrictis gladiis et cruentis, in omnibus fori 
 partibus fratrem meum [virum optimum, fortissimum 
 meique amantissimum] oculis quaerebant, voce posce- 
 bant. Quorum ille telis libenter in tanto luctu ac desi- 
 derio mei [non repugnandi, sed moriendi causa] corpus 
 obtulisset suum, nisi suam vitam ad spem mei reditus 
 reservasset. Subiit tamen vim illam nefariam conscele- 
 ratorum latronum, et, cum acTfratris salutem a populo 
 Romano deprecandam venisset, pulsus e rostris in co- 
 mitio jacuit, seque servorum et libertorum corporibus 
 obtexit, vitamque turn suam noctis et fugae praesidio, 
 non juris judiciorumque defendit. 40. Meministis turn, 
 judices, corporibus civium Tiberim compleri, cloacas 
 refarciri, e foro spongiis effingi sanguinem, ut omnes 
 tantam illam copiam et tarn magnificum apparatum 
 
xxxvi. 73.] Bloody Fight in the Forum. 163 
 
 non privatum aut plebeium, sed patricium et praetorium 
 esse arbitrarentur. 
 
 Nihil neque ante hoc tempus neque hoc ipso turbu- 
 lentissimo die criminamini Sestium. ' Atqui vis in 
 foro versata est.' Certe : quando enim major? La- 
 pidationes persaepe vidimus : non ita saepe, sed nim- 
 ium tamen saepe gladios. Caedem vero tantam, tantos 
 acervos corporum exstructos, nisi forte illo Cinnano 
 atque Octaviano die, quis umquam in foro vidit? qua 
 ex concitatione animorum? Nam ex pertinacia aut 
 constantia intercessoris oritur saepe seditio, culpa at- 
 que improbitate latoris oblato commodo aliquo imperi- 
 tis aut largitione ; oritur ex concertatione magistra- 
 tuum ; oritur sensim ex clamore primum, deinde aliqua 
 discessione contionis : vix, sero et raro ad manus per- 
 venitur. Nullo vero verbo facto, nulla condone advo- 
 cata, nulla lata lege, concitatam nocturnam seditionem 
 quis audivit? 41. An veri simile est, ut civis Romanus 
 aut homo liber quisquam cum gladio in forum descen- 
 derit ante lucem, ne de me ferri pateretur, praeter eos 
 qui ab illo pestifero ac perdito civi jam pridem rei pub- 
 licae sanguine saginantur? Hie jam de ipso accusa- 
 tore quaero, qui P. Sestium queritur cum multitudine 
 in tribunatu et cum praesidio magno fuisse, num illo 
 die merit? Certe non fuit. Victa igitur est causa rei 
 publicae, et victa non auspiciis, non intercessione, non 
 suffragiis, sed vi, manu, ferro. Nam si obnuntiasset 
 [Fabricio] is praetor qui se servasse de caelo dixerat, 
 accepisset res publica plagam, sed earn quam accep- 
 tam gemere posset : si intercessisset conlega Fabricio, 
 laesisset rem publicam, sed [rem publicam] jure laesis- 
 set. Gladiatores tu novicios, pro exspectata aedilitate 
 suppositos, cum sicariis e carcere emissis ante lucem 
 immittas? magistratus templo deicias? caedem maxi- 
 mam facias? forum spurces? et, cum omnia vi et armis 
 egeris, accuses eum qui se praesidio munierit, non ut 
 te oppugnaret, sed ut vitam suam posset defendere? 
 
164 Cicero's Exile and Return. [Sestius, 
 
 42. Atqui ne ex eo quidem tempore id egit Sestius, 
 ut a suis munitus tuto in foro magistratum gereret, rem 
 publicam administraret. Itaque fretus sanctitate tribu- 
 natus, cum se non modo contra vim et ferrum, sed 
 etiam contra verba atque interfationem legibus sacratis 
 esse armatum putaret, venit in templum Castoris, ob- 
 nuntiavit consuli : cum subito manus ilia Clodiana, in 
 caede civium saepe jam victrix, exclamat, incitatur, 
 invadit; inermem atque imparatum tribunum alii gla- 
 diis adoriuntur, alii fragmentis saeptorum et fustibus : 
 a quibus hie, multis volneribus acceptis, [ac] debilitato 
 corpore et contrucidato, se abjecit exanimatus ; neque 
 ulla alia re ab se mortem nisi opinione mortis depulit. 
 Quern cum jacentem et concisum plurimis volneribus, 
 extremo spiritu exsanguem et confectum viderent, de- 
 fetigatione magis et errore quam niisericordia et modo 
 aliquando caedere destiterunt. 
 
 43. Adiit ad rem publicam [tribunus plebis] Milo, — 
 de cujus laude plura dicam, non quo aut ipse haec dici 
 quam existimari malit, aut ego hunc laudis fructum 
 praesenti libenter impertiam, praesertim cum verbis 
 consequi non possim ; sed quod existimo, si Milonis 
 causam accusatoris voce conlaudatam probaro, vos in 
 hoc crimine parem Sesti causam existimaturos. Adiit 
 igitur T. Annius ad causam rei publicae sic, ut civem 
 patriae recuperare vellet ereptum. Simplex causa, 
 constans ratio, plena consensionis omnium, plena con- 
 cordiae. Conlegas adjutores habebat : consulis alterius 
 summum studium, alterius animus paene placatus ; 
 de praetoribus unus alienus ; senatus incredibilis vo- 
 luntas, equitum Romanorum animi ad causam excitati, 
 erecta Italia. Duo soli erant empti ad impediendum : 
 qui si homines despecti et contempti tantam rem sus- 
 tinere non potuissent, se causam quam susceperat 
 nullo labore peracturum videbat. Agebat auctoritate, 
 agebat consilio, agebat per summum ordinem, agebat 
 
xlii. 90.] Milo and Clodius. 165 
 
 exemplo bonorum et fortium civium. Quid republica, 
 quid se dignum esset, quis ipse esset, quid sperare, 
 quid majoribus suis reddere deberet, diligentissime 
 cogitabat. 44. Huic gravitati hominis videbat ille 
 gladiator se, si moribus ageret, parem esse non 
 posse. Ad cotidianam caedem, incendia, rapinas se 
 cum exercitu suo contulit : domum oppugnare, itine- 
 ribus occurrere, vi lacessere et terrere coepit. Non 
 movit hominem summa gravitate summaque constantia. 
 Sed — quamquam dolor animi, innata libertas, prompta 
 excellensque virtus fortissimum virum hortabatur, vi 
 vim oblatam, praesertim saepius, ut frangeret et refu- 
 taret — tanta moderatio fuit hominis, tantum consilium, 
 ut contineret dolorem, neque eadem se re ulcisceretur 
 qua esset lacessitus ; sed ilium, tot jam in funeribus rei 
 publicae exsultantem ac tripudiantem, legum, si posset, 
 laqueis constringeret. 45. Descendit ad accusandum. 
 Quis umquam tarn proprie rei publicae causa? nullis 
 inimicitiis, nullis praemiis, nulla hominum postulatione 
 aut etiam opinione id eum umquam esse facturum. 
 Fracti erant animi hominis : hoc enim accusante, pris- 
 tini illius sui judici turpitudinem desperabat. Ecce 
 tibi consul, praetor, tribunus plebis nova novi generis 
 edicta proponunt : Ne reus adsit, ne citetur, ne quae- 
 ratur, ne mentionem omnino cuiquam fudicum aut 
 judiciorum facere liceat. Quid ageret vir ad vir- 
 tutem, dignitatem, gloriam natus, vi sceleratorum 
 hominum conroborata, legibus judiciisque sublatis? 
 Cervices tribunus plebis privato, praestantissimus vir 
 profligatissimo homini daret? an causam susceptam 
 adfligeret? an se domi contineret? Et vinci turpe puta- 
 vit, et deterreri, et latere. Perfecit ut, quoniam sibi in 
 ilium legibus uti non liceret, illius vim neque in suo 
 neque in rei publicae periculo pertimesceret. 
 
 46. Quo modo igitur hoc in genere [praesidi com- 
 parati] accusas Sestium, cum idem laudes Milonem? 
 
1 66 Cicero's Exile and Return, [Sestius, 
 
 An qui sua tecta defendit, qui ab aris, focis, ferrum 
 flammamque depellit, qui sibi licere volt tuto esse in 
 foro, in templo, in curia, jure praesidium comparat ; 
 qui volneribus, quae cernit cotidie toto corpore, mone- 
 tur ut aliquo praesidio caput et cervices et jugulum 
 ac latera tutetur, — hunc de vi accusandum putas? 
 
 47. Quis enim nostrum, judices, ignorat ita naturam 
 rerum tulisse, ut quodam tempore homines, nondum 
 neque naturali neque civili jure descripto, fusi per 
 agros ac dispersi vagarentur, tantumque haberent 
 quantum manu ac viribus per caedem ac volnera aut 
 eripere aut retinere potuissent? Qui igitur primi vir- 
 tute et consilio praestanti exstiterunt, ei, perspecto 
 genere humanae docilitatis atque ingeni, dissipatos 
 unum in locum congregarunt, eosque ex feritate ilia 
 ad justitiam atque ad mansuetudinem transduxerunt. 
 Turn res ad communem utilitatem quas publicas ap- 
 pellamus ; turn conventicula hominum, quae postea 
 civitates nominatae sunt; turn domicilia conjuncta, 
 quas urbis dicimus, invento et divino jure et humano ut 
 moenibus saepserunt. 48. Atque inter hanc vitam per- 
 politam humanitate et illam immanem nihil tarn inter- 
 est quam jus atque vis. Horum utro uti nolumus, 
 altero est utendum. Vim volumus exstingui : jus 
 valeat necesse est, — id est, judicia, quibus omne jus 
 continetur. Judicia displicent aut nulla sunt : vis do- 
 minetur necesse est. Hoc vident omnes. Milo etvidit 
 et fecit [ut jus experiretur, vim depelleret]. Altero 
 uti voluit, ut virtus audaciam vinceret ; altero usus 
 necessario est, ne virtus ab audacia vinceretur. Eadem- 
 que ratio fuit Sesti, si minus in accusando — neque 
 enim per omnis fuit idem fieri necesse — at certe in 
 necessitate defendendae salutis suae, praesidioque con- 
 tra vim et manum comparando. . . . 
 
 49. Reditus vero meus qui fuerit quis ignorat? quern 
 ad modum mihi advenienti tamquam totius Italiae at- 
 
lxix. 144.] His Welcome back to Italy, 167 
 
 que ipsius patriae dextram porrexerint Brundisini, — 
 cum ipsis Nonis Sextilibus idem dies adventus mei luis- 
 set redhusgue, qui natalis idem carissimae filiae, quam 
 ex gravissimo turn primum desiderio luctuque conspexi ; 
 idem etiam ipsius coloniae Brundisinae ; idem (ut sci- 
 tis) aedls Salutls: cumque me domus eadem optimo- 
 rum et doctissimorum virorum, M. Laeni Flacci et 
 patris et fratris ejus, laetissima accepisset, quae proxi- 
 mo anno maerens receperat et suo praesidio periculo- 
 que defenderat ; cumque itinere toto urbes Italiae festos 
 dies agere adventus mei videbantur ; viae multitudine 
 legatorum undique missorum celebrabantur ; ad urbem 
 accessus incredibili hominum multitudine et gratula- 
 tione florebat ; iter a porta, in Capitolium ascensus, 
 domum reditus erat ejus modi, ut summa in laetitia 
 illud dolerem, civitatem tarn gratam tarn miseram 
 atque oppressam fuisse. 
 
 50. Sed me repente, judices, de fortissimorum et 
 clarissimorum civium dignitate et gloria dicentem et 
 plura etiam dicere parantem, horum aspectus in ipso 
 cursu orationis repressit. Video P. Sestium — meae 
 salutis, vestrae auctoritatis, publicae causae defenso- 
 rem, propugnatorem, actorem — reum. Video hunc 
 praetextatum ejus filium oculis lacrimantibus me intu- 
 entem. Video Milonem, vindicem vestrae libertatis, 
 custodem salutis meae, subsidium adflictae rei publi- 
 cae, exstinctorem domestici latrocini, repressorem 
 caedis cotidianae, defensorem templorum atque tecto- 
 rum, praesidium curiae, sordidatum et reum. Video 
 P. Lentulum, cujus ego patrem deum ac parentem 
 statuo fortunae ac nominis mei et fratris rerumque 
 nostrarum, in hoc misero squalore et sordibus : cui 
 superior annus idem et virilem patris et praetextam 
 populi judicio togam dederit, hunc hoc anno in hac 
 toga rogationis injustissimae subitam acerbitatem 
 pro patre fortissimo et clarissimo cive deprecantem. 
 
168 Cicero's Exile and Return, [Sestius. 
 
 51. Atque hie tot et talium civium squalor, hie luctus, 
 hae sordes susceptae sunt propter unum me : quia me 
 defenderunt, quia meum casum luctumque doluerunt, 
 quia me lugenti patriae, flagitanti senatui, poscenti 
 Italiae, vobis omnibus orantibus reddiderunt. Quod 
 tantum est in me scelus? Quid tanto opere deliqui illo 
 die, cum ad vos indicia, litteras, confessiones commu- 
 nis exiti detuli, cum parui vobis? Ac si scelestum est 
 amare patriam, pertuli poenarum satis. Eversa domus 
 est, fortunae vexatae, dissipati liberi, raptata conjux, 
 frater optimus, incredibili pietate, amore inaudito, 
 maximo in squalore volutatus est ad pedes inimicis- 
 simorum. Ego pulsus aris, focis, dis penatibus, 
 distractus a meis, carui patria, quam, ut levissime 
 dicam, certe dilexeram : pertuli crudelitatem inimico- 
 rum, scelus infidelium, fraudem invidorum. 
 
 52. Si hoc non est satis, quod haec omnia deleta vi- 
 dentur reditu meo, multo mihi, multo (inquam), judi- 
 ces, praestat in eandem illam recidere fortunam, quam 
 tantam importare meis defensoribus et conservatoribus 
 calamitatem. An ego in hac urbe esse possim, his 
 pulsis qui me hujus urbis compotem fecerunt? Non 
 ero, non potero esse, judices. Neque hie umquam 
 puer, qui his lacrimis qua sit pietate declarat, amisso 
 patre suo propter me, me ipsum incolumem videbit; 
 nee quotienscumque me viderit, ingemescet ac pestem 
 suam ac patris sui se dicet videre. Ego vero hos in 
 omni fortuna, quaecumque erit oblata, complectar; 
 nee me ab eis quos meo nomine sordidatos videtis 
 umquam ulla fortuna divellet; neque eae nationes, 
 quibus me senatus commendavit, quibus de me gratias 
 egit, hunc exsulem propter me sine me videbunt. 
 
DEFENCE OF MILO. 
 
 B.C. 52. 
 
 During the absence of Caesar in Gaul, and after the disastrous 
 campaign of Crassus in the East (b. c. 54), Pompey remained in 
 Rome, with an influence which would have amounted to absolute 
 power, if he had been a man of more political sagacity, and had 
 known his own mind better. The real leader of the popular party 
 at this time was Clodius, a man of versatile and brilliant gifts, of 
 high birth but infamous life, a bitter and unscrupulous partisan in 
 politics ; while, after the death of Crassus, the unnatural coalition 
 was dissolved, and Pompey drifted easily into the ranks of the oli- 
 garchy, where his real sympathies attached him. The strife of par- 
 ties, which had broken out at the time of Cicero's recall, soon raged 
 with more violence than ever. The organized mob, headed by Clo- 
 dius, was resisted by a troop of professional bullies and prize-fight- 
 ers {gladiatores), purchased and led by Milo. This was greatly 
 praised in him as a mark of public spirit. (De Off. ii. 17.) His 
 hearty partisanship, his lavish use of money, his personal courage, 
 his headstrong temper, and his friendly relations with many mem- 
 bers of the aristocracy, made him a recognized leader ; while Cicero 
 himself was personally grateful to him for his bold and unhesitating 
 defence at the time of his darkest fortunes. 
 
 Under the auspices of these two leaders, the old political strife 
 was turned into a contest of bludgeons. The disorders were so 
 great, that the year B. c. 53 was half over before consuls were 
 elected — who should have been chosen six months before the be- 
 ginning of the year. The next year began with the same disorder, 
 and with no consuls. Milo was a candidate for the consulship, but 
 his election had been successfully resisted by Clodius. On the 18th 
 of January, the quarrel came to a bloody crisis. Milo had set out 
 from Rome, towards nightfall, with a large retinue, including his 
 troop of armed guards or dependants, for Lanuvium, a village about 
 twenty miles S.E. of Rome, where he held an office of some local 
 dignity. He was met on the Appian Way, a few miles out, by Clo- 
 dius, returning on horseback, with thirty armed attendants, from one 
 of his estates. As they passed each other, their mob of followers 
 came to blows. Clodius was wounded, and driven into a shop or 
 
170 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 tavern by the wayside. Here Milo, not to leave so dangerous an 
 enemy alive, followed him up ; and Clodius with a dozen others, 
 including the owner of the tavern, was killed. The meeting was 
 probably accidental on both sides. But each had openly threatened 
 the other's life : each party violently charged the other with pre- 
 meditated assault, and actual or intended murder. Anarchy broke 
 loose in Rome. The funeral of Clodius was an occasion of riot 
 and conflagration. Other disorders followed. Quiet was only re- 
 stored at last by the appointment of Pompey as " consul without 
 colleague," who for about six months held the city under a sort of 
 martial law. 
 
 A special court was organized early in the year, to try all cases 
 arising out of the brawl in the Appian Way. The trial of Milo, 
 before this court, on the charge of assault and homicide, took place 
 about the 10th of April. Cicero undertook his defence both from 
 political motives and from personal regard. The court was guarded 
 by armed troops — a strange sight then in Rome — from the vio- 
 lence of the mob which raged outside. Cicero, whose nerves were 
 shaken by the uproar, lost his self-command, and spoke " not with 
 his usual firmness." Milo was condemned by thirty-eight votes 
 out of fifty-one, and went into exile at Marseilles. Cicero, dissatis- 
 fied with the speech actually delivered, as taken down by short-hand, 
 wrote out at his leisure the master-piece of eloquence and specious 
 argument which follows. 
 
 ETSI vereor, judices, ne turpe sit pro fortissimo 
 viro dicere incipientem timere, minimeque de- 
 ceat, cum T. Annius ipse magis de rei publicae salute 
 quam de sua perturbetur, me ad ejus causam parem 
 animi magnitudinem adferre non posse, tamen haec 
 novi judici nova forma terret oculos, qui, quocumque 
 inciderunt, consuetudinem fori et pristinum morem 
 judiciorum requirunt. Non enim corona consessus 
 vester cinctus est, ut solebat; non usitata frequentia 
 stipati sumus : 2. non ilia praesidia, quae pro templis 
 omnibus cernitis, etsi contra vim conlocata sunt, non 
 adferunt tamen [oratori] aliquid, ut in foro et in judi- 
 cio, quamquam praesidiis salutaribus et necessariis 
 saepti sumus, tamen ne non timere quidem sine aliquo 
 
n» 4-] The Crowd t the Military Guard, 171 
 
 timore possimus. Quae si opposita Miloni putarem, 
 cederem tempori, judices, nee inter tantam vim armo- 
 rum existimarem esse pratori locum. Sed me recreat 
 et reficit Cn. Pompei, sapientissimi et justissimi viri, 
 consilium, qui profecto nee justitiae suae putaret esse, 
 quern reum sententiis judicum tradidisset, eundem telis 
 militum dedere, nee sapientiae, temeritatem concita- 
 tae multitudinis auctoritate publica armare. 3. Quam 
 ob rem ilia arma, centuriones, cohortes non periculum 
 nobis, sed praesidium denuntiant ; neque solum ut 
 quieto, sed etiam ut magno animo simus hortantur ; 
 neque auxilium modo defensioni meae, verum etiam 
 silentium pollicentur. Reliqua vero multitudo, quae 
 quidem est civium, tota nostra est; neque eorum quis- 
 quam, quos undique intuentis, unde aliqua fori pars 
 aspici potest, et hujus exitum judici exspectantis 
 videtis, non cum virtuti Milonis favet, turn de se, 
 de liberis suis, de patria, de fortunis hodierno die 
 decertari putat. 
 
 11. Unum genus est adversum infestumque nobis, 
 eorum quos P. Clodi furor rapinis et incendiis et omni- 
 bus exitiis publicis pavit : qui hesterna etiam condone 
 incitati sunt, ut vobis voce praeirent quid judicaretis. 
 Quorum clamor si qui forte fuerit, admonere vos debe- 
 bit, ut eum civem retineatis, qui semper genus illud 
 hominum clamoresque maximos prae vestra salute ne- 
 glexit. 4. Quam ob rem adeste animis, judices, et 
 timorem si quern habetis deponite. Nam — si umquam 
 de bonis et fortibus viris, si umquam de bene mentis civi- 
 bus potestas [vobis] judicandi fuit, si denique umquam 
 locus amplissimorum ordinum delectis viris datus est, 
 ut sua studia erga fortis et bonos civis, quae voltu et 
 verbis saepe significassent, re et sententiis declararent 
 — hoc profecto tempore earn potestatem omnem vos 
 habetis, ut statuatis utrum nos, qui semper vestrae 
 auctoritati dediti fuimus, semper miseri lugeamus, an, 
 
172 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 diu vexati a perditissimis civibus, aliquando per 
 vos ac per vestram fidem, virtutem, sapientiamque 
 recreemur. 5. Quid enim nobis duobus, judices, 
 laboriosius, quid magis sollicitum, magis exercitum 
 dici aut fingi potest, qui, spe amplissimorum praemi- 
 orum ad rem publicam adducti, metu crudelissimorum 
 suppliciorum carere non possumus ? Equidem ceteras 
 tempestates et procellas in illis dum taxat fluctibus 
 contionum semper putavi Miloni esse subeundas, quia 
 semper pro bonis contra improbos senserat ; in judicio 
 vero, et in eo consilio in quo ex cunctis ordinibus 
 amplissimi viri judicarent, numquam existimavi spem 
 ullam esse habituros Milonis inimicos, ad ejus non 
 modo salutem exstinguendam, sed etiam gloriam per 
 talis viros infringendam. 6. Quamquam in hac causa, 
 judices, T. Anni tribunatu, rebusque omnibus pro sa- 
 lute rei publicae gestis ad hujus criminis defensionem 
 non abutemur. Nisi oculis videritis insidias Miloni a 
 Clodio factas, nee deprecaturi sumus ut crimen hoc 
 nobis propter multa praeclara in rem publicam merita 
 condonetis, nee postulaturi, ut si mors P. Clodi salus 
 vestra fuerit, idcirco earn virtuti Milonis potius quam 
 populi Romani felicitati adsignetis. Sed si illius in- 
 sidiae clariores hac luce fuerint, turn denique obse- 
 crabo obtestaborque vos, judices, si cetera amisimus, 
 hoc saltern nobis ut relinquatur, ab inimicorum audacia 
 telisque vitam ut impune liceat defendere. 
 
 in. 7. Sed ante quam ad earn orationem venio quae 
 est propria vestrae quaestionis, videntur ea esse re- 
 futanda, quae et in senatu ab inimicis saepe jactata 
 sunt, et in contione ab improbis, et paulo ante ab ac- 
 cusatoribus, ut omni errore sublato, rem plane quae 
 veniat in judicium videre possitis. Negant intueri 
 lucem esse fas ei qui a se hominem occisum esse fate- 
 atur. In qua tandem urbe hoc homines stultissimi 
 disputant ? nempe in ea quae primum judicium de 
 
iv. io.] Death of Public Enemies LazvfuL 173 
 
 capite vidit M. Horati, fortissimi viri, qui nondum li- 
 bera civitate, tamen populi Romani comitiis liberatus 
 est, cum sua manu sororem esse interfectam fateretur. 
 8. An est quisquam qui hoc ignoret, cum de homine 
 occiso quaeratur, aut negari solere omnino esse factum 
 aut recte et jure factum esse defendi ? Nisi vero ex- 
 istimatis dementem P. Africanum fuisse, qui cum a 
 C. Carbone [tribuno plebis seditiose] in contione in- 
 terrogaretur quid de Ti. Gracchi morte sentiret, re- 
 spondent jure caesum videri. Neque enim posset aut 
 Ahala ille Servilius, aut P. Nasica, aut L. Opimius, 
 aut C. Marius, aut me consule senatus, non nefarius 
 haberi, si sceleratos civis interfici nefas esset. Itaque 
 hoc, judices, non sine causa etiam fictis fabulis doc- 
 tissimi homines memoriae prodiderunt, eum qui patris 
 ulciscendi causa matrem necavisset, variatis hominum 
 sententiis, non solum divina, sed etiam sapientissimae 
 deae sententia liberatum. 9. Quod si duodecim tabulae 
 nocturnum furem quoquo modo, diurnum autem, si se 
 telo defenderet, interfici impune voluerunt, quis est 
 qui, quoquo modo quis interfectus sit, puniendum pu- 
 tet, cum videat aliquando gladium nobis ad hominem 
 occidendum ab ipsis porrigi legibus. 
 
 iv. Atqursi tempus est ullum jure hominis necandi, 
 quae multa sunt, certe illud est non modo justum, ve- 
 rum etiam necessarium, cum vi vis inlata defenditur. 
 Pudicitiam cum eriperet mlliti tribunus militaris in 
 exercitu C. Mari, propinquus ejus imperatoris, inter- 
 fectus ab eo est, cui vim adferebat. Facere enim pro- 
 bus adulescens periculose quam perpeti turpiter maluit. 
 Atque hunc ille summus vir scelere solutum periculo 
 liberavit. 10. Insidiatori vero et latroni quae potest 
 inferri injusta nex ? Quid comitatus nostri, quid gla- 
 dii volunt ? quos habere certe non liceret, si uti illis 
 nullo pacto liceret. Est igitur haec, judices, non scrip- 
 ta, sed nata lex; quam non didicimus, accepimus, 
 
174 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 legimus, verum ex natura ipsa adripuimus, hausimus, 
 expressimus ; ad quam non docti sed facti, non insti- 
 tuti sed imbuti sumus, — ut, si vita nostra in aliquas 
 insidias, si in vim et in tela aut latronum aut inimi- 
 corum incidisset, omnis honesta ratio esset expedi- 
 endae salutis. 11. Silent enim leges inter arma ; nee 
 se exspectari jubent, cum ei qui exspectare velit, 
 ante injusta poena luenda sit, quam justa repetenda. 
 Etsi persapienter et quodam modo tacite dat ipsa lex 
 potestatem defendendi, quae non hominem occidi, 
 sed esse cum telo hominis occidendi causa vetat ; ut, 
 cum causa non telum quaereretur, qui sui defendendi 
 causa telo esset usus non hominis occidendi causa 
 habuisse telum judicaretur. Qiiapropter hoc maneat 
 in causa, judices : non enim dubito quin probaturus 
 sim vobis defensionem meam, si id memineritis quod 
 oblivisci non potestis, insidiatorem jure interflci posse. 
 v. 12. Sequitur illud, quod a Milonis inimicis sae- 
 pissime dicitur, caedem in qua P. Clodius occisus 
 est senatum judicasse contra rem publicam esse 
 factam. Illam vero senatus non sententiis suis so- 
 lum, sed etiam studiis comprobavit. Quotiens enim 
 est ilia causa a nobis acta in senatu ! quibus adsensi- 
 onibus universi ordinis, quam nee tacitis nee occultis ! 
 Quando enim frequentissimo senatu quattuor aut sum- 
 mum quinque sunt inventi qui Milonis causam non 
 probarent? Declarant hujus ambusti tribuni plebis 
 illae intermortuae contiones, quibus cotidie meam po- 
 tentiam invidiose criminabatur, cum diceret senatum 
 non quod sentiret, sed quod ego vellem decernere. 
 Quae quidem si potentia est appellanda — potius quam 
 aut propter magna in rem publicam merita mediocris 
 in bonis causis auctoritas, aut propter hos officiosos 
 labores meos non nulla apud bonos gratia, — appel- 
 letur ita sane, dum modo ea nos utamur pro salute 
 bonorum contra amentiam perditorum. 
 
vi. is] Motive and Nature of the Trial. 175 
 
 13. Hanc vero quaestionem, etsi non est iniqua, num- 
 quam tamen senatus constituendam putavit. Erant 
 enim leges, erant quaestiones vel de caede vel de vi ; 
 nee tantum maerorem ac luctum senatui mors P. Clodi 
 adferebat, ut nova quaestio constitueretur. Cujus enim 
 de illo incesto stupro judicium decernendi senatui po- 
 testas esset erepta, de ejus interitu quis potest credere 
 senatum judicium novum constituendum putasse? Cur 
 igitur incendium curiae, oppugnationem aedium M. 
 Lepidi, caedem hanc ipsam contra rem publicam se- 
 natus factam esse decrevit? quia nulla vis umquam est 
 in libera civitate suscepta inter civis non contra rem 
 publicam. 14. Non enim est ilia defensio contra vim 
 umquam optanda, sed non numquam est necessaria. 
 Nisi vero aut ille dies quo Ti. Gracchus est caesus, aut 
 ille quo Gaius, aut quo arma Saturnini oj)-pressa sunt, 
 etiam si e re publica oppressa sunt, rem publicam ta- 
 men non volnerarunt. vi. Itaque ego ipse decrevi, 
 cum caedem in Appia factam esse constaret, non 
 eum qui se defendisset contra rem publicam fecisse, 
 sed, cum inesset in re vis et insidiae, crimen judicio 
 reservavi, rem notavi. Quod si per furiosum ilium 
 tribunum senatui quod sentietyat perficere licuisset, 
 novam quaestionem nullam haberemus. Decernebat 
 enim, ut veteribus legibus, tantum modo extra ordi- 
 nem, quaereretur. Divisa sententia est, postulante 
 nescio quo : nihil enim necesse est omnium me flagitia 
 proferre. Sic reliqua auctoritas senatus empta inter- 
 cessione sublata est. 
 
 15. At enim Cn. Pompeius rogatione sua et de re et 
 de causa judicavit : tulit enim de caede quae in Appia 
 via facta esset, in qua P. Clodius occisus esset. Quid 
 ergo tulit? nempe ut quaereretur. Quid porro quaeren- 
 dum est? Factumne sit? at constat. A quo? at paret. 
 Vidit igitur, etiam in confessione facti, juris tamen 
 delensionem suscipi posse. Quod nisi vidisset posse 
 
176 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 absolvi eum qui fateretur, cum videret nos fateri, 
 neque quaeri umquam jussisset, nee vobis tam hanc 
 salutarem in judicando litteram quam illam tristem 
 dedisset. Mihi vero Cn. Pompeius non modo nihil 
 gravius contra Milonem judicasse, sed etiam statuisse 
 videtur quid vos in judicando spectare oporteret. Nam 
 qui non poenam confessioni, sed defensionem dedit, is 
 causam interitus quaerendam, non interitum putavit. 
 16. Jam illud ipse dicet profecto, quod sua sponte fecit, 
 Publione Clodio tribuendum putarit an tempori. 
 
 vii. Domi suae nobilissimus vir, senatus propug- 
 nator, atque illis quidem temporibus paene patronus, 
 avunculus hujus judicis nostri, fortissimi viri, M. Cato- 
 nis, tribunus plebis M. Drusus occisus est. Nihil de 
 ejus morte populus consultus, nulla quaestio decreta a 
 senatu est. Quantum luctum in hac urbe fuisse a nos- 
 tris patribus accepimus, cum P. Africano domi suae 
 quiescenti ilia nocturna vis esset inlata? Quis turn 
 non gemuit? Quis non arsit dolore, quern immor- 
 talem, si fieri posset, omnes esse cuperent, ejus ne 
 necessariam quidem exspectatam esse mortem ! Num 
 igitur ulla quaestio de Africani morte lata est? certe 
 nulla. 17. Quid ita? quia non alio facinore clari ho- 
 mines, alio obscuri necantur. Intersit inter vitae digni- 
 tatem summorum atque infimorum : mors quidem inlata 
 per scelus isdem et poenis teneatur et legibus. Nisi 
 forte magis erit parricida, si qui consularem patrem 
 quam si quis humilem necarit : aut eo mors atrocior 
 erit P. Clodi, quod is in monumentis majorum suorum 
 sit interfectus — hoc enim ab istis saepe dicitur ; pro- 
 inde quasi Appius ille Caecus viam muniverit, non qua 
 populus uteretur, sed ubi impune sui posteri latroci- 
 narentur ! 
 
 18. Itaque in eadem ista Appia via cum ornatissi- 
 mum equitem Romanum P. Clodius M. Papirium 
 occidisset, non fuit illud facinus puniendum, homo 
 
viii. 2i.] Plots and Crimes of Clodius. 177 
 
 enim nobilis in suis monumentis equitem Romanum 
 occiderat : nunc ejusdem Appiae nomen quantas tra- 
 goedias excitat ! Quae cruentata antea caede honesti 
 atque innocentis viri silebatur, eadem nunc crebro 
 usurpatur, postea quam latronis et parricidae sanguine 
 imbuta est. Sed quid ego ilia commemoro? Com- 
 prehensus est in templo Castoris servus P. Clodi, quern 
 ille ad Cn. Pompeium interficiendum collocarat : ex- 
 torta est ei conlitenti sica de manibus : caruit foro 
 postea Pompeius, caruit senatu, caruit publico : janua 
 se ac parietibus, non jure legum judiciorumque 
 texit. 19« Num quae rogatio lata, num quae nova 
 quaestio decreta est? Atqui si res, si vir, si tempus 
 ullum dignum fuit, certe haec in ilia causa summa 
 omnia fuerunt. Insidiator erat in foro conlocatus, 
 atque in vestibulo ipso senatus ; ei viro autem mors 
 parabatur, cujus in vita nitebatur salus civitatis ; eo 
 porro rei publicae tempore, quo, si unus ille occidi^set, 
 non haec solum civitas, sed gentes omnes concidissent. 
 Nisi vero quia perfecta res non est, non fuit poenienda : 
 proinde quasi exitus rerum, non hominum consilia 
 legibus vindicentur. Minus dolendum fuit re non per- 
 fecta, sed poeniendum certe nihilo minus. 20. Quo- 
 tiens ego ipse, judices, ex P. Clodi telis et ex cruentis 
 ejus manibus effugi ! ex quibus si me non vel mea vel 
 rei publicae fortuna servasset, quis tandem de interim 
 meo quaestionem tulisset? 
 
 viii. Sed stulti sumus qui Drusum, qui Africanum, 
 Pompeium, nosmet ipsos cum P. Clodio conferre aude- 
 amus. Tolerabilia fuerunt ilia : P. Clodi mortem 
 aequo animo ferre nemo potest. Luget senatus, mae- 
 ret equester ordo, tota civitas confecta senio est, squa- 
 lent municipia, adflictantur coloniae, agri denique ipsi 
 tarn beneficum, tarn salutarem, tarn mansuetum civem 
 desiderant. 21. Non fuit ea causa, judices, profecto, 
 non fuit, cur sibi censeret Pompeius quaestionem feren- 
 
178 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 dam ; sed homo sapiens atque alta et divina quadam 
 mente praeditus multa vidit : fuisse ilium sibi inimicum, 
 familiarem Milonem ; in communi omnium laetitia, si 
 etiam ipse gauderet, timuit ne videretur infirmior fides 
 reconciliatae gratiae ; multa etiam alia vidit, sed iliud 
 maxime, quamvis atrociter ipse tulisset, vos tamen 
 fortiter judicaturos. Itaque delegit ex florentissimis 
 ordinibus ipsa lumina : neque vero, quod non nulli dio 
 titant, secrevit in judicibus legendis amicos meos. Ne- 
 que enim hoc cogitavit vir justissimus ; neque in bonis 
 viris legendis id adsequi potuisset, etiam si cupisset. 
 Non enim mea gratia familiaritatibus continetur, quae 
 late patere non possunt, propterea quod consuetudines 
 victus non possunt esse cum multis ; sed, si quid possu- 
 mus, ex eo possumus, quod res publica nos conjunxit 
 cum bonis : ex quibus ille cum optimos viros legeret, 
 idque maxime ad fidem suam pertinere arbitraretur, 
 non potuit legere non studiosos mei. 22. Quod vero 
 te, L. Domiti, huic quaestioni praeesse maxime voluit, 
 nihil quaesivit [aliud] nisi justitiam, gravitatem, hu- 
 manitatem, fidem. Tulit ut consularem necesse esset : 
 credo, quod principum munus esse ducebat resistere 
 et levitati multitudinis et perditorum temeritati. Ex 
 consularibus te creavit potissimum : dederas enim 
 quam contemneres popularis insanias jam ab adu- 
 lescentia documenta maxima. 
 
 ix. 23. Quam ob rem, judices, ut aliquando ad cau- 
 sam crimenque veniamus, — si neque omnis confessio 
 facti est inusitata, neque de causa nostra quicquam 
 aliter ac nos vellemus a senatu judicatum est, et lator 
 ipse legis, cum esset controversia nulla facti, juris 
 tamen disceptationem esse voluit, et ei lecti judices 
 isque praepositus est quaestioni, qui haec juste sapien- 
 terque disceptet, — reliquum est, judices, ut nihil jam 
 quaerere aliud debeatis, nisi uter utri insidias fecerit. 
 Qiiod quo facilius argu mentis perspicere pqssitis, rem 
 
ix. 26.] Clodius resolves to kill him, 179 
 
 gestam vobis dum breviter expono, quaeso, diligenter 
 attendite. 
 
 24. P. Clodius cum statuisset omni scelere in prae- 
 tura vexare rem publicam, videretque ita tracta esse 
 comitia anno superiore, ut non multos mensis praetu- 
 ram gerere posset, — qui non honoris gradum specta- 
 ret, ut ceteri, sed et L. Paulum conlegam effugere 
 vellet, singulari virtute civem, et annum integrum ad 
 dilacerandam rem publicam quaereret, — subito reliquit 
 annum suum, seseque in annum proximum transtulit : 
 non (ut fit) religione aliqua, sed ut haberet, quod ipse 
 dicebat, ad praeturam gerendam, hoc est, ad ever- 
 tendam rem publicam, plenum annum atque integrum. 
 25. Occurrebat ei mancam ac debilem praeturam futu- 
 ram suam consule Milone : eum porro summo consensu 
 populi Romani consulem fieri videbat. Contulit se 
 ad ejus competitores, sed ita, totam ut petitionem ipse 
 solus etiam invitis illis gubernaret, tota ut comitia suis, 
 ut dictitabat, umeris sustineret. Convocabat tribus, se 
 interponebat, Collinam novam dilectu perditissimorum 
 civium conscribebat. Quanto ille plura miscebat, tan- 
 to hie magis in dies convalescebat. Ubi vidit homo 
 ad omne facinus paratissimus fortissimum virum, in- 
 imicissimum suum, certissimum consulem, idque intel- 
 lexit non solum sermonibus, sed etiam sufFragiis pop- 
 uli Romani saepe esse declaratum, palam agere coepit, 
 et aperte dicere occidendum Milonem. 26. Servos 
 agrestis et barbaros, quibus silvas publicas depopula- 
 te erat Etruriamque vexarat, ex Apennino dedux- 
 erat, quos videbatis. Res erat minime obscura. Ete- 
 nim palam dictitabat consulatum Miloni eripi non 
 posse, vitam posse. Significavit hoc saepe in senatu, 
 dixit in condone. Quin etiam M. Favonio, fortissimo 
 viro, quaerenti ex eo qua spe fureret Milone vivo, re- 
 spondit triduo ilium aut summum quadriduo esse peri- 
 turum : quam vocem ejus ad hunc M. Catonem statim 
 Favonius detulit. 
 
i8o Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 x. 27. Interim cum sciret Clodius — neque enim erat 
 difficile scire — iter sollemne, legitimum, necessarium 
 ante diem xin. Kalendas Februarias Miloni esse Lanu- 
 vium ad flaminem prodendum, [quod erat dictator 
 Lanuvi Milo,] Roma subito ipse profectus pridie est, ut 
 ante suum fundum, quod re intellectum est, Miloni in- 
 sidias conlocaret. Atque ita profectus est, ut contionem 
 turbulentam, in qua ejus furor desideratus est, [quae 
 illo ipso die habita est,] relinqueret, quam nisi obire 
 facinoris locum tempusque voluisset, numquam reli- 
 quisset. 28. Milo autem cum in senatu fuisset eo die, 
 quoad senatus est dimissus, domum venit ; calceos et 
 vestimenta mutavit ; paulisper, dum se uxor (ut fit) 
 comparat, commoratus est ; dein profectus id tem- 
 poris cum jam Clodius, si quidem eo die Romam 
 venturus erat, redire potuisset. Ob viam fit ei Clodius, 
 expeditus, in equo, nulla raeda, nullis impedimentis ; 
 nullis Graecis comitibus, ut solebat; sine uxore, quod 
 numquam fere : cum hie insidiator, qui iter illud ad 
 caedem faciendam apparasset, cum uxore veheretur in 
 raeda, paenulatus, magno et impedito et muliebri ac 
 delicato ancillarum puerorumque comitatu. 29. Fit ob 
 viam Clodio ante fundum ejus hora fere undecima, aut 
 non multo secus. Statim complures cum telis in hunc 
 faciunt de loco superiore impetum : adversi raedarium 
 occidunt. Cum autem hie de raeda rejecta paenula de- 
 siluisset, seque acri animo defenderet, illi qui erant cum 
 Clodio, gladiis eductis, partim recurrere ad raedam, 
 ut a tergo Milonem adorirentur; partim, quod hunc 
 jam interfectum putarent, caedere incipiunt ejus servos, 
 qui post erant : ex quibus qui animo fideli in dominum 
 et praesenti fuerunt, partim occisi sunt, partim, cum 
 ad raedam pugnari viderent, domino succurrere pro- 
 hiberentur, Milonem occisum et ex ipso Clodio audi- 
 rent et re vera putarent, fecerunt id servi Milonis — 
 dicam enim aperte, non derivandi criminis causa, sed 
 
xi. 3 2 -] He kills Clodius in Self-defence. 181 
 
 lit factum est — nee imperante nee sciente nee prae- 
 sente domino, quod suos quisque servos in tali re 
 facere voluisset. 
 
 xi. 30. Haec, sicuti exposui, ita gesta sunt, judices. 
 Insidiator superatus est, vi victa vis, vel potius oppressa 
 virtute audacia est. Nihil dico quid res publica con- 
 secuta sit, nihil quid vos, nihil quid omnes boni : nihil 
 sane id prosit Miloni, qui hoc fato natus est, ut ne se 
 quidem servare potuerit, quin una rem publicam vosque 
 servaret. Si id jure fieri non potuit, nihil habeo 
 quod defendam. Sin hoc et ratio doctis, et necessi- 
 tas barbaris, et mos gentibus, et feris etiam beluis 
 natura ipsa praescripsit, — ut omnem semper vim, 
 quacumque ope possent, a corpore, a capite, a vita 
 sua propulsarent, — non potestis hoc facinus impro- 
 bum judicare, quin simul judicetis omnibus, qui in 
 latrones incidermt, aut illorum telis aut vestris sen- 
 tentiis esse pereundum. 31. Quod si ita putasset, certe 
 optabilius Miloni fuit dare jugulum P. Ciodio, non 
 semel ab illo neque turn primum petitum, quam jugu- 
 lari a vobis, quia se non jugulandum ilii tradidisset. 
 Sin hoc nemo vestrum ita sentit, non illud jam in ju- 
 dicium venit, occisusne sit (quod fatemur), sed jure 
 an injuria, quod multis in causis saepe quaesitum est. 
 Insidias factas esse constat, et id est quod senatus con- 
 tra rem publicam factum judicavit : ab utro factae sint 
 incertum est. De hoc igitur latum est ut quaereretur. 
 Ita et senatus rem non hominem notavit, et Pompeius 
 de jure non de facto quaestionem tulit. xn. Num quid 
 igitur aliud in judicium venit, nisi uter utri insidias 
 fecerit? Profecto nihil: si hie illi, ut ne sit impune ; 
 si ille huic, ut scelere solvamur. 
 
 32. Quonam igitur pacto probari potest insidias Mi- 
 loni fecisse Clodium? Satis est in ilia quidem tarn 
 audaci, tarn nefaria belua, docere magnam ei causam, 
 magnam spem in Milonis morte propositam, magnas 
 
182 Defence pf Milo, [Milo, 
 
 utilitates fuisse. Itaque illud Cassianum cut bono fue- 
 rit in his personis valeat ; etsi boni nullo emolumento 
 impelluntur in fraudem, improbi saepe parvo. Atqui 
 Milone interfecto Clodius haec adsequebatur, non modo 
 ut praetor esset non eo consule quo sceleris nihil facere 
 posset ; sed etiam ut eis consulibus praetor esset, qui- 
 bus si non adjuvantibus at coniventibus certe, speraret 
 posse se eludere in illis suis cogitatis furoribus : cujus 
 illi conatus, ut ipse ratiocinabatur, nee cuperent re- 
 primere si pqssent, cum tantum beneficium ei se debere 
 arbitrarentur ; et, si vellent, fortasse vix possent fran- 
 gere hominis sceleratissimi conroboratam jam vetustate 
 audaciam. 
 
 33. An vero, judices, vos soli ignoratis? vos hospites 
 in hac urbe versamini? vestrae peregrinantur aures, 
 neque in hoc pervagato civitatis sermone versantur, 
 quas ille leges — si leges nominandae sunt ac non 
 faces urbis, pestes rei publicae — fuerit impositurus 
 nobis omnibus atque inusturus? Exhibe, quaeso, Sexte 
 Ciodi, exhibe librarium illud legum vestrarum, quod 
 te aiunt eripuisse e domo et ex mediis armis turbaque 
 nocturna tamquam Palladium sustulisse, ut praeclarum 
 videlicet munus atque instrumentum tribunatus ad 
 aliquem, si nactus esses, qui tuo arbitrio tribunatum 
 gereret, deferre posses. Atque per ... an hujus ille 
 legis quam Clodius a se inventam gloriatur, mentio- 
 nem facere ausus esset vivo Milone, non dicam consule? 
 De nostrum enim omnium — non audeo totum dicere. 
 Videte quid ea viti lex habitura fuerit, cujus periculosa 
 etiam reprehensio est. Et aspexit me illis quidem 
 oculis, quibus turn solebat cum omnibus omnia mina- 
 batur. Movet me quippe lumen curiae ! xiii. Quid? 
 tu me tibi iratum, Sexte, putas, cujus inimicissimum 
 multo crudelius etiam poenitus es, quam erat humani- 
 tatis meae postulare? Tu P. Clodi cruentum cadaver 
 ejecisti domo ; tu in publicum abjecisti ; tu spoliatum 
 
xiii. 35-] He loses by the Death of Clodius. 183 
 
 imaginibus, exsequiis, pompa, laudatione, infelicissi- 
 mis lignis semiustilatum, nocturnis canibus dilani- 
 andum reliquisti. Qua re, etsi nefarie fecisti, tamen 
 quoniam in meo inimico crudelitatem exprompsisti 
 tuam, laudare non possum, irasci certe non debeo. 
 
 34. Audistis, judiees, quantum Clodi interfuerit 00 
 cidi Milonem : convertite animos nunc vicissim ad 
 Milonem. Quid Milonis intererat interfici Clodi- 
 um? Quid erat cur Milo non dicam admitteret, sed 
 optaret? 'Obstabat in spe consulatus Miloni Clo- 
 dius.' At eo repugnante fiebat, immo vero eo fiebat 
 magis ; nee me sufFragatore meliore utebatur quam 
 Clodio. Valebat apud vos, judices, Milonis erga me 
 remque publicam meritorum memoria ; valebant pre- 
 ces et lacrimae nostrae, quibus ego turn vos mirifice 
 moveri sentiebam ; sed plus multo valebat periculorum 
 impendentium timor. Quis enim erat civium qui sibi 
 solutam P. Clodi praeturam sine maximo rerum no- 
 varum metu proponeret? Solutam autem fore vide- 
 batis, nisi esset is consul, qui earn auderet possetque 
 constringere. Eum Milonem unum esse cum sentiret 
 universus populus Romanus, quis dubitaret sufFragio 
 suo se metu, periculo rem publicam liberare? At 
 nunc, Clodio remoto, usitatis jam rebus enitendum est 
 Miloni, ut tueatur dignitatem suam : singularis ilia et 
 huic uni concessa gloria, quae cotidie augebatur fran- 
 gendis furoribus Clodianis, jam Clodi morte cecidit. 
 Vos adepti estis, ne quern civem metueretis : hie exer- 
 citationem virtutis, suffragationem consulatus, fontem 
 perennem gloriae suae perdidit. Itaque Milonis con- 
 sulatus, qui vivo Clodio labefactari non poterat, mor- 
 tuo denique temptari coeptus est. Non modo igitur 
 nihil prodest, sed obest etiam Clodi mors Miloni. 
 
 35. 'At valuit odium, fecit iratus, fecit inimicus, fuit 
 ultor injuriae, poenitor doloris sui.' Quid? si haec 
 non dico majora fuerunt in Clodio quam in Milone, 
 
184 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 sed in illo maxima, nulla in hoc? quid voltis amplius? 
 Quid enim odisset Clodium Milo, segetem ac mate- 
 riem suae gloriae, praeter hoc civile odium, quo omnis 
 improbos odimus? Ille erat ut odisset, primum defen- 
 sorem salutis meae, deinde vexatorem furoris, domito- 
 rem armorum suorum, postremo etiam accusatorem 
 suum : reus enim Milonis lege Plotia fuit Clodius, 
 quoad vixit. Quo tandem animo hoc tyrannum ilium 
 tulisse creditis? quantum odium illius, et in nomine 
 injusto quam etiam justum fuisse? 
 
 xiv. 36. Reliquum est ut jam ilium natura ipsius 
 consuetudoque defendat, hunc autem haec eadem 
 coarguat. Nihil per vim umquam Clodius, omnia per 
 vim Milo. Quid? ego, judices, cum maerentibus vobis 
 urbe cessi, judiciumne timui? non servos, non arma, 
 non vim? Quae fuisset igitur justa causa restituendi 
 mei, nisi fuisset injusta eiciendi? Diem mihi, credo, 
 dixerat, multam inrogarat, actionem perduellionis in- 
 tenderat : et mihi videlicet in causa aut mala aut mea, 
 non et praeclarissima et vestra, judicium timendum fuit. 
 Servorum et egentium civium et facinorosorum armis 
 meos civis, meis consiliis periculisque servatos, pro me 
 obici nolui. 37. Vidi enim, vidi hunc ipsum Q^ Hor- 
 tensium, lumen et ornamentum rei publicae, paene 
 interfici servorum manu, cum mihi adesset : qua in 
 turba C. Vibienus senator, vir optimus, cum hoc cum 
 esset una, ita est mulcatus, ut vitam amiserit. Itaque 
 quando illius postea sica ilia, quam a Catilina acce- 
 perat, conquievit? Haec intentata nobis est ; huic ego 
 vos obici pro me non sum passus ; haec insidiata 
 Pompeio est; haec istam Appiam, monimentum sui 
 nominis, nece Papiri cruentavit ; haec eadem longo 
 intervallo con versa rursus est in me: nuper quidem, 
 ut scitis, me ad regiam paene confecit. 
 
 38. Quid simile Milonis? cujus vis omnis haec sem- 
 per fuit, ne P. Clodius, cum in judicium detrahi non 
 
xv. 4o.] He had often scared Clodius's Life. 185 
 
 posset, vi oppressam civitatem teneret. Quem si 
 interficere voluisset, quantae quotiens occasiones, quam 
 praeclarae fuerunt ! . Potuitne, cum domum ac deos 
 penatis suos illo oppugnante defenderet, jure se 
 ulcisci? Potuitne, civi egregio et viro fortissimo, P. 
 Sestio, conlega suo, volnerato? Potuitne, Q^ Fabricio, 
 viro optimo, cum de reditu meo legem ferret, pulso, 
 crudelissima in foro caede facta? Potuitne, L. Caecili, 
 justissimi fortissimique praetoris, oppugnata domo? 
 Potuitne illo die, cum est lata lex de me ; cum totius 
 Italiae concursus, quem mea salus concitarat, facti 
 illius gloriam libens agnovisset, ut, etiam si id Milo 
 fecisset, cuncta civitas earn laudem pro sua vindicaret? 
 xv. 39. At quod erat tern pus? Clarissimus et for- 
 tissimus consul, inimicus Clodio, [P. Lentulus,] ultor 
 sceleris illius, propugnator senatus, defensor vestrae 
 voluntatis, patronus publici consensus, restitutor salutis 
 meae ; septem praetores, octo tribuni plebei, illius 
 adversarii, defensores mei ; Cn. Pompeius, auctor et 
 dux mei reditus, illius hostis, cujus sententiam senatus 
 [omnis] de salute mea gravissimam et ornatissimam 
 secutus est, qui populum Romanum est cohortatus, qui 
 cum de me decretum Capuae fecisset, ipse cunctae 
 Italiae cupienti et ejus fidem imploranti signum dedit, 
 ut ad me restituendum Romam concurrerent ; omnium 
 denique in ilium odia civium ardebant desiderio mei, 
 quem qui turn interemisset, non de impunitate ejus, sed 
 de praemiis cogitaretur. 40. Tamen se Milo continuit, 
 et P. Clodium in judicium bis, ad vim numquam voca- 
 vit. Quid? privato Milone et reo ad populum accusante 
 P. Clodio, cum in Cn. Pompeium pro Milone dicentem 
 impetus factus est, quae turn non modo occasio, sed 
 etiam causa illius opprimendi fuit ! Nuper vero cum 
 M. Antonius summam spem salutis bonis omnibus 
 attulisset, gravissimamque adulescens nobilissimus rei 
 publicae partem fortissime suscepisset, atque illam 
 
1 86 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 beluam, judici laqueos declinantem, jam inretitam 
 teneret, qui locus, quod tempus illud, di immortales, 
 fuit ! cum se ille fugiens in scalarum tenebris abdi- 
 disset, magnum Miloni fuit conficere illam pestem 
 nulla sua invidia, M. vero Antoni maxima gloria? 
 41. Quid? comitiis in campo quotiens potestas fuit! 
 cum ille in saepta ruisset, gladios destringendos, 
 lapides jaciendos curavisset ; dein subito, voltu Milonis 
 perterritus, fugeret ad Tiberim, vos et omnes boni vota 
 faceretis, ut Miloni uti virtute sua liberet. 
 
 xvi. Quern igitur cum omnium gratia noluit, hunc 
 voluit cum aliquorum querella? quern jure, quern loco, 
 quern tempore, quern impune non est ausus, hunc 
 injuria, iniquo loco, alieno tempore, periculo capitis, 
 non dubitavit occidere? 42. praesertim, judices, cum 
 honoris amplissimi contentio et dies comitiorum subes- 
 set, quo quidem tempore — scio enim quam timida sit 
 ambitio, quantaque et quam sollicita sit cupiditas con- 
 sulates — omnia, non modo quae reprehendi palam, 
 sed etiam obscure quae cogitari possunt timemus, 
 rumorem, fabulam fictam, levem perhorrescimus, ora 
 omnium atque oculos intuemur. Nihil est enim 
 tarn molle, tarn tenerum, tarn aut fragile aut flexi- 
 bile, quam voluntas erga nos sensusque civiurn, 
 qui non modo improbitati irascuntur candidatorum, 
 sed etiam in recte factis saepe fastidiunt. 43. Hunc 
 igitur diem campi speratum atque exoptatum sibi pro- 
 ponens Milo, cruentis manibus scelus et facinus prae 
 se ferens et confitens, ad ilia augusta centuriarum 
 auspicia veniebat? Quam hoc non credibile in hoc ! 
 quam idem in Clodio non dubitandum, cum se ille 
 interfecto Milone regnaturum putaret ! Quid? (quod 
 caput est [audaciae], judices) quis ignorat maximam 
 inlecebram esse peccandi impunitatis spem? In utro 
 igitur haec fuit? in Milone, qui etiam nunc reus est 
 facti aut praeclari aut certe necessarii, an in Clodio, 
 
xvn. 46.] How Clodius laid his Plans. 187 
 
 qui ita judicia poenamque contempserat, ut eum nihil 
 delectaret quod aut per naturam fas esset, aut per 
 leges liceret. 
 
 44. Sed quid ego argumentor? quid plura disputo? 
 Te, Q^ Petili, appello, optimum et fortissimum civem : 
 te, M. Cato, testor, quos mihi divina quaedam sors 
 dedit judices. Vos ex M. Favonio audistis Clodium 
 sibi dixisse, et audistis vivoClodio, periturum Milonem 
 triduo. Post diem tertium gesta res est quam dixerat. 
 Cum ille non dubitarit aperire quid cogitaret, vos 
 potestis dubitare quid fecerit? xvn. 45. Quern ad 
 modum igitur eum dies non fefellit? Dixi equidem 
 modo. Dictatoris Lanuvini stata sacrificia nosse ne- 
 goti nihil erat. Vidit necesse esse Miloni proficisci 
 Lanuvium illo ipso quo est profectus die. Itaque 
 antevertit. At quo die? Quo, ut ante dixi, fuit insa- 
 nissima contio ab ipsius mercenario tribuno plebis 
 concitata : quern diem ille, quam contionem, quos 
 clamores, nisi ad cogitatum facinus approperaret, 
 numquam reliquisset. Ergo illi ne causa quidem 
 itineris, etiam causa manendi : Miloni manendi nulla 
 [facultas], exeundi non causa solum, sed etiam neces- 
 sitas fuit. Quid? si, ut ille scivit Milonem fore eo die 
 in via, sic Clodium Milo ne suspicari quidem potuit? 
 46. Primum quaero qui id scire potuerit? quod vos 
 idem in Clodio quaerere non potestis. Ut enim ne- 
 minem alium nisi T. Patinam, familiarissimum suum, 
 rogasset, scire potuit illo ipso die Lanuvi a dictatore 
 Milone prodi flaminem necesse esse. Sed erant per- 
 multi alii, ex quibus id facillime scire posset : [omnes 
 scilicet Lanuvini.] Milo de Clodi reditu unde quae- 
 sivit? Quaesierit sane — videte quid vobis largiar : 
 servum etiam, ut Q^ Arrius, meus amicus, dixit, cor- 
 ruperit. Legite testimonia testium vestrorum. Dixit 
 C. Causinius Schola, Interamnas, familiarissimus et 
 idem comes Clodi, — cujus jam pridem testimonio 
 
188 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 Clodius eadem hora Interamnae fuerat et Romae, — 
 P. Clodium illo die in Albano mansurum fuisse ; sed 
 subito ei esse nuntiatum Cyrum architectum esse mor- 
 tuum, itaque repente Romam constituisse proficisci. 
 Dixit hoc comes item P. Clodi, C. Clodius. 
 
 xviii. 47. Videte, judices, quantae res his testimo- 
 niis sint confectae. Primum certe liberatur Milo non 
 eo consilio profectus esse, ut insidiaretur in via Clodio : 
 quippe, si ille obvius ei futurus omnino non erat. 
 Deinde — non enim video cur non meum quoque 
 agam negotium — scitis, judices, fuisse qui in hac 
 rogatione suadenda dicerent Milonis manu caedem 
 esse factam, consilio vero majoris alicujus. Me videli- 
 cet latronem ac sicarium abjecti homines et perditi 
 describebant. Jacent suis testibus [ei] qui Clodium 
 negant eo die Romam, nisi de Cyro audisset, fuisse 
 rediturum. Respiravi, liberatus sum ; non vereor ne, 
 quod ne suspicari quidem potuerim, videar id cogitasse. 
 48. Nunc persequar cetera. Nam occurrit illud : ' Igi- 
 tur ne Clodius quidem de insidiis cogitavit, quoniam 
 fuit in Albano mansurus.' Si quidem exiturus ad 
 caedem e villa non fuisset. Video enim ilium, qui 
 dicatur de Cyri morte nuntiasse, non id nuntiasse, sed 
 Milonem appropinquare. Nam quid de Cyro nuntia- 
 ret, quern Clodius Roma proficiscens reliquerat mori- 
 entem? Una fui, testamentum simul obsignavi cum 
 Clodio : testamentum autem palam fecerat, et ilium 
 heredem et me scripserat. Quern pridie hora tertia 
 animam efflantem reliquisset, eum mortuum postridie 
 hora decima denique ei nuntiabatur? 
 
 xix. 49. Age, sit ita factum. Quae causa cur 
 Romam properaret? cur in noctem se coniceret? 
 Ecquid adferebat festinationis, quod heres erat? Pri- 
 mum, erat nihil cur properato opus esset : deinde, si 
 quid esset, quid tandem erat quod ea nocte consequi 
 posset, amitteret autem si postridie Romam mane 
 
xx. 53] Why did Clbdius return that Night? 189 
 
 venisset? Atque ut illi nocturnus ad urbem adventus 
 vitandus potius quam expetendus fuit, sic Miloni, cum 
 insidiator esset, si ilium ad urbem nocte accessurum 
 sciebat, subsidendum atque exspectandum fuit. 50. 
 Nemo ei neganti non credidisset, quern esse omnes 
 salvum etiam confitentem volunt. Sustinuisset hoc 
 crimen primum ipse ille latronum occultator et recep- 
 tor locus, cum neque muta solitudo indicasset neque 
 caeca nox ostendisset Milonem ; deinde ibi multi ab 
 illo violati, spoliati, bonis expulsi, multi haec etiam 
 timentes in suspitionem caderent, tota denique rea 
 citaretur Etruria. 51. Atque illo die certe Aricia 
 rediens devertit Clodius ad Albanum. Quod ut sci- 
 ret Milo ilium Ariciae fuisse, suspicari tamen debuit 
 eum, etiam si Romam illo die reverti vellet, ad villam 
 suam, quae viam tangeret, deversurum. Cur neque 
 ante occurrit, ne ille in villa resideret, nee eo in loco 
 subsedit, quo ille noctu venturus esset? 
 
 Video adhuc constare, judices, omnia: — Miloni 
 etiam utile fuisse Clodium vivere, illi ad ea quae con- 
 cupierat optatissimum interitum Milonis ; odium fuisse 
 illius in hunc acerbissimum, nullum hujus in ilium ; 
 consuetudinem illius perpetuam in vi inferenda, hujus 
 tantum in repellenda ; 52. mortem ab illo denuntiatam 
 Miloni et praedicatam palam, nihil umquam auditum 
 ex Milone ; profectionis hujus diem illi notum, reditus 
 illius huic ignotum fuisse; hujus iter necessarium, 
 illius etiam potius alienum ; hunc prae se tulisse 
 illo die Roma exiturum, ilium eo die se dissimulasse 
 rediturum ; hunc nullius rei mutasse consilium, ilium 
 causam mutandi consili finxisse ; huic, si insidiaretur, 
 noctem prope urbem exspectandam, illi, etiam si hunc 
 non timeret, tamen accessum ad urbem nocturnum 
 fuisse metuendum. 
 
 xx. 53. Videamus nunc (id quod caput est) locus 
 ad insidias ille ipse, ubi congressi sunt, utri tandem 
 
190 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 fuerit aptior. Id vero, judices, etiam dubitandum et 
 diutius cogitandum est? Ante fundum Clodi, quo in 
 fundo propter insanas illas substructiones facile homi- 
 num mille versabantur valentium, edito adversari atque 
 excelso loco, superiorem se fore putarat Milo, et ob 
 earn rem eum locum ad pugnam potissimum elegerat? 
 an in eo loco est potius exspectatus ab eo qui ipsius 
 loci spe facere impetum cogitarat? Res loquitur ipsa, 
 judices, quae semper valet plurimum. 54. Si haec 
 non gesta audiretis, sed picta videretis, tamen appare- 
 ret uter esset insidiator, uter nihil cogitaret mali, cum 
 alter veheretur in raeda paenulatus, una sederet uxor. 
 Quid horum non impeditissimum ? vestitus an vehic- 
 ulum an comes? Quid minus promptum ad pug- 
 nam, cum paenula inretitus, raeda impeditus, uxore 
 paene constrictus esset? Videte nunc ilium, primum 
 egredientem e villa, subito : cur? vesperi : quid ne- 
 cesse est? tarde : qui convenit, praesertim id tempo- 
 ris? Devertit in villam Pompei. Pompeium ut vide- 
 ret? sciebat in Alsiensi esse: villam ut perspiceret? 
 miliens in ea fuerat. Quid ergo erat? morae et ter- 
 giversationes : dum hie veniret, locum relinquere 
 noluit. 
 
 xxi. 55. Age nunc ; iter expediti latronis cum Milo- 
 nis impedimentis comparate. Semper ille antea cum 
 uxore, turn sine ea ; numquam nisi in raeda, turn in 
 equo ; comites Graeculi, quocumque ibat, etiam cum 
 in castra Etrusca properabat, turn nugarum in comitatu 
 nihil. Milo, qui numquam, turn casu pueros sympho- 
 niacos uxoris ducebat et ancillarum greges. Ille, qui 
 semper secum scorta, semper exoletos, semper lupas 
 duceret, turn neminem, nisi ut virum a viro lectum 
 esse diceres. Cur igitur victus est? Quia non sem- 
 per viator a latrone, non numquam etiam latro a viatore 
 occiditur : quia, quamquam paratus in imparatos Clo- 
 dius, tamen mulier inciderat in viros. 56. Nee vero 
 
xxn. s 8.] Why Clodlus was defeated. 191 
 
 sic erat umquam non paratus Milo contra ilium, ut non 
 satis fere esset paratus. Semper [ille] et quantum 
 interesset P. Clodi se perire, et quanto illi odio esset, 
 et quantum ille auderet cogitabat. Quam ob rem 
 vitam suam, quam maximis praemiis propositam et 
 paene addictam sciebat, numquam in periculum sine 
 praesidio et sine custodia proiciebat. Adde casus, 
 adde incertos exitus pugnarum Martemque commu- 
 nem, qui saepe spoliantem jam et exsultantem evertit 
 et perculit ab abjecto : adde inscitiam pransi, poti, osci- 
 tantis ducis, qui cum a tergo hostem interclusum reli- 
 quisset, nihil de ejus extremis comitibus cogitavit, in 
 quos incensos ira vitamque domini desperantis cum 
 incidisset, haesit in eis poenis, quas ab eo servi fideles 
 pro domini vita expetiverunt. 
 
 57. Cur igitur eos manu misit? Metuebat scilicet ne 
 indicaretur, ne dolorem perferre non possent, ne tor- 
 mentis cogerentur occisum esse a servis Milonis in 
 Appia via P. Clodium confiteri. Quid opus est tortore? 
 quid quaeris? Occideritne? occidit. Jure an injuria? 
 nihil ad tortorem : facti enim in eculeo quaestio est, ju- 
 ris in judicio. xxn. Quod igitur in causa quaerendum 
 est, indagamus hie : quod tormentis invenire vis, id 
 fatemur. Manu vero cur miserit, si id potius quaeris, 
 quam cur parum amplis adfecerit praemiis, nescis 
 inimici factum reprehendere. 58. Dixit enim hie 
 idem, qui omnia semper constanter et fortiter, M. 
 Cato, et dixit in turbulenta contione, quae tamen hujus 
 auctoritate placata est, non libertate solum, sed etiam 
 omnibus praemiis dignissimos fuisse, qui domini caput 
 defendissent. Quod enim praemium satis magnum est 
 tarn benevolis, tarn bonis, tarn fidelibus servis, propter 
 quos vivit? Etsi id quidem non tanti est, quam quod 
 propter eosdem non sanguine et volneribus suis crude- 
 lissimi inimici mentem oculosque satiavit. Quos nisi 
 manu misisset, tormentis etiam dedendi fuerunt conser- 
 
192 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 vatores domini, ultores sceleris, defensores necis. Hie 
 vero nihil habet in his malis quod minus moleste ferat, 
 quam, etiam si quid ipsi accidat, esse tamen illis raeri- 
 tum praemium persolutum. 
 
 59. Sed quaestiones urgent Milonem, quae sunt ha- 
 bitae nunc in atrio Libertatis. Quibusnam de servis? 
 rogas? de P. Clodi. Quis eos postulavit? Appius. 
 Quis produxit? Appius. Unde? ab Appio. Di 
 boni ! quid potest agi severius? [De servis nulla 
 lege quaestio est in dominum nisi de incestu, ut fuit in 
 Clodium.] Proxime deos accessit Clodius, propius 
 quam turn cum ad ipsos penetrarat, cujus de morte 
 tamquam de caerimoniis violatis quaeritur. Sed tamen 
 majores nostri in dominum [de servo] quaeri noluerunt, 
 non quin posset verum inveniri, sed quia videbatur in- 
 dignum esse et [domini] morte ipsa tristius. In reum 
 de servo accusatoris cum queeritur, verum inveniri 
 potest? 60. Age vero, quae erat aut qualis quaestio? 
 4 Heus tu, Rufio' (verbi causa) 'cave sis mentiaris. 
 Clodius insidias fecit Miloni?' « Fecit:' ' certa crux.' 
 ' Nullas fecit : ' ' sperata libertas.' Quid hac quaestione 
 certius? Subito abrepti in quaestionem, tamen sepa- 
 rantur a ceteris et in areas coniciuntur, ne quis cum 
 eis conloqui possit. Hi centum dies penes accusato- 
 rem cum fuissent, ab eo ipso accusatore producti sunt. 
 Quid hac quaestione dici potest integrius, quid incor- 
 ruptius? 
 
 xxiii. 61. Quod si nondum satis cernitis, cum res 
 ipsa tot tarn Claris argumentis 'signisque luceat, pura 
 mente atque integra Milonem, nullo scelere imbutum, 
 nullo metu perterritum, nulla conscientia exanimatum 
 Romam revertisse, recordamini (per deos immortalis !) 
 quae fuerit celeritas reditus ejus, qui ingressus in 
 forum ardente curia, quae magnitudo animi, qui vol- 
 tus, quae oratio. Neque vero se populo solum, sed 
 etiam senatui commisit; neque senatui modo, sed 
 
xxiv. 64.] Milo's Conduct afterwards. 193 
 
 etiam publicis praesidiis et armis ; neque his tantum, 
 verum etiam ejus potestati, cui senatus totam rem pub- 
 licam, omnem Italiae pubem, cuncta populi Romani 
 arma commiserat : cui numquam se hie profecto tra- 
 didisset, nisi causae suae confideret, praesertim omnia 
 audienti, magna metuenti, multa suspicanti, non nulla 
 credenti. Magna vis est conscientiae, judices, et 
 magna in utramque partem, ut neque timeant qui 
 nihil commiserint, et poenam semper ante oculos ver- 
 sari putent qui peccarint. 
 
 62. Neque vero sine ratione certa causa Milonis 
 semper a senatu probata est. Videbant enim sapien- 
 tissimi homines facti rationem, praesentiam animi, 
 defensionis constantiam. An vero obliti estis, judices, 
 recenti illo nuntio necis Clodianae, non modo inimico- 
 rum Milonis sermones et opiniones, sed non nullorum 
 etiam imperitorum? Negabant eum Romam esse red- 
 iturum. 63. Sive enim illud animo irato ac percito 
 fecisset, ut incensus odio trucidaret inimicum, arbitra- 
 bantur eum tanti mortem P. Clodi putasse, ut aequo 
 animo patria careret, cum sanguine inimici explesset 
 odium suum ; sive etiam illius morte patriam liberare 
 voluisset, non dubitaturum fortem virum quin, cum suo 
 periculo salutem populo Romano attulisset, cederet 
 aequo animo [legibus] , secum auferret gloriam sempi- 
 ternam, nobis haec fruenda relinqueret, quae ipse 
 servasset. Multi etiam Catilinam atque ilia portenta 
 loquebantur : ' Erumpet, occupabit aliquem locum, bel- 
 lum patriae faciet.' Miseros interdum civis optime de 
 re publica meritos, in quibus homines non modo res 
 praeclarissimas obliviscuntur, sed etiam nefarias sus- 
 picantur ! 64. Ergo ilia falsa fuerunt, quae certe vera 
 exstitissent, si Milo admisisset aliquid quod non posset 
 honeste vereque defendere. 
 
 xxiv. Quid? quae postea sunt in eum congesta, 
 quae quemvis etiam mediocrium delictorum conscien- 
 
 13 
 
194 Defence of Milo. [Milo. 
 
 tia perculissent, ut sustinuit, di immortales ! Sustinuit? 
 immo vero ut contempsit ac pro nihilo putavit, quae 
 neque maximo animo nocens neque innocens nisi for- 
 tissimus vir neglegere potuisset ! Scutorum, gladio- 
 rum, frenorum, pilorumque etiam multitude* deprehendi 
 posse indicabatur; nullum in urbe vicum, nullum 
 angiportum esse dicebant, in quo Miloni conducta non 
 esset domus ; arma in villam Ocriculanam devecta 
 Tiberi, domus in clivo Capitolino scutis referta, 
 plena omnia malleolorum ad urbis incendia comparato- 
 rum : haec non delata solum, sed paene credita, nee 
 ante repudiata sunt quam quaesita. 65. Laudabam 
 equidem incredibilem diligentiam Cn. Pompei, sed 
 dicam ut sentio, judices. Nimis multa audire cogun- 
 tur, neque aliter facere possunt, ei quibus tota com- 
 missa est res publica. Qiiin etiam fuit audiendus popa 
 Licinius nescio qui de Circo maximo, servos Milonis, 
 apud se ebrios factos, sibi confessos esse de interfi- 
 ciendo Pompeio conjurasse, dein postea se gladio per- 
 cussum esse ab uno de illis, ne indicaret. Pompeio 
 in hortos nuntiavit ; arcessor in primis ; de amicorum 
 sententia rem defert ad senatum. Non poteram in 
 illius mei patriaeque custodis tanta suspitione non 
 metu exanimari ; sed mirabar tamen credi popae, con- 
 fessionem servorum audiri, volnus in latere, quod 
 acu punctum videretur, pro ictu gladiatoris probari. 
 66. Verum, ut intellego, cavebat magis Pompeius quam 
 timebat, non ea solum quae timenda erant, sed omnia, 
 ne vos aliquid timeretis. Oppugnata domus C. Cae- 
 saris, clarissimi et fortissimi viri, per multas noctis 
 horas nuntiabatur. Nemo audierat tarn celebri loco, 
 nemo senserat : tamen audiebatur. Non poteram Cn. 
 Pompeium, praestantissima virtute virum, timidum 
 suspicari : diligentiam, tota republica suscepta, nimiam 
 nullam putabam. Frequentissimo senatu nuper in 
 Capitolio senator inventus est qui Milonem cum telo 
 
xxv. 68.] Pomfey has nothing to fear from Mtlo, 195 
 
 esse diceret. Nudavit se in sanctissimo templo, quo- 
 niam vita talis et civis et viri fidem non faciebat, ut eo 
 tacente res ipsa loqueretur. 
 
 xxv. 67. Omnia falsa atque insidiose ficta comperta 
 sunt. Cum tamen, si metuitur etiam nunc Milo, non 
 jam hoc Clodianum crimen timemus, sed tuas, Cn. 
 Pompei — te enim jam appello, et ea voce ut me 
 exaudire possis — tuas, tuas, inquam, suspitiones per- 
 horrescimus : si Milonem times ; si hunc de tua vita 
 nefarie aut nunc cogitare aut molitum aliquando ali- 
 quid putas ; si Italiae dilectus (ut non nulli conquisi- 
 tores tui dictitarunt), si haec arma, si Capitolinae 
 cohortes, si excubiae, si vigiliae, si dilecta juventus 
 quae tuum corpus domumque custodit contra Milonis 
 impetum armata est, atque ilia omnia in hunc unum 
 instituta, parata, intenta sunt, — magna in hoc certe 
 vis et incredibilis animus, et non unius viri vires atque 
 opes judicantur, si quidem in hunc unum et praestan- 
 tissimus dux electus et tota res publica armata est. 
 68. Sed quis non intellegit omnis tibi rei publicae 
 partis aegras et labantis, ut eas his armis sanares et 
 confirmares, esse commissas? Quod si locus Miloni 
 datus esset, probasset profecto tibi ipsi neminem um- 
 quam hominem homini cariorem fuisse quam te sibi ; 
 nullum se umquam periculum pro tua dignitate fugisse ; 
 cum ipsa ilia taeterrima peste se saepissime pro tua 
 gloria contendisse ; tribunatum suum ad salutem meam, 
 quae tibi carissima fuisset, consiliis tuis gubernatum ; 
 se a te postea defensum in periculo capitis, adjutum in 
 petitione praeturae ; duos se habere semper amicissi- 
 mos sperasse, te tuo beneficio, me suo. Quae si non 
 probaret, si tibi ita penitus inhaesisset ista suspitio 
 nullo ut evelli modo posset, si denique Italia a dilectu, 
 urbs ab armis sine Milonis clade numquam esset 
 conquietura, ne ille haud dubitans cessisset patria, is 
 qui ita natus est et ita consuevit : te, Magne, tamen 
 antestaretur, quod nunc etiam facit. 
 
196 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 xxvi. 69. Vide quam sit varia vitae commutabilisque 
 ratio, quam vaga volubilisque fortuna, quantae infi- 
 delitates in amicis, quam ad tempus aptae simulationes, 
 quantae in periculis fugae proximorum, quantae timi- 
 ditates. Erit, erit illud profecto tempus, et inlucescet 
 aliquando ille dies, cum tu — salutaribus, ut spero, 
 rebus tuis, sed fortasse motu aliquo communium tem- 
 porum, qui quam crebro accidat experti scire debemus 
 — et amicissimi benevolentiam et gravissimi hominis 
 fidem et unius post homines natos fortissimi viri mag- 
 nitudinem animi desideres. 70. Quamquam quis hoc 
 credat, Cn. Pompeium, juris publici, moris majorum, 
 rei denique publicae peritissimum, cum senatus ei com- 
 miserit ut videret Ne quid res publico, detrimenti cap- 
 eret (quo uno versiculo satis armati semper consules 
 fuerunt, etiam nullis armis datis), hunc exercitu, hunc 
 dilectu dato, judicium exspectaturum fuisse in ejus 
 consiliis vindicandis, qui vi judicia ipsa tolleret? Satis 
 judicatum est a Pompeio, satis, falso ista conferri in 
 Milonem, qui legem tulit, qua, ut ego sentio, Milonem 
 absolvi a vobis oporteret, ut omnes confitentur, liceret. 
 71. Quod vero in illo loco atque illis publicorum prae- 
 sidiorum copiis circumfusus sedet, satis declarat se non 
 terrorem inferre vobis — quid enim minus illo dignum 
 quam cogere ut vos eum condemnetis, in quern ani- 
 madvertere ipse et more majorum et suo jure posset? 
 sed praesidio esse, ut intellegatis contra hesternam 
 illam contionem licere vobis quod sentiatis libere 
 judicare. 
 
 xxvii. 72. Nee vero me, judices, Clodianum crimen 
 movet, nee tarn sum demens tamque vestri sensus 
 ignarus atque expers, ut nesciam quid de morte Clodi 
 sentiatis. De qua, si jam nollem ita diluere crimen, ut 
 dilui, tamen impune Miloni palam clamare ac mentiri 
 gloriose liceret : * Occidi, occidi, non Sp. Maelium, qui 
 annona levanda jacturisque rei familiaris, quia nimis 
 
xxvii. 74] The Crimes of Clodlus recited. 197 
 
 amplecti plebem videbatur, in suspitionem incidit 
 regni appetendi ; non Ti. Gracchum, qui conlegae 
 magistratum per seditionem abrogavit, quorum inter- 
 fectores impleverunt orbem terrarum nominis sui glo- 
 ria ; sed eum — auderet enim dicere, cum patriam 
 periculo suo liberasset — cujus nefandum adulterium 
 in pulvinaribus sanctissimis nobilissimae feminae com- 
 prehenderunt ; 73. eum cujus supplicio senatus sollem- 
 nis religiones expiandas saepe censuit ; eum quern cum 
 sorore germana nefarium stuprum fecisse L. Lucullus 
 juratus se quaestionibus habitis dixit comperisse ; eum 
 qui civem quem senatus, quern populus Romanus, quern 
 ornnes gentes urbis ac vitae civium conservatorem 
 judicarant, servorum armis exterminavit ; eum qui 
 regna dedit, ademit, orbem terrarum quibuscum voluit 
 partitus est ; eum qui, plurimis caedibus in foro factis, 
 singulari virtute et gloria civem domum vi et armis 
 compulit; eum cui nihil umquam nefas fuit, nee in 
 facinore nee in libidine ; eum qui aedem Nympharum 
 incendit, ut memoriam publicam recensionis tabulis 
 publicis impressam exstingueret ; 74. eum denique, 
 cui jam nulla lex erat, nullum civile jus, nulli 
 possessionum termini; qui non calumnia litium, non 
 injustis vindiciis ac sacramentis alienos fundos, sed 
 castris, exercitu, signis inferendis petebat ; qui non 
 solum Etruscos — eos enim penitus contempserat — 
 sed hunc P. Varium, fortissimum atque optimum 
 civem, judicem nostrum, pellere possessionibus armis 
 castrisque conatus est ; qui cum architectis et decem- 
 pedis villas multorum hortosque peragrabat ; qui 
 Janiculo et Alpibus spem possessionum terminarat 
 suarum; qui, cum ab equite Romano splendido et 
 forti, M. Paconio, non impetrasset ut sibi insulam in 
 lacu Prilio venderet, repente luntribus in earn insulam 
 materiem, calcem, caementa, arma convexit, domino- 
 que trans ripam inspectante, non dubitavit exstruere 
 
198 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 aedificium in alieno ; 75. qui huic T. Furfanio, — cui 
 viro, di immortales ! quid enim ego de muliercula 
 Scantia, quid de adulescente P. Apinio dicam? quo- 
 rum utrique mortem est minitatus, nisi sibi hortorum 
 possessione cessissent, — sed ausum esse Furfanio 
 dicere, si sibi pecuniam, quantam poposcerat, non 
 dedisset, mortuum se in domum ejus inlaturum, qua 
 invidia huic esset tali viro conflagrandum ; qui Appium 
 fratrem, hominem mihi conjunctum fidissima gratia, 
 absentem de possessione fundi dejecit ; qui parietem 
 sic per vestibulum sororis instituit ducere, sic agere 
 fundamenta, ut sororem non modo vestibulo privaret, 
 sed omni aditu et limine. 
 
 xxviii. 76. Quamquam haec quidem jam tolerabilia 
 videbantur, etsi aequabiliter in rem publicam, in pri- 
 vatos, in longinquos, in propinquos, in alienos, in suos 
 inruebat ; sed nescio quo modo jam usu obduruerat et 
 percalluerat civitatis incredibilis patientia. Quae vero 
 aderant jam et impendebant, quonam modo ea aut de- 
 pellere potuissetis aut ferre? Imperium ille si nactus 
 esset, — omitto socios, exteras nationes, reges, tetrar- 
 chas ; vota enim faceretis, ut in eos se potius immitte- 
 ret quam in vestras possessiones, vestra tecta, vestras 
 pecunias : — pecunias dico? a liberis (me dius fidius) et 
 a conjugibus vestris numquam ille effrenatas suas libid- 
 ines cohibuisset. Fingi haec putatis, quae patent, quae 
 nota sunt omnibus, quae tenentur? servorum exercitus 
 ilium in urbe conscripturum fuisse, per quos totam 
 rem publicam resque privatas omnium possideret? 77. 
 Quam ob rem si cruentum gladium tenens clamaret 
 T. Annius : ( Adeste, quaeso, atque audite, cives : P. 
 Clodium interfeci ; ejus furores, quos nullis jam legi- 
 bus, nullis judiciis frenare poteramus, hoc ferro et hac 
 dextera a cervicibus vestris reppuli, per me ut unum 
 jus, aequitas, leges, libertas, pudor, pudicitia in civitate 
 maneret ! ' esset vero timendum, quonam modo id 
 
axix. 79.] Milo ?night well have slain him* 199 
 
 ferret civitas ! Nunc enim quis est qui non probet, 
 qui non laudet, qui non unum post hominum memo- 
 riam T. Annium plurimum rei publicae profuisse, 
 maxima laetitia populum Romanum, cunctam Italiam, 
 nationes omnis adfecisse et dicat et sentiat? Non 
 queo vetera ilia populi Romani gaudia quanta fuerint 
 judicare : multas tamen jam summorum imperatorum 
 clarissimas victorias aetas nostra vidit, quarum nulla 
 neque tarn diuturnam attulit laetitiam nee tantam. 
 78. Mandate hoc memoriae, judices. Spero multa vos 
 liberosque vestros in re publica bona esse visuros : in 
 eis singulis ita semper existimabitis, vivo P. Clodio 
 nihil eorum vos visuros fuisse. In spem maximam, 
 et (quern ad modum confido) verissimam sumus ad- 
 ducti, hunc ipsum annum, hoc ipso summo viro con- 
 sule, compressa hominum licentia, cupiditatibus fractis, 
 legibus et judiciis constitutis, salutarem civitati fore. 
 Num quis est igitur tarn demens, qui hoc P. Clodio 
 vivo contingere potuisse arbitretur? Quid? ea quae 
 tenetis, privata atque vestra, dominante homine furioso 
 quod jus perpetuae possessionis habere potuissent? 
 
 xxix. Non, timeo, judices, ne odio inimicitiarum 
 mearu'm infiammatus libentius haec in ilium evomere 
 videar quam verius. Etenim si praecipuum esse de- 
 bebat, tamen ita communis erat omnium ille hostis, 
 ut in communi odio paene aequaliter versaretur odium 
 meum. Non potest dici satis, ne cogitari quidem, 
 quantum in illo sceleris, quantum exiti fuerit. 79. Quin 
 sic attendite, judices. Nempe haec est quaestio de 
 interitu P. Clodi. Fingite animis — liberae sunt enim 
 nostrae cogitationes, et quae volunt sic intuentur ut 
 ea cernimus quae videmus — fingite igitur cogita- 
 tione imaginem hujus condicionis meae, si possim 
 efflcere ut Milonem absolvatis, sed ita, si P. Clodius 
 revixerit. Quid voltu extimuistis? quonam modo ille 
 vos vivus adficeret, quos mortuus inani cogitatione per- 
 
200 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 cussit? Quid ! si ipse Cn. Pompeius, qui ea virtute ac 
 fortuna est ut ea potuerit semper quae nemo praeter 
 ilium, si is, inquam, potuisset aut quaestionem de morte 
 P. Clodi ferre aut ipsum ab inferis excitare, utrum 
 putatis potius facturum fuisse ? Etiam si propter ami- 
 citiam vellet ilium ab inferis evocare, propter rem 
 publicam non fecisset. Ejus igitur mortis sedetis ulto- 
 res, cujus vitam si putetis per vos restitui posse, nolitis ; 
 et de ejus nece lata quaestio est, qui si lege eadem re- 
 viviscere posset, lata lex numquam esset. Hujus ergo 
 interfector si esset, in confitendo ab eisne poenam 
 timeret quos libera visset? 80. Graeci homines deorum 
 honores tribuunt eis viris qui tyrannos necaverunt. 
 Quae ego vidi Athenis ! quae aliis in urbibus Graeciae ! 
 quas res divinas talibus institutas viris ! quos cantus, 
 quae carmina ! prope ad immortalitatis et rt gionem 
 et memoriam consecrantur. Vos tanti conservatorem 
 populi, tanti sceleris ultorem non modo honoribus nullis 
 adficietis, sed etiam ad supplicium rapi patiemini? 
 Confiteretur, confiteretur, inquam, si fecisset, et magno 
 animo et libenter fecisse se libertatis omnium causa, 
 quod esset ei non confitendum modo, verum etiam 
 praedicandum. 
 
 xxx. 81. Etenim si id non negat ex quo nihil petit nisi 
 ut ignoscatur, dubitaret id fateri ex quo etiam prae- 
 mia laudis essent petenda? nisi vero gratius putat esse 
 vobis sui se capitis quam vestri defensorem fuisse, cum 
 praesertim [in] ea confessione, si grati esse velletis, 
 honores adsequeretur amplissimos. Si factum vobis 
 non probaretur — quamquam qui poterat salus sua 
 cuiquam non probari? — sed tamen si minus fortissimi 
 viri virtus civibus grata cecidisset, magno animo con- 
 stantique cederet ex ingrata civitate. Nam quid esset 
 ingratius quam laetari ceteros, lugere eum solum prop- 
 ter quern ceteri laetarentur? 82. Quamquam hoc 
 animo semper omnes fuimus in patriae proditoribus 
 
xxxi. 84.] He deserves well of the State. 201 
 
 opprimendis, ut, quoniam nostra futura esset gloria, 
 periculum quoque et invidiam nostram putaremus. 
 Nam quae mihi ipsi tribuenda laus esset, cum tantum 
 in consulatu meo pro vobis ac liberis vestris ausus 
 essem, si id, quod conabar sine maximis dimication- 
 ibus meis me esse ausurum arbitrarer? Quae mulier 
 sceleratum ac perniciosum civem interficere non au- 
 deret, si periculum non timeret? Proposita invidia, 
 morte, poena, qui nihilo segnius rem publicam defendit, 
 is vir vere putandus est. Populi grati est praemiis 
 adficere bene meritos de re publica civis ; viri fortis ne 
 suppliciis quidem moveri ut fortiter fecisse paeniteat. 
 83. Quam ob rem uteretur eadem confessione T. An- 
 nius qua Ahala, qua Nasica, qua Opimius, qua Marius, 
 qua nosmet ipsi ; et, si grata res publica esset, laeta- 
 retur : si ingrata, tamen in gravi fortuna conscientia 
 sua niteretur. 
 
 Sed hujus benefici gratiam, judices, fortuna populi 
 Romani et vestra felicitas et di immortales sibi deberi 
 putant. Nee vero quisquam aliter arbitrari potest, 
 nisi qui nullam vim esse ducit numenve divinum ; 
 quern neque imperi nostri magnitudo neque sol ille 
 nee caeli signorumque motus nee vicissitudines rerum 
 atque ordines movent, neque (id quod maximum 
 est) majorum sapientia, qui sacra, qui caerimonias, 
 qui auspicia et ipsi sanctissime coluerunt, et nobis suis 
 posteris prodiderunt. xxxi. 84. Est, est profecto ilia 
 vis : neque in his corporibus atque in hac imbecillitate 
 nostra inest quiddam quod vigeat et sentiat, et non 
 inest in hoc tanto naturae tarn praeclaro motu. Nisi 
 forte idcirco non putant, quia non apparet nee cernitur : 
 proinde quasi nostram ipsam mentem qua sapimus, 
 qua providemus, qua haec ipsa agimus ac dicimus, 
 videre aut plane qualis aut ubi sit sentire possimus. 
 Ea vis igitur ipsa, quae saepe incredibilis huic urbi 
 felicitates atque opes attulit, illam perniciem exstinxit 
 
202 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 ac sustulit ; cui primum mentem injecit, ut vi irritare 
 ferroque lacessere fortissimum virum auderet, vincere- 
 turque ab eo, quern si vicisset habiturus esset impuni- 
 tatem et licentiam sempiternam. 
 
 85. Non est humano consilio, ne mediocri quidem, 
 judices, deorum immortalium cura, res ilia perfecta. 
 Religiones me hercule ipsae, quae illam beluam cadere 
 viderunt, commosse se videntur, et jus in illo suum 
 retinuisse. Vos enim jam, Albani tumuli atque luci, 
 vos, inquam, imploro atque obtestor ; vosque, Albano- 
 rum obrutae arae, sacrorum populi Romani sociae et 
 aequales, quas ille praeceps amentia, caesis prostra- 
 tisque sanctissimis lucis, substructionum insanis moli- 
 bus oppresserat. Vestrae turn [arae] vestrae religiones 
 viguerunt ; vestra vis valuit, quam ille omni scelere 
 polluerat. Tuque ex tuo edito monte, Latiaris sancte 
 Juppiter, cujus ille lacus, nemora finisque saepe omni 
 nefario stupro et scelere macularat, aliquando ad eum 
 poeniendum oculos aperuisti. Vobis illae, vobis vestro 
 in conspectu serae, sed justae tamen et debitae poenae 
 solutae sunt. 86. Nisi forte hoc etiam casu factum 
 esse dicemus, ut ante ipsum sacrarium Bonae deae, 
 quod est in fundo T. Sergi Galli, in primis honesti et 
 ornati adulescentis, ante ipsam, inquam, Bonam deam, 
 cum proelium commisisset, primum illud volnus ac- 
 ciperet, quo taeterrimam mortem obiret ; ut non ab- 
 solutus judicio illo nefario videretur, sed ad hanc 
 insignem poenam reservatus. xxxn. Nee vero non 
 eadem ira deorum hanc ejus satellitibus injecit amen- 
 tiam, ut sine imaginibus, sine cantu atque ludis, sine 
 exsequiis, sine lamentis, sine laudationibus, sine funere, 
 oblitus cruore et luto, spoliatus illius supremi diei cele- 
 britate, cui cedere inimici etiam solent, ambureretur 
 abjectus. Non fuisse credo fas clarissimorum virorum 
 for mas illi taeterrimo parricidae aliquid decoris adferre, 
 neque ullo in loco potius mortem ejus lacerari quam in 
 quo vita esset damnata. 
 
xxxiii. 89.] Crimes and Madness of Clodius. 203 
 
 87. Dura (me dius fidius) mihi jam Fortuna populi 
 Romani et crudelis videbatur, quae tot annos ilium 
 in hanc rem publicam i'nsultare pateretur. Polluerat 
 stupro sanctissimas religiones, senatus gravissima de- 
 creta perfregerat, pecunia se a judicibus palam redem- 
 erat, vexarat in tribunatu senatum, omnium ordinum 
 consensu pro salute rei publicae gesta resciderat, 
 me patria expulerat, bona diripuerat, domum incende- 
 rat, liberos, conjugem meam vexarat, Cn. Pompeio 
 nefarium bellum indixerat, magistratuum privatorum- 
 que caedis efTecerat, domum mei fratris incenderat, 
 vastarat Etruriam, multos sedibus ac fortunis ejece- 
 rat. Instabat, urgebat. Capere ejus amentiam civitas, 
 Italia, provinciae, regna non poterant. Incidebantur 
 jam domi leges, quae nos servis nostris addicerent. 
 Nihil erat cujusquam, quod quidem ille adamasset, 
 quod non hoc anno suum fore putaret. 88. Obstabat 
 ejus cogitationibus nemo praeter Milonem. Ilium 
 ipsum, qui obstare poterat, novo reditu in gratiam 
 quasi devinctum arbitrabatur : Caesaris potentiam 
 suam esse dicebat : bonorum animos in meo casu 
 contempserat : Milo unus urgebat. 
 
 xxxiii. Hie di immortales, ut supra dixi, mentem 
 illi perdito ac furioso dederunt, ut huic faceret insidias. 
 Aliter perire pestis ilia non potuit : numquam ilium 
 res publica suo jure esset ulta. Senatus (credo) prae- 
 torem eum circumscripsisset. Ne cum solebat quidem 
 id facere, in privato eodem hoc aliquid profecerat. 
 89. An consules in praetore coercendo fortes fuissent? 
 Primum, Milone occiso habuisset suos consules : deinde 
 quis in eo praetore consul fortis esset, per quern tri- 
 bunum virtutem consularem crudelissime vexatam esse 
 meminisset? Oppressisset omnia, possideret, teneret: 
 lege nova [quae est inventa apud eum cum reliquis 
 legibus Clodianis] servos nostros libertos suos fecisset : 
 postremo, nisi eum di immortales in earn mentem 
 
204 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 impulissent, ut homo effeminatus fortissimum virum 
 conaretur occidere, hodie rem publicam nullam habe- 
 retis. 90. An ille praetor, ille vero consul, — si modo 
 haec templa atque ipsa moenia stare eo vivo tarn diu et 
 consulatum ejus exspectare potuissent, — ille denique 
 vivus mali nihil fecisset, qui mortuus, unoex suis satel- 
 litibus [Sex. Clodio] duce, curiam incenderit? Quo 
 quid miserius, quid acerbius, quid luctuosius vidimus? 
 Templum sanctitatis, amplitudinis, mentis, consili 
 publici, caput urbis, aram sociorum, portum omnium 
 gentium, sedem ab universo populo concessam uni 
 ordini, inflammari, exscindi, funestari? neque id fieri 
 a multitudine imperita — quamquam esset miserum id 
 ipsum — sed ab uno? Qui cum tantum ausus sit ustor 
 pro mortuo, quid signifer pro vivo non esset ausus? In 
 curiam potissimum abjecit, ut earn mortuus incenderet, 
 quam vivus everterat. 91. Et sunt qui de via Appia 
 querantur, taceant de curia ! et qui ab eo spirante 
 forum putent potuisse defendi, cujus non restiterit 
 cadaveri curia ! Excitate, excitate ipsum, si potestis, 
 a mortuis. Frangetis impetum vivi, cujus vix susti- 
 netis furias insepulti? Nisi vero sustinuistis eos qui 
 cum facibus ad curiam cucurrerunt, cum falcibus 
 ad Castoris, cum gladiis toto foro volitarunt. Caedi 
 vidistis populum Romanum, contionem gladiis distur- 
 bari, cum audiretur silentio M. Caelius, tribunus 
 plebis, vir et in re publica fortissimus, et in suscepta 
 causa firmissimus, et bonorum voluntati et auctoritati 
 senatus deditus, et in hac Milonis sive invidia sive 
 fortuna singulari, divina et incredibili fide. 
 
 xxxiv. 92. Sed jam satis multa de causa : extra 
 causam etiam nimis fortasse multa. Quid restat nisi 
 ut orem obtesterque vos, judices, ut earn misericor- 
 diam tribuatis fortissimo viro, quam ipse non implorat, 
 ego etiam repugnante hoc et imploro et exposco? 
 Nolite, si in nostro omnium fletu nullam lacrimam 
 
xxxiv. 94-] He bids Farewell to the City. 205 
 
 aspexistis Milonis, si voltum semper eundem, si vocem, 
 si orationem stabilem ac non mutatam videtis, hoc 
 minus ei parcere : haud scio an multo sit etiam adju- 
 vandus magis. Etenim si in gladiatoriis pugnis et 
 infimi generis hominum condicione atque fortuna timi- 
 dos atque supplices et ut vivere liceat obsecrantis 
 etiam orlisse solemus, fortis atque animosos et se acriter 
 ipsos morti offerentis servare cupimus, eorumque nos 
 magis miseret qui nostram misericordiam non requirunt 
 quam qui illam effiagitant, — quanto hoc magis in for- 
 tissimis civibus facere debemus? 93. Me quidem, ju- 
 dices, exanimant et interimunt hae voces Milonis, quas 
 audio adsidue et quibus intersum cotidie. ' Valeant,' 
 inquit, « valeant cives mei : sint incolumes, sint floren- 
 tes, sint beati : stet haec urbs praeclara mihique patria 
 carissima, quoquo modo erit merita de me. Tranquilia 
 re publica mei cives, quoniam mihi cum illis non licet, 
 sine me ipsi, sed propter me tamen perfruantur. Ego 
 cedam atque abibo : si mihi bona re publica frui non 
 licuerit, at carebo mala, et quam primum tetigero 
 bene moratam et liberam civitatem, in ea conquiescam. 
 94. O frustra,' inquit, ' mihi suscepti labores ! O spes 
 fallaces et cogitationes inanes meae ! Ego cum tribu- 
 nus plebis re publica oppressa me senatui dedissem, 
 quern exstinctum acceperam, equitibus Romanis, quo- 
 rum vires erant debiles, bonis viris, qui omnem auc- 
 toritatem Clodianis armis abjecerant, mihi umquam 
 bonorum praesidium defuturum putarem? ego cum 
 te' — mecum enim saepissime loquitur — « patriae 
 reddidissem, mihi putarem in patria non futurum 
 locum? Ubi nunc senatus est, quern secuti sumus? 
 ubi equites Romani illi [illi],' inquit, <tui? ubi studia 
 municipiorum? ubi Italiae voces? ubi denique tua 
 ilia, M. Tulli, quae plurimis fuit auxilio, vox atque 
 defensio? mihine ea soli, qui pro te totiens morti me 
 obtuli, nihil potest opitulari?' 
 
206 Defence of Mil o. [Milo, 
 
 xxxv. 95. Nee vero haec, judices, lit ego nunc, 
 flens, sed hoc eodem loquitur voltu quo videtis. Ne- 
 gat enim, negat ingratis civibus fecisse se quae 
 fecerit; timidis et omnia circumspicientibus pericula 
 non negat. Plebem et infimam multitudinem, quae 
 P. Clodio duce fortunis vestris imminebat, earn, quo 
 tutior esset vestra vita, se fecisse commemorat ut non 
 modo virtute fiecteret, sed etiam tribus suis patrimoniis 
 deleniret ; nee timet ne, cum plebem muneribus pla- 
 carit, vos non conciliarit meritis in rem publicam 
 singularibus. Senatus erga se benevolentiam tempo- 
 ribus his ipsis saepe esse perspectam, vestras vero et 
 vestrorum ordinum occursationes, studia, sermones, 
 quemcumque cursum fortuna dederit, se secum abla- 
 turum esse dicit. 96. Meminit etiam sibi vocem prae- 
 conis modo defuisse, quam minime desiderarit ; populi 
 vero cunctis suffragiis, quod unum cupierit, se consu- 
 lem declaratum : nunc denique, si haec contra se sint 
 futura, sibi facinoris suspitionem, non facti crimen 
 obstare. Addit haec, quae certe vera sunt : fortis et 
 sapientis viros non tam praemia sequi solere recte 
 factorum, quam ipsa recte facta; se nihil in vita nisi 
 praeclarissime fecisse, si quidem nihil sit praestabilius 
 viro quam periculis patriam liberare ; beatos esse quibus 
 ea res honori fuerit a suis civibus, 97. nee tamen eos 
 miseros qui beneficio civis suos vicerint ; sed tamen ex 
 omnibus praemiis virtutis, si esset habenda ratio prae- 
 miorum, amplissimum esse praemium gloriam : esse 
 hanc unam quae brevitatem vitae posteritatis memoria 
 consolaretur ; quae efficeret ut absentes adessemus, 
 mortui viveremus ; hanc denique esse, cujus gradi- 
 bus etiam in caelum homines viderentur ascendere. 
 93. • De me,' inquit, ' semper populus Romanus, sem- 
 per omnes gentes loquentur, nulla umquam obmute- 
 scet vetustas. Quin hoc tempore ipso, cum omnes a 
 meis inimicis faces invidiae meae subiciantur, tamen 
 
xxxvi. ioo.] Cicero makes Milo's Cause his own. 207 
 
 omni in hominum coetu gratiis agendis et gratulatio- 
 nibus habendis et omni sermone celebramur.' Omitto 
 Etruriae festos et actos et institutos dies : centesima 
 lux est haec ab interitu P. Clodi, et (opinor) altera. 
 Qua fines imperi populi Romani sunt, ea non solum 
 fama jam de illo, sed etiam laetitia peragravit. Quam 
 ob rem f Ubi corpus hoc sit non,' inquit, * laboro, quo- 
 niam omnibus in terris et jam versatur et semper 
 habitabit nominis mei gloria.' 
 
 xxxvi. 99. Haec tu mecum saepe his absentibus, 
 sed isdem audientibus haec ego tecum, Milo : * Te 
 quidem, cum isto animo es, satis laudare non possum ; 
 sed, quo est ista magis divina virtus, eo majore a te 
 dolore divellor. Nee vero, si mihi eriperis, reliqua 
 est ilia tamen ad consolandum querella, ut eis irasci 
 possim, a quibus tantum volnus accepero. Non enim 
 inimici mei te mihi eripient, sed amicissimi ; non male 
 aliquando de me meriti, sed semper optime.' Nullum 
 umquam, judices, mihi tantum dolorem inuretis — 
 etsi quis potest esse tantus? — sed ne hunc quidem 
 ipsum, utobliviscar quanti me semper feceritis. Quae 
 si vos cepit oblivio, aut si in me aliquid offendistis, cur 
 non id meo capite potius luitur quam Milonis? Prae- 
 clare enim vixero, si quid mihi accident prius quam 
 hoc tantum mali videro. 100. Nunc me una consolatio 
 sustentat, quod tibi, T. Anni, nullum a me amoris, 
 nullum studi, nullum pietatis officium defuit. Ego 
 inimicitias potentium pro te appetivi ; ego meum saepe 
 corpus et vitam objeci armis inimicorum tuorum ; 
 ego me plurimis pro te supplicem abjeci ; bona, for- 
 tunas meas ac liberorum meorum in communionem 
 tuorum temporum contuli : hoc denique ipso die, si 
 quae vis est parata, si quae dimicatio capitis futura, 
 deposco. Quid jam restat? Quid habeo quod faciam 
 pro tuis in me mentis, nisi ut earn fortunam, quaecum- 
 que erit tua, ducam meam? Non recuso, non abnuo ; 
 
2o8 Defence of Milo. [Milo, 
 
 vosque obsecro, judices, ut vestra beneficia, quae in 
 me contulistis, aut in hujus salute augeatis, aut in 
 ejusdem exitio occasura esse videatis. 
 
 xxxvu. 101. His lacrimis non movetur Milo. Est 
 quodam incredibili robore animi. Exsilium ibi esse 
 putat, ubi virtuti non sit locus ; mortem naturae fi- 
 nem esse, non poenam. Sed hie ea mente qua natus 
 est. Quid vos, judices? quo tandem animo eritis? 
 Memoriam Milonis retinebitis, ipsum eicietis? et erit 
 dignior locus in terris ullus qui hanc virtutem excipiat, 
 quam hie qui procreavit? Vos, vos appello, fortissimi 
 viri, qui multum pro re publica sanguinem effudistis : 
 vos in viri et in civis invicti appello periculo, centurio- 
 nes, vosque milites : vobis non modo inspectantibus, 
 sed etiam armatis et huic judicio praesidentibus, haec 
 tanta virtus ex hac urbe expelletur, exterminabitur, 
 proicietur? 102. O me miserum ! O me infelicem ! 
 Revocare tu me in patriam, Milo, potuisti per hos : 
 ego te in patria per eosdem retinere non potero? Quid 
 respondebo liberis meis, qui te parentem alterum pu- 
 tant? Quid tibi, Quinte frater, qui nunc abes, consorti 
 mecum temporum illorum ? Mene non potuisse Milo- 
 nis salutem tueri per eosdem,* per quos nostram ille 
 servasset? At in qua causa non potuisse? quae est 
 grata gentibus .... non potuisse? eis qui maxime 
 P. Clodi morte acquierunt : quo deprecante? me. 
 103. Quodnam ego concepi tantum scelus, aut quod 
 in me tantum facinus admisi, judices, cum ilia indicia 
 communis exiti indagavi, patefeci, protuli, exstinxi? 
 Omnes in me meosque redundant ex fonte illo dolores. 
 Quid me reducem esse voluistis? an ut inspectante me 
 expellerentur ei per" quos essem restitutus? Nolite, 
 obsecro vos, acerbiorem mihi pati reditum esse, quam 
 fuerit ille ipse discessus. Nam qui possum putare me 
 restitutum esse, si distrahar ab his, per quos restitutus 
 sum? 
 
xxxviii. ios-] Last Appeal to the Court. 209 
 
 xxxviii. Utinam di immortales fecissent — pacetua, 
 patria, dixerim ; metuo enim ne scelerate dicam in te 
 quod pro Milone dicam pie — utinam P. Clodius non 
 modo viveret, sed etiam praetor, consul, dictator esset, 
 potius quam hoc spectaculum viderem ! 104. O di 
 immortales ! fortem et a vobis, judices, conservandum 
 virum ! ' Minime, minime,' inquit. * Immo vero poe- 
 nas ille debitas luerit : nos subeamus, si ita necesse 
 est, non debitas.' Hicine vir, patriae natus, usquam 
 nisi in patria morietur? aut, si forte, pro patria? 
 Hujus vos animi monumenta retinebitis, corporis in 
 Italia nullum sepulcrum esse patiemini? Hunc sua 
 quisquam sententia ex hac urbe expellet, quem omnes 
 urbes expulsum a vobis ad se vocabunt? 105. O ter- 
 ram illam beatam, quae hunc virum exceperit : hanc 
 ingratam, si ejecerit ; miseram, si amiserit ! 
 
 Sed finis sit : neque enim prae lacrimis jam loqui 
 possum, et hie se lacrimis defendi vetat. Vos oro 
 obtestorque, judices, ut in sententiis ferendis, quod 
 sentietis id audeatis. Vestram virtutem, justitiam, 
 fidem, mihi credite, is maxime probabit, qui in judi- 
 cibus legendis optimum et sapientissimum et fortis- 
 simum quemque elegit. 
 
THE PARDON OF MAR CELL US. 
 
 B. C. 46. 
 
 Marcus Claudius Marcellus (consul b. c. 51) had been an 
 honest but active and bitter partisan of the Senate in the struggle 
 which finally broke out in civil war. It was he who introduced the 
 several decrees which set a limit to Caesar's power, and put him in 
 the attitude of a public enemy After the defeat at Pharsalia, and 
 the death of Pompey, he still refused to make terms with the vic- 
 tor, but remained in voluntary exile at Mitylene. When, contrary 
 to the general fear, no massacre or proscription followed Caesar's 
 victory, his friends were encouraged to hope for a full pardon ; 
 and, in the summer of b. c. 46, in a meeting of the Senate, Caesar 
 was openly entreated in his behalf. In reply, the dictator reminded 
 the senators of the intense and persistent hostility of Marcellus ; 
 but added, that he would not stand in the way if the Senate desired 
 his restoration. The senators were then, in regular form, called up 
 for the expression of their wishes ; and, when it came to Cicero's 
 name, he expressed the formal thanks of the body in the following 
 speech. It is remarkable — especially in contrast to the language 
 which Cicero used two years later — for the tone of its eulogy of 
 Caesar, and for the hope it expresses of an era of good feeling and 
 a restored republic. 
 
 Marcellus set out for Rome, but never arrived. He was assas- 
 sinated at the Piraeus, and buried in the Academy near Athens. 
 (See the letter of Sulpicius, Fam. iv. 12.) 
 
 r^IUTURNI silenti, patres conscnpti, quo eram his 
 ■*-^ temporibus usus — non timore aliquo, sed par- 
 tim dolore, partim verecundia — finem hodiernus dies 
 attulit, idemque initium quae vellem quaeque sentirem 
 meo pristino more dicendi. Tantam enim mansuetu- 
 dinem, tarn inusitatam inauditamque clementiam, tan- 
 turn in summa potestate rerum omnium modum, tarn 
 denique incredibilem sapientiam ac paene divinam, 
 tacitus praeterire nullo modo possum. 2. M. enim 
 Marcello vobis, patres conscripti, reique publicae red- 
 dito, non illius solum, sed etiam meam vocem et 
 
n. 5-] The Greatness of Ccesar's Triumph. 211 
 
 auctoritatem et vobis et rei publicae conservatam ac 
 restitutam puto. Dolebam enim, patres conscripti, et 
 vehementer angebar,. virum talem, cum in eadem 
 causa in qua ego fuisset, non in eadem esse fortuna ; 
 nee mihi persuadere poteram, nee fas esse ducebam, 
 versari me in nostro vetere curriculo, illo aemulo atque 
 imitatore studiorum ac laborum meorum, quasi quo- 
 dam socio a me et comite, distracto. 
 
 Ergo et mihi meae pristinae vitae consuetudinem, 
 C. Caesar, interclusam aperuisti, et his omnibus ad 
 bene de [omni] re publica sperandum quasi signum 
 aliquod sustulisti. 3. Intellectum est enim mihi qui- 
 dem in multis, et maxime in me ipso, sed paulo 
 ante [in] omnibus, cum M. Marcellum senatui rei- 
 que publicae concessisti, commemoratis praesertim 
 offensionibus, te auctoritatem hujus ordinis dignita- 
 temque rei publicae tuis vel doloribus vel suspitionibus 
 anteferre. Ille quidem fructum omnis ante actae vitae 
 hodierno die maximum cepit, cum summo consensu 
 senatus, turn judicio tuo gravissimo et maximo. Ex 
 quo profecto intellegis quanta in dato beneficio sit 
 laus, cum in accepto sit tanta gloria. Est vero for- 
 tunatus ille, cujus ex salute non minor paene ad 
 omnis quam ad ipsum ventura sit laetitia pervenerit. 
 4. Qiiod quidem ei merito atque optimo jure contigit. 
 Quis enim est illo aut nobilitate aut probitate aut 
 optimarum artium studio aut innocentia aut ullo laudis 
 genere praestantior? 
 
 11. Nullius tantum flumen est ingeni, nullius dicendi 
 aut scribendi tanta vis, tanta copia, quae non dicam 
 exornare, sed enarrare, C. Caesar, res tuas gestas 
 possit. Tamen adfirmo, et hoc pace dicam tua, nul- 
 lum in his esse laudem ampliorem quam earn quam 
 hodierno die consecutus es. 5. Soleo saepe ante 
 oculos ponere, idque libenter crebris usurpare sermo- 
 nibus, omnis nostrorum imperatorum, omnis exterarum 
 
212 The Pardon of Marcellus. [Marc. 
 
 gentium potentissimorumque populorum, omnis cla- 
 rissimorum regum res gestas, cum tuis nee contentio- 
 num magnitudine nee numero proeliorum nee varietate 
 regionum nee celeritate conficiendi nee dissimilitudine 
 bellorum posse conferri ; nee vero disjunctissimas 
 terras citius passibus cujusquam potuisse peragrari, 
 quam tuis non dicam cursibus, sed victoriis lustra tae 
 sunt. 6. Quae quidem ego nisi ita magna esse fatear, 
 ut ea vix cujusquam mens aut cogitatio capere possit, 
 amens sim : sed tamen sunt alia majora. Nam belli- 
 cas laudes solent quidam extenuare verbis, easque 
 detrahere ducibus, communicare cum multis, ne pro- 
 priae sint imperatorum. Et certe in armis militum 
 virtus, locorum opportunitas, auxilia sociorum, classes, 
 commeatus multum juvant : maximam vero partem 
 quasi suo jure Fortuna sibi vindicat, et quicquid pros- 
 pere gestum est, id paene omne ducit suum. 7. At 
 vero hujus gloriae, C. Caesar, quam es paulo ante 
 adeptus, socium habes neminem : totum hoc quantum- 
 cumque est (quod certe maximum est) totum est, in- 
 quam, tuum. Nihil sibi ex ista laude centurio, nihil 
 praefectus, nihil cohors, nihil turma decerpit : quin 
 etiam ilia ipsa rerum humanarum domina, Fortuna, 
 in istius societatem gloriae se non ofTert : tibi cedit ; 
 tuam esse totam et propriam fatetur. Numquam enim 
 temeritas cum sapientia commiscetur, neque ad con- 
 silium casus admittitur. 
 
 in. 8. Domuisti gentis immanitate barbaras, multi- 
 tudine innumerabilis, locis infinitas, omni copiarum 
 genere abundantis : sed tamen ea vicisti, quae et 
 naturam et condicionem ut vinci possent habebant. 
 Nulla est enim tanta vis, quae non ferro et viribus 
 debilitari frangique possit. Animum vincere, ira- 
 cundiam cohibere, victoriam temperare, adversarium 
 nobilitate, ingenio, virtute praestantem non modo ex- 
 tollere jacentem, sed etiam amplificare ejus pristinam 
 
iv. ii.] True Glory of Ccesar's Victory. 213 
 
 dignitatem, haec qui facit, non ego eum cum summis 
 viris comparo, sed simillimum deo judico. 9. Itaque, 
 C. Caesar, bellicae tuae laudes celebrabuntur illae 
 quidem non solum nostris, sed paene omnium gentium 
 litteris atque linguis, nee ulla umquam aetas de tuis 
 laudibus conticescet. Sed tamen ejus modi res nescio 
 quo modo etiam cum leguntur, obstrepi clamore mili- 
 tum videntur et tubarum sono. At vero cum aliquid 
 clementer, mansuete, juste, moderate, sapienter fac- 
 tum — in iracundia praesertim, quae est inimica con- 
 silio, et in victoria, quae natura insolens et superba 
 est — audimus aut legimus, quo studio incendimur, 
 non modo in gestis rebus, sed etiam in fictis, ut eos 
 saepe, quos numquam vidimus, diligamus ! 10. Te 
 vero, quern praesentem intuemur, cujus mentem sen- 
 susque et os cernimus, ut, quicquid belli fortuna reli- 
 quum rei publicae fecerit, id esse salvum velis, quibus 
 laudibus efferemus? quibus studiis prosequemur? qua 
 benevolentia complectemur? Parietes (me dius fidius) 
 ut mihi videtur hujus curiae tibi gratias agere gestiunt, 
 quod brevi tempore futura sit ilia auctoritas in his ma- 
 jorum suorum et suis sedibus. iv. Equidem cum C. 
 Marcelli, viri optimi et commemorabili pietate praediti, 
 lacrimas modo vobiscum viderem, omnium Marcello- 
 rum meum pectus memoria obfudit, quibus tu etiam 
 mortuis, M. Marcello conservato, dignitatem suam 
 reddidisti, nobilissimamque familiam jam ad paucos 
 redactam paene ab interitu vindicasti. 11. Hunc tu 
 igitur diem tuis maximis et innumerabilibus gratula- 
 tionibus jure antepones. Haec enim res unius est pro- 
 pria C. Caesaris : ceterae duce te gestae magnae illae 
 quidem, sed tamen multo magnoque comitatu. Hujus 
 autem rei tu idem es et dux et comes : quae quidem 
 tanta est, ut tropaeis et monumentis tuis adlatura 
 finem sit aetas, — nihil est enim opere et manu fac- 
 tum, quod non [aliquando] conficiat et consumat 
 
214 The Pardon of Marcellas. [Marc. 
 
 vetustas : — 12. at haec [tua justitia et lenitas animi] 
 florescet cotidie magis, ita ut quantum tuis operibus 
 diuturnitas detrahet, tantum adferat laudibus. Et 
 ceteros quidem omnis victores bellorum civilium jam 
 ante aequitate et misericordia viceras : hodierno vero 
 die te ipsum vicisti. Vereor ut hoc, quod dicam, per- 
 inde intellegi possit auditum atque ipse cogitans sen- 
 tio : ipsam victoriam vicisse videris, cum ea quae ilia 
 erat adepta victis remisisti. Nam cum ipsius victoriae 
 condicione omnes victi occidissemus, clementiae tuae 
 judicio conservati sumus. Recte igitur unus invictus 
 es, a quo etiam ipsius victoriae condicio visque devicta 
 est. 
 
 v. 13. Atque hoc C. Caesaris judicium, patres con- 
 scripti, quam late pateat attendite. Omnes enim, qui 
 ad ilia arma fato sumus nescio quo rei publicae misero 
 funestoque compulsi, etsi aliqua culpa tenemur erroris 
 humani, scelere certe liberati sumus. Nam cum M. 
 Marcellum deprecantibus vobis rei publicae conserva- 
 vit, me et mihi et item rei publicae, nullo deprecante, 
 reliquos amplissimos viros et sibi ipsos et patriae red- 
 didit : quorum et frequentiam et dignitatem hoc ipso 
 in consessu videtis. Non ille hostis induxit in curiam, 
 sed judicavit a plerisque ignoratione potius et falso 
 atque inani metu quam cupiditate aut crudelitate bel- 
 lum esse susceptum. 14. Quo quidem in bello semper 
 de pace audiendum putavi, semperque dolui non modo 
 pacem, sed etiam orationem civium pacem flagitan- 
 tium repudiari. Neque enim ego ilia nee ulla umquam 
 secutus sum arma civilia ; semperque mea consilia 
 pacis et togae socia, non belli atque armorum fuerunt. 
 Hominem sum secutus privato consilio, non publico ; 
 tantumque apud me grati animi fidelis memoria valuit, 
 ut nulla non modo cupiditate, sed ne spe quidem, 
 prudens et sciens tamquam ad interitum ruerem vo- 
 luntarium. 15. Quod quidem meum consilium minime 
 
vi. i9-] Ccesar would prefer Peace to Victory. 215 
 
 obscurum fuit. Nam et in hoc ordine integra re 
 multa de pace dixi, et in ipso bello eadem etiam cum 
 capitis mei periculo sensi. Ex quo nemo jam erit tarn 
 injustus existimator rerum, qui dubitet quae Caesaris 
 de bello voluntas fuerit, cum pacis auctores conservan- 
 dos statim censuerit, ceteris fuerit iratior. Atque id 
 minus minim fortasse turn, cum esset incertus exitus 
 et anceps fortuna belli : qui vero victor pacis auctores 
 diligit, is profecto declarat se maluisse non dimicare 
 quam vincere. 
 
 vi. 16. Atque hujus quidem rei M. Marcello sum 
 testis. Nostri enim sensus ut in pace semper, sic turn 
 etiam in bello congruebant. Quotiens ego eum et 
 quanto cum dolore vidi, cum insolentiam certorum 
 hominum turn etiam ipsius victoriae ferocitatem exti- 
 mescentem ! Quo gratior tua liberalitas, C. Caesar, 
 nobis, qui ilia vidimus, debet esse. Non enim 
 jam causae sunt inter se, sed victoriae comparandae. 
 
 17. Vidimus tuum victoriam proeliorum exitu termina- 
 tam : gladium vagina vacuum in urbe non vidimus. 
 Quos amisimus civis, eos Martis vis perculit, non ira 
 victoriae ; ut dubitare debeat nemo quin multos, si fieri 
 posset, C. Caesar ab inferis excitaret, quoniam ex 
 eadem acie conservat quos potest. Alterius vero 
 partis nihil amplius dicam quam (id quod omnes ve- 
 rebamur) nimis iracundam futuram fuisse victoriam. 
 
 18. Quidam enim non modo armatis, sed interdum 
 etiam otiosis minabantur ; nee quid quisque sensisset, 
 sed ubi fuisset cogitandum esse dicebant : ut mihi 
 quidem videantur di immortales, etiam si poenas a 
 populo Romano ob aliquod delictum expetiverunt, qui 
 civile bellum tantum et tarn luctuosum excitaverunt, vel 
 placati jam vel satiati aliquando, omnem spem salutis 
 ad clementiam victoris et sapientiam contulisse. 
 
 19. Qua re gaude tuo isto tarn excellenti bono, et 
 fruere cum fortuna et gloria, turn etiam natura et mo- 
 
216 The Pardon of Marcellus. [Marc. 
 
 ribus tuis : ex quo quidem maximus est fructus jucun- 
 ditasque sapienti. Cetera cum tua recordabere, etsi 
 persaepe virtuti, tamen plerumque felicitati tuae gratu- 
 labere : de nobis, quos in re publica tecum simul 
 esse voluisti, quotiens cogitabis, totiens de maximis 
 tuis beneficiis, totiens de incredibili liberalitate, totiens 
 de singulari sapientia tua cogitabis : quae non modo 
 summa bona, sed nimirum audebo vel sola dicere. 
 Tantus est enim splendor in laude vera, tanta in mag- 
 nitudine animi et consili dignitas, ut haec a virtute 
 donata, cetera a fortuna commodata esse videantur. 
 20. Noli igitur in conservandis bonis viris defetigari 
 — non cupiditate praesertim aliqua aut pravitate lap- 
 sis, sed opinione offici stulta fortasse, certe non im- 
 proba, et specie quadam rei publicae : non enim tua 
 culpa est si te aliqui timuerunt, contraque summa 
 laus, quod minime timendum fuisse senserunt. 
 
 vn. 21. Nunc venio ad gravissimam querellam et 
 atrocissimam suspitionem tuam, quae non tibi ipsi 
 magis quam cum omnibus civibus turn maxime nobis, 
 qui a te conservati sumus, providenda est : quam etsi 
 spero falsam esse, tamen numquam extenuabo verbis. 
 Tua enim cautio nostra cautio est, ut si in alterutro 
 peccandum sit, malim videri nimis timidus quam pa- 
 rum prudens. Sed quisnam est iste tarn demens? De 
 tuisne? — tametsi qui magis sunt tui quam quibus tu 
 salutem insperantibus reddidisti ? — an ex hoc numero, 
 qui una tecum fuerunt? Non est credibilis tantus in 
 ullo furor, ut quo duce omnia summa sit adeptus, 
 hujus vitam non anteponat suae. An si nihil tui cogi- 
 tant sceleris, cavendum est ne quid inimici? Qui? 
 omnes enim, qui fuerunt, aut sua pertinacia vitam 
 amiserunt, aut tua misericordia retinuerunt; ut aut 
 nulli supersint de inimicis, aut qui fuerunt sint ami- 
 cissimi. 22. Sed tamen cum in animis hominum 
 tantae latebrae sint et tanti recessus, augeamus sane 
 
viii. 25.] The Wounds of War must be healed. 217 
 
 suspitionem tuam ; simul enim augebimus diligentiam. 
 Nam quis est omnium tarn ignarus rerum, tarn rudis 
 in re publica, tarn nihil umquam nee de sua nee de 
 communi salute cogitans, qui non intellegat tua salute 
 contineri suam, et ex unius tua vita pendere omnium? 
 Equidem de te dies noctisque (ut debeo) cogitans, 
 casus dumtaxat humanos et incertos eventus valetu- 
 dinis et naturae communis fragilitatem extimesco ; do- 
 leoque, cum res publica immortalis esse debeat, earn 
 in unius mortalis anima consistere. 23. Si vero ad 
 humanos casus incertosque motus valetudinis sceleris 
 etiam accedit insidiarumque consensio, quern deum, si 
 cupiat, posse opitulari rei publicae credamus? 
 
 viii. Omnia sunt excitanda tibi, C. Caesar, uni, 
 quae jacere sentis, belli ipsius impetu, quod necesse 
 fuit, perculsa atque prostrata : constituenda judicia, 
 revocanda fides, comprimendae libidines, propaganda 
 suboles : omnia, quae dilapsa jam diffluxerunt, sevens 
 legibus vincienda sunt. 24. Non fuit recusandum in 
 tanto civili bello, tanto animorum ardore et armo- 
 rum, quin quassata res publica, quicumque belli even- 
 tus fuisset, multa perderet et ornamenta dignitatis et 
 praesidia stabilitatis suae ; multaque uterque dux fa- 
 ceret armatus, quae idem togatus fieri prohibuisset. 
 Quae quidem tibi nunc omnia belli volnera sananda 
 sunt, quibus praeter te nemo mederi potest. 25. Itaque 
 illam tuam praeclarissimam et sapientissimam vocem 
 invitus audivi : * Satis diu vel naturae vixi vel gloriae.' 
 Satis, si ita vis, fortasse naturae, addo etiam, si placet, 
 gloriae : at, quod maximum est, patriae certe parum. 
 Qua re omitte istam, quaeso, doctorum hominum in 
 contemnenda morte prudentiam : noli nostro periculo 
 esse sapiens. Saepe enim venit ad auris meas, te 
 idem istud nimis crebro dicere, tibi satis, te vixisse. 
 Credo : sed turn id audirem, si tibi soli viveres, aut si 
 tibi etiam soli natus esses. Omnium salutem civium 
 
218 Pardon of Marcellus, [Marc. 
 
 cunctamque rem publicam res tuae gestae complexae 
 sunt : tantum abes a perfectione maximorum operum, 
 ut fundamenta nondum quae cogitas jeceris. Hie tu 
 modum vitae tuae non salute rei publicae, sed aequi- 
 tate animi definies? Quid, si istud ne gloriae tuae 
 quidem satis est? cujus te esse avidissimum, quam- 
 vis sis sapiens, non negabis. 26. Parumne igitur, 
 inquies, magna relinquemus? Immo vero aliis quam- 
 vis multis satis, tibi uni parum. Quicquid est enim, 
 quamvis amplum sit, id est parum turn, cum est ali- 
 quid amplius. Quod si rerum tuarum immortalium, 
 C. Caesar, hie exitus futurus fuit, ut devictis adversa- 
 riis rem publicam in eo statu relinqueres in quo nunc 
 est, vide, quaeso, ne tua divina virtus admirationis 
 plus sit habitura quam gloriae : si quidem gloria est 
 inlustris ac pervagata magnorum vel in suos vel in 
 patriam vel in omne genus hominum fama meritorum. 
 ix. 27. Haec igitur tibi reliqua pars est : hie restat 
 actus, in hoc elaborandum est, ut rem publicam con- 
 stituas, eaque tu in primis summa tranquillitate et 
 otio perfruare : turn te, si voles, cum et patriae quod 
 debes solveris, et naturam ipsam expleveris satietate 
 vivendi, satis diu vixisse dicito. Quid est enim [om- 
 nino] hoc ipsum diu, in quo est aliquid extremum? 
 quod cum venit, omnis voluptas praeterita pro nihilo 
 est quia postea nulla est futura. Quamquam iste tuus 
 animus numquam his angustiis, quas natura nobis ad 
 vivendum dedit, contentus fuit : semper immortalitatis 
 amore flagravit. 28. Nee vero haec tua vita ducenda 
 est, quae corpore et spiritu continetur. Ilia, inquam, 
 ilia vita est tua, quae vigebit memoria saeculorum om- 
 nium, quam posteritas alet, quam ipsa aeternitas semper 
 tuebitur. Huic tu inservias, huic te ostentes oportet, 
 quae quidem quae miretur jam pridem multa habet : 
 nunc etiam quae laudet exspectat. Obstupescent pos- 
 teri certe imperia, provincias, Rhenum, Oceanum, 
 
x. 32.] The Judgments of Posterity* 219 
 
 Nilum, pugnas innumerabilis, incredibilis victorias, 
 monimenta, munera, triumphos audientes et legentes 
 tuos. 29. Sed nisi haec urbs stabilita tuis consiliis et 
 institutis erit, vagabitur modo tuum nomen longe atque 
 late : sedem stabilem et domicilium certum non habe- 
 bit. Erit inter eos etiam qui nascentur, sicut inter nos 
 fuit, magna dissensio, cum alii laudibus ad caelum 
 res tuas gestas efferent, alii fortasse aliquid requirent, 
 idque vel maximum, nisi belli civilis incendium salute 
 patriae restinxeris, ut illud fati fuisse videatur, hoc 
 consili. Servi igitur eis etiam judicibus, qui multis 
 post saeculis de te judicabunt, et quidem haud scio an 
 incorruptius quam nos. Nam et sine amore et sine 
 cupiditate et rursus sine odio et sine invidia judicabunt. 
 30o Id autem etiam si turn ad te, ut quidam falso pu- 
 tant, non pertinebit, nunc certe pertinet esse te talem, 
 ut tuas laudes obscuratura nulla umquam sit oblivio.* 
 
 x. Diversae voluntates civium fuerunt, distractaeque 
 sententiae. Non enim consiliis solum et studiis, sed 
 armis etiam et castris dissidebamus. Erat enim ob- 
 scuritas quaedam; erat certamen inter clarissimos du- 
 ces : multi dubitabant quid optimum esset, multi quid 
 sibi expediret, multi quid deceret, non nulli etiam 
 quid liceret. 31. Perfuncta res publica est hoc misero 
 fatalique bello : vicit is, qui non fortuna inflammaret 
 odium suum, sed bonitate leniret; neque omnis quibus 
 iratus esset, eosdem [etiam] exsilio aut morte dignos 
 judicaret. Arma ab aliis posita, ab aliis erepta sunt. 
 Ingratus est injustusque civis, qui, armorum periculo 
 liberatus, animum tamen retinet armatum ; ut etiam 
 ille melior sit qui in acie cecidit, qui in causa animam 
 profudit. Quae enim pertinacia quibusdam, eadem 
 aliis constantia videri potest. 32. Sed jam omnis 
 fracta dissensio est armis, exstincta aequitate victoris : 
 restat ut omnes unum velint, qui modo habent aliquid 
 non solum sapientiae, sed etiam sanitatis. Nisi te, C. 
 
220 The Pardon of Marcellus. 
 
 Caesar, salvo, et in ista sententia qua cum antea turn 
 hodie vel maxime usus es manente, salvi esse non pos- 
 sumus. Qua re omnes te, qui haec salva esse volu- 
 mus, et hortamur et obsecramus, ut vitae tuae et saluti 
 consulas ; omnesque tibi, ut pro aliis etiam loquar 
 quod de me ipse sentio, quoniam subesse aliquid putas 
 quod cavendum sit, non modo excubias et custodias, 
 sed etiam laterum nostrorum oppositus et corporum 
 pollicemur. 
 
 xi. 33. Sed, ut unde est orsa, in eodem terminetur 
 oratio, — maximas tibi omnes gratias agimus, C. Cae- 
 sar, majores etiam habemus. Nam omnes idem sen- 
 tiunt, quod ex omnium precibus et lacrimis sentire 
 potuisti : sed quia non est omnibus stantibus ne- 
 cesse dicere, a me certe dici volunt, cui necesse est 
 quodam modo, et quod fieri decet — M. Marcello a te 
 hiiic ordini populoque Romano et rei publicae red- 
 dito — fieri id intellego. Nam laetari omnis non de 
 unius solum, sed de communi omnium salute sentio. 
 34. Quod autem summae benevolentiae est, quae mea 
 erga ilium omnibus semper nota fuit, ut vix C. Mar- 
 cello, optimo et amantissimo fratri, praeter eum qui- 
 dem cederem nemini, cum id sollicitudine, cura, labore 
 tam diu praestiterim, quam diu est de illius salute du- 
 bitatum, certe hoc tempore, magnis curis, molestiis, 
 doloribus liberatus, praestare debeo. Itaque, C. Cae- 
 sar, sic tibi gratias ago, ut omnibus me rebus a te non 
 conservato solum, sed etiam ornato, tamen ad tua in 
 me unum innumerabilia merita, quod fieri jam posse 
 non arbitrabar, maximus hoc tuo facto cumulus acces- 
 serit. 
 
PLEA FOR LIGARIUS. 
 
 B. C. 46. 
 
 Though the case of Ligarius is of no importance in itself, the 
 speech of Cicero in his defence ranks among the first of his ora- 
 tions in rhetorical merit ; and is interesting, besides, for the glimpse 
 it gives of the state of feeling in Rome during Caesar's dictatorship. 
 Quintus Ligarius had held a subordinate position in Africa, in 
 the Pompeian army under P. Attius Varus, in the first year of 
 the Civil War. In this capacity it had fallen to him to prevent 
 the landing of L. yElius Tubero, whom the Senate had sent to take 
 command in Africa, but to whom Varus refused to give up the post. 
 When then the war was over, Caesar spared the life of Ligarius, 
 but kept him in exile, until a personal application was made by his 
 brother for his recall. Quintus Tubero (afterwards a distinguished 
 jurist) came forward to oppose this, on the ground that Ligarius had 
 not merely taken sides in the Civil War, but had stood with Juba and 
 the foreign enemies of Rome against his native country. The case 
 was argued in the Forum before Caesar himself, sitting in judgment 
 as Dictator. Caesar, with characteristic magnanimity, gave Ligarius 
 a full pardon. This Ligarius requited, a year and a half later, by 
 joining in the plot for Caesar's murder. 
 
 TVTOVUM crimen, C. Caesar, et ante hunc diem non 
 ■*- ^ auditum propinquus metis ad te Q^ Tubero de- 
 tulit, Q^ Ligarium in Africa fuisse ; idque C. Pansa, 
 praestanti vir ingenio, fretus fortasse familiaritate ea 
 quae est ei tecum, ausus est confiteri. Itaque quo me 
 vertam nescio. Paratus enim veneram, cum tu id neque 
 per te scires neque audire aliunde potuisses, ut igno- 
 ratione tua ad hominis miseri salutem abuterer. Sed 
 quoniam diligentia inimici investigatum est quod late- 
 bat, confitendum est, opinor, praesertim cum meus 
 necessarius Pansa fecerit ut id integrum jam non 
 esset ; omissaque controversia, omnis oratio ad miseri- 
 cordiam tuam conferenda est, qua plurimi sunt con- 
 servati, cum a te non liberationem culpae, sed errati 
 
222 Plea for Ligarius, [Ligar. 
 
 veniam impetravissent. 2. Habes igitur, Tubero, quod 
 est accusatori maxime optandum, confitentem reum ; 
 sed tamen hoc confitentem, se in ea parte fuisse qua 
 te, qua virum omni laude dignum, patrem tuum. Ita- 
 que prius de vestro delicto confiteamini necesse est, 
 quam Ligari ullam culpam reprehendatis. 
 
 Q^ enim Ligarius, cum esset nulla belli suspitio, 
 legatus in Africam [cum] C. Considio profectus est. 
 Qua in legatione et civibus et sociis ita se probavit, ut 
 decedens Considius provincia satis facere hominibus 
 non posset, si quemquam alium provinciae praefecis- 
 set. Itaque Ligarius, cum diu recusans nihil profe- 
 cisset, provinciam accepit invitus : cui sic praefuit in 
 pace, ut et civibus et sociis gratissima esset ejus in- 
 tegritas ac fides. 3. Bellum subito exarsit, quod qui 
 erant in Africa ante audierunt geri quam parari. Quo 
 audito, partim cupiditate inconsiderata, partim caeco 
 quodam timore primo sahitis, post etiam studi sui, 
 quaerebant aliquem ducem ; cum Ligarius, domum 
 spectans, ad suos redire cupiens, nullo se implicari 
 negotio passus est. Interim P. Attius Varus, qui 
 praetor Africam obtinuerat, Uticam venit. Ad eum 
 statim concursum est. Atque ille non mediocri cu- 
 piditate adripuit imperium, — si illud imperium esse 
 potuit, quod ad privatum clamore multitudinis impe- 
 ritae, nullo publico consilio, deferebatur. 4. Itaque 
 Ligarius, qui omne tale negotium cuperet effugere, 
 paulum adventu Vari conquievit. 
 
 ii. Adhuc, C. Caesar, Q^ Ligarius omni culpa 
 vacat. Domo est egressus non modo nullum ad 
 bellum, sed ne ad minimam quidem suspitionem belli : 
 legatus in pace profectus est : in provincia pacatissima 
 ita se gessit, ut ei pacem esse expediret. Profectio 
 certe animum tuum non debet offendere : num igitur 
 remansio? Multo minus. Nam profectio voluntatem 
 habuit non turpem, remansio necessitatem etiam ho- 
 
hi. 7.] The Clemency of Ccesar. 223 
 
 nestam. Ergo haec duo tempora carent crimine : 
 unum cum est legatus profectus, alterum, cum ecflagi- 
 tatus a provincia praepositus Africae est. 5. Tertium 
 tempus est quod post adventum Vari in Africa restitit, 
 quod si est criminosum, necessitatis crimen est, non 
 voluntatis. An ille, si potuisset ullo modo evadere, 
 Uticae quam Romae, cum P. Attio quam cum con- 
 cordissimis fratribus, cum alienis esse quam cum suis 
 maluisset? Cum ipsa legatio plena desideri ac sol- 
 licitudinis fuisset propter incredibilem quendam fra- 
 trum amorem, hie aequo animo esse potuit, belli 
 discidio distractus a fratribus? 
 
 6. Nullum igitur habes, Caesar, adhuc in Q± Liga- 
 rio signum alienae a te voluntatis. Cujus ego causam 
 animadverte, quaeso, qua fide defendam : prodo meam. 
 O clementiam admirabilem atque omnium laude, prae- 
 dicatione, litteris, monumentisque decorandam ! cum 
 M. Cicero apud te defendit alium in ea voluntate 
 non fuisse, in qua se ipsum confitetur fuisse ; nee tuas 
 tacitas cogitationes extimescit, nee quid tibi de alio 
 audienti de se ipso occurrat reformidat. in. Vide 
 quam non reformidem : vide quanta lux liberalitatis et 
 sapiendae tuae mihi apud te dicenti oboriatur. Quan- 
 tum potero, voce contendam ut [hoc] populus Roma- 
 nus exaudiat. 7. Suscepto bello Caesar, gesto etiam 
 ex parte magna, nulla vi coactus, judicio ac voluntate, 
 ad ea arma profectus sum quae erant sumpta contra 
 te. Apud quern igitur hoc dico? Nempe apud eum, 
 qui, cum hoc sciret, tamen me, ante quam vidit, rei 
 publicae reddidit ; qui ad me ex Aegypto litteras misit, 
 ut essem idem qui fuissem ; qui cum ipse imperator 
 in toto imperio populi Romani unus esset, esse me 
 alterum passus est; a quo, hoc ipso C. Pansa mihi 
 hunc nuntium perferente, concessos fascis laureatos 
 tenui, quoad tenendos putavi ; qui mihi turn denique se 
 salutem putavit reddere, si earn nullis spoliatam orna- 
 
224 Plea for Ligarius, [Ligar. 
 
 mentis dedisset. 8. Vide, quaeso, Tubero, ut qui de 
 meo facto non dubitem, de Ligari non audeam con- 
 fiteri. Atque haec propterea de me dixi, ut mihi 
 Tubero, cum de se eadem dicerem, ignosceret : cujus 
 ego industriae gloriaeque faveo, vel propter propin- 
 quam cognationem, vel quod ejus ingenio studiisque 
 delector, vel quod laudem adulescentis propinqui ex- 
 istimo etiam ad meum aliquem fructum redundare. 
 9. Sed hoc quaero : Quis putat esse crimen fuisse in 
 Africa? Nempe is, qui et ipse in eadem Africa esse 
 voluit, et prohibitum se a Ligario queritur, et certe 
 contra ipsum Caesarem est congressus armatus. Quid 
 enim tuus ille, Tubero, destrictus in acie Pharsalica 
 gladius agebat? Cujus latus ille mucro petebat? Qui 
 sensus erat armorum tuorum? quae tua mens, oculi, 
 manus, ardor animi? quid cupiebas? quid optabas? 
 Nimis urgeo : commoveri videtur adulescens : ad me 
 revertar : isdem in armis fui. 
 
 iv. 10. Quid autem aliud egimus, Tubero, nisi ut 
 quod hie potest nos possemus? Quorum igitur impu- 
 nitas, Caesar, tuae clementiae laus est, eorum ipsorum 
 ad crudelitatem te acuit oratio. Atque in hac causa 
 non nihil equidem, Tubero, etiam tuam, sed multo 
 magis p itris tui prudentiam desidero, quod homo, cum 
 ingenio turn etiam doctrina excellens, genus hoc cau- 
 sae quod esset non viderit. Nam si vidisset, quovis 
 profecto quam isto modo a te agi maluisset. 
 
 Arguis fatentem. Non est satis : accusas eum qui 
 causam habet aut (ut ego dico) meliorem quam tu, 
 aut (ut tu vis) parem. n. Haec admirabilia : sed pro- 
 digi simile est quod dicam. Non habet earn vim ista 
 accusatio ut Q^ Ligarius condemnetur, sed ut necetur. 
 Hoc egit civis Romanus ante te nemo. Externi isti 
 mores usque ad sanguinem incitari [solent] odio, aut 
 levium Graecorum, aut immanium barbarorum. Nam 
 quid agis aliud? Romae ne sit? ut domo careat? ne 
 
v. 1 5-] Malignity of the Charge, 225 
 
 cum optimis fratribus, ne cum hoc T. Broccho avun- 
 culo, ne cum ejus filio consobrino suo, ne nobiscum 
 \ivat? ne sit in patria? Num est? num potest magis 
 carere his omnibus quam caret? Italia prohibetur ; 
 exsulat. Non tu ergo eum patria privare, qua caret, 
 sed vita vis. 12. At istud ne apud eum quidem dicta- 
 torem, qui omnis quos oderat morte multabat, quis- 
 quam egit isto modo. Ipse jubebat occidi nullo postu- 
 lante ; praemiis etiam invitabat : quae tamen crudelitas 
 ab hoc eodem aliquot annis post, quern tu nunc cru- 
 delem esse vis, vindicata est. v. ' Ego vero istud non 
 postulo,' inquies. Ita me hercule existimo, Tubero. 
 Novi enim te, novi patrem, novi domum nomenque 
 vestrum ; studia generis ac familiae vestrae virtutis, 
 humanitatis, doctrinae, plurimarum artium atque opti- 
 marum, nota mihi sunt. 13. Itaque certo scio vos non 
 petere sanguinem, sed parum attenditis. Res enim 
 eo spectat, ut ea poena, in qua adhuc Q^Ligarius est, 
 non videamini esse contend. Quae est igitur alia 
 praeter mortem? Si enim est in exsilio, sicuti est, 
 quid amplius postulatis? An, ne ignoscatur? Hoc 
 vero multo acerbius multoque est durius. Quod nos 
 [domi] petimus precibus, lacrimis, strati ad pedes, 
 non tarn nostrae causae fidentes quam hujus huma- 
 nitati, id ne impetremus oppugnabis, et in nostrum 
 fletum inrumpes, et nos jacentis ad pedes supplicum 
 voce prohibebis? 14. Si, cum hoc domi faceremus, — 
 quod et fecimus et, ut spero, non frustra fecimus, — 
 tu repente inruisses et clamare coepisses : f C. Caesar, 
 cave ignoscas, cave te fratrum pro fratris salute obse- 
 crantium misereat,' nonne omnem humanitatem exu- 
 isses? Quanto hoc durius, quod nos domi petimus, 
 id te in foro cppugnare, et in tali miseria multorum 
 perfugium misericordiae tollere ! Dicam plane, Cae- 
 sar, quod sentio. 15. Si in [hac] tanta tua fortuna 
 lenitas tanta non esset, quam tu per te, per te inquam, 
 
 15 
 
226 Plea for Ligarius. [Ligar. 
 
 obtines, — intellego quid loquar, — acerbissimo luctu 
 redundaret ista victoria. Quam multi enim essent de 
 victoribus qui te crudelem esse vellent, cum etiam de 
 victis reperiantur ! quam multi qui, cum a te ignosci 
 nemini vellent, impedirent clementiam tuam, cum 
 etiam hi, quibus ipse ignovisti, nolint te esse in alios 
 misericordem. 16. Quod si probare Caesari possemus 
 in Africa Ligarium omnino non fuisse, si honesto et 
 misericordi mendacio saluti civi calamitoso esse velle- 
 mus, tamen hominis non esset, in tanto discrimine et 
 periculo civis, refellere et redarguere nostrum menda- 
 cium ; et, si esset alicujus, ejus certe non esset, qui in 
 eadem causa et fortuna fuisset. Sed tamen aliud est 
 errare Caesarem nolle, aliud nolle misereri. Tunc 
 diceres, f Caesar, cave credas : fuit in Africa, tulit 
 arma contra te.' Nunc quid dicis? ' Cave ignoscas.' 
 Haec nee hominis nee ad hominem vox est : qua qui 
 apud te, C. Caesar, utitur, suam citius abiciet humani- 
 tatem quam extorquebit tuam. 
 
 vi. 17. Ac primus aditus et postulatio Tuberonis 
 haec, ut opinor, fuit : velle se de Q^ Ligari scelere 
 dicere. Non dubito quin admiratus sis, vel quod de 
 nullo alio [quisquam], vel quod is qui in eadem causa 
 fuisset, vel quidnam novi [sceleris] adferret. Scelus tu 
 illud vocas, Tubero? Cur? isto enim nomine ilia adhuc 
 causa caruit. Alii errorem appellant, alii timorem ; 
 qui durius, spem, cupiditatem, odium, pertinaciam ; 
 qui gravissime, temeritatem : scelus praeter te adhuc 
 nemo. Ac mihi quidem, si proprium et verum nomen 
 nostri mali quaeritur, fatalis quaedam calamitas inci- 
 disse videtur, et improvidas hominum mentis occupa- 
 visse, ut nemo mirari debeat humana consilia divina 
 necessitate esse superata. 18. Liceat esse miseros : 
 quamquam hoc victore esse non possumus. Sed non 
 loquor de nobis : de illis loquor qui occiderunt. Fue- 
 rint cupidi, fuerint irati, fuerint pertinaces : sceleris 
 
vii. 2i.] How CcBsar has used his Victory. 227 
 
 vero crimine, furoris, parricidi liceat Cn. Pompeio 
 mortuo, liceat multis aliis carere. Quando hoc quis- 
 quam ex te, Caesar, audivit? aut tua quid aliud arma 
 voluerunt, nisi a te contumeliam propulsare? Quid 
 egit tuus invictus exercitus, nisi ut suum jus tueretur 
 et dignitatem tuam? Quid? tu, cum pacem esse cu- 
 piebas, idne agebas, ut tibi cum sceleratis, an ut cum 
 bonis civibus conveniret? 19. Mihi vero, Caesar, tua 
 in me maxima merita tanta certe non viderentur, si me 
 ut sceleratum a te conservatum putarem. Quo modo 
 autem tu de re publica bene meritus esses, cum tot 
 sceleratos incolumi dignitate esse voluisses? Seces- 
 sionem tu illam existimavisti, Caesar, initio, non 
 bellum ; neque hostile odium, sed civile discidium, 
 utrisque cupientibus rem publicam salvam, sed partim 
 consiliis, partim studiis a communi utilitate aberran- 
 tibus. Principum dignitas erat paene par, non par 
 fortasse eorum qui sequebantur : causa turn dubia, 
 quod erat aliquid in utraque parte quod probari posset ; 
 nunc melior ea judicanda est, quam etiam di adjuve- 
 runt. Cognita vero dementia tua, quis non earn 
 victoriam probet, in qua occiderit nemo nisi armatus? 
 vii. 20. Sed — utomittam communem causam,veni- 
 amus ad nostram — utrum tandem existimas facilius 
 fuisse, Tubero, Ligarium ex Africa exire, an vos in 
 Africam non venire? ' Poteramusne,' inquies, 'cum 
 senatus censuisset?' Si me consulis, nullo modo. 
 Sed tamen Ligarium senatus idem legaverat. At- 
 que ille eo tempore paruit, cum parere senatui ne- 
 cesse erat : vos tunc paruistis, cum paruit nemo qui 
 noluit. Reprehendo igitur? Minime vero. Neque 
 enim licuit aliter vestro generi, nomini, familiae, 
 disciplinae. Sed hoc non concedo, ut, quibus rebus 
 gloriemini in vobis, easdem in aliis reprehendatis. 
 21. Tuberonis sors conjecta est ex senatus consulto, 
 cum ipse non adesset, morbo etiam impediretur. Sta- 
 
228 Plea for Ligarius. [Ligar. 
 
 tuerat excusare. Haec ego novi propter omnis neces- 
 situdines quae mihi sunt cum L. Tuberone : domi una 
 eruditi, militiae contubernales, post adfines, in omni 
 denique vita familiares : magnum etiam vinculum, 
 quod isdem studiis semper usi sumus. Scio igitur 
 Tuberonem domi manere voluisse : sed ita quidam 
 agebat, ita rei publicae sanctissimum nomen oppo- 
 nebat, ut, etiam si aliter sentiret, verborum tamen 
 ipsorum pondus sustinere non posset. 22. Cessit 
 auctoritati amplissimi viri, vel potius paruit. Una est 
 profectus cum eis, quorum erat una causa : tardius 
 iter fecit ; itaque in Africam venit jam occupatam. 
 Hinc in Ligarium crimen oritur, vel ira potius. Nam 
 si crimen est [ilium] voluisse, non minus magnum est 
 vos Africam, arcem omnium provinciarum, natam ad 
 bellum contra hanc urbem gerundum, obtinere volu- 
 isse, quam aliquem se maluisse. Atque is tamen ali- 
 quis Ligarius non fuit. Varus imperium se habere 
 dicebat : fascis certe habebat. 23. Sed quoquo modo 
 se illud habet, haec querella Tubero, vestra, quid 
 valet? e Recepti in provinciam non sumus.' Quid, 
 si essetis? Caesarine earn tradituri fuistis, an contra 
 Caesarem re'tenturi? vin. Vide quid licentiae, Cae- 
 sar, nobis tua liberalitas det, vel potius audaciae. Si 
 respondent Tubero, Africam, quo senatus eum sorsque 
 miserat, tibi patrem suum traditurum fuisse, non dubi- 
 tabo apud ipsum te, cujus id eum facere interfuit, 
 gravissimis verbis ejus consilium reprehendere. Non 
 enim, si tibi ea res grata fuisset, esset etiam probata. 
 
 24, Sed jam hoc totum omitto, non tarn ne offendam 
 tuas patientissimas auris, quam ne Tubero quod num- 
 quam cogitavit facturus fuisse videatur. Veniebatis 
 igitur in Africam, provinciam unam ex omnibus huic 
 victoriae maxime infestam, in qua erat rex potentissi- 
 mus, inimicus huic causae, aliena voluntas, conventus 
 firmi atque magni. Quaero : quid facturi fuistis? 
 
ix. 2j. ] His Enemies in the same Fault. 229 
 
 quamquam quid facturi fueritis dubitem, cum videam 
 quid feceritis? Prohibiti estis in provincia vestra 
 pedem ponere, et prohibiti summa injuria. 25. Quo 
 modo id tulistis? acceptae injuriae querellam ad quern 
 detulistis? Nempe ad eum, cujus auctoritatem secuti 
 in societatem belli veneratis. Quod si Caesaris causa 
 in provinciam veniebatis, ad eum profecto exclusi pro- 
 vincia venissetis. Venistis ad Pompeium. Quae est 
 ergo apud Caesarem querella, cum eum accusetis, a 
 quo queramini prohibitos esse vos contra Caesarem 
 gerere bellum? Atque in hoc quidem vel cum men- 
 dacio, si voids, gloriemini per me licet, vos provin- 
 ciam fuisse Caesari tradituros. Etiam si a Varo et a 
 quibusdam aliis prohibiti estis, ego tamen confiteor 
 culpam esse Ligari, qui vos tantae laudis occasione 
 privaverit. 
 
 ix. 26. Sed vide, quaeso, Caesar, constantiam or- 
 natissimi viri [Tuberonis], quam ego, quamvis ipse 
 probarem, ut probo, tamen non commemorarem, nisi 
 a te cognovissem in prirnis earn virtutem solere lau- 
 dari. Quae fuit igitur umquam in ullo homine tanta 
 constantia? Constantiam dico? nescio an melius pa- 
 tientiam possim dicere. Quotus enim istud quisque 
 fecisset, ut, a quibus partibus in dissensione civili non 
 esset receptus, esset etiam cum crudelitate rejectus, 
 ad eos ipsos rediret? Magni cujusdam animi atque 
 ejus viri est, quern de suscepta causa propositaque 
 sententia nulla contumelia, nulla vis, nullum pericu- 
 lum possit depellere. 27. Ut enim cetera paria Tube- 
 roni cum Varo fuissent, — honos, nobilitas, splendor, 
 ingenium, quae nequaquam fuerunt, — hoc certe 
 praecipuum Tuberonis, quod justo cum imperio ex 
 senatus consulto in provinciam suam venerat. Hinc 
 prohibitus non ad Caesarem, ne iratus, non domum, 
 ne iners, non in aliquam regionem, ne condemnare 
 causam illam quam secutus erat, videretur : in Mace- 
 
230 Plea for Ligarius. [Ligar. 
 
 doniam ad Cn. Pompei castra venit, in earn ipsam 
 causam a qua erat rejectus injuria. 28. Quid? cum ista 
 res nihil commovisset ejus animum ad quem veneratis, 
 languidiore (credo) studio in causa fuistis : tantum 
 modo in praesidiis eratis, animi vero a causa abhor- 
 rebant : an, ut fit in civilibus bellis .... nee in 
 vobis magis quam in reliquis ; omnes enim vincendi 
 studio tenebamur. Pacis equidem semper auctor fui, 
 sed turn sero : erat enim amentis, cum aciem videres, 
 pacem cogitare. Omnes, inquam, vincere volebamus : 
 tu certe praecipue, qui in eum locum veneras, ubi 
 tibi esset pereundum nisi vicisses. Quamquam, ut 
 nunc se res habet, non dubito quin hanc salutem ante- 
 ponas illi victoriae. x. 29. Haec ego non dicerem, 
 Tubero, si aut vos constantiae vestrae aut Caesarem 
 benefici sui paeniteret. Nunc quaero utrum vestras 
 injurias an rei publicae persequamini : si rei publicae, 
 quid de vestra in ilia causa perseverantia responde- 
 bitis? si vestras, videte ne erretis, qui Caesarem ves- 
 tris inimicis iratum fore putetis, cum ignoverit suis. 
 
 Itaque num tibi videor in causa Ligari esse occupa- 
 tus? num de ejus facto dicere? Quicquid dixi, ad 
 unam summam referri volo, vel humanitatis, vel cle- 
 mentiae, vel misericordiae tuae. 30. Causas, Caesar, 
 egi multas equidem tecum, dum te in foro tenuit ratio 
 honorum tuorum, certe numquam hoc modo : « Ignos- 
 cite, judices : erravit, lapsus est, non putavit ; si um- 
 quam posthac ' — ad parentem sic agi solet : ad judices, 
 4 Non fecit, non cogitavit : falsi testes, fictum crimen.' 
 Die te, Caesar, de facto Ligari judicem esse ; quibus 
 in praesidiis fuerit quaere : taceo, ne haec quidem 
 conligo, quae fortasse valerent etiam apud judicem : 
 4 Legatus ante bellum profectus, relictus in pace, bello 
 oppressus, in eo ipso non acerbus, jam est totus animo 
 ac studio tuus.' Ad judicem sic, sed ego apud pa- 
 rentem loquor : ' Erravit, temere fecit, paenitet : ad 
 
xi. 33] How the Case should be judged, 231 
 
 clementiam tuam confugio, delicti veniam peto, ut 
 ignoscatur oro.' Si nemo impetravit, adroganter : si 
 plurimi, tu idem fer opem, qui spem dedisti. 31. An 
 sperandi Ligario causa non sit, cum mihi apud te locus 
 sit etiam pro altero deprecandi? Quamquam nee in 
 hac oratione spes est posita causae, nee in eorum 
 studiis qui a te pro Ligario petunt, tui necessarii. 
 xi. Vidi enim et cognovi quid maxime spectares, cum 
 pro alicujus salute multi laborarent : causas apud te 
 rogantium gratiosiores esse quam voltus ; neque te 
 spectare quam tuus esset necessarius is qui te oraret, 
 sed quam illius, pro quo laboraret. Itaque tribuis tu 
 quidem tuis ita multa, ut mihi beatiores illi videantur 
 interdum qui tua liberalitate fruuntur, quam tu ipse, 
 qui illis tarn multa concedas. Sed video tamen apud 
 te causas, ut dixi, valere plus quam preces ; ab eisque 
 te moveri maxime, quorum justissimum videas dolo- 
 rem in petendo. 
 
 32. In Q^ Ligario conservando multis tu quidem 
 gratum facies necessariis tuis, sed hoc, quaeso, con- 
 sidera, quod soles. Possum fortissimos viros, Sabinos, 
 tibi probatissimos, totumque agrum Sabinum, florem 
 Italiae ac robur rei publicae, proponere. Nosti opti- 
 mos homines. Animadverte horum omnium maesti- 
 tiam et dolorem : hujus T. Brocchi (de quo non dubito 
 quid existimes) lacrimas, squaloremque ipsius et fill 
 vides. 33. Quid de fratribus dicam? Noli, Caesar, 
 putare de unius capite nos agere. Aut tres tibi Ligarii 
 retinendi in civitate sunt, aut tres ex civitate extermi- 
 nandi : [nam] quodvis exsilium his est optatius quam 
 patria, quam domus, quam di penates, uno illo exsu- 
 lante. Si fraterne, si pie, si cum dolore faciunt, 
 moveant te horum lacrimae, moveat pietas, moveat 
 germanitas : valeat tua vox ilia, quae vicit. Te enim 
 dicere audiebamus nos omnis adversarios putare, nisi 
 qui nobiscum essent ; te omnis qui contra te non es- 
 
232 Plea for Ligarius. [Ligar. 
 
 sent, tuos. Videsne igitur hunc splendorem omnium, 
 hanc Brocchorum domum, hunc L. Marcium, C. Cae- 
 setium, L. Corfidium, hos omnis equites Romanos, qui 
 adsunt veste mutata, non solum notos tibi, verum etiam 
 probatos viros, qui tecum fuerunt? Atque his iras- 
 cebamur, hos requirebamus, his non nulli etiam mina- 
 bamur. Conserva igitur tuis suos, ut, quern ad modum 
 cetera quae dicta sunt a te, sic hoc verissimum repe- 
 riatur. 
 
 xii. 34. Quod si penitus perspicere posses concor- 
 diam Ligariorum, omnis fratres tecum judicares fuisse. 
 An potest quisquam dubitare quin, si Q^ Ligarius in 
 Italia esse potuisset, in eadem sententia fuerit futurus, 
 in qua fratres fuerunt? Quis est qui horum consen- 
 sum conspirantem et paene conflatum in hac prope ae- 
 qualitate fraterna [non] noverit? qui hoc non sentiat, 
 quidvis prius futurum fuisse, quam ut hi fratres diver- 
 sas sententias fortunasque sequerentur? Voluntate 
 igitur omnes tecum fuerunt : tempestate abreptus est 
 unus, qui si consilio id fecisset, esset eorum similis, 
 quos tu tamen salvos esse voluisti. 35. Sed ierit ad 
 bellum, dissenserit non a te solum, verum etiam a fra- 
 tribus : hi te orant tui. Equidem, cum tuis omnibus 
 negotiis interessem, memoria teneo qualis T. Ligarius 
 quaestor urbanus fuerit erga te et dignitatem tuam. 
 Sed parum est me hoc meminisse : spero etiam te (qui 
 oblivisci nihil soles nisi injurias, quoniam hoc est 
 animi, quoniam etiam ingeni tui) te aliquid de hujus 
 illo quaestorio officio, etiam de aliis quibusdam quaes- 
 toribus reminiscentem, recordari. 36. Hie igitur T. 
 Ligarius, qui turn nihil egit aliud — neque enim haec 
 divinabat — nisi ut tui eum studiosum et bonum virum 
 judicares, nunc a te supplex fratris salutem petit : 
 quam hujus admonitus officio cum utrisque his dede- 
 ris, tris fratres optimos et integerrimos non solum sibi 
 ipsos, neque his tot talibus viris, neque nobis neces- 
 sariis tuis, sed etiam rei publicae condonaveris. 
 
xii. 3 8 -] How CcBsar has used his Victory. 233 
 
 37. Fac igitur, quod de homine nobilissimo et cla- 
 rissimo fecisti nuper in curia, nunc idem in foro de 
 optimis et huic omni frequentiae probatissimis fratri- 
 bus. Ut concessisti ilium senatui, sic da hunc populo, 
 cujus voluntatem carissimam semper habuisti ; et, si 
 ille dies tibi gloriosissimus, populo Romano gratissimus 
 fuit, noli, obsecro, dubitare, C. Caesar, similem illi 
 gloriae laudem quam saepissime quaerere. Nihil est 
 tam populare quam bonitas, nulla de virtutibus tuis 
 plurimis nee admirabilior nee gratior misericordia est. 
 38. Homines enim ad deos nulla re propius accedunt 
 quam salutem hominibus dando. Nihil habet nee 
 fortuna tua majus quam ut possis, nee natura melius 
 quam ut velis, servare quam plurimos. Longiorem 
 orationem causa forsitan postulet, tua certe natura 
 breviorem. Qua re cum utilius esse arbitrer te ipsum 
 quam me aut quemquam loqui tecum, finem jam fa- 
 ciam : tantum te admonebo, si illi absenti salutem 
 dederis, praesentibus his omnibus te daturum. 
 
THE STRUGGLE AGAINST ANTONY. 
 
 b. c. 43- 
 
 Julius Cesar was assassinated on the Ides of March (March 
 15), b. c. 44, by a band of conspirators, headed by Marcus Junius 
 Brutus and Caius Cassius Longinus. The conspirators fancied that 
 if the dictator were out of the way the Republic could be restored. 
 But the success of Caesar had made any return to the republic 
 impossible. Nor had the conspirators made any provision for 
 their own safety, much less for getting control of the government. 
 The only question was, who should succeed to the power of the 
 murdered dictator. And the only persons who had any chance of 
 doing so were Mark Antony, Caesar's surviving colleague in the 
 consulship, and the young Caius Caesar Octavianus, Caesar's grand 
 nephew, adopted son, and heir, afterwards the emperor Augustus. 
 
 Antony had come into possession of Caesar's papers and estates, 
 caused his " acts " to be legally confirmed, seized the public funds, 
 abolished the office of dictator, and secured as large a share of 
 authority as he could. He was a man of inordinate ambition, con- 
 trolled only by an equally unbounded self-indulgence, utterly with- 
 out principle or scruple, and (if we may trust the character of him 
 drawn by Cicero) a monster of profligacy and crime. He had 
 married for his third wife Fulvia, widow of Publius Clodius, and 
 shared, with her, that tribune's vindictive hate of Cicero. His col- 
 league, Publius Cornelius Dolabella, Cicero's son-in-law, had been 
 appointed by Caesar to succeed him as consul, and assumed the 
 office at his death. He dallied with the conspirators, suppressed 
 the violence of the mob that threatened them, and might have had 
 some pretensions to the power, with the support of the aristocracy, 
 but was easily outgeneralled or bought off by Antony. Lepidus, 
 who had a military command, and in whom the aristocracy had some 
 hope, was also gained over by Antony. Octavianus, now twenty 
 years old, hastened from Epirus to claim his inheritance, and take 
 part in the conflict which he saw approaching. He was a young 
 man of precocious talent, of cool and wary temper, of ambition 
 equal to Antony^, and of a political sagacity which, through his 
 long life, seems never to have been at fault. 
 
 Neither of the two chief claimants was strong enough alone to 
 be quite independent of the other ; though at first they stood in the 
 
The Struggle against Antony. r 235 
 
 attitude of rivals, and in their antagonism there seemed still some 
 hope for the republic. Each endeavored to secure the countenance 
 of the Senate, and to gain control over the public armies ; and 
 each succeeded in attaching to himself a considerable force, while 
 neither was strong enough to hold the capital against the other. 
 
 Meanwhile Cicero, who at first hailed the death of Caesar as the 
 restoration of the republic, lost courage, and set out in July for 
 Greece. Detained, however, by contrary winds, and receiving 
 more favorable news from Rome, he returned to the city at the end 
 of August, to find that all his hopes were void. Still, he made an 
 effort at conciliation, in a speech in the Senate, on the 2d of Sep- 
 tember. In this he replied severely to an attack made upon 
 him by Antony the day before, but still took pains to leave the 
 door open for a restoration of good- will. It was to no purpose. 
 Antony replied, September 19, with such bitterness — directly 
 charging Cicero with the murder of Clodius and of Caesar — that 
 it was clear he meant there should be no alternative but civil war. 
 Cicero did not venture to answer him in the Senate ; but replied, 
 ten weeks later, in a pamphlet — by many regarded as his master- 
 piece — as bitter and uncompromising as the consul's attack. 
 From its likeness in tone to the famous invectives of Demos- 
 thenes, this was called a " Philippic ; " and the term has been 
 extended to the entire series of fourteen orations against An- 
 tony, commencing with that of September 2, and ending with the 
 triumphant speech (given below) with which his political career 
 closed. 
 
 The winter was spent in attempts at negotiation, every stage 
 illustrated by the running commentary of Cicero's Philippics. At 
 last, in the spring of B. c. 43, diplomacy was at an end. Actual 
 hostilities broke out first in Cisalpine Gaul (North Italy), where 
 Decimus Brutus — who had taken command of that province, ac- 
 cording to Caesar's will — held the town of Mutina (Modena) to 
 resist Antony ; Octavianus, with his independent force, having 
 also ranged himself on the side of the Senate. The consuls, Aulus 
 Hirtius and C. Vibius Pansa, had after some hesitation vigorously 
 taken up the same cause. In April the consuls met Antony in two 
 battles, — on the 15th at Bononia {Bologna), on the 27th near 
 Mutina. In both battles Antony was defeated ; but in the first the 
 consul Pansa was mortally wounded, and in the second Hirtius was 
 killed. It was on the reception of the news of the victory at 
 
236 The Straggle against Antony, [Phil. XIV. 
 
 Bononia, while Pansa's fate was unknown, that Cicero, in the 
 Senate, delivered his fourteenth and last Philippic. 
 
 The rejoicings were soon at an end. Octavianus found that his 
 own interests were best served by uniting with Antony against the 
 Senate. These two — with Lepidus as a third triumvir — came 
 easily into possession of supreme power. A remorseless proscrip- 
 tion followed, in which the most illustrious victim was Cicero, sac- 
 rificed to Antony's resentment, the vindictive hate of Fulvia, and 
 the cold ingratitude of Octavianus. 
 
 Of the fourteen Philippics, the Second is by far the most famous. 
 It is a long and elaborate invective, — in some parts exceedingly 
 bitter and coarse, — reviewing the domestic and political career of 
 Mark Antony, charging him with every personal vice and almost 
 every public crime. In its allusions to the public acts of Cae- 
 sar, its hostility is uncompromising, vindictive, often scornful. 
 The revival of the title "perpetual dictator" seems to have inspired 
 Cicero with hatred, horror, and fear ; and his real hostility was no 
 longer disguised after Caesar's death. This oration contains the 
 celebrated portrait of him, interesting as the only extant testimony, 
 publicly spoken at the time, of one who was at once contemporary, 
 peer, and rival : — 
 
 Fuit in Mo ingenium, ratio, memoria, litterce, cura, cogitatio, 
 diligentia. Res bello gesserat, quamvis rei publicaz calamitosas, at 
 ta7iien magnas. Multos annos regnare meditatus, magno labore, 
 multis periculis, quod cogitarat effecerat. Muneribus, monimen- 
 tis, congiariis, epulis multitudinem imperitam delenierat : suos 
 pro3?niis, adversarios clementice specie devinxerat. Quid multa f 
 attulerat jam liberce civitati, partim ntetu partim patientia, consue- 
 tudinem serviendi. Sed ex plwiniis malis, quce ab Mo rei publicce 
 sunt inusta, hoc tamen boni est, quod didicit jam populus Romanus 
 quantum cuiqite crederet, quibus se committeret, a quibus caveret. 
 
 The Fourteenth Philippic has a unique interest as the last free 
 voice of the Roman Senate, and from its ill-timed confidence in the • 
 future emperor. It is also interesting as an example of labored and 
 stately panegyric on patriots fallen in battle, after the manner of the 
 Greeks, and from the formal resolution of thanks and honor with 
 which it closes. Its immediate occasion was a resolution of P. 
 Servilius, that the citizens should lay aside the military garb, and 
 that a public thanksgiving should be celebrated in honor of the 
 victory. 
 
ii. 4-] When will the Victory be Complete f 237 
 
 CI, ut ex litteris quae recitatae sunt, patres conscripti, 
 ^ sceleratissimorum hostium exercitum caesum fu- 
 sumque cognovi, sic id: quod et omnes maxime opta- 
 mus, et ex ea victoria quae parta est consecutum 
 arbitramur, D. Brutum egressum jam Mutina esse 
 cognovissem, propter cujus periculum ad saga issemus, 
 propter ejusdem salutem redeundum ad pristinum ves- 
 titum sine ulla dubitatione censerem. Ante vero quam 
 sit ea res, quam avidissime civitas exspectat, adlata, 
 laetitia frui satis est maximae praeclarissimaeque pug- 
 nae : reditum ad vestitum confectae victoriae reservate. 
 Confectio autem hujus belli est D. Bruti salus. 
 
 2. Quae autem est ista sententia, ut in hodiernum 
 diem vestitus mutetur, deinde eras sagati prodeamus? 
 Nos vero cum semel ad eum quern cupimus optamus- 
 que vestitum redierimus, id agamus, ut eum in per- 
 petuum retineamus. Nam hoc quidem cum turpe est, 
 turn ne dis quidem immortalibus gratum, ab eorum 
 aris, ad quas togati adierimus, ad saga sumenda dis- 
 cedere. 3. Atque animadverto, patres conscripti, quos- 
 dam huic favere sententiae, quorum ea mens idque 
 consilium est, ut, cum videant gloriosissimum ilium 
 D. Bruto futurum diem, quo die propter ejus salutem 
 redierimus, hunc ei fructum eripere cupiant, ne me- 
 moriae posteritatique prodatur propter unius civis 
 periculum populum Romanum ad saga isse, propter 
 ejusdem salutem redisse ad togas. Tollite hanc : nul- 
 lam tarn pravae sententiae causam reperietis. Vos 
 vero, patres conscripti, conservate auctoritatem ves- 
 tram, manete in sententia, tenete vestra memoria, quod 
 saepe ostendistis, hujus totius belli in unius viri fortis- 
 simi et maximi vita positum esse discrimen. 
 
 11. 4. Ad D. Brutum liberandum legati missi prin- 
 cipes civitatis, qui illi hosti ac parricidae denuntiarent 
 ut a Mutina discederet. Ejusdem D. Bruti conser- 
 vandi gratia consul sortitu ad bellum profectus A. 
 
238 The Struggle against Antony, [Phil. XIV. 
 
 Hirtius, cujus imbecillitatem valetudinis animi virtus et 
 spes victoriae confirmavit. Caesar, cum exercitu per 
 se comparato cum primum pestibus rem publicam libe- 
 rasset, ne quid postea sceleris oreretur, profectus est ad 
 eundem Brutum liberandum, vicitque dolorem aliquem 
 domesticum patriae caritate. 5. Quid C. Pansa egit 
 aliud dilectibus habendis, pecunia comparanda, sena- 
 tus consultis faciendis gravissimis in Antonium, nobis 
 cohortandis, populo Romano ad causam libertatis vo- 
 cando, nisi ut D. Brutus liberaretur? A quo populus 
 Romanus frequens ita salutem D. Bruti una voce 
 depoposcit, ut earn non solum commodis suis, sed 
 etiam necessitati victus anteferret. Quod sperare nos 
 quidem debemus, patres conscripti, aut inibi esse aut 
 jam esse confectum. Sed spei fructum rei convenit 
 et evento reservari, ne aut deorum immortalium bene- 
 ficium festinatione praeripuisse, aut vim fortunae stul- 
 titia contempsisse videamur. 
 
 6. Sed quoniam significatio vestra satis declarat quid 
 hac de re sentiatis, ad litteras veniam, quae sunt a 
 consulibus et a propraetore missae, si pauca ante quae 
 ad ipsas iitteras pertineant dixero. ill. Imbuti gladii 
 sunt, patres conscripti, legionum exercituumque nostro- 
 rum, vel madefacti potius duobus duorum consulum, 
 tertio Caesaris proelio. Si hostium fuit ille sanguis, 
 summa militum pietas : nefarium scelus, si civium. 
 Quo usque igitur is, qui omnis hostis scelere superavit, 
 nomine hostis carebit? nisi mucrones etiam nostrorum 
 militum tremere voltis, dubitantis utrum in cive an in 
 hoste figantur. 7. Supplicationem decernitis ; hostem 
 non appellatis. Gratae vero nostrae dis immortalibus 
 gratulationes erunt, gratae victimae, cum interfecta sit 
 civium multitudo ! ' De improbis' inquit f et audaci- 
 ous.' Nam sic eos appellat clarissimus vir : quae sunt 
 urbanarum maledicta litium, non inustae belli inter- 
 necivi notae. Testamenta (credo) subiciunt aut eiciunt 
 
iv. io.] Antony's Cruelties at Parma. 239 
 
 vicinos, aut adulescentulos circumscribunt : [his enim 
 vitiis adfectos et talibus malos aut audacis appellare 
 consuetudo solet.] 8. Bellum inexpiabile infert quat- 
 tuor consulibus unus omnium latronum taeterrimus. 
 Gerit idem bellum cum senatu populoque Romano. 
 Omnibus — quamquam ruit ipse suis cladibus — pes- 
 tem, vastitatem, cruciatum, tormenta denuntiat. Do- 
 labellae ferum et immane facinus, quod nulla barbaria 
 posset agnoscere, id suo consilio factum esse testatur : 
 quaeque esset facturus in hac urbe, nisi eum hie ipse 
 Juppiter ab hoc templo atque moenibus reppulisset, 
 declaravit in Parmensium calamitate, quos optimos 
 viros honestissimosque homines, maxime cum aucto- 
 ritate hujus ordinis populique Romani dignitate con- 
 junctos, crudelissimis exemplis interemit propudium 
 illud et portentum, L. Antonius, insigne odium om- 
 nium hominum vel (si etiam di oderunt quos oportet) 
 deorum. 9. Refugit animus, patres conscripti, eaque 
 dicere reformidat quae L. Antonius in Parmensium 
 liberis et conjugibus efFecerit. Quas enim turpitudines 
 Antoni libenter [cum dedecore] subierunt, easdem per 
 vim laetantur aliis se intulisse. Sed vis calamitosa est, 
 quam illis intulerunt : libido flagitiosa, qua Antonio- 
 rum oblita est vita. Est igitur quisquam, qui hostis 
 appellare non audeat, quorum scelere crudelitatem Kar- 
 thaginiensium victam esse fateatur? iv. Qua enim in 
 urbe tarn immanis Hannibal capta quam in Parma 
 surrepta Antonius? Nisi forte hujus coloniae et cete- 
 rarum, in quas eodem est animo, non est hostis putan- 
 dus. 10. Si vero coloniarum et municipiorum sine ulla 
 dubitatione hostis est, quid tandem hujus censetis ur- 
 bis, quam ille ad explendas egestates latrocini sui 
 concupivit? quam jam peritus metator et callidus 
 decempeda sua Saxa diviserat? Recordamini, per 
 deos immortalis ! patres conscripti, quid hoc biduo 
 limuerimus a domesticis hostibus, rumoribus impro- 
 
240 The Struggle against Antony, [Phil. XIV. 
 
 bissimis dissipatis. Quis liberos, quis conjugem aspi- 
 cere poterat sine fletu? quis domum? quis tecta? quis 
 larem familiarem? Aut foedissimam mortem omnes 
 aut miserabilem fugam cogitabant. Haec a quibus 
 timebantur, eos hostis appellare dubitamus? Gravius 
 si quis attulerit nomen, libenter adsentiar : hocvolgari 
 contentus vix sum, leviore non utar. 
 
 11. Itaque cum supplicationes justissimas ex eis 
 litteris quae recitatae sunt decernere debeamus, Ser- 
 viliusque decreverit, augebo omnino numerum dierum, 
 praesertim cum non uni sed tribus ducibus sint decer- 
 nendae. Sed hoc primum faciam, ut imperatores 
 appellem eos, quorum virtute, consilio, felicitate, maxi- 
 mis periculis servitutis atque interims liberati sumus. 
 Etenim cui viginti his annis supplicatio decreta est, ut 
 non imperator appellaretur, aut minimis rebus gestis 
 aut plerumque nullis? Quam ob rem aut supplicatio 
 ab eo qui ante dixit decernenda non fuit, aut usitatus 
 honos pervolgatusque tribuendus eis, quibus etiam novi 
 singularesque debentur. v. 12. An si quis Hispano- 
 rum aut Gallorum aut Threcum mille aut duo milia 
 occidisset, eum hac consuetudine quae increbuit im- 
 peratorem appellaret senatus : tot legionibus caesis, 
 tanta multitudine hostium interfecta — hostium dico? ita 
 inquam, hostium, quamvis hoc isti hostes domestici 
 nolint — clarissimis ducibus supplicationum honorem 
 tribuemus, imperatorium nomen adimemus? Quanto 
 enim honore, laetitia, gratulatione in hoc templum 
 ingredi debent illi ipsi hujus urbis liberatores, cum 
 hesterno die propter eorum res gestas me ovantem et 
 prope triumphantem populus Romanus in Capitolium 
 domo tulerit, domum inde reduxerit? 13. Is enim 
 demum est (mea quidem sententia) Justus triumphus 
 ac verus, cum bene de re publica mentis testimonium 
 a consensu civitatis datur. Nam sive in com muni 
 gaudio populi Romani uni gratulabantur, magnum 
 
vi. 16.] False Charges against Cicero. 241 
 
 judicium ; sive uni gratias agebant, eo majus ; sive 
 utrumque, nihil magnificentius cogitari potest. 
 
 * Tu igitur ipse de te? ' dixerit quispiam. Equidem 
 invitus, sed injuriae dolor facit me praeter consue- 
 tudinem gloriosum. Nonne satis est ab hominibus 
 virtutis ignaris gratiam bene merentibus non referri? 
 Etiam in eos qui omnis suas curas in rei publicae 
 salute defigunt, impietatis crimine invidia quaeretur? 
 14. Scitis enim per hos dies creberrimum fuisse sermo- 
 nem, me Parilibus, qui dies hodie est, cum fascibus 
 descensurum. In aliquem credo hoc gladiatorem aut 
 latronem aut Catilinam esse conlatum, non in eum qui 
 ne quid tale in re publica fieri posset effecerit. An [ut] 
 ego, qui Catilinam haec molientem sustulerim, ever- 
 terim, adflixerim, ipse exsisterem repente Catilina? 
 Qiiibus auspiciis istos fascis augur acciperem? quate- 
 nus haberem? cui traderem? Quemquamne fuisse 
 tarn sceleratum qui hoc fingeret, tarn furiosum qui 
 crederet? Unde igitur ista suspitio, vel potius unde 
 iste sermo? vi. 15. Cum, ut scitis, hoc triduo vel 
 quadriduo tristis a Mutina fama manaret, inflati laeti- 
 tia atque insolentia impii cives unum se in locum, 
 ad illam curiam furiis potius suis quam rei publicae 
 infelicem congregabant. Ibi cum consilia inirent de 
 caede nostra, partirenturque inter se qui Capitolium, 
 qui rostra, qui urbis portas occuparent, ad me concur- 
 sum futurum civitatis putabant. Quod ut cum invidia 
 mea fieret, et cum vitae etiam periculo, famani istam 
 fascium dissipaverunt : fascis ipsi ad me delaturi fue- 
 runt. Quod cum esset quasi mea voluntate factum, 
 turn in me impetus conductorum hominum quasi in 
 tyrannum parabatur : ex quo caedes esset vestrum om- 
 nium consecuta. Quae res patefecit, patres conscripti, 
 sed suo tempore totius hujus sceleris fons aperietur. 
 
 16. Itaque P. Apuleius, tribunus plebis, meorum 
 omnium consiliorum periculorumque jam inde a con- 
 
 16 
 
242 The Struggle against Antony, [Phil. XIV. 
 
 sulatu meo testis, conscius, adjutor, dolorem fe.rre non 
 potuit doloris mei. Contionem habuit maximam, 
 populo Romano unum atque idem sentiente. In qua 
 contione cum me pro summa nostra conjunctione et 
 familiaritate liberare suspitione fascium vellet, una 
 voce cuncta contio declaravit nihil esse a me umquam 
 de re publica nisi optime cogitatum. Post hanc ha- 
 bitam contionem duabus tribusve horis, optatissimi 
 nuntii et litterae venerunt : ut idem dies non modo 
 iniquissima me invidia liberarit, sed etiam celeberrima 
 populi Romani gratulatione auxerit. 
 
 17. Haec interposui, patres conscripti, non tarn ut 
 pro me dicerem — male enim mecum ageretur, si 
 parum vobis essem sine defensione purgatus — quam 
 ut quosdam nimis jejuno animo et angusto monerem, 
 id quod semper ipse fecissem, uti excellentium civium 
 virtutem imitatione dignam, non invidia putarent. 
 Magnus est in re publica campus, ut sapienter dicere 
 Crassus solebat, multis apertus cursus ad laudem. 
 vii. Utinam quidem illi principes viverent, qui me 
 post meum consulatum, cum eis ipse cederem, prin- 
 cipem non inviti videbant ! Hoc vero tempore, in 
 tanta inopia constantium et fortium consularium, quo 
 me dolore adfici creditis, cum alios male sentire, alios 
 nihil omnino curare videam, alios parum constanter 
 in suscepta causa permanere, sententiamque suam non 
 semper utilitate rei publicae, sed turn spe turn timore 
 moderari? 18. Quod si quis de contentione principa- 
 ls laborat, quae nulla esse debet, stultissime facit, si 
 vitiis cum virtute contendit : ut enim cursu cursus, sic 
 in viris fortibus virtus virtute superatur. Tu, si ego de 
 re publica optime sentiam, ut me vincas, ipse pessime 
 senties? aut, si ad me bonorum concursum fieri vide- 
 bis, ad te improbos invitabis? Nollem, primum rei 
 publicae causa, deinde etiam dignitatis tuae. Sed si 
 principatus ageretur, quem numquam expetivi, quid 
 
viii. 22.] The Part Cicero has taken, 243 
 
 tandem mihi esset optatius? Ego enim malis senten- 
 tiis vinci non possum, bonis forsitan possim et libenter. 
 19. Haec populum Romanum videre, animadvertere, 
 judicare quidam moleste ferunt. Poteratne fieri ut 
 non proinde homines de quoque, ut quisque mereretur, 
 judicarent? Ut enim de universo senatu populus 
 Romanus verissime judicat, nullis rei publicae tem- 
 poribus hunc ordinem firmiorem aut fortiorem fuisse, 
 sic de uno quoque nostrum et maxime, qui hoc loco 
 sententias. dicimus, sciscitantur omnes, avent audire 
 quid quisque senserit : ita de quoque, ut quemque 
 meritum arbitrantur, existimant. Memoria tenent me 
 ante diem xiii. Kalendas Januarias principem revo- 
 candae libertatis fuisse : me ex Kalendis Januariis ad 
 hanc horam invigilasse rei publicae : 20. meam do- 
 mum measque auris dies noctisque omnium praeceptis 
 monitisque patuisse : meis litteris, meis nuntiis, meis 
 cohortationibus omnis qui ubique essent ad patriae 
 praesidium excitatos : meis sententiis a Kalendis Jan- 
 uariis numquam legatos ad Antonium : semper ilium 
 hostem, semper hoc bellum, ut ego, qui omni tempore 
 verae pacis auctor fuissem, huic essem nomini pesti- 
 ferae pacis inimicus : 21. idem P. Ventidium, cum alii 
 tr. pi. \ volusenum, ego semper hostem. Has in sen- 
 tentias meas si consules discessionem facere voluis- 
 sent, omnibus istis latronibus auctoritate ipsa senatus 
 jam pridem de manibus arma cecidissent. 
 
 viii. Sed quod turn non licuit, patres conscripti, id 
 hoc tempore non solum licet, verum etiam necesse est, 
 — eos qui re sunt hostes [verbis notari], sententiis 
 nostris hostis judicari. 22. Antea cum hostem ac bel- 
 lum nominassem, semel et saepius sententiam meam 
 de numero sententiarum sustulerunt : quod in hac 
 causa jam fieri non potest. Ex litteris enim C. Pansae 
 A. Hirtii consulum, C. Caesaris pro praetore, de 
 honore dis immortalibus habendo sententias dicimus. 
 
244 The Struggle against Antony. [Phil. XIV. 
 
 Supplicationem modo qui decrevit, idem imprudens 
 hostis judicavit : numquam enim in civili bello suppli- 
 catio decreta est. Decretam dico? ne victoris quidem 
 litteris postulata est. 23. Civile bellum consul Sulla 
 gessit : legionibus in urbem adductis, quos voluit ex- 
 pulit ; quos potuit occidit : supplicationis mentio nulla. 
 Grave bellum Octavianum insecutum est : supplicatio 
 [Cinnae] nulla victori. Cinnae victoriam imperator 
 ultus est Sulla : nulla supplicatio decreta a senatu. Ad 
 te ipsum, P. Servili, num misit ullas conlega litteras 
 de ilia calamitosissima pugna Pharsalia? Num te de 
 supplicatione voluit referre ? Profecto noluit. At misit 
 postea de Alexandria, de Pharnace. Pharsaliae vero 
 pugnae ne triumphum quidem egit. Eos enim civis 
 pugna ilia sustulerat, quibus non modo vivis, sed etiam 
 victoribus, incolumis et florens civitas esse posset. 
 24. Quod idem contigerat superioribus bellis civilibus. 
 Nam mihi consuli supplicatio nullis armis sumptis, non 
 ob caedem hostium, sed ob conservationem civium, 
 novo et inaudito genere decreta est. Quam ob rem 
 aut supplicatio re publica pulcherrime gesta postulan- 
 tibus nostris imperatoribus deneganda est, quod praeter 
 A. Gabinium contigit nemini ; aut, supplicatione de- 
 cernenda, hostis eos de quibus decernitis judicetis 
 necesse est. 
 
 ix. Quod ergo ille re, id ego etiam verbo, cum 
 imperatores eos appello : hoc ipso nomine et eos qui 
 jam devicti sunt, et eos qui supersunt, hostis judico 
 [cum victores appello imperatores]. 25. Quo modo 
 enim potius Pansam appellem? etsi habet honoris 
 nomen amplissimi. Quo Hirtium? Est ille quidem 
 consul, sed alterum nomen benefici populi Romani est, 
 alterum virtutis atque victoriae. Quid? Caesarem, 
 deorum beneficio rei publicae procreatum, dubitemne 
 appellare imperatorem? qui primus Antoni immanem 
 et foedam crudelitatem non solum a jugulis nostris, 
 
x. 28.] The Consuls Pansa and Hirtius. 245 
 
 sed etiam a membris et visceribus avertit. Unius 
 autem diei quot et quantae virtutes, di immortales, 
 fuerunt ! 26. Princeps ' enim omnium Pansa proeli 
 faciendi et cum Antonio confligendi fuit : dignus im- 
 perator legione Martia, digna legio imperatore. Cujus 
 si acerrimum impetum cohibere Pansa potuisset, uno 
 proelio confecta res esset. Sed cum libertatis avida 
 legio effrenatius in aciem hostium inrupisset, ipseque in 
 primis Pansa pugnaret, duobus periculosis volnenbus 
 acceptis, sublatus e proelio, rei publicae vitam reser- 
 vavit. Ego vero hunc non solum imperatorem sed 
 etiam clarissimum imperatorem judico, qui, cum aut 
 morte aut victoria se satis facturum rei publicae spo- 
 pondisset, alterum fecit, alterius di immortales omen 
 avertant ! 
 
 x. 27. Quid dicam de Hirtio ? qui, re audita, 
 e castris duas legiones eduxit incredibili studio atque 
 virtute ; quartam illam, quae relicto Antonio se olim 
 cum Martia legione conjunxit, et septimam, quae, 
 constituta ex veteranis, docuit hoc proelio militibus 
 eis qui Caesaris beneficia servassent, senatus populique 
 Romani carum nomen esse. His viginti cohortibus, 
 nullo equitatu, Hirtius ipse aquilam quartae legionis 
 cum inferret, qua nullius pulcriorem speciem impe- 
 ratoris accepimus, cum tribus Antoni legionibus equi- 
 tatuque conflixit, hostisque nefarios, huic Jovis Optimi 
 Maximi ceterisque deorum immortalium templis, urbis 
 tectis, libertati populi Romani, nostrae vitae sanguini- 
 que imminentis prostravit, fudit, occidit, ut cum admo- 
 dum paucis, nocte tectus, metu perterritus, princeps 
 latronum duxque fugerit. O solem ipsum beatissi- 
 mum, qui, ante quam se abderet, stratis cadaveribus 
 parricidarum, cum paucis fugientem vidit Antonium ! 
 
 28. An vero quisquam dubitabit appellare Caesarem 
 imperatorem? Aetas ejus certe ab hac sententia ne- 
 minem deterrebit, quando quidem virtute superavit 
 
246 The Struggle against Antony, [Phil. XIV. 
 
 aetatem. Ac mihi semper eo majora beneficia C. 
 Caesaris visa sunt, quo minus erant ab aetate ilia pos- 
 tulanda. Cui cum imperium dabamus, eodem tempore 
 etiam spem ejus nominis deferebamus : quod cum esset 
 consecutus, auctoritatem nostri decreti rebus gestis 
 suis comprobavit. Hie ergo adulescens maximi animi, 
 ut verissime scribit Hirtius, castra multarum legionum 
 paucis cohortibus tutatus est, secundumque proelium 
 fecit. Ita trium imperatorum virtute, consilio, felici- 
 tate uno die locis pluribus res publica est conservata. 
 xi. 29. Decerno igitur eorum trium nomine quin- 
 quaginta dierum supplicationes : causas, ut honorifi- 
 centissimis verbis consequi potuero, complectar ipsa 
 sententia. 
 
 Est autem fidei pietatisque nostrae declarare fortis- 
 simis militibus, quam memores simus quamque grati* 
 Quam ob rem promissa nostra, atque ea quae legioni- 
 bus bello confecto tributuros nos spopondimus, ho- 
 dierno senatus consulto renovanda censeo : aequum 
 est enim militum, talium praesertim, honorem con- 
 jungi. 30. Atque utinam, patres conscripti, [civibus] 
 omnibus solvere nobis praemia liceret ! Quamquam 
 nos ea quae promisimus studiose cumulata reddemus. 
 Sed id quidem restat (ut spero) victoribus, quibus 
 senatus fides praestabitur : quam quoniam difficillimo 
 rei publicae tempore secuti sunt, eos numquam opor- 
 tebit consili sui paenitere. Sed facile est bene agere 
 cum eis a quibus etiam tacentibus flagitari videmur : 
 illud admirabilius et majus maximeque proprium se- 
 natus sapientis est, grata eorum virtutem memoria 
 prosequi, qui pro patria vitam profuderunt. 
 
 31. Quorum de honore utinam mihi plura in mentem 
 venirent ! Duo certe non praeteribo, quae maxime 
 occurrunt : quorum alterum pertinet ad virorum fortis- 
 simorum gloriam sempiternam, alterum ad leniendum 
 maerorem et luctum proximorum. 
 
xii. 33-] Praise of the Patriot Soldiers. 247 
 
 xii. Placet igitur mihi, patres conscripti, legionis 
 Martiae militibus, et eis qui una pugnantes occiderunt, 
 monumentum fieri quam' amplissimum. Magna atque 
 incredibilia sunt in rem publicam hujus merita legio- 
 nis. Haec se prima latrocinio abrupit Antoni ; haec 
 tenuit Albam ; haec se ad Caesarem contulit ; hanc 
 imitata quarta legio parem virtutis gloriam consecuta 
 est. Quarta victrix desiderat neminem : ex Martia 
 non nulli in ipsa victoria conciderunt. O fortunata 
 mors, quae naturae debita pro patria est potissimum 
 reddita ! 32. Vos vero patriae natos judico : quorum 
 etiam nomen a Marte est, ut idem deus urbem hanc 
 gentibus, vos huic urbi genuisse videatur. In fuga 
 foeda mors est : in victoria gloriosa. Etenim Mars 
 ipse ex acie fortissimum quemque pignerari solet. Illi 
 igitur impii, quos cecidistis, etiam ad inferos poenas 
 parricidi luent : vos vero, qui extremum spiritum in 
 victoria efTudistis, piorum estis sedem et locum conse- 
 cuti. Brevis a natura nobis vita data est : at memoria 
 bene redditae vitae sempiterna. Quae si non esset 
 longior quam haec vita, quis esset tarn amens qui 
 maximis laboribus et periculis ad summam laudem 
 gloriamque contenderet? 33. Actum igitur praeclare 
 vobiscum, fortissimi, dum vixistis, nunc vero etiam 
 sanctissimi milites, quod vestra virtus neque oblivione 
 eorum qui nunc sunt, nee reticentia posterorum se- 
 pulta esse poterit, cum vobis immortale monimentum 
 suis paene manibus senatus populusque Romanus ex- 
 struxerit. Multi saepe exercitus Punicis, Gallicis, 
 Italicrs bejlis clari et magni fuerunt, nee tamen ullis 
 tale genus honoris tributum est. Atque utinam majora 
 possemus, quando quidem a vobis maxima accepimus ! 
 Vos ab urbe furentem Antonium avertistis : vos redire 
 molientem reppulistis. Erit igitur exstructa moles 
 opere magnifico incisaeque litterae, divinae virtutis 
 testes sempiternae : numquamque de vobis eorum, qui 
 
248 The Struggle against Antony. [Phil. XIV. 
 
 aut videbunt vestrum monimentum aut audient, gra- 
 tissimus sermo conticescet. Ita pro mortali condicione 
 vitae immortalitatem estis consecuti. 
 
 xiii. 34. Sed quoniam, patres conscripti, gloriae 
 munus optimis et fortissimis civibus monimenti honore 
 persolvitur, consolemur eorum proximos, quibus op- 
 tima est haec quidem consolatio : parentibus, quod 
 tanta rei publicae praesidia genuerunt ; liberis, quod 
 habebunt domestica exempla virtutis ; conjugibus, 
 quod eis viris carebunt, quos laudare quam lugere 
 praestabit; fratribus, quod in se ut corporum, sic vir- 
 tutum similitudinem esse confident. Atque utinam 
 his omnibus abstergere fletum sententiis nostris con- 
 sultisque possemus, vel aliqua talis eis adhiberi pub- 
 lice posset oratio, qua deponerent maerorem atque 
 luctum, gauderentque potius, cum multa et varia im- 
 penderent hominibus genera mortis, id genus quod 
 esset pulcherrimum suis obtigisse, eosque nee inhuma- 
 tos esse nee desertos, quod tamen ipsum pro patria 
 non miserandum putatur, nee dispersis bustis humiii 
 sepultura crematos, sed contectos publicis operibus 
 atque muneribus, eaque exstructione quae sit ad me- 
 moriam aeternitatis ara Virtutis. 35. Quam ob rem 
 maximum quidem solacium erit propinquorum eodem 
 monimento declarari et virtutem suorum, et populi 
 Romani pietatem, et senatus fidem, et crudelissimi 
 memoriam belli : in quo nisi tanta militum virtus ex- 
 stitisset, parricidio M. Antoni nomen populi Romani 
 occidisset. Atque etiam censeo, patres conscripti, 
 quae praemia militibus promisimus nos re publica 
 recuperata tributuros, ea vivis victoribusque cumulate, 
 cum tempus venerit, persolvenda ; qui autem ex eis 
 quibus ilia promissa sunt pro patria occiderunt, eorum 
 parentibus, liberis, conjugibus, fratribus eadem tribu- 
 enda censeo. 
 
xiv. 38.] Resolution of Thanks and Honor. 249 
 
 xiv. 36. Sed, ut aliquando sententia complectar, ita 
 censeo : 
 
 Cum C. Pansa consul, imperator, initium cum hostibus 
 confligendi fecerit, quo proelio legio Martia admirabili incre- 
 dibilique virtute libertatem populi Romani defenderit, quod 
 idem legiones tironum fecerint ; ipseque C. Pansa consul, 
 imperator, cum inter media hostium tela versaretur, volnera 
 acceperit ; cumque A. Hirtius consul, imperator, [proelio 
 audito,] re cognita, fortissimo praestantissimoque animo 
 exercitum castris eduxerit, impetumque in M. Antonium 
 exercitumque hostium fecerit, ejusque copias occidione Occi- 
 dent, suo exercitu ita incolumi ut ne unum quidem militem 
 desiderarit ; 37. cumque C. Caesar pro praetore, imperator, 
 consilio diligentiaque sua castra feliciter defenderit, copias- 
 que hostium quae ad castra accesserant profligarit, occiderit ; 
 — ob eas res senatum existimare et judicare eorum trium 
 imperatorum virtute, imperio, consilio, gravitate, constantia, 
 magnitudine animi, felicitate, populum Romanum foedissima 
 crudelissimaque servitute liberatum. Cumque rem publicam, 
 urbem, templa deorum immortalium, bona fortunasque om- 
 nium liberosque conservarint dimicatione et periculo vitae 
 suae, uti ob eas res, bene fortiter feliciterque gestas, C 
 Pansa A. Hirtius consules, imperatores, alter ambove, ant 
 (si aberunt) M. Cornutus, praetor urbanus, supplicationcs 
 per dies quinquaginta ad omnia pulvinaria constituat. 
 38. Cumque virtus legionum digna clarissimis imperatoribus 
 exstiterit, senatum, quae, sit antea pollicitus legionibus exer- 
 citibusque nostris, ea summo studio re publica recuperata 
 soluturum. Cumque legio Martia princeps cum hostibus 
 conflixerit, atque ita cum majore numero hostium conten- 
 derit, ut cum plurimos caederent, caderent non nulli, ci.m- 
 que sine ulla retractatione pro patria vitam profuderint ; cum- 
 que si mill virtute reliquarum legionum milites pro salute 
 et libertate populi Romani mortem oppetiverint, senatui 
 placere ut C. Pansa A. Hirtius consules, imperatores, alter 
 ambove, si eis videatur, eis qui sanguinem pro vita, libertate, 
 fortunis populi Romani, pro urbe, templis deorum immor- 
 talium profudissent, monimentum quam amplissimum lo- 
 candum faciundumque curent ; quaestores^&<? urbanos ad 
 
250 The Struggle against Antony, [Phil. XIV. 
 
 earn rem pecuniam dare, attribuere, solvere jubeant, ut 
 exstet ad memoriam posteritatis sempiternam scelus crude- 
 lissimorum hostium militumque divina virtus ; utique, 
 quae praemia senatus militibus ante constituit, ea solvan- 
 tur eorum qui hoc bello pro patria occiderunt parenti- 
 bus, liberis, conjugibus, fratribus ; eisque tribuantur quae 
 militibus ipsis tribui oporteret, si vivi vicissent, qui morte 
 vicerunt. 
 
NOTES. 
 
NOTES, 
 
 Defence of Roscius. 
 Argument, 
 
 [Omitted portions in brackets.] 
 
 Chap. i. Exordium. Cicero's reasons for undertaking the case. — [2. Political aspect 
 of the trial, showing (a) why others refused to undertake it ; (6) why the jury ought to be 
 especially cautious \—Narratia. 6. The murder. — 7. Circumstances pointing to Magnus 
 as the procurer: Chrysogonus informed, and a conspiracy made with him by Capito and 
 Magnus —8. Proscription and sale of property: Chrysogonus buys it up for a nominal 
 sum. Sex. Roscius dispossessed. — 9. Amerians take up his cause and apply to Sulla, but 
 are staved off by Capito, who was on the committee. — 10. Roscius flies to his friends at 
 Rome : the conspirators commence the prosecution. — 11. Commiseration of his client's posi- 
 tion, with review of the circumstances. — 13. Partitio : (a) the charge ; (6) the reckless villany 
 of the two T. R. ; (c) influence of Chrysogonus. —Defensio : I. 14. The crime not in accord- 
 ance with the character of the defendant : no motive can be shown : no enmity between 
 father and son. — 15-17. His rustic employment : this is no evidence of ill-will. — 19. Alleged 
 intention to disinherit : no proof. — 20. No case made out: hence the accuser (Erucius) is 
 attacked for bringing such a charge. — 21. The case rests only on the negligence ot the 
 Court, and supposed friendlessness of defendant. — 22 For the conspirators' manner changed 
 when they found there would be a real defence. — Recapitulation : no motive existed ; enor- 
 mity of the crime, and severity of its punishment. — 23-26. Instances from real life and 
 fiction. — 27, 28. No means of committing the crime. — [29. Again : the accuser's presumption 
 in trying to force a conviction. — II. 30 Countercharge: T. Roscius the probable murderer : 
 in his case there are motives. — 31. It was for his advantage. — 32. He was the murdered 
 man's enemy. — 33. He had opportunities (compare the two cases). — 34. His acts after the 
 murder: hasty message to Capito (his character). — 36. His testimony at the trial. — 37. 
 Speedy announcement to Chrysogonus — apparently from the Roscii, for they have received 
 the reward and possess the property. — 38, 39. Capito's perfidy to the committee. — 41. 
 Magnus refuses the slaves for question. — 42. Influence of Chrysogonus.] — III. 43. Chry- 
 sogonus the purchaser: the sale illegal, for proscriptions had ceased. — 44-47. Lawlessness 
 and insolence of Chrysogonus: Sulla artfully excused. — 48 No political necessity of con- 
 viction.— 49. Responsibility of the attack on Chrysogonus is Cicero's: Roscius asks only 
 his life. — Peroratio. 50-51 Simulated appeal to Chrysogonus, to stir sympathy of the jury : 
 incidental mention of the powerful friends of the defendant. — 52, 53. But if Chrysogonus 
 does not spare him, he appeals confidently to the Court. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 S. § 1. Credo . . . periculum vitant This paragraph maybe 
 analyzed as an example of the involved periodic style of Latin 
 writers. The main clause is credo ego ; the rest of the sentence 
 is all the object of credo in the indirect discourse (§ 67, 1) * The 
 main verb of the discourse is mirari (changed from miramini), 
 
 * The references are to the sections of Allen and Greenough's Latin Grammar. 
 
2 Notes. [Rose. Am. 
 
 with vos in the accusative as its subject. The object of mirari 
 is the indirect question quid sit quod, etc., embracing all the 
 rest, changed from a direct question quid est quod, etc. Again, 
 the subject of sit is all that follows, being a clause with quod 
 (§ 7 0> 5)j °f which surrexerim is the main verb, and all the other 
 clauses are modifiers. — The clause cum . . . sedeant is a kind of 
 adverbial modifier of surrexerim, while the clause qui . . . sim . . . 
 comparandus is a kind of adjective modifier of ego the subject 
 of surrexerim, and qui sedeant is a kind of adjective modifier of 
 his. — omnes hi, etc., is an independent sentence, but is connected 
 in thought with the preceding, and explains the fact at which the 
 jurors are supposed to be surprised, i.e., I suppose you wonder, etc., 
 but the fact is, etc. 
 
 N.B. Notice, as a practical guide, that in Latin (as in all languages) the verb nextfol- 
 loiuing a relative is its verb, — unless another relative intervenes, in which case the latter 
 relative has its verb first, and the first relative clause is suspended ; but even then, the next 
 following verb will belong to the former relative. A careful attention to analysis, like that 
 above, and the observance of this obvious but often forgotten rule, will carry a student safely 
 through the most involved constructions. 
 
 ego: not emphatic itself, but only expressed to set off vos, which 
 is. The Latin is so fond of putting pronouns in antithesis, that one 
 is often (as here) expressed on purpose. — judices: not judges, but 
 raXher jurors. They were persons selected by law to try facts (under 
 the presidency of a prcelor ox judex qucestionis), and were often quite 
 numerous, from a single one to fifty or more. 
 
 In the year b. c. 149, an important reform was introduced into the criminal procedure of 
 Rome, by establishing a Queestio Perpetua> or standing Criminal Court, for trial of cases 
 of extortion by provincial governors: the object of the suit was res ? epetere (to recover 
 property), and the court was known as the Qtuzstio Rcrum Repetundarum, or simply Repe- 
 tundarum. A second court of murder — de Sicariiset Venejicis — was (according to Momm- 
 sen) established shortly after, by Caius Gracchus ; and perhaps others followed. The whole 
 system was revised by Sulla, and six or eight separate courts were established, embracing 
 the entire field of criminal offences. Each was under the presidency of a Prator, appoint- 
 ed by lot, or Judex Qu&stionis, appointed by the praetor for the special case. These new 
 and remodelled courts went into operation in b c. 80, and the case of Roscius was the first 
 that came before them. His trial was betore the Queestio inter Sicarios, under the presi- 
 dency of the praetor, Marcus Fannius The judices, or jury in all these courts, were origi- 
 nally selected from the Senators ; Caius Gracchus had transferred the right to the Equites, 
 or wealthy middle class; Sulla restored it to the Senators, but ten years later (b. c. 70) a new 
 arrangement was made (see Verr. i. 15). 
 
 quid sit quod, why it is that. Here quod . . . surrexerim is a 
 
 clause of fact (§ 70, 5), taking the subj. on account of the indirect 
 question. — summi oratores, homines nobilissimi: notice the 
 inversion (chiasmos, §76, 1,/). — sedeant: subj. because cum is 
 causal (§ 63, 2, b), though to be translated when, or while. Since 
 Sulla's victory had restored the aristocracy to power, it might be ex- 
 pected that men of rank {nobilissimi) would have courage to come 
 forward to defend Roscius : their presence {sedeant) showed their 
 
§ J > 2 -] Defence of Roscius. 3 
 
 sympathies. — ego : emphatic, as opposed to the orators and men of 
 rank. — potissimum, rather than any other (§ 17, 4). — aetate : 
 Cicero was now but 26 years old. — auctoritate, personal influence, 
 paticularly that derived from rank, or office. — sim: in direct disc, 
 this might be either subj. to indicate the character of Cicero, or ind. 
 to denote a mere fact about him; but here necessarily subj. 'on 
 account of the indirect question (§66,2). — hi: strongly demon- 
 strative and accompanied, perhaps, with a gesture, — these 7tien here. 
 — injuriam, injustice. — novo scelere (abl. of means), the strange 
 charge of parricide. — conflatam, got up, implying a conspiracy to 
 effect it. — oportere : this verb is always impersonal ; its subject 
 here is the clause injuriam defendi. The verb defendere signifies 
 not to defend, but to strike down, hence to ward off, or avert. — ipsi, 
 agreeing with the subject of audent; not (as we might expect) with 
 that of defendere, which is a complementaiy i?tflnitive (§ 57, 8, c). 
 Supply but in translating. — iniquitatem temporum, i. e. the dis- 
 turbed state of politics, while the wounds of the civil war were still 
 fresh. — ita fit: the subject is the clause ut adsint, etc. (§ 70, 4, 
 a). — propterea = propter (compar. of prope) ea, near (hence 
 caused by, or oti account of) these things : distinguish carefully 
 from praeterea, which is preeter (compar. of prae) ea, along by 
 {beyond and so besides) these things. — officium, duty, arising from 
 their relation to the murdered man, who had stood in relation of 
 hospitiufn with some of the highest families. — adsint: the friends 
 of the parties to a suit (called advocati) attended court to give them 
 the weight of their influence (compare Caes. B. G. i. 4). Hence 
 the word suit, which originally meant following of witnesses and 
 friends. 
 
 § 2. ergo, at: for the force of these conjunctions, see Gr. § 43, 3, 
 b and e. — officiosior, with a stronger sense of duty. — ne . . . qui- 
 dem, not . . . either, enclosing, as usual, the emphatic word (§ 41, 
 3, «). — istius, i.e., which is in your thoughts (§ 20, 2, c). — sim , con- 
 junctiva modesties (§ 60, 2, b). — aliis, dat. (§ 51, 2, e). — prae- 
 reptam : prae gives here the force of getting the start of others in 
 snatching it (compare prevent, from prce-venio). — me : emphatic 
 from its position between quae and igitur (§ 76, 2 ). — Rosci : gen. 
 (§ 10, 4, b). — reciperem, undertake a case offered; suscipere is 
 to take it up of one's own motion. (For the mood, see § 64, 1 ; 
 tense, § 58, 10, a.) — amplitudo, position, from birth, wealth, office, 
 or the like. — do re publica, on politics. — id quod, a thing which 
 (§ 48, 3, e). — dixisset : as a part of the case supposed in si fecisset, 
 this must also be in the plup. subj. (see next note). — putaretur, 
 apodosis of fecisset (§ 59, 3, b), while the whole from si verbum, 
 etc., is the apodosis of si quis dixisset. Translate, if any one 
 had spoken, in case he had alluded to politics, he would, etc. 
 
4 Notes. [Rose. Am. 
 
 § 3. si dixero . . . poterit: for the form of condition, see § 59, 
 4, e. — similiter, in like manner, i.e. as if a man of rank had 
 spoken. — exire, etc., i. e. this speech would not be quoted and 
 talked over, nor on the other hand distorted and misinterpreted. — 
 emanare, leak out (cf. manere). — volgus = vulgus (§ 1, 2, b). — 
 deinde quod : the second reason, corresponding to quia above. 
 — ceterorum, opposed to ego, below. 
 
 The learner is greatly assisted (as, indeed, the Romans themselves must have been) in 
 the understanding of a sentence like this, by noticing the way in which one word is set off 
 against another. Thus, besides the ease just mentioned, dictum obscurum esse is opposed 
 to tetnere dicto concedi ; so propter nobilitatem is opposed to propter cetatem, and occul- 
 tum, etc., to ignosci, etc. At the same time, occultum is parallel with obscurum, and ignosci 
 with concedi. These antitheses are indicated in various ways, — (a) by emphatic and sim- 
 ilar or chiastic position, as here ceterorum precedes neque and ego precedes siquid, though 
 the connective is usually placed first ; (b) by particles, as the correlative neque . . . neque, 
 and vel . . . vel. 
 
 dictum is a noun limited by ceterorum (in the case of the others) ; 
 dicto is also a noun, though modified by an adverb (see examples 
 under § 72, 2, a). — concedi (impersonal, § 51, 2,/), allowed, ox put 
 up with. — uondum . . . accessi, / have not yet gone into public 
 life, i. e. become candidate for any office. Cicero began his political 
 career five years later, with the quaestorship. — tametsi, although, 
 in its so-called "corrective " use, — the concession coming after the 
 general statement, as a kind of limitation of it. — ignosci has a 
 subject supplied from si quid (§ 51, 2, c). — ignoscendi ratio, the 
 idea of pardon. As Latin has few abstract nouns, their place is sup- 
 plied in various other ways. The thought is, not only pardoning, 
 but even official investigation (cognoscendi) has ceased in the state 
 (in consequence of the stormy times of Sulla). But this thought 
 can hardly be expressed in any other way than by the general word 
 ratio with a genitive, which we may translate as above. 
 
 " This is boldly said, at a time when the tyrant Sulla was in power. Sulla never par- 
 doned, and inquiry in legal form was out of fashion ; at least such a trial as an innocent man 
 could rely on. The legislation of Sulla had excluded the Equites from the office ofj'udices ; 
 and the senators, who were his tools, were the class from which judices were now taken " 
 (Long). It should be observed, however, that during the period in which the equites were in 
 possession of the courts, they showed themselves — in spite of Cicero's assertion ( see Verr. i. 
 13) — quite as corrupt as the Senators. The fact is, each class was under a temptation to 
 pass unjust judgments, since the provincial governors belonged to the Senatorial order, and 
 the farmers of revenue to the Equestrian. 
 
 3. § 4- accedit, is added: used as a kind of passive of addo.— 
 quod, that (§ 70, 5). — a ceteris, from the others, i. e. the nobles. 
 (For the use of the prep., see § 52, 2, c, Rem.) — petitum sit, 
 subj. by § 60, 2, a : it is, strictly, subj. of ind. question after forsitan 
 (=for3 sit an, // is a chance whether). — ut dicerent (sc. cau- 
 sam), that they should plead : a subst. clause (§ 70, 3, a), subject 
 of petitum sit. — dicere causam is the technical expression for the 
 
§ 3~5-] Defence of Ro scuts. 5 
 
 counsel {to argue or defend a case), as well as for the defendant {to 
 be brought to trial). — ut . . . arbitrarentur, a clause of result, cor- 
 relative with ita (§ 65, 1). — utrumvis, lit. either [of the two] you 
 please: here, simply, either at their option. — salvo officio (abl. 
 abs.), without breach of duty. — arbitrarentur; imperf. following 
 petitum sit (§ 58, 10, a). — a me (opposed to a ceteris) conten- 
 derunt, have compelled it from me i preserve the antithesis by in- 
 serting, but as to myself which is implied in the position of a me. 
 — ei (simply correlative to qui, § 20, 2, d), men : not a demonstra- 
 tive, like hie, etc. The noble friends of Roscius are here meant, 
 who would desire his cause to be well conducted. — plurimum 
 possunt, have the greatest weight. — debeam, subj. of charac- 
 teristic (§ 65, 2). — ego: expressed to continue the emphasis of a 
 me. — his: emphatic, referring to the reasons just mentioned ; ego, 
 as opposed to the others present. — causae, dat. (§ 51, 7, a). — pa- 
 tronus, advocate (the word advocati meaning friends, as above). 
 The term patronus, protector, — properly the correlative of cliens, 
 a dependant, — was transferred to the counsellor, as the defender of 
 his client; all the more easily, as the practice of the law was in the 
 hands of the nobles, who were obliged to defend their friends and 
 dependants gratis. It should be noticed, that cliens is never used 
 in the modern sense of client in law, correlative to counsellor : the 
 Roman cliens was necessarily a poor man, or one in humble station, 
 or a foreigner. — electus, relictus: this antithesis (in sound as well 
 as sense) suggests at once that ingenio is in the same construction 
 as periculo, and that possem dicere must be supplied. — unus, 
 as the one. — uti: older form for ut. — uti ne: in purpose clauses 
 (§ 64, 1), the double form is often used instead of ne alone. 
 
 § 5. municeps (munus-capio), lit. sharing public duties, and 
 so, citizen of a municipiu?n or free Italian town with Roman 
 citizenship. 
 
 A native Italian town which had lost its original independence, and was absorbed in the 
 Roman state, ceased to be a civitas, and became a municipium ; its citizens now possessed 
 Roman citizenship as well as that of their own town. This Roman citizenship was pos- 
 sessed in various degrees. Some towns lost all rights of self-government, without receiving 
 any political rights at Rome in their place; that is, their political existence was extin- 
 guished, and their citizens became mere passive citizens of Rome, with civil rights, but no 
 political ones: this worst condition of municipal liberties was called jus Cceritum, because 
 the Etruscan town of Caere was taken as the type. The most favored class retained all 
 powers of self-government, with magistrates of their own election, at the same time being 
 full citizens of Rome. All furnished their contingent to the Roman army, and were under 
 the civil jurisdiction of the Roman prator ; but they paid no taxes except for their own 
 local concerns. 
 
 Amerinus, of Ameria (§ 50, 1, a). — vicinitatis : i. e. probably 
 the whole territory of Ameria, extending to the Tiber. — hospitium, 
 guest-friendship. This was a relation between individuals of differ- 
 ent cities or states, at a time when there were no international rela- 
 
6 Notes, [Rose. Am. 
 
 tions : it included the duties of hospitality and protection, was 
 transmitted from father to son, and was vouched for by a ticket (tes- 
 sera). — domesticus . . . consuetudo, intercourse and co?npanionship 
 in their homes. — honestatis gratia (so honoris causa, § 17), 
 with all honor : it seems to have been held a liberty to mention the 
 name of any person of quality ; and it is generally done in some 
 such form of compliment. — hoc solum, i. e. the hospitium. — do- 
 mestici, of his own house. — ereptum possident, have plundered 
 and now hold (§ 72, 3, a) : possidere does not signify to own, in 
 the modern sense, but only to hold or occupy. — innocentis, i. e. filii. 
 § 6. nobilitatis fautor, i.e. of Sulla's party. — hoc tumultu, 
 this last disturbance (euphemistic) : i. e. the final scenes of the civil 
 war of Marius and Sulla, which Cicero will not call bellum. — in 
 discrimen veniret, was at stake: subj. of characteristic {at a 
 ti7ne when, etc.). — opera, etc., labor, zeal, influence. — se pug- 
 nare, simply to fight (§ 70, 2, d) : object of putabat, while rectum 
 is in pred. apposition (§ 46, 2). — honestate, honestissimus, refer 
 respectively to the rank and dignity of these great families, and the 
 credit which his connection with them gave him in his own neighbor- 
 hood. — victoria, i. e. of Sulla's party. — constituta est, prae- 
 Bcriberentur : the first is of absolute, the second of relative time 
 (§ 62, 2), describing the period by its characteristics (§ 65, 2). 
 
 — proscriberentur : the number of the proscribed in Sulla's time 
 was 4,700. — frequens : adj. for adv. (§ 47, 6). 
 
 "Whoever killed one of these outlaws was not only exempt from punishment, like an 
 executioner duly fulfilling his office, but also obtained for the execution a compensation of 
 12,000 denarii (nearly $2,400) ; any one on the contrary who befriended an outlaw, even his 
 nearest relative, was liable to the severest punishment. The property of the proscribed was 
 forfeited to the state like the spoil of ap enemy ; their children and grandchildren were 
 excluded from a political career, and yet, so far as of senatorial rank, were bound to un- 
 dertake their share of senatorial burdens " (Mommsen). At first only the names of those 
 who had justly forfeited their lives were proscribed ; afterwards it became easy for friends 
 and favorites of the dictator (as Chrysogonus, attacked in the oration for Roscius) to put 
 upon the list the names of innocent men, and even of men already dead, so as to work con- 
 fiscation of their property. These proscriptions nominally ceased June 1, b. c 81. 
 
 4. § 7- erant, see § 76, I, b. — inimicitiae : plural of the ab- 
 stract, signifying causes or occasions of enmity (§ 14, i, a). — accu- 
 satorum : prosecutions might be brought by private persons (as by 
 Cicero against Verres) : these Roscii took their places as prosecu- 
 tors along with Erucius {coadjutor es, subscriptores). — isti (§ 20, 2, c). 
 
 — Capitoni (§ 51, 3, b). — palmarum, prizes : sarcastically said of 
 his acts of violence, as of so many victories in gladiatorial fights. 
 
 — nobilis, famous (as of artists, actors, etc.). — hie, the one here 
 present (Magnus) ; eum, referring to the one just mentioned, the 
 absent one (Capito). — lanistam, a professional trainer or " coach " : 
 used sarcastically, like palmarum, above. — quod sciam, so far as 
 I know, sc. id (adv. ace. § 52, 3, b) : i. e. he must have been a mere 
 
§S- JI ] Defence of Roscius. 7 
 
 apprentice (tiro) at the trade ; this is the first of his actual murders 
 that I know of. 
 
 § 8. hie, this man (with a gesture), i. e. here at my side ; iste, 
 that one, i. e. there on the accusers' bench. — cum . . . esset, paren- 
 thetical. — iste, T. Roscius': the repetition of the words frequens, etc., 
 brings out the point that he was likeliest to be the murderer. — Pal- 
 acinas : the reading is uncertain, and the place unknown. — 
 suspitio : this word is not formed immediately from the verb- 
 stem of susplcio, but the true derivative ending is -tio, and the 
 long vowel seems to indicate contraction (§44, i. c, 2). — res 
 ipsa, the fact itself. — hunc, i.e. my client. — judicatote (§ 57, 7, 
 c) : the second or longer form of the imperative is regular where the 
 action is not to be performed immediately, especially when a future 
 appears in protasis (§ 59, 4). 
 
 § 9. Ameriam nuntiat, brings the news to Am.: the ace of end 
 of motion (55, 3, b). — quidam, one. — horam primam : the night 
 from sunset to sunrise was divided into 12 hours ; these would be 
 longer in the late autumn or winter, when the murder is thought to 
 have been committed. — nocturnis, i. e. when the travelling would 
 be more difficult and slow. — cisiis :' the plural form shows that 
 there were relays of carriages. 
 
 § 10. quadriduo, i. e. in the same space of four days : we should 
 say within four days. — in castra : the idea of motion, vividly 
 conceived, suggests the ace. of place as well as person ; we should 
 say, TO Sulla in his camp AT V. — Volaterras : a very ancient and 
 important town of Etruria, on a high and very steep hill, about 30 
 miles S. W. of Florence. " Here some of the Etruscans and of 
 these proscribed by Sulla made a stand and were blockaded tor two 
 years, and there surrendered on terms " (Strabo). — defertur : 
 this word implies an intentional conveying of the information, in the 
 manner of a formal report, or charge. 
 
 45. fundos, estates, i. e. lands or buildings, whether in town or 
 country. — tris = tres (§ 16, 2, b) : the ace. termination in is re- 
 mained in this and a few other words for a considerable time after 
 the form in es became more common. — Tiberim (§ 11, i. 3, a, 1) : 
 the river must add greatly to the value of these estates, whether 
 for transportation or irrigation. — splendidus, eminent: the regu- 
 lar complimentary epithet of equites, and persons of similar rank ; 
 gratiosus, in favor : referring to his relations with great families. 
 — negotio, difficulty. — de medio tolli, put out of the way. — 
 ne teneain, not to detain you : a purpose clause after some 
 verb of saying, etc., which is, as usual, omitted (§ 64, 1, b). — so- 
 cietas, partnership. — coitur : coire, as governing the accusative 
 (52, r, e), here takes the passive. 
 
 § 11. cum, etc. : the proscriptions ceased June 1, b. c. 81 ; the 
 
8 Notes. [Rose. Am. 
 
 murder was committed some months after this date (see below, 
 § 39). — jam (with reference to time preceding), already (§ 41, 3. b) : 
 nunc (referring only to the moment itself), now. — defunctus, rid 
 of, sc. esse. — Rosci limits nomen. — studiosissimi, devoted to the 
 party of Sulla, and so not likely to be proscribed. — manceps 
 (manu capio), purchaser of confiscated goods and the like. — iste, 
 yonder, on the accusers' benches. — nomine, i.e. as agent. — im- 
 petum facit, makes a raid upon, implying violence, as of a charge 
 in battle. — duobus milibus nummum, i.e. about $100 (§ 85) ; 
 they are estimated in ch. ii. to have been worth $-$oo,ooo{sexagies'). 
 
 § 12. imprudente, without the knowledge (prudens = pro- 
 videns). — certo scio, / am well aware (§ 41, 3, c). — neque enim, 
 negative of et enim (§ 43, 3, d), introducing a point obvious or in- 
 disputable, for, you see. — mirum, predicate of the clause si . . . 
 moliantur, below (§70, 5, r.). — praeparet, must provide for : cum is 
 causal, though to be rendered when. — pacis . . . rationem, i. e. 
 the ordering of the new constitution. — distentus, pulled different 
 ways. — si aliquid (more emphatic than si quid) non animad- 
 vertat, if there is something he does not notice : protasis with si, 
 above. — ut . . . moliantur, that as soon as he takes off his eyes they 
 may get up something of this sort : clause of purpose (§ 64, 1) ; de- 
 spexerit, perf. subj. (§ 66, 2), for fut. perf. — hue accedit, add to 
 this. — quamvis felix sit (§ 61, 2), however fortunate he may be : 
 Sulla was so impressed with his own good fortune, that he assumed 
 the agnomen Felix, implying, by the ancient notion, peculiar favor 
 of the gods. (See Manil. § 47). — familia, household of slaves and 
 dependants. — qui habeat, as to have (§ 65, 2, a). — libertum, f reed- 
 man : he still remained attached to his former master as patronus, 
 often lived in his family, did various services for him, and stpod 
 towards him in a relation somewhat like that of a son under the 
 patria potestas. Towards others he was a libertinus, fully free, but 
 with some political disqualifications ; towards his former master he 
 was a libertus. 
 
 § 13. vir optimus, sarcastic. — qui . . . solvisset (§ 65, 2), though 
 he had not yet, etc. — justa, the due rites of burial: these ended 
 with a sacrifice on the ninth day (novemdialia) after the death or 
 burial. — eicit = ejicit : in the compounds of jacio, the combina- 
 tion ji is properly, as here, written with a single letter (§ 1, 3, d). 
 
 ft. pecuniae, property. — dominus, master in the sense of 
 owner. — qui . . . fuisset (§ 65, 2), since he had been, etc. — ut fit, 
 as generally happens. — insolens, here, extravagant, etc. — domum 
 suam (§ 55, 3, b, e), to his house. — auferebat (§ 58, 3, c), began to, 
 etc. — auctione, verbal from augeo, i. e. increasing the bids. — 
 usque eo, to that degree. — urbe tota, § 55, -$,f 
 
 § 14. iter, right of way : this was usually reserved in case of the 
 
§ u-i8.] Defence of Roscius. 9 
 
 sale of any estate on which was a family burial-place : by the pro- 
 scription this right was cut off. — bonorum exnptio, the technical 
 term denoting purchase at public sale. — flagitiosa, flagrant (cf. a 
 ik burning shame"), because of the fictitious proscription. — furta 
 refers to clam ; rapinae to palam, above. 
 
 § 15. decurionum : these were members of the municipal senate, 
 or council. — decern primi : these were a committee of ten, in 
 whom the administration was vested. T. Roscius Capito (see § 16) 
 was one of this committee. — qui vir, what sort of ma?i. — ut . . . 
 velit, that he will consent. — decretum : the decree was here read 
 to the court, but is not given in the published speech. — id quod, 
 as (§ 48, 3, e). — nbbilis, ace. plur. (§16, 2, b). — ab eis qui pe- 
 terent (§ 64, 1), to beg of them : eis refers to the decern primi. — 
 ne . . . adirent, obj. of peterent. — vellent, § 66, 1, a, ' 
 
 § 16. antiqui, of the old starnp. — ex sua natura, after their 
 ow?i nature. — ceteros, subj. ot esse understood, depending on fin- 
 gerent, imagined. — confirmaret, assured them. — appromitteret, 
 promised in addition. 
 
 Y, re inorata, without having pleaded their case : the primary 
 meaning of oro implies not entreaty, but statej/ient or argument 
 (cf. orator). — reverterunt : the transitive force of this verb is 
 found only in the tenses of the perfect stem; otherwise deponent. — 
 isti, i. e. Chrysogonus and Capito. — lentius, more slackly. — nihil 
 agere, do nothing, not even make a show ot putting off. — deludere, 
 make fools of the Amerians, i. e. treat them with contempt. — id 
 quod, etc., as we may easily infer: this point is an inference, not 
 like the rest an attested fact. — neque, and not, the negative quali- 
 fying posse : and judge that they can no longer, etc. In Latin the 
 connective attracts the negative. 
 
 § 17. hie, my client. — cognatorum (co-gnatus), blood-rela- 
 tions : these were accustomed to hold a consilium, or formal delib- 
 eration, on important family affairs. — Ceeciliam, see § 50. — id 
 quod, etc., i. e. she showed oh this occasion (nunc) the generous 
 traits all expected in her. — quasi . . . causa, as a model. — antiqui 
 officii, old-fashioned fidelity : officium means the performance of 
 duties as well as the duties themselves. — domo (§ 55, 3, a), 
 without the prep., while bonis requires ex. — vivus . . .referretur, 
 brought alive to trial, rather than murdered arid put on the pro- 
 scription-list. 
 
 § 18. consilium ceperunt : this phrase is equivalent to a verb 
 of determining, and so has the clause ut . . . pugnarent for its 
 object (§ 70, 3, d). — nomen deferrent, i. e. lay a formal charge. 
 — de parric, §50, 4, b, r. — veterem, old in the trade: the reign 
 of terror through which Rome had just passed had given ample 
 practice. — suspitio, ground of suspicion. — crimine, the charge 
 
IO Notes. [Rose. Am. 
 
 itself. — poterant: indie, as being Cicero's reason, not theirs. — 
 tempore : partly the character of the time in general ; partly the 
 fact that the courts were now first reopened, after their reorganiza- 
 tion by Sulla. — loqui : the thought of the conspirators put in ind. 
 disc, the verb being implied in consilium ceperunt. — tam diu, 
 during the long troubles. — eum, any one. — qui primus : this was 
 the first case that came before the Qncestio inter Sicarios. — adductus 
 esset : for fut. perf. of direct disc. — huic : opposed to the 
 indefinite qui primus. — gratiam, favor or influence, i. e. with 
 Sulla. — fore ut : the more usual form for the fut. infin. pass., which 
 is rare (§ 28, 2, h). — tolleretur, got out of the way : a derivative 
 meaning (pr&gnans) from the original sense of lift. — nullo : for 
 the abl. of nemo, which is never used. — atque adeo, or rather. 
 
 — quern: the antecedent is eum, below. — jkgulandum (§73. 
 5, c), i. e. for judicial murder. 
 
 8, 19. unde, where: i.e. the point whence the argument pro- 
 ceeds. — potissimum (superl. of potius, as if rathest), soonest, or 
 rather than anywhere else. — summam : i. e. of rendering a ver- 
 dict. — fidem: i. e. the protection required by good faith. — pater, 
 etc. : these nominatives are in no grammatical construction, but are 
 simply a list of "crimes (see § 72, 3, a). — infesta, assailed. — ne- 
 fariis, abl. of instr. after cumulant : but translate, tipon these they 
 heap up other infamies. — hujusce (emphatic instead of ejus, the 
 regular pronoun of reference, § 20, 2, d), his own. — condicionem, 
 terms (or dilemma) : as containing the idea of a bargain, it is fol- 
 lowed by ut (§ 70, 3, d). — cervices : this word is used by early 
 writers only in the plural. — insutus in culeum : the old punish- 
 ment of parricide was to be " beaten with blood-red rods, then 
 sewed into a sack, with a dog, a cock, a viper, and an ape, and thrown 
 into the deep sea" (see below, § 29). — patronos : Cicero's mod- 
 esty will not allow him to call himself a patronus (cf. note on § 4). 
 
 — qui dicat, purpose-clause (§ 64, 1) : the antecedent is the subj. of 
 deest, below. 
 
 § 20. quantum, so far as (adverbial ace). — crimen, the criminal 
 charge: with the other wrongs of the accused the advocate has 
 nothing to do. — confictionem, the getting up ». — quid igitur est? 
 how then ? The whole task implied in oportere is too large to be 
 attempted in a single plea. He has only to argue the case on the 
 charge : the jury must see that reckless audacity and coercion shall 
 have no effect with them. — primo quoque tempore, the very first 
 opportunity since the violence and disorder of the civil war. 
 
 §21. quo uno maleficio, that in this o?ie cri?ne. — voltu, by a 
 look, showing lack of filial affection (fietas). 
 
 9. si . . . cogebaut, would compel it if the case should require 
 (see § 59, 4,/) : a future protasis, relative to the time of cogebant, 
 
§ 18-29.] Defence of Roscius. 11 
 
 which is past. — auditum sit, fut. cond. completed (§ 59, 4, c). — tu 
 (emphatic), you, a professional prosecutor. — censes : the word used 
 to express deliberate judgment, after discussion, etc. — mores, char- 
 acter, as resulting from habits of life ; naturam, natural disposition. 
 
 — tu, emphatic, as opposed to accusers generally. — ne . . . causa, 
 i. e. not even as a plausible charge. — contulisti, brought home. 
 
 § 22. qui homo ? what sort of man ? — adulescentulus, some 
 young fellow : the diminutive emphasizes the contrast in age. — 
 nequam, agreeing with hominibus. — major, anomalous for the 
 more usual plus or amplius (§ 54, 5, c). — videlicet, no doubt 
 (ironical), Eng. viz. — de luxuria, abl. of charge (§ 50, 4, b, R.). 
 objecit : the accuser made it a point in his charge, that the accused 
 was of a gloomy and morose temper, shunning all society. — 
 officio, discharge of duty. 
 
 § 23. justam, sufficient or well-grounded. — illud, this, in appos. 
 with the clause immediately following, i. e. the point previously 
 treated ; hoc, the new point now introduced. — eodem, to the same 
 point as that treated in the preceding section. 
 
 10. qui odisset, in that he hated (according to their argument). 
 
 — constantissimus, most consistent. — illud refers to causam fu- 
 isse. — jam, by this time. 
 
 § 24. jam prope cotidiana, i. e. which have come to be, etc. — 
 convenisse . . . videntur, see?n to have converged ttpon one spot a?id 
 to agree together : the phrase inter se may express any sort of re- 
 ciprocal relation. — ingenio, power. 
 
 § 25. expressa vestigia, distinct footpri?its. — ratione, contriv- 
 ance. 
 
 § 26. Tarracinensem, of Tarracina (Anxur), a colony on the 
 Latian coast, 40 miles from Rome. — non obscurum, respectable. 
 
 11. servus : here used as an adjective (cf. §47, 3, c). — id ae- 
 tatis, i.e. too old for the sound sleep of childhood. — propter, near 
 by. — autem, on the other hand. — potissimum, of all others. 
 
 § 27. non modo . . . possunt, ?iot only cannot, etc. (§ 41, 2, e) : 
 the verb is sufficiently negatived by ne. 
 
 § 28. singulare, special. — rerum natura, the universe, repre- 
 sented by air (caelum), fire (sole?n), water, and earth, the elements 
 " from which all things are said to be produced." 
 
 § 29. obicere, cast forth to. — ne bestiis . . . uteremur, lest 
 we should find the very beasts more savage (immanioribus, in 
 pred. appos.). — sic nudos, naked as they were. — ipsum, even 
 that. — violata, defiled. — expiari : sea- water, as well as run- 
 ning water, was regarded as having a purifying quality, — a notion 
 prevailing in various religions, and found in the forms of ablu- 
 tion, baptism, and the like. — tarn . . . volgare, so cheap or so co??imon. 
 
 — etenim : i. e. it needs no argument to show, etc. 
 
12 Notes. [Rose. Am. 
 
 12. ejectis, to waifs. — ita, in such a way. 
 
 § 30. crimen, accusation. — talibus viris, " to this intelligent 
 jury. " — causam, motive. — emptores, i. e. men having the strong- 
 est interest in his conviction, with Chrysogonus himself as their 
 presiding officer. — judicio, the trial. — venisses, you should have 
 co7ne (§ 57, 3, d). — utrum . . . an, i. e. which is it — the nature of 
 the question or the character of the court [another compliment to 
 the jury] that you do not see ? — admittere, commit. 
 
 § 31. esto, well then (to quit that point). — causam proferre, 
 to allege a motive. — vicisse debeo, / ought to be already victori- 
 ous, i. e. by my past argument : ought to have conquered is vincere 
 debui (§ 58, 11, a). — in alia causa, in another case, an implied 
 condition to concederem. — qua re, why ; quo modo, how. — ita, 
 sic, i. e. I will deal with you on these terms. — meo loco, in my 
 place, i. e. in the time allotted to the defence : this was determined 
 for each party by the praetor. 
 
 § 32. ipsum, sc. percussisse. — per alios, for abl. of means, 
 when living persons are intended (§54,4,^). — indidemne Am., 
 from A meria itself? — hosce sicarios, these cut-throats of ours. — 
 convenit, i. e. to bargain for the murder. — unde, i. e. where did 
 he get the money ? 
 
 13. caput, fountain-head. — tibi, dat for poss. (§ 51, 7, a). — 
 veniat, with facito (fac) for simple imperat. (§ 70, 3,/", r.). The 
 fut. form of the imperat. is used, because it is a point for the 
 accuser to reflect upon (§ 57, 7, c). — ferum atque agrestem, rude 
 and clownish (not simply   countrifed). — in oppido constitisse, 
 to have stayed in any town : oppidum is distinguished both from 
 urbs, the great city, and vicus, a country village, or mere hamlet : 
 it would be a place of some society and cultivation. 
 
 § 33- poterat, might, i. e. if I chose to use it (§ 60, 2, c). — victu 
 arido, dry or meagre way of life. — inculta, uncouth. — possis, 
 potential subj. (§ 60, 2, a). — erumpat, burst forth ; a strong word on 
 account of audacia, reckless daring. — autem, on the other hand. — 
 agrestem, boorish. — parsimoniae, thrift (in a good sense). 
 
 § 34. missa facio, / let that pass : such phrases are often used 
 colloquially or with emphasis, for the simple verb (§ 72, 3, c). — per 
 quos : these words are the interrogative expression with which the 
 translation of the clause should begin ; is homo is put first for 
 emphasis. — suspitiose, i. e. so as to look suspicious. — suspitio, 
 culpam : i. e. in so clear a case I will not ask proof of guilt ; any 
 suspicious circumstance will be enough. — credo, I suppose : iron- 
 ical, as usual when thus used parenthetically. — causa dicitur, lit. 
 the case is argued by the defendant : i. e. a charge is brought. 
 
 § 35. quod [innocenti] relates to id, having in appos. the 
 clause ut . . . polliceatur. — quaestionem, question in the technical 
 
§ 2 9~37-] Defence of JRoscius. 13 
 
 sense, i. e. examination by torture, the regular legal way of exam- 
 ining slaves. In a few special classes of cases, the slaves of the 
 accused could be tortured in order to get evidence against their 
 master (see Milo, ch. 22). The master might, however, of his own 
 accord, offer them for torture {polliceri) : in this case Roscius had 
 lost his slaves, and so was deprived of this privilege. — unus puer, 
 modified by non. the position makes the negative very emphatic. — 
 minister, i. e. to wait upon him. 
 
 14:. familia : this word, in its primary meaning, properly em- 
 braced the entire body of free persons, clients and slaves, under the 
 patriarchal rule of the paterfamilias. In time, the meaning was 
 divided, applying either (1) to a group of kinsfolk having a common 
 name, — as Metellus, Scipio, Cicero, Caesar ; (2) to a body (or gang) 
 of slaves. The latter is the meaning here. — Scipio, Metelle, these 
 were, probably, P. Scipio Nasica, father of Metellus Scipio (a leader 
 on Pompey's side in the civil war), and his cousin, Q. Metellus 
 Nepos, brother of Caecilia (§ 50), and father of the Celer and Nepos 
 referred to in the orations against Catiline. — advocatis, sum- 
 moned (as friends of the accused) ; agehtibus, taking active part. 
 The demand seems to have been formal, and these friends were 
 present to attest it. — aliquotiens, several times. — meministisne, 
 don't you remember ? — T. Roscium, i. e. Magnus. — sectantur, 
 wait on. 
 
 § 36. aureum : the Greek name Chrysogonus means gold-born. 
 — latuit: because his was the only name that appeared. — alii 
 quoque, i. e. other purchasers of confiscated estates. — sectorum: 
 these were th'e purchasers of confiscated property in the lump, who 
 afterwards divided it (seco) to sell again in detail. The word also 
 means both cut-throat and cut-purse, and was perhaps used here to 
 imply, by the double meaning, that these men connived at the death 
 of the proscribed. 
 
 § t>7- venierunt, were sold (§ 35, 2, b). — tantus homo, such a 
 great person : a hint that more important men than he had suffered. 
 In fact, all the really eminent victims of the civil war had perished 
 before the proscription. — Valeria: the law by which Sulla was 
 made perpetual dictator and invested with absolute power of life 
 and death (b. c. 82) : it was proposed by L. Valerius Flaccus as 
 interrex. Laws were designated by the gentile name of their pro- 
 poser : all laws, for example, carried by L. Cornelius Sulla were 
 known as Leges Cornelice. — Cornelia: this appears to have been 
 enacted some time after the lex Valeria, in order to regulate the 
 details of the proscription. Cicero's ignorance of the law is no 
 doubt affected. — novi, I know the thing or person ; scio, I know 
 the fact : / am not acquainted with the law, and do not know 
 which it is. 
 
14 Notes. [Rose. Am. 
 
 15. proscripti sunt : the indie, must mean those already pro- 
 scribed when the law was passed. Future cases would be re- 
 ferred to by the subj. or fut. perf. (see Verr. ii. ch. 41, 42). — ad- 
 versariorum praesidiis, within the enemies' lines, i. e. in arms. — 
 bona, the property. — veteres, those of the regular code : novas, 
 those of the Sullan revolution. 
 
 § 38. in eum, i. e. Sulla. Here it is necessary for the orator to 
 proceed with great caution : even if not himself present, Sulla 
 would watch jealously the first case before his own criminal court. 
 — ab initio, from the beginning of this trial; omni tempore, in 
 his whole career. — ut . . . passus non sit, clauses in appos. with 
 haec omnia: for the change of tense, see §58,5,*/. — apud ad- 
 versaries, in the enemies' ranks =*'m praesidiis, above. — postea: 
 the passage referred to appears to have been lost out of the oration, 
 probably in the gap in ch. 45. The scholiast represents Chrysogo- 
 nus as saying that he had used the property in building a villa at Veii. 
 
 § 39. Kal. Junias, ace. in the same constr. as diem. — aliquot 
 post mensis, see introd. — tabulas, the records of confiscated 
 property, which belonged to the State. — nulla, ?iot at all (§47, 6). — 
 redierunt = relata sunt. — nebulone, knave. — facetius, ?noi'e 
 neatly : in the case supposed, the proscription would be a mere 
 trick, and the property would be taken without even the forms of 
 law. — corruptee, tampered with. — ante tempus, prematurely. — 
 reduviam curem, treat a sore finger (a proverbial expression) : 
 i. e. in a case of life and death, I deal only with some trifling ail- 
 ment. — non rationem ducit, he does not take account (a mercan- 
 tile phrase). 
 
 § 40. partim pro me, partly in my own name. To avoid en- 
 tangling the case of his client with politics, Cicero makes himself 
 responsible for all that might have a*political bearing : he was a 
 known partisan of the nobility, and could afford to speak freely. 
 
 10. ad omnis pertinere, concerns all. — sensu ac dolore, 
 feeling and pain, i. e. painful feeling. The adjective idea is en- 
 forced by dwelling on it in the form of another noun (hendiadys). — 
 jam, with the fut., presently. 
 
 § 41. ego, opp. to Roscio. — diem, fem. (§ 13, 2, N.). — prae- 
 finita, fixed in advance, as the limit (finio). — tantulo, so little. — 
 patronum, i. e. Sulla. (See note on libertus, § 12.) — conferre, 
 throw the responsibility. — imprudente, without the knowledge of. — 
 egerit, will effect; fut. perf. for fut. (§ 58, 7, R.). 
 
 § 42. placet, do I like ? i. e. do I think it right ? — impruden- 
 tia, want of foresight. — etenim si, etc. The comparison is 
 strained, and rather offensive to good taste ; but. it is curious as 
 showing the ancient notions as to the origin of evil, and at the same 
 time Sulla's relation to the State as " lord protector." (Compare 
 
§37-46.] Defence of Roscius. 15 
 
 the oration for Marcellus.) — pernicii for perniciei (§ 13, 3). — vi 
 ipsa rerum, by the very violence of the elements. — possit, adepta 
 sit, informal ind. disc, as the thought of the person surprised. — si 
 . . . sit, clause with minim (§ 70, 5, R.). 
 
 17. § 43. tametsi, and yet. — meo jure, with perfect right (as 
 belonging to that party) : jure alone would mean justly ; meo 
 limits it to the speaker's own case. The passage that follows is in- 
 teresting, as showing the way in which Cicero regarded the general 
 issues of the civil war, and the excesses of the victorious party. — 
 pro mea, etc., to the extent of my poor and feeble ability. — ut 
 componeretur, that reconciliation should be made : a clause of 
 result in appos. with id (§ 70, 4). — qui vicerunt, who did (in 
 fact) conquer : the subj. here would imply, whatever party might 
 conquer. — humilitatem, not merely low rank, but meanness and 
 vulgarity ; dignitate, personal worth, from birth and services ; am- 
 plitudine, rank or position. With all his arrogance, blood-thirsti- 
 ness, and narrow conservatism, Sulla was, after all, the representative 
 of orderly government against anarchy and mob-law. — retineretur, 
 would be preserved (fut. cond. § 59, 4, f), the prot. being quibus 
 incolumibus. — quae, i. e. the reinstating of the nobility. — gra- 
 dual, rank. 
 
 § 44. quod ... in eos, that those have been punished (a mild 
 expression for proscription). — non debeo, I have 710 right. — 
 in eo studio partium, in favor of that party : studium is the 
 regular word for partisan favor. — id actum est, this was the object : 
 the clause ut . . . facerent is in appos. with id. — postremi, the 
 lowest in class or character. — non modo : understand non with 
 prohibere. 
 
 § 45. male : to speak ill is to utter abuse or calumny. — causam 
 communicare, make coimnon cause. 
 
 18. equestrem, referring to the struggle for the judicia (§ n), 
 and the extensive sympathy of the equites with the party of Marius. 
 Compare note to Verr. § 1. — servi : Chrysogonus was a freedman 
 of Sulla. — dominationem, mastery or tyranny. — versabatur, 
 displayed itself. — quam viam munitet, whither it is paving a 
 way : road-building, both literally and figuratively among the 
 Romans, was spoken of by the engineering term munire. — ad 
 fidem : i. e. after getting possession of the political power, these low- 
 born fellows were aiming at the courts, the one security of public 
 faith and good government. — jusjurandum : the jurors were 
 under oath to give a righteous judgment. — hicine, §20, 1, n. — 
 neque . . . possit : this is exactly what good men said in New York 
 ten years ago. — verear : subj. because it is not a real reason, but 
 one introduced only to be contradicted (§ 66, 1. d, r.). 
 
 § 46. exspectata, so long waited for. — servoli, dim. of con- 
 
1 6 JVotes. [Rose. Am. 
 
 tempt. — bona, estates; fortunas (more generally), wealth. — id 
 actum est, this was the object. — senserim, sided with them : 
 this verb, with its noun sententia, often refers to political opinions. 
 
 — inermis : i. e. had he taken up arms, his regret would have been 
 deeper. — cuique, to every ma?i in proportion as he is, etc. (§ 17, 
 5, c). — probe novit : note the strong sarcasm. — rationem, re- 
 lations : so that what touches one touches the other. — laeditur, 
 etc.. is injured being separated, etc. Mommsen puts cum before 
 laeditur, in which case it means, " by owning himself injured he 
 cuts himself off," etc. 
 
 § 47. mea, emphatic : he will avoid prejudice to his client, by 
 assuming the responsibility of these words. — istorum, those men's. 
 
 — morum, the customs of business. — more, in the regular way. 
 — jure gentium: the "law common to all nations" (Maine), as 
 opposed to jus civile, or law of the state. It is thus used as nearly 
 equivalent to natural right. 
 
 19. a nobis, i. e. once clear of guilt, and acquitted of a shock- 
 ing crime, he will leave you unmolested. — rogat : a feigned appeal 
 to his persecutors. — in suam rem: in a former passage, allusion 
 is made to a charge that Roscius had fraudulently kept back part 
 of his father's property. — concessit, etc., has given up [the im- 
 movable property], counted and weighed [the rest] ; by par- 
 ticularizing and dwelling upon different kinds of property, a stron- 
 ger impression is produced. — anulum, probably the gold ring 
 indicating his rank as an eques. — neque . . . excepit, and has re- 
 served nothing else besides his naked self. 
 
 § 48. quod, quia, § 63, 1. — hominem, i. e. the owner. — praeter 
 ceteros : i. e. even if other purchasers had to refund, he the favorite 
 had no cause to fear. — patria, of their fathers. — ne quando : 
 i. e. some time when there comes a political reaction. 
 
 § 49. facis injuriam, i. e. you act unreasonably. — majorem 
 spem : Cicero artfully suggests that Chrysogonus has no confidence 
 that Sulla's constitution will last; hence he wishes to remove a 
 dangerous claimant in case of another overturn. — monument!, 
 memorial, or keepsake. 
 
 •JO. cruenta (pred.) : the thought is strengthened by the use of 
 words only appropriate to an actual killing and stripping of the dead. 
 
 § 50. rem tuam, your interests. — quasi nescias, as if you did 
 not know (§ 61, 1). — spectatissima, most estimable: the friends 
 of Roscius are purposely exalted, in order to influence the Court.* 
 
 * Caecilia is called in § 17 daughter of Nepos; but the the statement here is probably 
 correct. Q. Csecilius Metellus Raliaricus was one of the four sons of Metellus Macedo- 
 nicus — two of consular rank, the third consul, and the fourth candidate for the consulship — 
 who accompanied the bier of their distinguished father (b. c. 115). The description of 
 father, uncles, and brother applies, therefore, perfectly in this case ; but Nepos, son of Bal- 
 iaricus and (as we assume) the omatissimntn fratrem referred to, had no brothers that 
 
§46-55-] Defence of Roscius. 17 
 
 — cum haberet, though she had. — cum esset, while she was, etc. 
 
 — femina, mulier : observe the distinction between the words, the 
 latter being always used when speaking of the tenderness of the 
 feminine nature. — quanto : the usual correlative is supplied by 
 non minora, full as great. 
 
 § 51. quod, the fact that. — pro hospitio, in accordance with 
 his father's friendly relations and personal influence (see above, 
 § 1). — pro eo quod, in view of the fact that. — sin . . . vindica- 
 rent, i. e. if all were disposed to right this wrong : hinting that the 
 accusers would be in danger of violence. — summa res publica, 
 i. e. the existence of the state itself. — haec, these outrages. — nunc, 
 opposed to the preceding suppositions. — sane, certainly. 
 
 § 52. quae domi : i. e. the protection of . Roscius, supply of 
 money, providing of witnesses, etc. — fori . . . rationem, the business 
 of forum and court, i. e. the preliminaries of the trial. — ut vide- 
 tis, i. e. Messala* is here in court. — sectorum, see note to § 36. 
 
 — assidrritate, constant presence, probably at the preliminary pro- 
 ceedings. — hac nobilitate, i. e. such nobles as he. — haec res, the 
 present state of things was brought about. — ei nobiles, i. e. the 
 nobles expelled by Marius and Cinna. 
 
 21 • § 53- propria, his own; communis, common to all. — 
 pristina, as of the olden ti?ne. — versata est, has prevailed. — id 
 quod, etc., which surely caii never be. — actum est, all is over. 
 
 § 54. condemnaretis : for the tense, see § 58, 10, a; so pot- 
 uissent, have not been able. — nimirum, doubtless. — consilium 
 publicum : the administration of justice, along with all other affairs 
 of the state originally vested in the kings, was transferred to the 
 people in their sovereign capacity, and exercised in the coinitia. 
 Hence the bodies to which it was afterwards delegated were con- 
 silia, — a term which includes (as here) the body of jurors. 
 
 § 55. an vero, or can it be true that, etc. In this use of an, 
 the first question is omitted (§ 71, 2, b), and the second is often a 
 reductio ad absurdum, as here. The full thought is, Do you not 
 agree with me, or can it really (vero) be, etc. — agi, is at stake ; ali- 
 quid agere is to aim at something. — ut . . . tollantur, be got rid of, 
 in one way or another. — periculo, often used of defendants. 
 
 22. sectorem . . . accusatorem, i. e. T. Roscius Magnus, at 
 otice purchaser, enemy, cut-throat, and accuser. — probatum suis, 
 vouched for by his friends. 
 
 are known, and on the other hand had two sons, — neither of whom, however, was old 
 enough at this time to deserve this epithet. Both were active in the time of Catiline's con- 
 spiracy. Celerwas consul B. c. 60, the younger Nepos in 57. Caecilia, daughter of Baliari- 
 cus, married App. Claudius, and was mother of Cicero's bitter enemy Clodius. 
 
 * This is supposed to have been the one who was consul b. c. 53 (not the consul of 61). 
 In this case he was father of the distinguished orator and soldier of the reign of Augustus. 
 As appears from this passage, he was too young to undertake the case himself. 
 
 2 
 
18 Notes. [Verr. I. 
 
 § 56. suscipere noluit : the law by which the proscriptions 
 were instituted was passed by the people, without the intervention of 
 the Senate. — more majorum, i. e. that every capital judgment 
 was subject to an appeal to the people in the comitia centuriata. 
 
 § 57. quibus : the antecedent is eis. — hominibus, dat. (§ 51, 
 2, e). — pati nolite, do not suffer. — consuetudine incommodo- 
 rum, by familiarity with horrors. 
 
 Impeachment of Verres. 
 Argument. 
 
 Chap i. The jurors are congratulated on the opportunity of restoring the good name 
 of the senatorial courts : character of the defendant. — 2, 3. Attempts of Verres to avoid 
 the trial : he places all his hope in bribery. — 4, 5. His crimes in administration, of pillage, 
 extortion, and cruelty, open and flagrant. — 6. His attempt to contract in advance for ac- 
 quittal. — 7, 8. His hopes in the election of Hortensiusas consul and Metellus as praetor. 
 — 9, 10 Cicero's anxiety. The great effort to have the case tried before Metellus, which 
 was to be effected by delaying the trial till after the holidays. — n, 12. Cicero proposes to 
 display his case at once, without argument, and so prevent its being laid over : he will meet 
 the domineering Hortensius on that issue. — 13-15- The senatorial compared with the 
 equestrian courts; their corruption and ill repute. Loss of confidence in Roman justice; 
 ruin and misery of the provinces. — 16. The court itself on trial : acquital can have but 
 one meaning. — 17. Appeal to Glabrio to prevent bribery. — 18. The Sicilians must not be 
 baffled. Way in which Cicero proposes to conduct the prosecution : he will introduce wit- 
 nesses at once, without previous argument. List of the charges, including the plunder of 
 4,000,000 sesterces from the Sicilians. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 25, § 1. erat optandum (§ 60, 2, c, not necessarily implying 
 a protasis contrary to fact), what was chiefly to be wished. — quod 
 . . . pertinebat, the one thing which most tended (or, was of chief 
 importance) . — invidiam infamiamque, odium and dishonor, 
 from the partisan use of the courts by the Senators (see Rose. 
 Am. § 3). These points are here emphasized, as being of quite 
 equal importance with the conviction or acquittal of Verres. In 
 fact, the trial turns more on the character of the court than on 
 the guilt of the accused, which was notorious, — vestri ordinis, 
 i. e. the senatorial, from which the judices were at this time taken. 
 (See note on judices, R. A. § 1.) The word Ordo was used loosely 
 to describe any recognized body of citizens — as freedmen, publicans, 
 clerks ; it was more especially used of the two powerful classes of 
 the Roman Aristocracy, the Senatorial and the Equestrian, which 
 struggled with each other for power during the last century of the 
 Republic. 
 
§ i.] Impeachment of Verres. 19 
 
 The Roman Aristocracy. 
 
 Senatorial Order. — Strictly speaking the Ordo Senatorius was only another name 
 for the Senate, the members of which, by virtue of their life tenure of office, and their 
 jsprit de corps, formed a united body or " order " in the state. The list of senators, 
 amounting in general to about 300, was formerly made up by the Censors from among those 
 who had held high magistracies : after the time of Sulla every person who held the quaes- 
 torship — the first grade of the regular magistracy (see note § n) —was entitled to a seat 
 in the Senate. The number therefore fluctuated, running up to five or six hundred. The 
 elections were so largely under the control of the Senate and the magistrates, that it was 
 very hard for any person not belonging to the nobility (see note on § 15) to be chosen to any 
 office : when any such person, novus homo, entered the Senate, — such as Cato the Censor, 
 Marius and Cicero, —he belonged of course to the Senatorial order, although he was not 
 a noble. Such cases, however, were so rare, that it may be laid down as a general truth, 
 that the Senatorial order and the Nobility were identical, and M new men " became ne- 
 cessarily identified with the class to which their posterity would belong, rather than that 
 from which they came. This double relation of Cicero — a member of the Senate, but 
 sprung from the Equestrian order — goes a great way to explain what is inconsistent and 
 vacillating in his political career. 
 
 Equestrian Order. — The title Equites was properly applied to the members of the 
 eighteen centuries equitum equo publico ; to whom a horse was assigned by the state, 
 together with a certain sum of money yearly for its support. Those who served equo pub- 
 lico must have a fortune of 4007000 sesterces ($16,000), and the horses were assigned by 
 the censors, as a rule, to the young men of senatorial families. The centurice equitum. were 
 therefore composed of young noblemen, [see " Celsi Ramnes," Hor A. P. v 342]. When 
 they entered the Senate, they were (in the later years of the republic) obliged to give up the 
 public horse ; on becoming senators therefore they voted in the centuries of the first class, 
 not with the Equites (see note on Assemblies, § 18). This aristocratic body had, how- 
 ever, long before this period, ceased to serve in the field ; they formed a parade corps (some- 
 what like the Royal Guards in England), from which active officers of the legion, tribuni, 
 were taken. When the Roman equites ceased to serve as cavalry, troops of horse were de- 
 manded of the allies ; and in the time of Caesar we find that the Roman legion consisted 
 exclusively of infantry, the cavalry being made up of auxiliaries. 
 
 During the time that the equites equo publico still served in the field as cavalry, another 
 body grew up by their side, of equites equo privato, that is, persons of the equestrian 
 census, who had a property of 400,000 sesterces, who had not received a horse from the 
 state, but who volunteered with horses of their own. This body consisted mainly of young 
 men of wealth, who did not belong to noble (that is, senatorial) families. No very distinct 
 line was, however, drawn between the two classes, until the Lex Judiciaria of Caius Grac- 
 chus (b. c. 123), which prescribed that the judices should no longer be taken from the 
 senators, but from those who possessed equestrian census, and at the same time were not 
 members of the Senate (see note on judices, R. A. § 1). This law did not formally exclude 
 nobles who were not members of the Senate ; but the entire body of nobility was so far 
 identified in spirit and interest with this body, that an antagonism immediately grew np 
 between them and this new judicial class. A principal cause of the antagonism was that 
 members of the Senate were prohibited from being engaged in any trade or business ; while, 
 as has been shown above, the Senate, by its control over the elections, virtually filled its 
 own vacancies, of course from the ranks of the nobility. 
 
 Since rich men of non-senatorial families were thus excluded from a political career, 
 while Senators were excluded from a business life, there were formed during the last century 
 of the republic two powerful aristocracies, — the nobles, or Senatorial order, a wealthy gov- 
 erning aristocracy of rank, and the Equestrian order, an aristocracy of wealth, the 
 counterpart of the moneyed aristocracy of our day. The name Ordo Equestris-wzs derived 
 from the fact of its members possessing the equestrian census; that is, that amount of 
 property which would have entitled them to a public horse. From the ranks of the nobility 
 were taken the oppressive provincial governors ; the equestrian order furnished the publi- 
 cum, the equally oppressive tax-gatherers. It is easy to see, therefore, that neither the law 
 of Gracchus, which placed the Court of Repetundce in the exclusive power of the Eques- 
 trian order, nor that of Sulla, which gave it to the Senators exclusively, was calculated to 
 protect the provincials against extortion. 
 
20 Notes. [Verr. I. 
 
 The equestrian order, ordo eqitestris, is therefore not merely distinct from the centu- 
 ria equitum, but strongly contrasted with them. The one is the wealthy middle class, the 
 other the young nobility. The term equites is sometimes applied to both, although the 
 strictly correct term for the members of the equestrian order was judices. 
 
 consilio, foresight. — datum, oblatum, refer respectively to 
 optandum and pertinebat. — summo, most critical: the year of 
 the consulship of Pompey and Crassus. — inveteravit (emphatic 
 position), there has come to be deeply rooted. — opinio, notion (not so 
 strong as opinion, which is sententia). — neminem, more emphatic 
 than nullum, and often so used, especially by early writers. 
 
 § 2. contionibus et legibus, harangues and bills (proposed 
 laws). The proposition of the law which took the exclusive con- 
 trol of the courts from the Senators was even now pending, and it 
 was promulgated before the case was decided. 
 
 actor, complainant, i. e. agent or attorney for conducting 
 the suit in personal processes {in personam). — ordinis, the body, 
 i. e. the Senate, from which the judices were at this time taken. 
 The right of judicium was soon after restored to the equites. — 
 communi, i. e. so far as it affected the whole state. — reconciliare, 
 etc., win back the lost repute. — depeculatorem, etc. : for a more 
 complete statement of these charges, see ch. iv. and v. — juris 
 urbani, i. e. as prator urbanus. — labem, pest. 
 
 § 3. vos, opposed to ego, below. — religiose, according to your 
 oath. — judicaveritis, fut. perf. (§ 59, 4, c). — religionem veri- 
 tatemque ; here, feeling of obligation and regard for the truth. — 
 judicium, etc., i. e. the fault will be with the court, not with the 
 prosecutors. — equidem, i. e. for my own part. — quas partim, 
 some of which (partim is properly adv. ace. § 41, 1, //). — de vita- 
 rim, subj. as part of concession (§ 66, 2). 
 
 3G. uequo . . . neque, following numquam, do not destroy 
 £he negative, but are more emphatic than aut . . . aut. 
 
 § 4. istius, constantly used of an opponent. — Glabrioni, the 
 praetor presiding. — ordini . . . senatorio, i. e. the senatorial order, 
 nay, the very name of senator. — dictitat, constantly repeats (§ 36, 
 b).-^-esse metuendum (for erat met. in dir. disc, §58, 11, b), 
 i. e. those would have to fear if the case were theirs, but he, etc. — « 
 quod, i. e. only what. — pecunia belongs to both clauses, as is 
 indicated by their parallelism. 
 
 § 5. esset, imp. in prot. of a continued condition lasting till now. 
 — fefellisset, he would have foiled us. — cadit : pres. of time last- 
 ing till now (§ 58, 2, #).-— corrumpendi judicii, of bribing the 
 court. — tempus , . . offenderet, he hit an unfavorable time; because 
 popular sentiment was so roused and exasperated in regard to the 
 corruption of the courts. 
 
 § 6. iuvenit qui, he found some one who : for the circumstances, 
 
§ i-io.] Impeachment of Verres. 21 
 
 see introd. The fictitious case was not brought against Verres. — 
 Brundisium, Brindisi, the port whence the greater part of Italian 
 travel, now as then, embarks for the East. — obii, went throughout. — 
 populorum, communities. . The political system of the ancients 
 was composed of an indefinite number of petty communities, all 
 possessing a certain degree of independence. (See the beginning 
 of note on ?nuniceps, R. A. § 5). — qui . . . obsideret, to block my 
 opportunity, 
 
 § 7. nunc : i. e. now that his former scheme has failed. 
 
 $57. socios, allies : citizens of communities which, although 
 embraced within the boundaries of Roman provinces (see note 
 §11), had nevertheless, for special reasons, been allowed to 
 retain a nominal independence, with their own laws and magis- 
 trates, — cives, citizens, travelling or doing business in the prov- 
 inces, or provincials who had received the citizenship. 
 . auctoritates, documents ^ i. e. credentials, or (more probably) offi- 
 cial testimony relating to the acts of Verres. 
 
 § 8. bonis : here, as generally in Cicero, used in a partisan sense, 
 the aristocracy. — judicia, courts. — experiatur, in apparent vio- 
 lation of the sequence of tenses : the imperf. would make it refer to 
 the time of getting the money. — tempus : the present scheme of 
 the defence is by corrupt means to stave off the judgment to a more 
 advantageous time (see ch. 6-8). — posset, imperf. referring to the 
 time of the purchase. — criminum vim, the force of the charges. — 
 poterat, indie, the reason being Cicero's. (The whole passage is an 
 instructive example of the freedom of a living language from its 
 own trammels. Rules are made for the language, not language for 
 the rules.) 
 
 § 9. non modo, not merely. — eloquentia, gratia: even sophis- 
 tical arguments and personal influence were respectable means of 
 escape, to a criminal who had no case (causa). — profecto, I am 
 sure. — aucuparetur, fish for (lit. set nets for birds). — ut . . . fi- 
 eret, as to have some chosen to be put on trial (see § 6) : the Sen- 
 ate itself was insulted, by selecting one of its members to be set 
 up as a man of straw, that Verres might get clear. — hie, i. e. Verres. 
 
 — causam diceret, stand trial. 
 
 § 10. quibus rebus, from this (abl. of means with perspicio). 
 
 — consilio, "panel," i. e. the body of jurors. — in rejectione ju- 
 dicavit, decided at the challenging (" throwing out ") of the jury : 
 i. e. on seeing the kind of men challenged by the two sides re- 
 spectively. The regular number to be challenged was three ; but 
 Verres, as senator, was permitted to challenge more. — ea spe : 
 words of this class, used with a demonstrative, allow a clause of 
 result instead of the more regular indir. disc, (compare § 65, 2), as 
 in ut . . . constituent and ut . . . arbitraretur, which follow. 
 
22 Notes. [Verr. I. 
 
 28. § ii. adulescentiae, i. e. before he entered public life. — 
 quaestura, qucestorship, the first grade of political honor. 
 
 The quaestors were at this time twenty in number, two having charge of the treasury 
 and archives in the city, while the others were assigned to the several military commanders 
 and provincial governors, to serve as quartermasters and paymasters. Aspirants for honors 
 were required to serve as quaestors before presenting themselves for the praetorship, which 
 was, again, a requirement for the consulship. The office of curule asdile was regularly 
 held — as by Cicero — between the quaestorship and praetorship. That this was not neces- 
 sary, however, as is often assumed, is proved by the fact that there were six praetors, but 
 only two curule aediles. (See Mommsen Rom. Staatsrecht, vol. i. p. 443.) 
 
 Carbonem : Carbo was the leader of the Marian faction after 
 the death of Marius and Cinna. He was consul b. c. 82, the year 
 of Sulla's return and victory. Verres was his quaestor, and went 
 over to the enemy with the money-chest, when he saw which side 
 was likely to prevail. — necessitudinem religionemque : the 
 quaestor was originally nominated specially by the consul ; and the 
 peculiarly close and sacred relation (necessitudo) existing between 
 them was known as pietas, — a sentiment of filial affection. (See 
 Lange, Rom. Alt. vol. i. p. 633.) The designation by lot (sors) 
 was also held to be a token of divine will, and so sacred {religio). 
 — legatio : the legatus, or aid, was a member of the general's staff, 
 and stood in something of the same relation to him as the quaestor. 
 Verres, as legatus, served Dolabella much as he had served Carbo : 
 not that either of those infamous commanders deserved better 
 treatment. — Asiae : the province of this name, the old kingdom of 
 Pergamus, embraced the western part of Asia Minor. The prov- 
 ince of Dolabella (b. C. 80-79) was Cilicia. His extortions and 
 those of Verres were in the adjoining regions of Pamphylia, Pisidia, 
 and parts of Asia. The word totius is therefore a rhetorical ex- 
 aggeration. 
 
 The term provincia was primarily used to designate the special field of operations as- 
 signed (by lot, agreement, or designation of the Senate) to a consul or other military com- 
 mander. When a foreign territory was conquered and reduced to a subjection to Rome, 
 the government of it was assigned to one of the praetors, or the im/>erium of a consul or 
 prator was extended {prorogatum) for a second year for this purpose. The foreign state 
 thus organized as a Roman dependency was called by the old name provincia ; and this 
 special use of the word is more familiar in classic writers than its original meaning. Of the 
 states here mentioned, Asia was an organized province, while Cilicia, Pisidia, and Pam- 
 phylia were provinces only in the early sense of the word : Cilicia, however, was the regular 
 provincia, or special command, of a pro-praetor, whose field of operations was western 
 Cilic a (Cilicia Aspera), with the adjoining coast-line of Pamphylia, and mountain region of 
 Pisidia. — Cilicia was not formally organized as a province until B. c. 75. As governor of 
 a province in the later sense of the word, the pro-praetor exercised direct rule only over 
 those portions of the country which had been subjugated by Rome, while the geographical 
 limits of his province enclosed also allied and independent communities, civitates socice 
 and liberce (see Kuhn, Verfassung des Rom. Reich, vol. ii. p. 14) ; some of which paid 
 tribute, while others were tribute-free, immunes, as well as legally exempt from his au- 
 thority in matters of administration. Practically, however, even these last were under his 
 almost unlimited control. 
 
 pro quaestore, acting qucestor : when there was a vacancy in a 
 
§ 10-13.] Impeachment of Verres, 23 
 
 provincial quaestorship, the commander might appoint any person 
 to perform its functions. (Mommsen, R. S. vol. i.p. 187). — adduxit : 
 Dolabella was bad enough, but he had to bear the added infamy of 
 Verres' outrageous acts, and after all Verres saved himself by turn- 
 ing against him (oppugnavit), appearing as witness in his trial for 
 extortion. 
 
 § 12. preetura urbana: this is the topic of the first oration of 
 the accusatio. 
 
 There were at this time eight praetors, whose office it was to preside over the adminis- 
 tration of justice ; after the expiration of their year of office, they went as pro-prat ores to 
 govern provinces. Verres held the first and most important of the praetorships, that of 
 prcetor urbanus, who had the charge of civil cases between Roman citizens ; the prcetor 
 peregrinus had civil cases in which aliens were a party ; the other six presided over the 
 Qucestiones perpetuce. The prcetor urbanus, having charge of all civil cases between 
 citizens, had almost unlimited power of plunder, and this was used by Verres without 
 scruple. His colleague, the prcetor peregrinus, filled several books with cases in which he 
 interceded, in order to oblige Verres to administer justice in accordance with his own 
 rules. The functions of the praetor were summed up in these words do {j'udicem, vindl- 
 cias), dico (J us )y addico (rem, etc.). 
 
 aedium, etc. The public buildings were under the charge of 
 the aedile, not of the praetor : the cases referred to here were, there- 
 fore, not connected with any special official power of Verres, but 
 certain flagrant instances of corruption and extortion arising out of 
 contracts for public buildings in which the praetor had it in his 
 power to interfere for his own advantage. — in jure dicundo ; jus 
 dicere (jurisdictio) , declaring the law, was the primary function of 
 the praetor ; bo?iorum addictio is the adjudging of property to the 
 claimant ; condonatio {grant) is the giving it up to the defendant : 
 in the case of Verres both are presumed to be unlawful. — instituta, 
 precedetits. The edicts of the praetors made up a body of common 
 law, not absolutely binding, however, for their successors. — posse, 
 virtually a fut. infin. 
 
 § 13. senatus consulta, decrees (or executive orders) of the 
 Senate. 
 
 The Senate had originally only advisory powers. It had therefore, strictly speaking, 
 no authority to make laws or to enforce their execution ; and its votes were simply consul- 
 ta, i. e. matters agreed upon, as advisable, while its power was auctoritas. When the 
 Senate came (in the 3d cent. B. c.) to be the actual governing power in the State, these 
 consulta became ordinances, in which the Senate directed the administration of the whole 
 empire. The organization of a new province, e.g., was not by a law of the people, but by an 
 ordinance of the Senate ; and in this ordinance was embodied the entire authority of Rome 
 over the province, except so far as this was prescribed by general laws. This suas leges 
 describes the native institutions of the several communities, so far as they were allowed to 
 retain them: communia jura, the principles of justice recognized by all nations; sena- 
 tus consulta, the regulations, laid down by the Senate, under which the province was 
 organized and governed. 
 
 communia jura, the same as jus gentium, those laws common to 
 all mankind (see note on jus gentium, R. A. § 47). The terms 
 leges, consulta, jura, include the three sources of provincial law. 
 
24 Notes. [Verr. i. 
 
 — tenuerunt, retained. — subterfugit, escaped his notice. — tan- 
 tum, [only] so much. 
 
 ab eo, away from him, i. e. the possessor. — aratorum, tenants 
 of public lands. 
 
 The territory of conquered communities in the provinces was partly given or sold to 
 individuals or allied states, as private property (ager privatus), paying a tax (vectigal) of 
 a tenth of the products (decuma) ; partly retained as public domain {ager publicus), which 
 was let by the censors, generally for a long term of years, sometimes as heritable. These 
 tenants were called aratores- In Sicily the original proprietors received back their old 
 estates on these terms, paying tithes, decuma, just as the proprietors of ager privatus did, 
 from whom therefore they differed only in right of property, not in amount of tax or mode 
 of payment. (Marquardt, Rom. Alt. hi. 2. p 141.) The collection of the tenth, as well as 
 of other indirect revenues, was farmed out by auction to publicani, of the equestrian order ; 
 these paid a round sum into the treasury, for the chance of squeezing a larger amount in 
 detail out of the provincials. From these aratores Verres had required a supply of corn, 
 as he was entitled to do, and then commuted the demand for cash, valuing the corn at five 
 or six times its market value. (Caecil. x.) 
 
 socii ; these were the provincial states which retained inde- 
 pendent self-government, either by treaty or by special enactment : 
 to this class belonged Messana and Tauromenium. — cruciati et 
 necati : a Roman citizen could not legally receive any punishment 
 touching life or limb, except by judgment of his peers in Rome. 
 Thus, Jesus was crucified by the Roman governor under the or- 
 dinary provincial law applying to Jews : while Paul, a Roman 
 citizen of the free city Tarsus, appealed to Caesar, and was sent to 
 Rome for trial. (See extract from Verr. vi. pp. 51-56). — judicio, 
 by mock trial. 
 
 20. rei facti, accused, (rei from reus). The details of these 
 charges are given in the five orations of the Accusatio; it would 
 require too much space to repeat them here. — indicta, utipleaded. 
 
 — ejecti, expelled 'from the country. — optimae, best in themselves ; 
 opportunissimae, most valuable in the circumstances. — populi 
 Romani, obj. gen. 
 
 § 14. regum, the famous kings of Syracuse, — Hiero, Agathocles, 
 etc. — imperatorum : Marcellus, who conquered Syracuse, and 
 Scipio Africanus the elder, who had Sicily as his province, and 
 crossed over from there for the conquest of Carthage. — Deum, 
 i. e. statue of a god. — commemorare, complem. infin. for subj. 
 with ne or quominus (§ 57, 8, d). 
 
 § 15. at enim (a supposed objection), but, you may say. — co- 
 gnoscere, learnj recognoscere, review. 
 
 In Chap. vi. the orator returns to the charge of bribery. He has shown at close of 
 Chap. iii. that Verres had been disappointed in the character of the jury : the two following 
 chapters show that no favor could be expected from an honest jury in so patent a case. He 
 now reviews the several schemes of bribery, leading at last to the final plot of staving off 
 the trial till the next year. 
 
 eloquentiam, etc., see note on § 9; gratia and auctoritate 
 
§ 1 3-1 8.] Impeachment of Verves. 25 
 
 refer to his counsel, Hortensius ; potentia, to the noble family of 
 the Metelli. — mania nomina, empty names. 
 
 30. nobiles, noble by birth ; noti, well known or notorious. 
 
 The Roman nobility has been shown (see note § i) to have been in the main identical 
 with the Senatorial order. It was in point of fact an hereditary rank, although based di- 
 rectly upon the holding of office. Whoever held any curule office — that is, Dictator, 
 Consul, Praetor, Magister Equitum, or Curule yEdile — secured to his posterity the jus 
 imaginum ; that is, the right to place in the hall and carry at funeral processions a wax mask 
 of this ancestor, as well as of any other deceased members of the family of curule rank. 
 All patricians were, as a matter of course, nobles : the nobiiity which governed Rome during 
 th j last three centuries of the republic was, therefore, composed of the entire patriciate, and 
 those plebeian families, members of which had held curule office. Among patrician 
 families were those of Caesar, Sulla, Scipio, Lepidus : the most eminent of the plebeian 
 nobility were Metellus, Catulus, LucuLus, Crassus, Gracchus. 
 
 § 16. ut, how. — redemptio, a contract with another party for 
 buying up the court. — in condicione, by the terms: until the 
 jury was made up, the bargain could not be absolutely concluded ; 
 and when the character of the jury was known, the contractor 
 renounced {renuntiavit) the bargain. — rejectio : after Cicero's 
 careful challenging, the lot had fortunately given a trustworthy jury. 
 — istius limits spem. — istorum, the partisans of Verres. 
 
 § 17. prseclare, well for the cause of justice. — libelli, lists. — 
 color : in a former case, in which Hortensius had been counsel, in 
 order to make sure that the bribed jurors voted as they had agreed, 
 colored ballots were given to them. — sententiis : this is the 
 word regularly used for a formal and official expression of opinion 
 in the Senate {vote) or a court of justice {verdict). — cum, where- 
 upon. — ex alacri, from being, etc. — his diebus paucis, a few 
 days ago: the consular and other elections were held this year 
 towards the end of July. — famae and fortunis, dat. after insidiae 
 comparantur. — per eosdem homines, the same professional 
 bribers; the redemptor, etc., referred to in § 16. — aperto, etc., 
 when the door to suspicio)i had once been opened. 
 
 § 18. reducebatur : the successful candidate was escorted home 
 by his friends after the election. — Campo: higher magistrates were 
 elected in the comitia centuriata, which were in form a military 
 organization of the people. As the military command, imperium, 
 could not lawfully be exercised in the city (except for the purpose 
 of celebrating a triumph), these comitia met in the Campus Mar- 
 tins, or military exercise-ground, north of the city. 
 
 There were at this time two principal Assemblies, both of them having as their basis the 
 thirty-five local tribes into which the whole people were divided for administrative purposes. 
 1. The Comitia Centuriata, or great comitia, which was established at the foundation of the 
 republic upon the basis of the military organization of Servius Tullius. At a later period 
 it was reorganized upon the basis of the tribes ; and, although there is no precise statement 
 as to either the time or the manner of this reorganization, there is little doubt as to either. 
 It must have been between the First and Second Punic Wars, and in the manner here de- 
 scribed. The old division of the people into five classes, according to wealth, was retained : 
 
26 Notes. [Verr. I. 
 
 for each tribe there were now formed two centuries of each class, — one of seniores, one 
 of juniores, — making in all 350 centuries. To these were added 18 centuries of equites 
 (the young men of senatorial families, see note § 1), guilds of smiths, carpenters, horn- 
 blowers and trumpeters, and a century of freedmen and capite censi (those who had no 
 property) ; 373 in all. Each century had one vote, determined by the majority of its voters. 
 These comitia were regularly presided over by the consul ; they elected all the higher mag- 
 istrates, and had full power of making laws, as well as judicial power in capital cases, so 
 far as this had not been transferred to XhzQu&stiones Perpetutz. Legislation had, howeve., 
 practically passed into the hands of the Comitia Tributa. 2. These were simply the assembly 
 of the thirty-five tribes, each tribe having one vote. They were sometimes presided over 
 by the praetor ; but of far more importance was the tribal assembly of the plebeians exclu- 
 sively, presided over by the Tribune of the People. Strictly speaking, this was not comitia, 
 inasmuch as it was not composed of the whole people, populus, — the patricians being ex- 
 cluded from it. But the patricians were now reduced to a few noble families, whose mem- 
 bers would not have cared to take part in this democratic assembly even if they had been 
 permitted ; and by the Hortensian Law, b. c. 287, acts of this assembly, plebisciia, received 
 the validity of laws. (See Mommsen, Rom. Forschungen, i p. 208.) 
 
 Curio : C. Scribonius Curio was one of the leaders ot the aris- 
 tocratic party, always a good friend of Cicero. — honoris causa, 
 see note R. A. § 5. — ratio, consideration. 
 
 31. § 19. F. Fabianum, the Fabian Arch, erected b. c. 109 
 by Q. Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus, — one of the earliest trium- 
 phal arches in Rome. — immo vero, no, rather. — renuntio, the 
 word regularly used to announce the result of an election. — de- 
 fertur means a formal announcement by some one person ; nar- 
 rabat, telling of apiece of news. — crimimim ratione, the logical 
 relation of the charges. — positam, resting on. 
 
 § 20. ratiocinabantur, reasoned: the imperf. describing a state 
 of mind, and in different persons. — aperte, ?nanifestly. — quod, 
 the fact that. — publicse, official, from cities (as auctoritates, above). 
 
 — existimationem, opinion, i. e. as weighed by their established 
 tests in court. — unius, i. e. Hortensius. — moderations, control. 
 
 — quidem (concessive), it is true : this criminal may be rescued, 
 but such a thing will not be allowed to happen again ; the judicial 
 power will be given to other hands. — nos, we Senators. 
 
 § 21 hominis amplissimi, i. e. Curio. The congratulations of 
 so respected a man showed the significance of the fact. — cupiebam 
 dissimulare, etc., / was anxious to conceal the fact, etc. 
 
 33. sortirentur, allotted. The particular offices (posts) of 
 coordinate magistrates were assigned by lot, for which the regular 
 word is obtingere. — Metello : a brother of Q. Metellus Creticus, 
 consul elect, and of L. Metellus, praetor in Sicily.* — factam, offered 
 
 — pueros, slaves. 
 
 § 22. sane, yon may be sure. — ne hsec quidem. not this either. 
 
 — neque intellegebam : i. e. his confidence in the integrity of 
 
 * There were three principal branches of the powerful family of Metelli : i. that of 
 Metellus Pius, the colleague of Sulla ; 2. that of Nepos (second cousin of Pius). whose sister, 
 Caecilia, was the friend of Roscius ; 3. that of Creticus, the friend of Verres (of uncertain 
 relation to the others). 
 
§ 1 8-26.] Impeachment of Verres. , 27 
 
 Metellus was so great, that he did not even yet see through the 
 tricks of the defence. — certis, trusty. — reperiebam : the imperf. 
 denotes a succession of items of information. — fiscos, wicker 
 baskets, used for carrying money. The word came to mean treas- 
 ure-chest, or private treasury ; and, when the empire was established, 
 it was applied to the emperor's privy-purse. Hence the wordfscal. 
 — Siciliense, i. e. that extorted in Sicily. — senatore, etc. The 
 senator, a man of the same class as Verres, put the money to be 
 used in the elections and trial into the hands of an eques, one of 
 the class that had the management of all such financial operations. 
 He retained, however, say (quasi) ten baskets, to be used directly 
 to defeat Cicero's election to the aedileship. — nomine, on account 
 of. — divisores, managers. The money to be used at elections was 
 put into the hands of sequestres (election agents), who themselves 
 made use of divisores to approach the voters personally. On this 
 occasion, the exigency was so great that Verres himself (istum) 
 called the divisores to his house, without the mediation of se- 
 questres. 
 
 § 23. omnia debere, was bound to do any thing for me. — 
 proximis, the last. — negasse audere, said they did not dare. — 
 fortem, stanch (ironical), in allusion to audere. — Romilia, sc. 
 tribu. — ex optima disciplina, from the best school (ironical), i. e. 
 that of Verres' father. — H. S. (see § 85, 1-3) : the defeat of Cicero 
 would, therefore, cost about $25,000, which the purchasing power 
 ot money made full twice as valuable then as now. 
 
 § 24. A lively description of the embarrassment in which Cicero 
 was placed at the end of July by the election and the trial, both 
 coming on together. — agere deterrebar, / was deterred from 
 doing (§ 57, 8, d). — petitioni, canvass. — ratio, ?ny policy. 
 
 33. § 2 5- noc iP so tempore, in the midst of all. — denun- 
 tiatum esse, that a message was sent. This compound implies a 
 peremptory and threatening message. — primum corresponds to 
 arcessit, etc., § 27. — sane liberos, quite free, i. e. in refusing to 
 come. If he had been consul, instead of merely consul-elect, they 
 would have had to come. — cursare, run hither atid thither. — 
 appellare et convenire, accost and greet. 
 
 § 26. M. Metellum (see § 21), the friend of Verres, who had 
 obtained the presidency of the court of Repetundae for the next 
 year. — eo, this thing, i. e. postponing the trial. — praerogativam, 
 indication. In the cotnitia centuriata, it was determined by lot 
 which century should first cast its vote. The vote of this century, 
 called prerogative (prse-rogo), was regarded as an omen, and was 
 likely to decide the result. The prerogativa which Q. Metellus 
 gave to Verres, in return for the prerogative of the comitia, is 
 described in the next section. 
 
28 - Notes. tVERR. I. 
 
 § 27. alter consul: Q. Caecilius Metellus Creticus (see § 21). 
 
 The three brothers, fast friends of Verres, were so situated as to promise the greatest 
 help the next year, when Quintus would be consul, and Marcus praetor, presiding over the 
 court of Repetundce, while Lucius was already pro-praetor in Sicily. Certain of the 
 Sicilians, therefore, complied with the summons of Metellus, although they had disre- 
 garded that of Hortensius. The object of Metellus was to induce the Sicilians to with- 
 draw the suit, or at any rate to refrain from appearing as witnesses. 
 
 34:. § 28. alienissimum, no kin of yours. — dictitat, says in- 
 cessantly (see next section). — alicui follows videatur. 
 
 § 29. ceteros, etc. : the Metelli seemed born to hold office. The 
 poet Naevius wrote, a hundred and fifty years before : 
 
 Fat6 Metelli R6mae fiunt consules. 
 
 To this Cicero alludes in the word fato. — populi existimationi, 
 reputation with the people. — illud, what follows. He here points 
 out the changes in the jury which must follow from changes in the 
 government with the new year. — conlega, colleague of Cicero: 
 i. e. as aedile designatus. — expediat, subj. of charact. (§ 65, 2). 
 — Junlano consilio, the jury of Ju?iius. This was a case four 
 years before, in which wholesale and unblushing bribery had been 
 proved ; so that the presiding praetor, Junius, as well as the entire 
 consilium (body of jurors) had been stamped with infamy. Caeso- 
 nius, a member of the jury, had been proof against corruption. — 
 ex Kal. Jan., after the New Year; for at that time he would be 
 transferred to another office. 
 
 § 30. Non. Dec. (Dec. 5) : on this day the new quaestors en- 
 tered on their office. — L. Cassius : the family characteristic here 
 stated was proverbial (Cassiani judices). — tribuni militares, at 
 this time legion-commanders. 
 
 The legion, consisting of 6,000 men, was commanded by six tribuni, two at a time 
 commanding for a term of two months. (Mommsen, R. S. i p. 79.) The 24 tribunes of 
 the four regular legions were elected in the cotnitia tributa ; the others were deputed by the 
 commanders. After the time of Caesar, a legatus was appointed over the six tribunes, 
 as chief officer of the legion. 
 
 non judicabunt, will not serve as jurors. — subsortiemur, i. e. 
 we shall draw another to fill his place. This is the regular use of 
 sub in similar compounds : as suffectus, subrogatus, etc. — prope 
 toto : the jury, therefore, apparently consisted of no more than 
 twelve or fifteen. 
 
 3«5. § 31- Nonae, etc. : it was, therefore, about 3 p.m. of the 5th 
 of August (see §84). — votivos, in fulfilment of a vow. These 
 games were in celebration of Pompey's victory over Sertorius. — 
 continuo, directly after. — turn denique, not till then. 
 
 The votive games would occupy from Aug. 16 to Sept. i (August had at this time only 
 29 days) ; Sept. 4 began the Ludi Romani, continuing till the 19th. The intervening days 
 (Sept. 2, 3) were of no account for the trial, so that it could not be resumed before Sept. 20, 
 a suspension of 34 days {prope quadraginta). The Ludi Victoria (Oct. 27 to Nov. 1) 
 
§ 27-34-] Impeachment of Verres. 29 
 
 were established by Sulla in honor of his victory. The Ludi Plebeii (Nov 4 to 17) were 
 established in the time ot the dissensions of the orders early in the Republic, in imitat.on 
 of the Ludi Magni or Romani, and were presided over by the plebeian aediles. 
 
 perpauci: the month of December was full of festivals. — rem 
 integram, i. e. from the beginning. The points of the prosecution 
 would have been forgotten, the public interest would have cooled 
 down, and the jury would be almost wholly new. The case must 
 therefore be taken up de novo. 
 
 § 32. nunc, opposed to si difiisus essem, above. — jurato, 
 on oath. The judices were on oath ; the prcetor, not. Metellus 
 might therefore be trusted to vote honestly as juror, but not to pre- 
 side impartially. — legitimo tempore : he had a right to use twenty 
 days for developing the points of the prosecution. 
 
 § 33- perpetua oratione, a continuous argtiment, before bring- 
 ing up the witnesses. This is what we possess in the five speeches 
 of the Accusatio, which, in the usual order of proceeding, would 
 have been delivered before bringing up the witnesses, but which were 
 never delivered at all. — percipi, reaped: the regular term for 
 gathering crops. — potuit, might have been. — publicis, official, 
 i.e. of cities. — tabulis, records; auctoritatibus, documents. — 
 res omnis. Here, before stating his plan, Cicero goes off on an- 
 other digression against Hortensius, which shows clearly one of 
 his principal motives in undertaking the prosecution. — diluendi, 
 refuting (washing off). 
 
 30. explicandis, unfolding. — nunc, as it is. — ex tua na- 
 tura : Hortensius, like M. Metellus, was personally an amiable and 
 honorable man, though pledged to a bad cause. — malitiose, in bad 
 faith. — rationi, sche?ne, looking to the means; consilio, plan, 
 looking to the end. Cicero contrasts them more than once. 
 
 § 34. binos ludos, i. e. Pompey's games and the Roman. — 
 comperendinem, adjourn over a day (perendie). 
 
 After opening the case (as in the present speech), the usual course was for the prose- 
 cutor to present his proofs and arguments in a connected speech, or series of speeches {per- 
 petua oratio), to which the counsel for the defence could answer, and then the witnesses 
 would be brought forward. The case was now really complete ; but it was required at this 
 point comperendinare, i. e. adjourn over the second day, in order to make sure that the 
 chain of evidence was complete. For this actio secunda, as it was properly called, a verj 
 short time only was necessary. The comperendinatio was therefore a sign that the trial 
 was near its close. Cicero's determination to bring this about before Pompey's games — > 
 i. e. within ten days — settled the case in his favor; for, as has been shown, the only hop« 
 of the defence lay in putting off the trial. 
 
 necessarium, unavoidable : id refers to eos velle, etc. — amplum 
 et prseclarum, honor and distinction. — periculum, trial (from 
 the same root found in experior). — innocentiee, purity of ad- 
 ministration in Sicily: an almost technical word for using with 
 moderation the immense power in the hands of a Roman official 
 in the provinces. 
 
30 Notes. [Verr. I. 
 
 § 35. potentia, domineering. — regnum judiciorum, lording 
 it over the courts. — nunc, opposed to the time of videbatur. — 
 homines, the corrupt Senatorial jurors. — inruere, etc., bent on 
 making themselves hateful and offensive. — hoc, i. e. to break 
 down Hortensius's control, and the corruption of a few senators. — 
 nervos setatis, the sinews of my youth. Cicero was now 36. 
 
 § 36. ordo, the Senate. — odiosum, filled with hate, unrelent- 
 ing. — magistratu, the aedileship of the coming year. — loco: the 
 Rostra, the elevated place in the Forum adorned with beaks of 
 ships, from which the magistrates addressed the people. 
 
 37. secum agere, the technical expression for transacting 
 business in the comitia. The jus agendi cum populo belonged to the 
 curule aediles only in the case here alluded to, — an appeal from a fine 
 de hominibus i?nprobis. (Mommsen, R. S. vol. i. p. 146. N. 4.). — 
 munus sedilitatis, service of the cedileship. 
 
 The munera (services) are generally distinguished from the honores (honors). The 
 honores were conferred by election, the munera imposed by a magistrate. Strictly speak- 
 ing, however, as in this case, the term muntts included bolh ; the more so, as the aedileship 
 was quite as much a burden as an honor. (Kuhn Verf. des Rom. Reichs, vol. i. p. 8.) 
 
 The iEdiles (from aedes y a temple) were four magistrates, who had the general super- 
 intendence of the police of the city, the care of the games, public buildings, etc. Two of 
 these were lower in grade, and were necessarily plebeians ; the other two, the curule aediles, 
 possessed also a limited jurisdiction, with power of imposing fines. The aedileship was not 
 a necessary step in a political career, but it was eagerly sought, between the quaestorship 
 and the praetorship, by ambitious men, for the reason that the superintendence of the 
 public games gave great opportunity for gaining popular favor. A certain sum was 
 appropriated from the public treasury for these games ; but an aedile who wished to rise to 
 higher positions, and not to be thought mean, took care to add a good sum from his own 
 pocket. 
 
 deponere, deposit with the sequestres (see note § 22) ; by in- 
 terpreter (go-betweens) is probably meant the divisores. — polli- 
 ceri, offer. — abstineant, withhold. 
 
 § yj. imperio et potestate : these words are not contrasted, 
 as implying classes or fields of power ; but the idea of imperium 
 (sovereign power) was contained in that of potestas (power in 
 general). All magistrates possessed potestas; only the consul 
 and praetor (of the regular magistrates) the imperium. — com- 
 memorabantur, talked over ; agentur, ?nade ground of action. — 
 certis rebus, well ascertained facts. — inter decern annos, i. e. 
 since Sulla's Lex Judiciaria. 
 
 § 38. quinquaginta. i. e. from the law of Caius Gracchus, B.C. 
 123, to that of Sulla, b. c. 80. — ne tenuissima quidem suspitio; 
 one of the exaggerations of the advocate. 
 
 • The condition of the courts at the time spoken of (about b. c. 93) is thus described by 
 Mommsen : " The commission regarding exactions [Court of Repetundcz\ was converted 
 from a shield of the provincials into their worst scourge : the most notorious robber escaped 
 with impunity, if he only indulged his fellow-robbers and did not refuse to allow part of 
 the sums exacted to reach the jury ; but any attempt to respond to the equitable demands 
 of the provincials *br right and justice sufficed for condemnation." If the courts were really 
 worse in B. c. 70 than they had been in 90, it was simply because the times were worse. 
 
§35~44-j Impcach?nent of Verres. 31 
 
 sublata, taken away. — populi Romani, etc., i. e. the power of 
 the people to control the senatorial order. This refers to the sus- 
 pension of the tribunician power by Sulla (see note § 44). — Q. Ca- 
 lidius, praetor, B. C. 79 ; condemned for extortion in Spain. 
 
 It seems, from an old note,that Calidius, being condemned de repetundis, with bitter 
 irony assailed the bribed jurors on account of the smallness of the bribe, saying that it was 
 not respectable (honestum) to condemn an ex-praetor for so small a sum. The allusion 
 shows that the corruption was notorious and universal. 
 
 H. S. triciens (see § 85), 3,000,000 sestertii,= $150,000. — prae- 
 torium : an ex-magistrate always preserved the dignity of the 
 office he had held, — as consularis, prostorius, adilicius. — honeste, 
 in a gentle?nanly manner. — P. Septimio (Scaevola), condemned 
 b. c. 72 ; the damages were placed higher than they would have 
 been, because of his connection with the odious consilium Junianu?n 
 (see § 29). The amount extorted was estimated in a separate 
 process {litis a>stimatio) ; and the money taken in bribery was 
 included in the reckoning. 
 
 § 39. peculatus, embezzlement, and majestas (sc. minuta), trea- 
 son (any thing affecting the dignity or the power of the state), were 
 the object of two of the Qucestiones perpetual of Sulla. 
 
 The fact came out on these trials. Evidence under Roman law was not confined to the 
 immediate issue, but might bear on other crimes of the accused, as now in France. All 
 the offenders here mentioned were apparently connected with the infamous judicium Ju- 
 nianum. (See Or. pro Cluentio, ch. 30, seq) 
 
 3S. sortiente, drawing the jury. — exirent, etc., were drawn 
 for [the case of] a defendant, to condemn htm without a hearing* 
 
 §40. jam vero, and finally (introducing the climax of all). — 
 illam, i. e. the one next described : hoc factum esse, etc. — 
 discoloribus signis, see note on color, § 17. — acturum esse, 
 will attend to. — tandem, tell me. — violatum, etc. (a kind of 
 hendiadys), that like violence has been done. — hominem, i. e. 
 Hortensius ; cujus, obj. gen. — secum . . . agi, he was doing very 
 well. — queestum, gains. — in rem suam, into his own pocket. — 
 patronis, see note, R. A. § 4. 
 
 § 41. reic. judicibus (loc. abl.), at the time of challenging. — 
 tolleretur, should be abolished. — victoriae, i. e. in the courts. 
 They can satiate the avarice of any man, but cannot give enough 
 to clear him when guilty. 
 
 39. § 4 2 - comparata sunt, were established. 
 
 § 43. loco, point, in the argument. 
 
 § 44. tribuniciam potestatem : the overgrown power of the 
 tribunes of the people had been greatly abridged by Sulla, but 
 restored by a law of Pompey early in this year, b. c. 70. 
 
 The Tribuni Plebis (or Plebi), ten in number, were the magistrates of that portion of 
 the people (a state within the state) known as the Plebs. The Plebeians at this epoch, 
 however, composed the whole people, with the exception of the few families of the patri- 
 cian aristocracy (such getites as the Cornelian, Julian, iEmilian, Claudian). Not being 
 
32 . Notes. [Verr. I. 
 
 magistrates of the city or the whole people, but only of a single class, the Tribunes did 
 not possess the imperium, had no real executive power, and were not magistrates in the 
 strict sense of the term. On the other hand they had two very important and wide reach- 
 ing powers: i. Negative, that of interfering, jus intercedendi ("veto ' ? ), to arrest almost 
 any legislative or executive act. 2. Positive, to hold the assembly of the plebs, organized by 
 tribes. In this assembly the plebeian magistrates (tribunes and plebeian asdiies) were 
 chosen, and laws were passed, plebi scita, which of course were originally binding only 
 upon the plebs, but which, by the Hortensian Law, b c. 287, received the force of leges 
 (see note, p.. 17). Fines were likewise imposed by this assembly, and this is the power 
 al uded to in the passage. Sulla had restricted this power of imposing fines, by punishing 
 its abuse. He had further made the legi lative power of the plebeian assembly depend 
 upon the initiation of the Senate. But these salutary provisions were abolished by Pompey, 
 the people fancying that the corruptions of the courts could be remedied by restoring this 
 mischievous power to the tribunes. 
 
 verbo, in name ; re vera, in fact; illam, the tribunician power. — 
 Catulum : Q. Lutatius Catulus was the best and most eminent man 
 of the aristocracy. — fugit, has escaped. — referente, bringing for- 
 ward, the technical expression for bringing a matter before the 
 Senate for action. 
 
 The prefix re, implying the repetition of an act, describes the original process. In case 
 of proposing a law, it was necessary, first, ferre ad populum, then, referre ad Senatum, 
 for ratification, which ratification could only be refused on religious or constitutional 
 grounds ; but, in order to guard against any unfair use of this power, it was established 
 that the ratification should come before the action of the comitia The order of proceed- 
 ings was then, to lay the matter, referre, before the Senate, then bring it, ferre, before 
 the people. — Momm. Rom. Forsch. i. p. 245. 
 
 rogatus : each Senator in turn was asked his opinion, sententia, 
 by the consul, or other presiding officer. — patres [et] conscrip- 
 tos (the conjunction is often omitted in such combinations) : 
 patres were the patrician members of the Senate ; conscripti, the 
 plebeians enrolled in that originally patrician body. — fuisse desi- 
 deraturos, would have missed (§ 67, 1, c). 
 
 § 45. contionem habuit, made a speech ; contio means, strictly, 
 an assembly, for the purpose of discussion merely. — ad urbem, 
 i. e. in the Campus Martius. Pompey was elected in his absence, 
 and while still clothed with the military imperium : he could not 
 therefore enter the city to meet the citizens, but called them to him 
 outside the walls. — ubi, in which. — in eo, at that point. 
 
 40. strepitu, confused noise. — clamore, shout. — volunta- 
 tem, i. e. what they felt. 
 
 § 46. in speculis, on the look-out. — religione, regard for oath. 
 — tribunicium, i. e. reinstating the tribunes. — unum senatorem : 
 there does not seem to be any reproach in this, as if it were only 
 one: rather, one, it is true; but, under the circumstances, that 
 means nothing. — vel tenuissimum, a man of no means. 
 
 § 47. hoc est judicium, i.e. this will be a test. — nihil sit, i. e. 
 there is no disturbing influence. 
 
 Cicero was mistaken in the hope here expressed, that an honest verdict in this case 
 might yet prevent a reorganization of the courts. The Aurelian law, passed shortly after 
 
§ 45-53-] Impeachment of Verres, 33 
 
 this time, provided that the judices should be taken, one-third from the Senators, the rest 
 from the equestrian order ; one-halt of the equestrians (one-third of the whole) being 
 required to have held the office of Tribunus JErarius, that is, President of one of the 35 
 local Tribes. The title eerarius was due to the fact that the duties of these officers were 
 largely financial. This regulation remained in force until the dictatorship of Cassar, B. c. 
 45, when this third decuria, of Tribuni iErarii, was abolished. 
 
 § 48. agam, conduct, — res, facts. — manifestas, a technical 
 word, denoting direct proof, not circumstantial evidence. — a vobis 
 contendere, urge upon you. — certain, definite. — rationem, plan. 
 — consequi, get hold of. — eorum, i. e. the defence. 
 
 § 49. vos, opposed to former juries, which have occasioned the 
 scandal. — post haec, etc., since the reorganization of the courts 
 by Sulla. — utimur, have the benefit of. — splendore, personal 
 distinction, from wealth and exploits ; dignitate, dignity, from rank 
 and office. — consilium, body of jurors (" panel "). — offensum, 
 slip (a mild word). 
 
 41. § 50- opto, pray. Observe the adroit union of compli- 
 ment and threat in this passage, which at the same time forms the 
 transition to the appeal to the praetor presiding. 
 
 § 51. is, referring to the Senate. — qui sis, what sort of a man 
 you are. — reddere, payback: he owes life and position to his 
 ancestors. — legis Acilise ; this (probably B. c. 101) provided that 
 there should be neither ampiiatio (further hearing) nor co7nperen- 
 dinatio (see note § 34) in cases of repetundcz. All earlier laws 
 were superseded by the Cornelian law of Sulla. 
 
 § 52. summse auctoritates, strongest influences, especially 
 family traditions, &c.* — nocenti reo, etc., for the criminal, his 
 great wealth is of more account for a suspicion of guilt, than for 
 any way of safety. 
 
 § 53. mini certum est, lam resolved. — non committere, to 
 take no step : committere governs the ut clause, in the sense of 
 bringing it to pass by mistake or fault. — nobis (eth. dat), our. 
 
 42* novo exemplo, an unheard-of manner. — lictores : 
 each consul was attended by twelve lictors, who had the power 
 of arresting and coercing. The consul elect, of course, had no 
 such attendants, but could only send messages by his slaves. — 
 eorum ; this word connects the Metelli, &c, with Verres in the 
 original conspiracy. — jus suum, their [lost] rights. — potestatem 
 (contrasted with imperium) : a hint that not only their liberties, 
 but their lives, were in peril. 
 
 * The elder Glabrio married Mucia, daughter of P. Mucius Scaevola, " the founder 
 of scientific jurisprudence in Rome," who was consul B. c. 133, the year of the legislation 
 and death of Tiberius Gracchus, and showed himself not disinclined to a moderate reform, 
 and at any rate opposed to the violent course of the aristocracy on that occasion. He was 
 grandfather of the younger Glabrio. The father in-law was M. ^Emilius Scaurus, for many 
 years princeps senatus, a man distinguished for dignity and moderation, but not charac- 
 terized by any very great qualities, and not free from the corruption of the times. 
 
34 Notes. [Verr. v. 
 
 § 54. comitiorum, etc. The trial came just between the elec- 
 tion and the games of Pompey. At the same time censors, for the 
 first time since Sulla's domination, were in office, and were making 
 a registry of property and voters, to which citizens from all parts 
 of Italy were obliged to report. — censendi, of being registered. — 
 vestrum, nostram, and omnium are predicate after esse. — quid 
 agatur depends, on the verbal noun scientiam. — omnium, i. e. 
 not the inhabitants of Rome alone. 
 
 § 55. principes : these were the two distinguished brothers, L. 
 and M. Lucullus. — testibus : the case was usually argued first. — 
 ita testis constituam, etc. : this is the criminum ratio (§ 19). — 
 crimen totum, the impeachment as a whole ; crimen (below), 
 the special charge of extortion, stated formally in the next section. 
 — dantur, are offered (see note § 34). — in singulas res, to each 
 point. — illis, the counsel for the defence. — altera actione, i.e. 
 after the cojnperendinatio : in this sense the speeches of the 
 Accusatio are correctly called Actio Secunda. — heec, etc., this is 
 all the Accusatio there will be hi the first Action. 
 
 § 56. quadringentiens sestertium (§ 85), 40,000,000 sestertii, 
 = $1,600,000. 
 
 4:3. fuisse (for fuerat, § 59, 3, d), there would have been. — 
 Dixi, / have done ; a formal ending, particularly appropriate to so 
 unexpectedly brief a speech. 
 
 The Plunder of Syracuse. 
 
 The passage which follows is from the fourth oration of the 
 Accusatio, the most famous of all, known as the De Signis, for the 
 reason that it treats chiefly of the works of Art stolen by Verres. 
 Cicero has been describing the plundering of many temples and 
 public buildings ; and in this passage he recounts in detail the case 
 of one chief city, Syracuse, as a climax. 
 
 Syracuse was far the largest and richest of all the Greek cities of Italy and Sicily. It 
 was a colony of Corinth, founded b. c. 734, and in course of time obtained the rule over 
 the whole eastern part of Sicily. Syracuse remained independent, with a considerable 
 territory, after the western part of the island (far the largest part) passed under the power 
 of Rome in the First Punic War ; but in +he Second Punic War (b. c. 212) it was captured 
 by Marcellus, and ever after was subject to Rome. It was at this time the capital of the 
 province. 
 
 § i. unum etiam, still one more, connects the incident here re- 
 lated with the one described last. — in medium proferam, publish. 
 — aliquando, at last (implying impatience). — nemo fere, hardly 
 any one. — annalibus, chronicles : there were as yet no regular his- 
 tories. — hanc, illo, indicate nearness and remoteness of time 
 
§ I-4-] 
 
 The Plunder of Syracuse. 
 
 ^35 
 
 (§ 20, 2, a, U). — imperatoris : this title, which properly belonged 
 to every possessor of the military imperiiwi, was by usage assumed 
 by the commander after his first considerable victory. — cohortem, 
 train of courtiers, &c. : the provincial magistrates, representing 
 the Roman i?nperiutn, had many of the insignia of royalty. — 
 constitutas, well ordered. — annalibus, chronicles. 
 
 This is a brilliant antithesis ; nevertheless, the orator exaggerates, as on so many occa- 
 sions. '" Not only did Marcellus stain his military honor by permitting a general pillage 
 of the wealthy mercantile city, in the course of which Archimedes and many other citizens 
 were put to death ; but the Roman Senate lent a deaf ear to the complaints which the 
 Syracusans afterwards presented regarding the celebrated general, and neither returned to 
 individuals their property nor restored to the city its freedom." (Mommsen.) 
 
 § 2. locis, i. e. in the other speeches of the Accusatio. — forum : 
 every ancient town had its central market place (Jorum, or uyopa), 
 an open space, used for trading, public assemblies, and the adminis- 
 tration of justice. The same feature exists in European towns to 
 the present day. — clausus fuisset : Marcellus had been obliged 
 to starve out the city. — Cilicum : Cilicia was the chief seat of the 
 organized bands of pirates who ruled the Mediterranean at this 
 time (see oration for Manilian Law). — illis rebus, i. e. the plunder 
 of temples, &c. 
 
 4-4. § 3- mazimam : the 
 circuit of its walls was 180 
 stadia = about 20 miles. — ex 
 omni aditu limits praecla- 
 ro ad spectum, glorious to 
 the sight. (For descriptions of 
 Syracuse, see Cic. de Rep. iii. 
 31 ; Livy, xxv. 24.) — in aedi- 
 ficatione, etc., i. e. enclosed by 
 the buildings of the city. An- 
 cient harbors (as at Athens) 
 were often at a considerable 
 distance. — conjunguntur : Or- 
 tygia (the site of the original 
 town) had an independent har- 
 bor on each side, connected 
 by a narrow channel. — insula, 
 i. e. Ortygia. — continetur, is 
 made continuous. 
 
 § 4. quattuor : the heights of Epipolae, west of the town, were 
 sometimes reckoned as a fifth city. — Hiero II., King of Syracuse 
 (b. c. 270 to about 216), was during most of his reign a steadfast 
 ally of Rome. — Dianae : the Quail, oprvf, was sacred to Diana 
 (Artemis) ; hence the name Ortygia. — extrema, end of . — istius, 
 i. e. of Diana. — Arethusa : fabled to have fled beneath the sea from 
 
 % jg 
 
36 r Notes. [Verr. V. 
 
 the pursuit of the river-god Alpheus (see Classical Dictionary). 
 Another fresh-water fountain rises in the harbor, about eighty feet 
 from the shore. — munitione, construction : used of any em- 
 bankment (compare munire viam, etc.). 
 
 § 5. Achradina, the plain and table-land just north of Ortygia : 
 the name is supposed to have been derived from the wild pear- 
 trees, axpadeg, which still abound there. — porticus, arcades. — 
 prytaneum, the building in which the city was conceived to have 
 its home. Here was the hearth, sacred to Vesta, whence colonists 
 carried the sacred fire to kindle a new hearth in the prytaneufn of their 
 new home. It was also used for courts of justice, public banquets, 
 &c. — curia, senate house, the building where the administration 
 of public affairs was conducted. — urbis, i.e. Achradina. — per- 
 petua, running its whole length. — continentur, are lined in con- 
 tinuous row. — Tycha, Doric form of Tvxv, Fortuna. — gymna- 
 sium, the place for exercise and baths, with porticos, groves, and 
 halls, somewhat like the ther?n& of Rome under the Empire, only 
 that the Greeks gave more attention to physical and intellectual exer- 
 cises, and less to the luxuries of bathing. — coaedificata, built on. 
   — Neapolis, " the new city." — quam ad summam, at the highest 
 point of which. 
 
 4L5, § 6. Marcellum : Marcus Claudius Marcellus, of a noble 
 plebeian family (all other Claudii were patricians), was the ablest 
 general the Romans had in the early years of the Second Punic 
 War, but illiterate and cruel; called " the Sword of Rome." He 
 was killed in battle, B. C. 208. — ornatu, adornments. — habuit 
 rationem, had regard for (compare Livy, xxv. 31). — deportare : 
 the Romans, like Napoleon, were in the habit of carrying off with 
 them whatever works of art and other treasures might redound 
 to the reputation of their city. — victorias, the right of victory j 
 humanitatis, the part of humanity. 
 
 § 7. Honoris, Virtutis : it was a characteristic of the Roman re- 
 ligion to worship and build temples to abstractions. The temple 
 of Virtus was built, and that of Honor restored, by Marcellus. — 
 in aedibus, etc., i. e. his own house, garden, and suburban estate. — 
 ornamento, i. e. as being free from stolen treasures. — deum, i. e. 
 statue. — jurisdictionem, the special function of the praetor. — ne 
 qua injuria, lest some injustice. — comitatum, train. 
 
 § 8. religionum, things sacred; consuetudinis, i. e. things hal- 
 lowed by use. — Agathoclis, tyrant of Syracuse, B. c. 317-289. 
 
 40. profana fecissent : the Romans had a formula by which 
 they called away (evocare) and gained over to their side the tute- 
 lary deities of any cities that they were besieging. Of course, the 
 temples of these gods then lost all their sanctity, and became 
 profane buildings. The true name of Rome and that of its tutelar 
 
§4-12.] The Plunder of Syracuse. 37 
 
 divinity were said to be kept as a mystery, lest they should become 
 known to an enemy, who might thus disarm the city of its protec- 
 tor. The formula is thus given by Macrobius, Saturn, iii. 9 : — 
 Si dens, si dea est, cui populus civitasque Carthaginiensis est in 
 tutela, teque maxime ille qui urbis hujus populique tutelam rece- 
 pisti, precor venerorque veniamque a vobis peto, ut vos populum 
 civitatemque Carthaginiensem deseratis, loca templa sacra urbem- 
 que eorum relinquatis, absque his abeatis, eique populo [civitati] 
 metum formidinem oblivionem iniciatis, proditique Romam ad me 
 meosque veniatis, nostraque vobis loca templa sacra urbs acceptior 
 probatiorque sit, mihique populoque Ro?nano militibusque meis 
 prcepositi sitis, ut sciamus intellegamusque. Si ita fecerilis, voveo 
 vobis templa ludosque facturum. — deformatos, disfigured. 
 
 § 9. in quibus erant, upon which were represefited. — ima- 
 gines, portraits. — Siciliae regum, i. e. those rulers of Syracuse 
 and other cities who had exercised dominion beyond their own 
 cities. — cognitione formarum, acquaintance with their features. 
 
 § 10. valvis, folding doors, opening inward. They were found 
 especially in temples. — tam . . . cupidum, that I am so eager (in 
 appos. with quod). — liquido, with a clear conscience. — illi, i.e. 
 the Greeks, as too fond of art. 
 
 4L7 • argumenta, stories (in relief). 
 
 § 11. Gorgonis, the head of Medusa, a favorite subject of ancient 
 art. — gramineas hastas, bamboo stalks. — in hoc nomine, at this 
 point (i. e. wondering why they were mentioned). — commoveri, 
 startled. — satis esset (§ 58, 10, d) : i. e. they were only curi- 
 osities. — id merely repeats hastas. — bullas, studs. 
 
 § 12. nam explains (ironically) why he mentions the valueless 
 bamboos, &c. Those have no excuse ; but the Sappho was so fine, 
 etc. — Silanionis : an artist of the time of Alexander the Great. 
 — quisquam (see § 21, 2, h). — potius, etc, rather than this most 
 tasteful a?id cultivated man, Verres. — nimirum, of course. — 
 delicati, pampered. — eat, must go (§ 57, 3). — ad sedem Felici- 
 tatis : the temple of Felicitas was adorned with the spoils of con- 
 quered Corinth. Catulus had adorned his temple of Fortuna, and 
 Metellus his portico, with splendid works of art. — istorum, Verres 
 and his friends. — Tusculanum, villa at Tuscuium (about 15 miles 
 south-east of Rome), where the wealthy Romans, Hortensius among 
 the rest, had splendid country-houses. — forum ornatum, i. e. on 
 festal days (see Livy, ix. 40). — commodarit, lent : such works of 
 art were often placed temporarily on the forum. — operari, mere 
 day-laborer : in allusion to the works of art that Verres had manu- 
 factured under his own eye. — studia, fine tastes; delicias, lux- 
 urious pleasures. 
 
38 Notes. [Verr. v. 
 
 48. ad ferenda, etc., to carry (as a porter) than to carry off 
 (as a connoisseur) : a sarcasm on Verres' coarse and sturdy build. 
 
 § 13. pernobile, very famous. — Grseculus, in contemptuous 
 allusion to his pretence of taste. — subtiliter judicat, is a fine 
 connoisseur. — nunc, at this moment. 
 
 § 14. Paeanis, Apollo, as god of healing. — Aristaeus, son of 
 Apollo, discoverer of the olive, and of various improvements in 
 husbandry. [The gloss Liberi filius is incorrect : patre below does 
 not mean his father, but is a common attribute of Liber, as well as 
 of Mars and other gods.] — parinum (corrupt and meaningless) : 
 the common reading is parvum : perhaps the old conjecture 
 Parium, of Parian marble, is best. 
 
 § 15. Joveui: identified from some fancied resemblance with 
 Zevg ovpiog, god of favorable weather. — Flamininus : T. Quinctius 
 Flamininus, who defeated Philip of Macedon at Cynoscephalae, 
 b c. 197.* — in Ponti ore: the Thracian Bosporus (Straits of 
 Constantinople). — Capitolio: the Capitol, or Temple of Jupiter 
 Capitolinus, had three cello?, or chapels, sacred to the Capitolian 
 triad, — Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. This was now the most illus- 
 trious temple, " the earthly abode " of Jupiter. 
 
 4-0, incolae, residents : i. e. persons of foreign birth, who 
 made Syracuse their home, without having obtained citizenship. — 
 advense, visitors. 
 
 § 16. adventu, by his coming. In fact, the chief plunder was 
 two or three years after his arrival. 
 
 § 17. mensas Delphicas, tables with three legs, like the Delphic 
 tripod. — vasa Corinthia were made of a kind of bronze, of peculiar 
 beauty and very costly. 
 
 § 18. fanorum, shrines : this word is of the same root (fa) as 
 fatum, nefas, &c, and indicates whatever is consecrated by signs 
 (the expressions of Divine will) to religious purposes. (Hartung, 
 Rel. der Rom. i. p. 137.) It is therefore the consecrated spot, 
 rather than the temple or altar erected upon it. 
 
 «JO. § 19- desierunt, ceased, i. e. by the transference of the 
 courts to the Senators. — Crasso : Lucius Crassus, the famous 
 orator, and Ouintus Scaevola, pontifex maximus, the famous jurist 
 and statesman, were close friends and colleagues in nearly every 
 office. They were curule aediles, b. c. 103, and gave the first exhibi- 
 tion of lion-fights. The splendor of their aedileship was the work of 
 Crassus, a man of elegant and luxurious tastes, while Scaevola was 
 moderate and simple in his habits. — Claudio. This was (accord- 
 ing to Drumann) a brother of Claudia, the wife of Tiberius Grac- 
 
 * There may be some confusion here with T. Quinctius Cincinnatus, who brought a 
 bust of Jupiter Imperator from Praeneste to Rome, and placed it in the Capitoline temple. 
 At any rate, it was destroyed in the burning of the Capitol b. c. 83. (Comp. Liv. vi. 20.) 
 
§ J » 2 -] Crucifixion of a Roman Citizen. 39 
 
 chus. In his aedileship, B. c. 99, he exhibited fights of elephants. 
 
 — commercium : Crassus and Claudius would have bought these 
 objects if anybody could -have done it. (Supply commercium with 
 fuisse.y 
 
 § 20. referri, be entered, has for subject pretio . . . abalienasse. 
 
 — rebus istis, things of that sort. — apud illos, i. e. the Greeks 
 generally. — socios (see note on provincia, Verr. i. § 11). 
 
 § 21. Reginos : Rhegium, Reggio, was a very ancient Greek city, 
 at the point of Italy nearest Sicily. It was a colony of Chalcis, prob- 
 ably founded in the eighth century b. c, and became a Roman 
 municipium after the Social War, b. c. 90. — merere velle, would 
 take. — ilia, that famous (§ 20, 2, b). — Tarentinos : Tarentum 
 was the largest Greek city in Italy, a colony of Sparta, founded in 
 the eighth century b. c, subjugated by Rome just after the invasion 
 of Pyrrhus, B. C. 272. 
 
 O I . Satyrum. The satyrs were divinities of nature, inhabiting 
 the woods, represented with pointed and hairy ears, knobs upon 
 the forehead, &c. — buculam, the celebrated bronze cow of Myron. 
 
 The towns here mentioned as centres of Greek art are the following: — Thespice, a 
 city of Bceotia, always allied with Athens : the statue of Eros (Cupid) was one of the most 
 famous works of Praxiteles. Cnidus, a Dorian town in Asia Minor: the statue of Venus 
 there was accounted one of the finest of all the works of Praxiteles. Cos. an island on the 
 coast of Asia Minor: here was the picture of Venus by Apelles. Ephesus, one of the 
 chief Ionian towns of Asia Minor: it was now at the height of its splendor and commercial 
 greatness. Cyzicus, a Greek city, on a peninsula, on the southern coast of the Propontis 
 (Sea of Marmora). Rhodes, then the chief commercial city of the East, and a powerful 
 independent state : Ialysus was a native here. Athens : the works of art here mentioned 
 at Athens were by the most famous artists, — Scopas, Protogenes, and Myron. 
 
 longum est, it would be tedious (fut. cond., § 60, 2, c). 
 
 Crucifixion of a Roman Citizen. 
 
 The fifth speech of the Accusatio is entitled De Suppliciis, 
 because it details the cruelties of Verres. The passage here given 
 is one of the most graphic and celebrated. 
 
 § 1. nunc, opposed to the time of the actio prima, which he has 
 just referred to. — hoc genere, this one class, i. e. bloody execu- 
 tions, as contrasted with the variety of charges, below. — tot horas 
 dicam, § 58, 2, a. — quae sint, § 65, 2. — tenerem, § 58, 10, a. — 
 rem, the facts (emphatic). — in medio, before you. 
 
 § 2. Consanus, of Consa (Compsa), a town in Samnium. — in 
 illo numero : Cicero has been describing the treatment of a num- 
 ber of fugitives from the insurrectionary army of Sertorius in Spain, 
 who had made their way to Sicily after the death of Sertorius, b. c. 
 72, and the overthrow of his faction by Pompey. — nescio qua, 
 
40 Notes. [Verr. vi. 
 
 § 67, 2, e. — lautumiis, the stone-quarries, at Syracuse, used as a 
 prison. — Messanam, the present Messina, the point of Sicily 
 nearest Italy. 
 
 Messana was at first called Zankle (sickle), fiom the shape of the tongue of land which 
 forms the harbor. It was one of the group of Grecian colonies founded in the eighth cen- 
 tury b. c. The name was changed three centuries later, in honor of the Greek Messene. 
 It was one of the very few privileged towns, civitates foederatce, of Sicily (see note on 
 aratorum, Verr. i. § 13). It was specially favored by Verres, and, as is represented by 
 Cicero, was an accomplice of his iniquities. 
 
 Reginorum : Rhegium is almost in sight of Messana. — odore, 
 breath. 
 
 •S3, recta, sc. via. — praesto futurum, would be on hand. — 
 advenienti, at his arrival. 
 
 § 3. in prsetorio, the house (or palace) of the prcetor, as an im- 
 perial magistrate. — ante, Lib. iv. 23. — adjutricem, acco?nplice ; 
 consciam, confidant. — Mamertinum. The city of Messana 
 had been treacherously taken possession of by a body of mer- 
 cenaries, who called themselves Mamertini (children of Mars), 
 about b. c. 282. Although the name of the city was not changed, 
 yet its citizens were from this time called Mamertini. — defertur, 
 is reported (officially). — ipse, Verres. 
 
 § 4. exspectabant, were on the watch to see. — quo tandem, 
 how far : tandem (as also nam) gives a sense of wonder to the 
 question, which cannot be preserved in English in an indirect ques- 
 tion. — expediri, to be got ready, by untying the fasces (rods and 
 axe), which were the badge of the praetor's imperium. — meruisse, 
 etc., stipendia, served as a soldier. — cum splendidissimo : cum 
 indicates that he had been his comrade, not his subordinate. — 
 Panhormi (all harbor), the present Palertno : in spite of its Greek 
 name, this was originally a Phoenician settlement. — negotiaretur, 
 was in business, i. e. as agent of some banking-house (cf. Verr. i. 
 § 20). — fugitivorum, escaped slaves, whose insurrection had made 
 the frightful servile war of Spartacus, B. c. 73-71. 
 
 § 5. civitatis, citizenship. — dolorem, cries of pain. — cum, 
 § 62, 2, b (r. 2). — commemoratione, claim. 
 
 53. crux, the special punishment of slaves. — perfecit, gained 
 (by his prayers) . — infelici, ill-oi7iened. — pestem, cursed instru- 
 ment. — aerumnoso, overwhelmed with calamity. 
 
 § 6. lex Porcia, which forbade the scourging of citizens (see 
 Liv. x. 9). — leges Semproniae (of Caius Gracchus), which gave 
 the right of appeal in capital cases, even against the military im- 
 perium. In civil life it had existed ever since the foundation of the 
 republic. (Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, iii. p. 140. See Catil. iv. 5 ; 
 Rabir. 4). — tribunicia potestas, see note Verr. i. § 44. — hucine, 
 § 20, 1, R. — beneficio, favor, in conferring authority upon him. — 
 admovebantur, were applied. — quemquam, § 21, 2, h. 
 
§ 2-i4] Crucifixion of a Roman Citizen. 41 
 
 § 7. agere, treat; statui modum, set a limit. — Glabrionem, 
 subj. of facere. — consilium, jury : he feared that lynch law would 
 get the start of a legal verdict. — repetisse, injlicted : lit. exacted; 
 punishment being regarded. as a forfeit. The original root PU 
 {purify) is found in purus and putare. — veritus esset has for 
 its subject populus Romanus. 
 
 § 8. quid . . . sit, what will happen to you. — istum, i. e. whom 
 you misrepresent. — repentinum, of a sudden, having never been 
 such a thing before. — speculatorem, spy. 
 
 «54* a <* arbitrium tuum, as many as you like. — municipes, 
 fellow-townsmen. — necessarios, see note on necessitudincm, 
 Verr. i. § II. — sero, too late (for you, but not too late for the 
 court). — judices, obj. of doceant. 
 
 § 9. patronis, see note, R. A., § 4. — istuc ipsum, that single 
 fact. — nuper tu ipse, here Cicero draws on his imagination for 
 his facts. — ideo, for this season, i. e. qUod, etc. — jam, i. e. after 
 you have said that. — Tauromenitano : Tauromenium was an 
 allied state of Sicily, between Messana and Syracuse. — argen- 
 tariam [rem], banking business. 
 
 § 10. ex eo genere, i. e. non qui, etc. — induatur, etc. (§ 23, 
 3, N.), tie himself up and strangle himself (as in a noose). 
 
 5«5. usurpatione, claim. 
 
 § 1 1. quo = ad quos. — cognitoribus, vouchers. — legum exis- 
 timationis, obj. gen. with periculo ; continentur, restrained. — 
 sermonis . . . societate, by fellowship in language, rights, and 
 interests. 
 
 § 12. tolle, a sort of protasis (§ 60, 1, b), of which the apod, is 
 jam . . . preecluseris, below. — quod velit, any he pleases (§ 65, 2). 
 — quod . . . ignoret, because one may not know him. — liberas 
 civitates, the allied states in the provinces, which were not strictly 
 under the jurisdiction of the praetors. — magnum fuit, would it 
 have been, etc. (§ 60, 2, c). — adservasses, you should have kept. — 
 dum veniret, till he should come. — cognosceret, should he know 
 (understand si : compare Greenough's " Analysis of the Latin 
 Subjunctive," pp. 10, 11, note). — locupletem refers properly to 
 landed property, and very likely has this meaning here. Landed 
 proprietors (freeholders) ranked as peculiarly respectable, until 
 the great growth of commerce within the last few centuries 
 
 «50, § 13. fretum, the strait of Messina, which separates Sicily 
 from Italy. — servitutis : the cross was the special punishment 
 of slaves. — alumnum, foster-child ; i.e. adopted citizen. 
 
 § 14. parricidium : for the peculiar horror with which this crime 
 was regarded by the Romans, see note, R. A., § 19. — in comitio : 
 the comitium was a portion of the Forum, somewhat elevated, and 
 set apart from the rest ; it was used for the most ancient comities 
 
4 2 
 
 Notes. 
 
 [Verr. VI. 
 
 the curiata (in which the people were assembled by the thirty he- 
 reditary curies), for hearing lawsuits, and for contiones. (Its posi- 
 tion is a subject of great controversy : probably it was at the end 
 of the Forum towards the Capitoline hill.) — defigere, plant. — 
 quod : i. e. that point which. — celebritate, thronged condition. 
 — potuit, sc. fieri. — praetervectione, etc., on the track of all who 
 sail to and fro by the Straits of Messina. 
 
 THE ROMAN FORUM. 
 
 SCALE OF FEET. 
 
 "'■UU^ 
 
 The Forum Romanum was an open space, about 600 feet long, and 200 feet wide at 
 its broader end, which lay against the steep slope of the Capitoline Hill. It was sur- 
 'rounded by the principal buildings of the city, something as represented above — though 
 the exact position of most of them is uncertain. The space bounded by the broken line 
 is flagged ; at the broader end was the Comitium, higher than the rest ; between them 
 the Rostra, from which a speaker could face either part. Statues and monuments were 
 set here and there in the space, and rows of shops or booths (tabernce) were on each side. 
 
 The line represents the probable route of the triumphal procession along the 
 
 Sacra Via, passing by the Clivus Capitolinus and the 100 steps up to the temple of 
 Capitoline Jupiter. The two summits at the left were covered with temples ; and the 
 Palatine, at the right (below) with the finest private residences. Portions of the pave- 
 ment have been uncovered at a depth of 15 to 20 feet below the present level of the 
 streets, and 53 feet below the higher portion of the Sacra Via, as it passes over the 
 Velia, the low hill at the right. 
 
 The known or probable sites are — i. Tabularium. — 2. Temple of Concord. — 3. Dun- 
 geon {career). — 4. Senaculum (open platform in the space called Volcanal, and con- 
 nected with the Grcecostasis, for the reception of ambassadors). — 5. Curia Hostilia. — 
 6. Basilica Porcia. — 7. Curia ^Emilia. — 8. Temple of Saturn. — 9. Basilica Sempronia. 
 — 10. Temple of Castor. — 11. Temple of Minerva. — 12. Temple of Vesta. — 13. Regu. 
 — 14. Fabian Arch. — 15. Altar of the Penates (on the Velia). 
 
§ i.] The Manilian Law, 43 
 
 The Manilian Law. 
 . Argument. 
 
 Chap. i. Exordium. Why this is Cicero's first appearance before a political assembly. 
 — Nar ratio. 2. Statement of the case : Mithridates and Tigranes have made war on the 
 Roman domain. The war is demanded by the dignity and safety of the State. — Con- 
 fir nun 'io- I. 3, 4. Conduct of Mithridates: his preparations for war; massacre of Roman 
 citizens ; success of former commanders. — 5. Present lameness of the Roman people 
 contrasted with their ancient pride. The allies, whose safety is at stake, demand Pompey 
 as commander. — 6. The chief revenues are at stake, endangered by mere suspicion of 
 calamity — 7. The general financial ruin resulting from disaster to the publicani. — 
 II. 8. Magnitude of the war: (objection that, though important, it is not formidable:) 
 successful campaign of Luculius —9. But Mithridates has gained new strength; fresh 
 nations are roused, and the Roman army disheartened; possible disaster. — III. 10. Who 
 then should be appointed? Military experience of Pompey.— 11, 12. His successes, 
 especially in the Piratic war. State of things in that war, even in the neighborhood 
 of Rome. — 13, 14. His moral qualities : blamelessness, humanity, self-restraint, easy man- 
 ners. — 15. His prestige and influence, especially as derived from the Piratic war. — 
 16. His reputation in the East, largely resulting from his brilliant fortune. — 17. More- 
 over, he is on the spot. — Confiitatio. Objection of Hortensius, that all power ought not to 
 be siven to one man. — 18. Refuted by the precedent of the Gabinian Law. — 19. (Inciden- 
 tally Gabinius should be assigned to Pompey as legatees.) — 20. Objection of Catulus, 
 that the proposition is against precedent. — 21. Evaded by referring to other violations of 
 precedent in Pompey's case. — 22. Appeal to the people against these objections. Peculiar 
 qualities are needed, which exist in him. — 23. His especial virtue of moderation and self- 
 restraint. — Peroratio- 24. Cicero advocates hjs cause purely from devotion to the com- 
 monwealth. 
 
 The speech on the Manilian Law is pronounced by Halm to give a better example 
 of the systematic plan of a deliberative oration than any other of antiquity. It was 
 delivered in a contio, or public meeting of Roman citizens, held for debate or address 
 merely. The contio could be called by any magistrate who had any matter to lay before 
 the people, and was held regularly in the Comitium, or elevated part of the Forum. (See 
 note on Verr. V. § 14.) After a rogatio (proposition of a law) had been offered, the contio 
 was called, in order that the voters might hear the arguments on both sides ; and any 
 person might speak to whom the presiding magistrate gave permission. When the 
 rogatio had been thus discussed, the comitia (see note on Verr. I. § 18) voted upon it, 
 Yes or No. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 |>8o § 1. frequens conspectus vester, the sight of you in full 
 assembly. — hie locus, the Rostra. — agendum, taking public 
 action (see note, R. A., § 55). — amplissimus, dignified (of the 
 magistrates' power) ; ornatissimus, honorable (of private glory). — 
 Quirites, fellow-citizens : the name by which the Romans were 
 addressed when acting in a civil capacity. The word is usually 
 derived from quiris, spear (a Sabine word) : by Lange and others 
 it is connected with curia, the earliest political division of the 
 people. — hoc aditu, this avenue : i. e. addressing them on po- 
 litical questions. — optimo cuique (§ 17, 5, c), i. e. such as the 
 
44 
 
 Notes. [Manil. 
 
 magistrate would permit. — rationes, plan: the plural indicating 
 the details which would enter into it. 
 
 In the structure of this opening sentence, notice the antithetic balancing of one word 
 or clause against another, which marks the Latin periodic style (see § 76, 4)- It consists 
 of two pans, — the first Concessive, introduced by quamquam, the second Adversative, 
 introduced by tamen. So, in the first, conspectus balances locus, which is brought into 
 relief by autem (and again); while ad agendum amplissimus and ad dicendum orna- 
 tissimus are balanced in like manner against each other. In the second, the relative 
 cause qui . . . patuit (virtually concessive) is, as usual, embodied in the main clause, 
 bringing the relative as near as possible to its antecedent aditu ; voluntas and rationes 
 are set in antithesis by sed ; while the main verb, prohibuerunt, as usual, comes last. The 
 log cal form of the whole is, " Though political speaking is agreeable, yet I have been 
 prevented," &c 
 
 By stating first the leading thought [hoc aditu, etc.), and putting the verb at the end 
 (the most emphatic place), Latin is able to make the main clause active, thus partly dis- 
 guising the antithesis. But here, as elsewhere, it is of great help in reading to observe 
 these two rules : (1) that Latin puts first the main idea, the key to the whole ; and (2) that 
 it constantly deals in antitheses, often forcing them when they do not naturally occur (as 
 in amplissimus and ornatissimus), each thought or expression having its pendant, like 
 ornaments which go in pairs. (See note on the opening sentence of the oration on 
 Roscius, p. 1.) 
 
 cum, while. — antea, i. e. until his time was claimed by public in- 
 terests of the state. — auctoritatem : the position itself (locus) 
 of the speaker carried weight. — statuerem, ?nade it a principle. 
 — perfectum ingenio, i. e. the fruit of fully developed mental 
 power. — elaboratum, laboriously wrought, needing more practice 
 than youth could give. — temporibus, occasions or exigencies (a 
 common word to denote the condition of an accused person). A 
 Roman lawyer was not regarded as doing a service for hire, but 
 was expected to defend his friends gratuitously. He was, indeed, 
 prohibited from receiving pay. No bargain was made, but it was 
 understood that the obliged party gave a liberal present to his 
 patronus. 
 
 § 2. ita, accordingly, referring to the idea contained in trans- 
 mittendum. — neque . . . et, here the first clause is really conces- 
 sive : it may be rendered while . . . yet. — caste, with clean hands; 
 integre, in good faith to the client. — judicio, i. e. their action in 
 electing him. The term judicare is applied to any act that amounts 
 to a formal expression of judgment, though not a technical de- 
 cision. — fructum, reward, i. e. the several grades of office he had 
 already filled : he was now praetor. — amplisssimum (emphatic by 
 position), the richest. — dilationem, adjournment : there were 
 many things which could break, up an assembly and put off the 
 business, especially unfavorable auguries, the announcement of 
 which was a favorite device of politicians. — praetor primus : the 
 eight praetors were regarded as colleagues, and determined their 
 several functions — as urbanus, peregrintis, or president of qu&s- 
 tiones perpetuoz — by lot. Praetor primus means, therefore, only 
 that Cicero was the first of the eight who got a majority. If any 
 
§ i-5-] The Manilian Law. 45 
 
 failed of the requisite number of votes, he must be voted for again ; 
 and if the proceedings were broken off, the whole election began 
 anew, including those already chosen. Hence Cicero was thrice 
 declared elected (ter renuntiatus sum). — centuriis, abl. of 
 means. — quid aliis, etc., i. e. to win like distinction. 
 
 50. honoribus, see note, Verr. I. § 36. — ad agendum 
 (loosely), for speaking. — vigilanti, wide-awake. — forensi usu, 
 the practice of the forum (where the courts were held). — quoque, 
 i. e. as well as to military or public acts. 
 
 § 3. atque, and further (emphatic). — laetandum (§ 35, 1, b), 
 a thing to be glad of. — mihi following insolita (§ 51, 4, b). — 
 latione, style, i. e. as affected by his new position on the rostra. — 
 oratio, language; brationis, argument (abstracts from oro, in its 
 original sense of to speak). — singulari, unparalleled (as compared 
 with the excellence of others) ; eximia, exalted (as compared with 
 absolute perfection). — virtute, good qualities, generally. — copia, 
 ample material. 
 
 § 4. atque (the strongest of the copulas), and now, to come to 
 the point. — vectigalibus ac sociis, tribictaries and allies (of 
 which latter some were tributary and others not). — infertur, used 
 of offensive war. — Tigrano : he was king of Armenia, and son-in- 
 law of Mithridates. 
 
 Armenia, the mountain region east of Asia Minor, was never thoroughly incorporated 
 in the empire of Alexander, and after his-death became an independent kingdom. Tigranes, 
 by help of Mithridates, enlarged his dominions by conquest, and built a new and splendid 
 capital, Tigranocerta. The two allied kings seemed about to get the mastery of the whole 
 East ; but the defeat of Tigranes by Lucullus (b. c. 69), with the capture and destruction 
 of his capital, reduced his short-lived empire to less than its former dimensions. This 
 remote and inaccessible kingdom remained practically independent until the conquest 
 of the Turks in the eleventh century. 
 
 relictus, i. e. before the contest was fully decided. Tigranes, on 
 the other hand, had been only harassed (lacessitus), not seriously 
 attacked. — Asiam : i. e. the province of this name, occupying the 
 western half of Asia Minor, and bordering on the dominions of 
 Mithridates. — quorum . . . occupatae, whose large properties, in- 
 vested in managi?tg your revenues, are endangered. The revenues 
 were farmed out to societates (companies) of publicani, who were 
 members of the equestrian order (see § 15). — necessitudine, 
 close relation : Cicero was of an equestrian family. 
 
 § 5. Bithyniee : this territory had been bequeathed to the 
 Roman republic by Nicomedes III. (b. c. 74). — exustos, burnt 
 to ashes. — Ariobarzanis, king of Cappadocia, which had been 
 overrun by Mithridates. — Lucullum (see Introd.) : Lucullus was 
 related to both branches of the family of Metellus, and married 
 Clodia, sister of the notorious Publius Clodius. It was chiefly 
 this mischievous demagogue, who was serving with his brother-in- 
 iaw, that stirred up the dissensions and mutinies which robbed 
 
46 Notes. [Manil. 
 
 Lucullus of the fruits of his victories. — discedere, is on the point 
 of going. — qui successerit, i. e. Glabrio. — non satis paratum, 
 not adequately furnished. — sociis, i. e. of Asia ; civibus, Romans 
 engaged in business there. — imperatorem, in pred. appos. with 
 unum. 
 
 GO. § 6. certissima : because the province of Asia was the 
 richest and most fruitful of all. — agitur, is at stake. — ornamenta, 
 requisites (from orno, equip}. 
 
 § 7. civis Romanos, etc. This massacre (b. c. 88), in which 
 80,000 persons perished, was intended by Mithridates as a step to 
 the entire expulsion of the Roman power from Asia. — significa- 
 tion litterarum, signal by letter. — luce, contrasted with late- 
 bris. — versari, to move freely. 
 
 § 8. etenim, for (you will notice). — triumphavit de, not 
 triumphed over, but led a triumph for [victory over]. The word 
 is repeated in emphatic antithesis to the clause sed . . . regnaret. 
 
 The triumpJuts was the solemn procession in which the imperator entered the city 
 at the head of his victorious army, ascended the Capitoline, and performed sacrifice to 
 Jupiter Capitolinus. The victory must have been a considerable one (5,000 of the enemy 
 must have fallen), won by the commander himself in a war waged against foreign enemies. 
 Triumphs were therefore never celebrated for victories in a civil war. 
 
 regnaret, i. e. they left him his kingdom. — verum tamen, but 
 still. — quod egerunt, for what they have done : quod implies 
 the antecedent propter id, or a similar phrase. — res publica : 
 Sulla hastened to make an unsatisfactory peace, that he might 
 return to Italy and restore order there. 
 
 01. § 9 autem, now (opposing M. to the Roman generals).— 
 reliquum, that followed. — belli, obj. gen. — Bosporanis, people 
 of Bosporus. 
 
 The kingdom of Bosporus (so named from the Cimmerian Bosporus, the entrance to 
 the Sea of Azof), was a flourishing Grecian state, embracing the Crimea and adjoining 
 lands: capital, Panticapceiim (Kertsch). This region was then, as now, a chief source 
 of the supply of wheat for Europe. It was seized by Mithridates, who placed his son 
 Machares as ruler there. 
 
 ad eos duces, i. e. Sertorius and his comrades. 
 
 Sertorius was the ablest general of the Marian faction in the civil wars. After the vic- 
 tory of Sulla, and the complete overthrow of his own party, he continued to hold Spain, 
 wliere he attempted a new republic, entering into alliance with Mithridates and other 
 tnemiis of Rome. 
 
 A3 imperio, for supremacy. 
 
 § 10. alterius corresponds to altera, below. — firmamenti, out- 
 ward sjipport ; roboris, intrinsic strength. — Cn. Pompei : in 
 fact, neither Pompey (" the boy ") nor Metellus Pius ("the old 
 woman") was able to subdue Sertorius, who was treacherously 
 assassinated (b. c. 72). — rerum gestarum, deeds. — haec ex- 
 trema, these late disasters. — tribuenda, attributable. 
 
§ S-H-] The Manilian Law. 47 
 
 § 11. animum, feeling. — putetis, i. e. from your point of view. 
 — superbius, too haughtily. 
 
 In b. c 148, the Roman ambassadors required the Achaian League to give up all its 
 recent acquisitions ; at which ihe incensed i 01 ulace insulted the ambassadors and drove 
 them away. In the war that followed, Corinth was captured by Mummius and destroyed, 
 while Greece was made into a province by the name of Achaia. 
 
 legatum consularem, M.'Aquilius, colleague of Marius (b. c. 101). 
 
 A legatus, in the military sense, was an Aid or Chief of Staff, appointed by the com- 
 manding officer with the concurrence of the Senate, — sometimes a man of higher rank 
 and greater experience than the commander himself, as notably in the case of P. Scipio 
 Africanus, who thus attended his brother Lucius in Asia. Aquilius- who had earned a 
 triumph in his consulship by suppressing the second slave revolt in Sicily — was taken 
 prisoner (b. c. 88) when acting as legatus in the war against Mithridates, and put to death 
 by molten gold poured down his throat. He was not, of course, protected by the jits 
 legationis, which applied only to the sacred office of ambassador ; and Cicero here merely 
 uses the similarity of title to work upon the passions of his hearers. 
 
 0«2. § 12. videte, see to it=see whether it be not. — ut, as, 
 correl. with sic. — illis, i.e. your ancestors. — non posse, subj. 
 of sit. — quid, a regular formula of transition : again. — periculum 
 ac discrimen, a dangerous crisis : the former word signifying the 
 trial ; the latter, the decision. — exspectare, look to. — certum, a 
 particular. — sine summo periculo, i. e. by offending Lucullus 
 and Glabrio. 
 
 § 1 3. sentiunt, feel. — propter, at hand. — quo, abl. of means 
 with aegrius. — adventu ipso, by his mere coming. — maritimuni : 
 the war against the pirates had just been finished by Pompey with 
 great glory. — ceterarum provinciarum : the Gabinian Law gave 
 Pompey power over the entire Mediterranean, and the coasts fifty 
 miles inland. The province of Bithynia, and most of Asia, were 
 therefore excluded (not Greece, however : but Grcecia may here 
 mean the Greek cities in Asia). The Manilian law extended this 
 power over the entire East. — quorum . . . commendetis (§ 65, 
 2, f), worthy for you to, &c. — ejus modi homines, men of that 
 stamp : the expression is none too strong for the average type of 
 provincial governors. 
 
 § 14. the events here alluded to are the following : — 
 
 Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, was defeated by Scipio Asiaticus at Magnesia, 
 B. c. 190. Philip V., king of Macedonia, was defeated by Flamininus, at Cynoscephalae, 
 B. c. 197. The ^Etolians had helped Rome against Philip, and then joined Antiochus 
 against her. They were obliged to submit after the battle of Magnesia. Carthape had 
 been forced into a third war in b. c. 149 ; and was taken and destroyed by Scipio /Emiii- 
 anus in B. c. 146. 
 
 G3. agatur, etc., it is a question of your richest revenues. 
 
 The province of Asia, like Sicily (see note on aratorum, Verr. I. § 13), paid the tenth 
 of all products, decumce. The collection of this was farmed out by the censors to com- 
 panies of publicani. This method was instituted by Caius Gracchus, in order to gain over 
 to his side the equestrian order, to wh'ch the publicans belonged. All other provinces 
 regularly paid a stipendium, or fixed tax, which they raised themselves. 
 
 The description given below of Asia Minor is no longer true, since bad government and 
 bad cultivation have exhausted its remarkable natural wealth. 
 
48 Notes, [Manil. 
 
 tanta, so great [only]. — vix contenti, i. e. they will hardly pay 
 the costs of their own defence. — agrorum, whence the tithes 
 of grain, &c. — pastionis, pasture land, let to publicans, who paid 
 a tax called scriptura (so called from the register that was made 
 of the number of the cattle grazing on the pastures). — exportan- 
 tur : the portoria were tolls and customs 1 duties paid upon goods 
 both exported and imported : the rate was 2j, or (in Sicily) 5 per 
 cent, ad valorem. 
 
 § 15. inruptio, inroad. — pecuaria, etc. : parallel with the classifi- 
 cation of vectigalia, given before : portu, etc., repeat them inversely. 
 
 § 16. exercent, manage, refers to the societates publicanorum, 
 who took contracts for collecting the revenues ; exigunt, collect, to 
 the agents and slaves who attended to the details of the collection. 
 
 — excursio, cavalry-raid. — familias, see note R. A. § 35. 
 
 It must be remembered that the Roman slaves were not merely rude Gauls and Thra- 
 cians, but educated Greeks and Asiatics. They served in noble families as secretaries, 
 stewards, and tutors ; and would naturally be employed by the great tax-collecting cor- 
 porations as clerks and agents. 
 
 saltibus, mountain pastures (like those of Vermont or New Hamp- 
 shire). Here again we have allusion to three classes of revenue : 
 scriptura (in saltibus), decuma> (in agris), portoria (in portubus). 
 
 — custodiis, police-guards, stationed to prevent smuggling, at the 
 custom-houses and toll-houses. — posse, will be able, in connection 
 with conservaritis (fut. perf.). 
 
 § 17. ne . . . quidem, not . . . either. — quod pertinet, which 
 bears upon, &c. The antecedent is genere. — nam et corresponds 
 to deinde (§18). — honestissimi, respectable; ornatissimi, well- 
 provided, i. e. with the requisites for their enterprise, being men 
 of wealth. 
 
 04. rationes, business enterprises; copias, fortunes. — in 
 illam provinciam, i.e. the farming of revenues. — ipsorum, etc., 
 for their own sake. — ceterorum omnium, i. e. the senators and 
 commonalty. 
 
 § 18. ex ceteris ordinibus appears here to refer to other com- 
 panies besides the publicani, who carried on business in the pro- 
 vinces. — negotiantur, see note on negotiatores, Verr. I. § 20. — 
 eorum (redundant) limits partim. — conlocatas, invested. — pri- 
 mum answers to deinde, § 19. — illud parvi refert, etc., it is of 
 slight consequence that we can afterwards win back by victory : 
 publica agrees with vectigalia; his, i. e. the publicani. — redi- 
 mendi, leasing the revenues : the word regularly used for taking a 
 contract by bid. 
 
 § 19. memoria, loc. abl. (§ 54, 10). — cum amiserant (state- 
 ment of fact in absolute time, § 62, 2, b, R.), when (as you remem- 
 ber), &c. — solutione . . . concidisse (description of a financial 
 
§ H-22.] The Manilian Law. 49 
 
 panic), when payments were suspended, credit fell. — ut non 
 trahaut without dragging. — prohibete, this verb is used, like 
 defendere, in the sense either of ward off, or of defend. — ratio 
 pecuniarum, system of money transactions. — in foro, see Verr. 
 v i. § 4. — versatur, centres. — pecuniis, finances. — ruere, be 
 ruined. — ilia, haec, used of distance in place. — num . . . sit, 
 whether you ought to hesitate : dubitandum, impersonal, and 
 followed (as usual) by the complem. infin. in the sense of utrum 
 or quin. 
 
 § 20. potest (emphatic position), etc., it may be said (in answer 
 to my argument). — belli genus, i. e. the war, in its character. 
 
 65. elaborandum est, i. e. I must, etc. — ornatas, equipped; 
 instructas, organized. — obsessam, invested ; oppugnatam, at- 
 tacked by the active operations of siege. This was b. C. 74. 
 
 § 21. in Italiam : the fleet which Mithridates was despatching 
 to Italy, with a contingent furnished by Sertorius, was defeated by 
 Lucullus near the island Lemnos. — studio, zeal for one party ; 
 odio, hate for the other. — Pontum, i. e. the Euxine Sea. — ex 
 omni aditu, at every approach. — Sinopen, Amisum, towns on 
 the north coast of Asia Minor. In fact, they both made a very 
 stubborn resistance : nno aditu, etc., may be meant only to apply 
 to the "numerous other cities." — aditu, approach; adventu, 
 arrival. (It is a frequent practice thus to use two words meaning 
 almost precisely the same thing, but viewed from different points, 
 giving the emphasis of repetition without its tautology.) — alios 
 rege3 : his son Machares, king of Bosporus, and his son-in-law Ti- 
 granes, king of Armenia. (" All Cicero's talk about the campaign 
 of Lucullus is so vague that it is impossible to extract a fact out 
 of it." — Long.) — supplicem, in appos. with se. — salvis, i. e. with- 
 out harming the allies : integris, without impairing the revenues. 
 
 § 22. prhnum: the corresponding particles are omitted ; the 
 next point begins at § 23. — Ponto : on whose eastern shore was 
 Colchis, the scene of the adventures of the Argonauts and the 
 golden fleece (see Classical Dictionary). — quam prsedicant, 
 who, as they tell. (The usual form of indir. disc, that, cannot 
 be used with a relative in English.) — persequeretur, was likely 
 to follow. The same form would be used in dir. disc. — conlectio 
 dispersa, the scattered gathering, giving vividly the idea of his 
 wandering about to pick them up. 
 
 06. vim auri, etc., the immense treasures which Mithridates 
 had accumulated in his several fortresses came into the hands 
 of Lucullus : not money simply, but works of art, &c. — quas 
 et . . . et = quas partim . . . partim. — dum with pres. (§ 58, 2, e). 
 — ilium, hos, distance and nearness of time. 
 
 § 23. Tigranes : he did not, however, welcome his father-in-law, 
 
 4 
 
50 Notes. [Manil. 
 
 but for some time treated him coldly and suspiciously. — confir- 
 mavit, reassured. — eis nationibus, near Armenia. — opinio, notion. 
 — fani : " The temple of the Persian Nanaea, or Anaitis, in Elymais 
 or the modern Luristan [that part of Susiana nearest to the Euphra- 
 tes], the most celebrated and the richest shrine in the whole region 
 of the Euphrates." (Mommsen.) Such a rumor would at once 
 fire the population of the whole East. — urbem : Tigranocerta, the 
 new capital of Tigranes, situated in the south-west part of his king- 
 dom, near the river Tigris. The city was destroyed by Lucullus. — 
 commovebatur, was affected. After all his successes, Lucullus 
 had made somewhat the same mistake as Napoleon in his Russian 
 expedition, and had found himself in an awkward situation, far 
 from his base of operations, and in the midst of infuriated enemies. 
 
 § 24. hie, o?i this point. — eztremum, the last thing to be ex- 
 pected. — opes . . . misericordiam, a short expression for win over 
 to pity and draw out their resources. — ut . . . videatur, a result- 
 clause following qui . . . regno, which implies the motive. 
 
 G7. § 25. ut . . . attingeret, in appos. with eo following con- 
 tentus. (It should regularly be quod with the indie, but the form 
 appears to be determined by acciderat.) — poetae : Naevius, who 
 wrote a Bellum Punicum, and Ennius, author of Amiales, re- 
 counting events of Roman history. Both lived in the third century 
 B. C. — calaniitatem : defeat of Triarius (b. c. 67), who was lead- 
 ing reinforcements to Lucullus. Only a severe wound of Mithri- 
 dates saved the Roman army from utter destruction. — sermone, 
 common talk. 
 
 § 26. ofFensione, disaster (a mild word). — tamen, i. e. though 
 it was so disastrous. — vestro jussu, i. e. the Gabinian law (see 
 Introd.). — imperi: the military imperium was held by the highest 
 grades of magistrates, and could be extended after the term of office 
 by the Senate. The holder of a command thus " prorogued " was 
 called proconsul or propraetor. — diuturnitate : Lucullus had now 
 held command seven years from b. c. 74. — veteri exemplo, by 
 old precedent. — stipendiis, properly, pay j here, campaigns. — 
 confecti, worn out. — conjungant, unite to wage. — cogitatas : 
 i. e. by apprehensions as well for their independence as for their 
 religion. — integrae nationes, the other Asiatic nations that would 
 be drawn into the war. 
 
 § 27. satis . . . videor, / have shown, as I think, at sufficient 
 length. (Latin prefers the single personal clause to our impersonal 
 parenthetical form, " it seems that I.") — esset, is (imperfect by 
 sequence of tenses). — videatur (as above). — utinam haberetis, 
 J wish you had (§68, 1). — nunc vero, but now (opposed to 
 the hopeless wish, utinam). — cum sit, where there is (subj. of 
 charact.). — unus, but one. — Pompeius, etc. This wonderful exag- 
 
§23-31-] The Manilian Law. 51 
 
 geration, which puts the exploits of Pompey above those of Alex- 
 ander, Hannibal, Scipio, and other generals of antiquity, probably 
 suited well enough the temper of the assembly. — superarit, subj. 
 of charact. (§ 65, 2). — virtute, excellence (not valor only). 
 
 § 28. rei militaris, military science. — auctoritatem, prestige. 
 — scientior, better versed. — ludo, school. 
 
 08. bello, etc., abl. of circumstance. — ad patris exercitum : 
 Pompey, then seventeen years old, served with his father, Cn. Pom- 
 peius Strabo, consul b. c. 89, the last year of the social War. — 
 summi imperatoris : his father, who commanded on the side of 
 the Senate against Cinna, B. c. 87 : summi does not here imply 
 supreme abilities, but supreme command. — imperator : in b. c. 83 
 the young Pompey raised an army — largely from his father's im- 
 mense estates in Picenum — and joined Sulla, who complimented 
 him as imperator, although he had not yet held even the quaestor- 
 ship. — conflixit, grappled. — quisquam : for the use of this word 
 after comparative as well as negative constructions, compare the 
 French rafter que (than). — inimico, a private adversary (e.g. 
 before a court). — confecit, reduced. — imperiis. The first civil 
 office held by Pompey was the consulship (B. c. 70) : all his former 
 offices he exercised as a simple eques equo publico (see note, 
 Verr. I. § 1). When the Censors, in his consulship, held the 
 transvectio equitiun, or formal inspection of the equites equis pub- 
 licise and asked him the usual question whether he had served 
 all his campaigns, " All," he answered, " and all under my own 
 imperium" — exercuerit, given him exercise. — civile, the war 
 of Cinna and Sulla. — Africanum, the war with Hiarbas of 
 Numidia ; Transalpinum, certain hostilities in Gaul, on his way 
 to Spain ; Hispaniense, the war of Sertorius ; servile : Pompey, 
 on his return from Spain (b. C. 71), fell in with and cut to pieces 
 the remnants of the troops of Spartacus ; navale, the war with 
 the pirates, in which Pompey was at present engaged. 
 
 § 30. Sicilia. After Sulla's final victory in Italy, in which he 
 was materially aided by the young Pompey, he intrusted to him 
 the subjugation of Sicily and Africa, where Carbo, with the rem- 
 nants of his power, had taken refuge. 
 
 00. iterum : in extirpating the last remains of the insurrection 
 of Spartacus ; ssepius must include his earlier campaigns in Italy, 
 in Sulla's time. The whole passage is a rhetorical exaggeration. 
 
 § 31. omnes orse, etc. There was no extravagance in this : 
 the suppression of piracy was the most glorious part of Pompey's 
 career. — tarn vetus : the piratical forces were made up of the 
 wreck of those numberless armies beaten and broken up in the 
 wars of the past half-century or more. When the lesser states 
 lost their independence, their bravest men would often prefer the 
 
52 Notes. [Manil. 
 
 outlaw freedom of piracy to personal slavery, or even to political 
 subjugation. In fact, the pirate State in Cilicia made a sort of 
 independent republic, unrecognized and defiant. 
 
 § 32. fuit : i. e. is no longer. — propugnaculis, outworks. — 
 Brundisio : i. e. the short passage to Greece. — legati : the case 
 is not known ; probably not an ambassador, but a military aid. The 
 plural is perhaps used rhetorically for the singular. — redempti, 
 bought off, ransomed. — duodecim secures, twelve lictors, who 
 carried axes in bundles of rods {fasces), the symbol of the military 
 imperhun. The praetors in Rome were attended by two lictors ; 
 as governors of provinces, they had six : here, two prcetors. 
 
 § 33. Cnidum, etc. : all of these were important cities, although 
 none of them of the first rank. — vestros portus : i. e. those of 
 Cajeta, Misenum, and Ostia, mentioned below. 
 
 70. vitam ac spiritum, i. e. ports of entry are the breath of 
 life to a state like Rome, which must import its daily supplies 
 of food. — potestatem : ace, because it is implied that they fell 
 into their power. — Caietae, now Gaeta, a port on the southern 
 coast of Latium : who was the praetor here referred to is not known. 
 
 — Miseno, the northern promontory of the Bay of Naples : it had a 
 fine harbor, which, under the empire, became the principal naval 
 station of the Tuscan Sea. — liberos, a rhetorical use of the plural 
 for the singular, also illustrating the masculine form for either sex : 
 it was a daughter of the distinguished orator Marcus Antonius, who 
 had celebrated a triumph for a victory over the pirates, B. c. 102. — 
 Ostiense : Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber, was the seaport of 
 Rome : the harbor, however, was choked up with sand, and early 
 in the empire it was necessary to construct another artificial harbor 
 in its place. It is not known who was the consul here referred to. 
 
 — consul : the dignity of the commander showing the importance 
 of the fleet. — esset, subj. of charact. — tantam . . . lucem : the 
 position of these words emphasizes those enclosed by them. — 
 Oceani ostium, the Strait of Gibraltar. 
 
 § 34. sunt, agreeing directly with haec, instead of est with the 
 indir. question as subject (compare ace. of anticip. § 67, 2, c). — 
 tanti belli, etc., the rush of so great a war sped over the sea. 
 
 § 35. The geographical allusions may be explained as follows : — 
 
 Hispaniis : Spain was occupied by Rome, in the time of the Second Punic War, and 
 made into two Provinces : H. Citerior, extending to the Iberus (afterwards enlarged 
 so as to comprise half the peninsula) ; H. Ulterior, the territory beyond. — Gallia : 
 Gallia Transalpina (or Narbonensis), the whole southern coast of Gaul, was made into a 
 province, B.C. 120. — Illyrici Maris: Illyria was always a chief seat of piracy: it had 
 been dependent upon Rome since b. c 178 — Achaiam : this term was usually applied to 
 the Peloponnesus, so that by Graecia is here intended Hellas proper. The independence 
 of Greece ceased with the capture of Corinth by Mummius, b. c. 146 ; still the chief part 
 of the country remained nominally free, and no regular province was organized until the 
 time of Augustus. — Duo maria, the Adriatic Sea {Mare Suj>erum) t and the Tyrrhenian 
 
§3i-39-] The Manilian Law. 53 
 
 {Mare Inferutn). — Ciliciam : Cilicia as^era, the western part, had been, since B. C. 103, 
 the regular post of a prajtor or propraetor (see Verr. I. § n) : in b. c. 75 it was organized 
 as a province, with the adjoining districts of Pamphylia, Isauria, &c. Pompey completed 
 the conquest of the whole country. — C retettsibus : Quintus Metellus, the proconsul (the 
 friend of Verres), had reduced Crete nearly to submission, deriving from this his cognomen 
 Creticus. The Cretans, alienated by his harshness, sent to Pompey, that he might receive 
 their surrender, rather than Metellus, which Pompey was very willing" to do. Civil war 
 nearly broke out between the two commanders in consequence. Pompey, however, who 
 had his hands full in Asia, withdrew from the field and left tlu honors to his rival 
 
 71. premebantur, felt the weight. 
 
 § 36. imperatoris : of a commander. — quid ceterae, how with 
 the others t — adniinistrae, handmaids. — innocentia : the word 
 especially used to denote cleanness of hands in the governor of a 
 province (see Verr. I. § 34). — temperantia, self-restraint. — hu- 
 manitate, courtesy. — quae, subj. of sint : translate these. 
 
 § 37- putare (in its earlier meaning of reckon), etc., count as 
 such. — centuriatua : the office of centurion. Two centurions 
 commanded each manipulus of 200 men. The Legion was 
 divided into thirty maniples ; and after the time of Marius, also 
 into ten cohorts of three maniples each : under the empire the 
 maniple was divided into two centurioz, each commanded by a cen- 
 turion. The centurions were advanced from the ranks by appoint- 
 ment of the commander : hence venire. — amplum cogitare, have 
 any grand ideas. — serario : the treasury was in the Temple of 
 Saturn, under the superintendence of the two city quaestors. The 
 actual management of the funds was in the hands of a large body 
 of clerks, scriboz, who formed a permanent collegium. — provinciae, 
 sc. retinendae : for which he desired the influence of the magis- 
 trates. Nothing is known as to the circumstances here hinted 
 at. — in quaestu, on speculation. — facit ut, etc., shows that you 
 know (compare note, § 24). 
 
 § 38. recordamini, protasis (§60, 1, b). — quid existimetis, in 
 dir. disc, it would be the same form, as deliberative subj. (§ 57. 6). 
 
 7Q, urbis, ace. — hibernis : notice the strong antithesis ; so- 
 ciorum limits civitates. — judicando : a great part of the impera- 
 tor's business would be deciding cases of extortion by the publicani, 
 who were of the same class (eguites) that held the judicial power 
 in Rome. By favoring them, he might purchase immunity for him- 
 self, if brought to trial on a similar charge. 
 
 § 39. manus, vestigium : i. e. not only was there no intentional 
 violence, but no unintended evils followed in its train. — jam, here 
 simply a particle of transition, made emphatic by vero : that which 
 follows refers to the winter quarters. — sermones, reports, by way 
 of common talk. — ut . . . faciat, to incur expense in entertaining 
 officers and soldiers. — enim : understand, "and in this he follows 
 old custom," for, etc. — hiemis, from winter (obj. gen.) : avari* 
 tiae, for avarice (subj. gen.). 
 
54 Notes. [Manil. 
 
 § 40. celeritatem, speed ; cursum, extent of travel. — remi- 
 gum : galleys, worked by oars and independent of the wind, were 
 generally used as war vessels. In the Mediterranean (particularly 
 in the Barbary states) their use was continued till a very late day ; 
 and for some purposes they are still employed. Their trained crews 
 of rowers gave them a speed hardly less than that of steam-vessels. 
 
 — non . . . quaedam . . . aliqui, it was not that some, &c. — amceni- 
 tas, used of objects of sight, beauty of scenery, &c. — labor, toil, 
 always with the sense of effort and fatigue. — signa, statues ; 
 tabulas, pictiires (on wood). 
 
 § 41. hac continentia, i.e. such as his. — jam videbatur, was 
 now getting to seem. — nunc : notice the emphatic repetition (" ana- 
 phora"). — servire quam irnperare, a rhetorical exaggeration for 
 preferring the condition of subject allies to nominal independence. 
 The language may also refer to such cases as that of Attalus, king 
 of Pergamus, who left his kingdom by bequest to Rome, b. c. 133. 
 
 73 • § 42. consilio, etc., compare § 36. — ipso, of itself — hoc 
 loco, the Rostra. — fidem vero, etc. : render, and as to his good 
 faith, &c, changing the construction so as to keep the emphasis. 
 So quam, etc., when the enemy esteemed it, &c. (contrasting hostes 
 with socios. — pugnantes, in battle; victi, in defeat. — consilio, 
 purpose. 
 
 § 43. 3MCtoritas=reputation. — impeiio militari, distinguished 
 from the imperiw?i domi, or the authority of the consul and praetor 
 within the city, which was subject to intervention and appeal. — 
 ut ... ament, clause of result, following commoveri. — judicia, 
 i. e. by conferring offices and commands. 
 
 § 44. illius diei, i. e. of the proposal of the Lex Gabinia, which 
 conferred upon Pompey the command against the pirates. (See 
 Introd.). — commune, i.e. against pirates, enemies of all mankind. 
 
 — aliorum exemplis, i. e. by way of contrast. 
 
 74. § 45- prcelio, the defeat of Triarius (see § 25). — pro- 
 vincia, i. e. Asia. — discrimen, the turning poi?it. — ad eas re- 
 giones, i. e. only into the neighborhood, as Pompey's authority 
 did not reach the seat of war. 
 
 § 46. ilia res, in appos. with quod . . . dediderunt. — Creten- 
 sium. The towns of the same region or race were often united in 
 leagues or confederacies, chiefly for religious purposes. After the 
 Roman conquest, such communia were sometimes left in existence, 
 and even new ones were organized, and these were invested with 
 some subordinate political function. The existence of a commune 
 Cretensium is known from inscriptions. (For the incident here 
 referred to, see § 35.) — ad eundem, i. e. rather than Quintus 
 Metellus Pius (referred to by ei quibus), who also had a com- 
 mand in Spain. Nothing is known of any such embassy, but from 
 
§39-54-] The Manilian Law. 55 
 
 the apologetic tone of what follows, it may be inferred that there 
 was no great honor in the affair. — eum quern, one who. — ei qui- 
 bus, while they, &c., i. e. those jealous of Pompey's reputation. 
 
 75. § 47- felicitate : in this quality is implied a special favor 
 of the gods, which it would be presumptuous to arrogate to one's self, 
 although Sulla had done so by assuming the cognomen Felix (see 
 R. A. § 12). — praestare, give assurance of . — Maximo : Quintus 
 Fabius Maximus, " the shield of Rome ; " Marcello : Marcus Clau- 
 dius Marcellus, "the sword of Rome," both in the Second Punic 
 War. — Scipioni : either Africanus the elder, or ^Emilianus : from 
 § 60, it might appear to be the latter. — Mario ; Caius Marius, 
 who vanquished Jugurtha, subdued the Cimbri and Teutones, and 
 afterwards engaged in civil war with Sulla, b. c. 88. — ssepius, re- 
 peatedly : Marius was consul seven times. — fuit (emphatic), there 
 really has been; fortuna is also emphatic. — invisa, i. e. presump- 
 tuous. 
 
 § 48. non sum praedicaturus : this affectation of silence is 
 called prceteritio. — proprium ac perpetuum, secured to him for 
 ever. — cum . . . turn, not less . . . than. 
 
 § 49. cum, etc., recapitulation. — quin conferatis, § 65, 1, b. 
 
 7G. § 50. erat deligendus, § 59, 3. d. — nunc, as it is. — 
 utilitates, advantages. — opportunitas, fortunate circumstance. 
 
 — eis qui habent, i. e. Lucullus, Glabrio, and Marcius Rex. 
 
 § 51. at enim (objection), but, you will say. — adfectus, en- 
 joying. — Catulus : Quintus Lutr.tius Catulus, at this time the 
 leader of the senatorial party ; an estimable man and an expe- 
 rienced statesman, but no soldier. The beneficia a?nplissima are 
 the successive offices that had been conferred upon him. — orna- 
 mentis, endow me fits. — Hortensius, the leading lawyer of the 
 time (see oration against Verres). — virorum, etc., see § 68. 
 
 § 52. obsolevit, etc., "is played out," become stale. — Gabinium, 
 see Introd. ; and compare the oration Post Reditum, chap. 5. — 
 promulgasset, had given ?wtice. — ex hoc ipso loco, i. e. in the 
 public discussion of the law, before the vote, in the contio (see §1). 
 
 As the Gabinian Law was strictly a filebiscitum, brought by a Tribune before the Ple- 
 beian Assembly of Tribes (see note on Verr. I. § 18), it did not require any ratification by 
 the Senate (Momm. Rom. Forsch. i p. 239). The expression of opinion by Hortensius 
 must therefore have been in an informal discussion, after the promulgation of the law. 
 
 § 53. hanc, i. e. which we have now. — an implies a strong nega- 
 tive (§ 71, 2, b). — legati, etc. (see §§ 32, 33). 
 
 77. commeatu, supplies, i. e. by the embargo on their trade. 
 
 — neque jam, no longer. 
 
 § 54. Atheniensium : the Athenian empire of the sea, in the 
 fifth century b. c, resulted from the great victories in the Persian 
 war. — Karthaginiensium : the maritime power of Carthage was 
 
56 Notes. [Manil 
 
 at its height in the third century b. c. — Rhodiorum : the city ot 
 Rhodes was the chief naval power of the Mediterranean during 
 the last three centuries before Christ : its power was broken b. c. 42, 
 at its capture by Cassius. 
 
 § 55. Antiochum : Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, defeated 
 at Magnesia, B. c. 190. — Perseus : Perseus, the last king of Mace- 
 donia, defeated at Pydna, b. c. 168. — Karthaginiensis : Carthage 
 was mistress of the sea at the time when the wars with Rome 
 began ; but in the first Punic War she was beaten at her own 
 weapons. — paratissimos, best equipped. — ei repeats nos : we, i. e. 
 that nation. — prsestare, warrant. — Delos, a very small island in 
 the ALgzzn Sea, sacred as the birthplace of Apollo and Artemis. 
 It has an excellent harbor, and this, added to its peculiar sanctity, 
 gave it high importance. It was the nominal seat of the con- 
 federacy of which Athens was the head, after the Persian Wars, 
 and had at all times a flourishing commerce. In the time of Cicero 
 it was the great slave market of the world, 10,000 slaves being 
 sometimes sold here in a single day. — commeabant, resorted. — 
 Appia Via, the principal highway of Italy, running from Rome to 
 the next town in importance, Capua. It was commenced by Appius 
 Claudius Caecus, in his censorship, b. c. 312. — jam, at length. — 
 pudebat : notice the tense. No special case is referred to, but 
 it is implied that any magistrate ought to have felt shame, seeing 
 that the beaks of ships, rostra, were the trophy over a naval power. 
 
 7H. § 57- ne legaretur : the legati, who accompanied the 
 general as his staff, were generally nominated by him, but were 
 appointed by the Senate. (For the construction, see § 64, 1.) — ex- 
 petenti, earnestly requesting ; postulanti, claiming as a right. — 
 utrum . . . an, § 71, 2. 
 
 § 58. C. Falcidius, etc. : what distinguished the case of these 
 tribunes from that of Gabinius, was that there was a law prohibit- 
 ing any person from receiving an appointment under a law pro- 
 posed by himself: compare Art. I. §5, clause 2 of the United States 
 Constitution. — honoris causa, see note on Rose. Am. § 5. — in, 
 in the case of. — diligentes, scrupulous. — me . . . relaturum, 1 
 pledge myself to bring it before the Senate. 
 
 To bring business before the Senate {referre ad Senatuni) was in Cicero's power as 
 praetor. There would be no hindrance to Gabinius being legatus under the Manilian Law. 
 The praetor could, however, be forbidden by the edict of the consul (who possessed major 
 potestas) from bringing forward any business which was not on the order of the day. If, 
 in spite of the edict, he should persist, as he threatens, the act would nevertheless be 
 valid. The intercession of a Tribune, however, he would be obliged to respect. 
 
 edictum : the official proclamation or announcement of a magis- 
 trate ; not, however, of a Tribune, whose act was intercessio, which 
 could stop any political action. — considerabunt, i.e. hesitate be- 
 fore they set themselves against the will of the people. — socius : 
 
§ 54-62.] The Manilian Law, 57 
 
 not as legatus (if it referred to an official position, ascribetur would 
 be used), but simply as partner in honor and credit. 
 
 79 § 59. cum quaereret : compare cum dixistis, just below 
 (§ 62, 2, b). — si . . . esset, if anything should happen to kirn, — a 
 common euphemism, then as now. — quo minus ... hoc magis, 
 § 54, 6, e. 
 
 § 60. at enim, see § 51. — exempla, precedents ; instituta, estab- 
 lished customs. — paruisse, adcommodasse : i. e. they disregarded 
 precedents in great emergencies, — a course which thus became 
 itself a controlling precedent. — temporum, dep. on casus, con- 
 siliorum on rationes (chiastic). — non dicam {prceteritio), I will 
 not speak of. — ab uno imperatore : Scipio Africanus the younger 
 (j'Emilianus), who captured Carthage (b. c. 146) and Numantia 
 (b. c. 133). At this time it was a law that no person should be 
 consul twice. — C. Mario : Marius was chosen consul five years in 
 succession, to carry on the wars here referred to. 
 
 § 61. quam . . . nova : here certainly the orator makes a point. 
 For the several circumstances see notes on §§ 28-30. — privatum, 
 i. e. not a magistrate. — conficere, make up, the technical expres- 
 sion for recruiting an army. — a senatorio gradu : the Senate 
 could not be entered until after holding the quasstorship, the legal 
 age for which was thirty at least, and regularly thirty-six, while 
 Pompey was at this time (b. c. 82) only twenty-three. — in ea pro- 
 vincia, i. e. Africa (Momm. R. S. i. p. 470). 
 
 HO. exercitum deportavit : this was one ot the essential con- 
 ditions of the triumph. — equitem, i. e. having never held a magis- 
 tracy, and so not in the Senate. — triumphare : the honor of a 
 triumph was properly accorded only to commanders who possessed 
 the imperium in virtue of holding a regular magistracy (Momm. 
 Rom. St. i. p. 109). Pompey's itnperiujn was held irregularly, by 
 special appointment of the Senate : both his triumphs, therefore, 
 in b. c. 80 and 71, were irregular, which accounts for the vehement 
 opposition they met. 
 
 § 62. duo consules : i. e. Mamercus Lepidus and Decimus 
 Brutus, b. c. 77. Instead of either of these being sent to Spain 
 as proconsul the next year, against Sertorius, Pompey, a simple 
 eques, was taken. — quidem, by the way. — non nemo, a man or 
 two. — Philippus, a prominent member of the aristocracy (consul 
 b. c. 91), distinguished for his wit ; a man of liberal temper, but a 
 vehement partisan. (For an entertaining anecdote of him, see 
 Horace, Ep. i. 7.) — pro consulibus, in place of both consuls. 
 
 When it was desired to retain the services of a magistrate after his term of office had 
 expired, his imperium was extended (prorogatum) by the Senate, and was held by him 
 pro consule or pro pratore, that is, as having the power of the magistracy, while no 
 longer actually a magistrate. It was only the military imperium that was prorogued : its 
 authority did not extend within the walls of Rome, and of course the proconsul possessed 
 
58 Notes. [Manil. 
 
 none of the civil powers of the consul within the city, — as, for instance, the right of calling 
 together the Senate or an assembly of the people (Momm. Rom. St. i. pp. 143 and 155). 
 Sometimes a private citizen, like Pompey, was invested with the imperium, and called 
 proconsul ; but this irregular proconsulship did not rank with the prorogued impermm 
 of a regular magistrate, and did not entitle to the honors of a triumph. 
 
 mittere, for mitto of dir. disc. The simple present, along with 
 sententia, seems a regular form of giving one's opinion in the 
 Senate. — duorum, another exaggeration : only one of these would 
 at any rate have gone as proconsul. — legibus solutus, relieved 
 from the operation of the taws, i. e. those limiting the age of magis- 
 trates {leges annates). — ex senatus consulto : another irregularity, 
 for the comitia were the law-making power, and of course had the 
 sole power of exempting from the laws. — magistratum : the legal 
 age of a consul was forty-three, and that of a praetor forty. Pompey 
 was consul B. c. 70, at the age of thirty-six, which was the regular 
 age for the quaestorship. — iterum : Pompey celebrated his second 
 triumph Dec. 31, B. c. 71, and the next day entered upon the con- 
 sulship. 
 
 § 63. auctoritate, i. e. since they were then prominent members 
 of the Senate. — comprobatam : i. e. the people, in electing Pom- 
 pey consul, had only followed the example of the Senate in con- 
 ferring these repeated honors. — judicium, formal decision, i. e. in 
 the Gabinian law. — improbari, disapproved. — delegistis : this is 
 not literally correct. The Gabinian law merely prescribed that an 
 ex-C07isul should receive this command : the Senate selected the 
 man. In fact, however, it was a law made for a particular man, 
 and the Senate would not have ventured to appoint any other. 
 
 81. § 64. parum (same root as parvus), too little, or ill. — 
 sin : the protasis extends to attulistis. — auctoritati, § 51, 2, f 
 — Asiatico et regio : the two adjectives enhance the impression 
 of the difficulty of the war, by emphasizing its distance and the 
 dignity of the enemy. — pudore, respect for others ; temperantia, 
 self-restraint. 
 
 § 65. jam : i. e*. it has now gone so far that, &c. — requiruntur, 
 are in demand : pretexts of war are sought for, with cities that are 
 hardly known of. — inferatur, fastened. 
 
 § 66. libenter, etc., / should be glad to argue this face to face, 
 &c. — nostrum simulatione, under the guise of enemies : i. e. as if 
 they were. — animos ac spiritus, pride and insolence. — conlatis 
 signis, i. e. in actual warfare. — nisi erit idem, unless he shall 
 also be one. — animum, desires. — idoneus, etc. (§ 65, 2, /), fit to 
 be sent. 
 
 82. § 67. pacatam : that is, hostilities have not ceased as 
 long as there was any money to be extorted. — prgetores, i. e. pro- 
 prcetors : for, after the time of Sulla, the praetors regularly re- 
 mained at Rome during their term of office. The most notorious 
 
§62-71.] The Manilian Law. 59 
 
 case of such dishonesty was M. Antonius Creticus, son of the 
 orator, and father of the triumvir. — publica, assigned to them for 
 the support of their fleets and armies. — jacturis, expenses, in buy- 
 ing their places. — condicionibus, bargains, with creditors, &c. — 
 quasi non videamus (§ 61, 1, R.), as if we did not see. 
 
 § 68. dubitare quin, hesitate. The usual construction in this 
 sense would be with the infin. The exception is allowed, because 
 the subj. with dubitare quin makes a kind of indir. disc. Their 
 thought, in direct disc, would be credamus, shall we trust? which 
 remains unchanged except in person. — auctoritatibus, i. e. the 
 opinion of influential men. — est vobis auctor, you have as au- 
 thority. 
 
 Servilius Vatia Isauricus, one of the most reputable men of the time, cos. b. c 79 : he 
 held the proconsulship of Cilicia, B. c. 78-75, in which time he gained great successes over 
 the pirates, and obtained his agnomen, Isauricus, from the capture of Isaura, the moun- 
 tain fortress of the Isaurians. It was probably his intimate knowledge of the region and 
 the kind of warfare, that led him to support this vigorous measure. 
 
 Curio, see Verr. I. § 18. — Lentulus : Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Clo- 
 dianus, cos. b. C. 72 ; not to be confounded with Lentulus Sura, 
 cos. b. c. 71, the accomplice of Catiline. — Cassius : for the charac- 
 ter of this family, see note on Verr. I. § 30. 
 
 83 o § 69. de re .. . facultate : the cause itself, or the power 
 of carrying it through. — potestate prsetoria, official influence 
 as prcBtor ; more official than auctoritas. — defero, put at your 
 service. 
 
 § 70. templo : i. e. the rostra. The term temphtm was applied 
 to any place consecrated by regular auspices {augurato). As the 
 public assembly was held augurato, the place of holding it must be 
 consecrated. — ad remp. adeunt, are engaged in public affairs (see 
 § 42, 2, ad). — neque quo, nor because (§ 66, 1, d, R.). — honori- 
 bus, i. e. public office, which he proposes to earn, not by the arts 
 of a demagogue, but by faithful professional labors, as a lawyer. — 
 pericula relates to the si?nultates in the next section. It was not 
 possible for him to espouse this democratic measure so earnestly, 
 without incurring coolness at least on the part of the aristocracy. 
 — ut, so far as. 
 
 § 71. ego : expressed not as itself emphatic, but to give em- 
 phasis to the whole expression : / give you my word, &c. — 
 tantum . . . abest ut videar, / am so far fro?n seeming (§ 70, 4, d). 
 hoc honore, the praetorship. — adfectum, privi/eged. — me opor- 
 tere, / am boimd (me is obj. of oportere, of which the subj. is 
 praeferre, etc.). 
 
60 Notes. [Catil. 
 
 Catiline I. 
 Argument. 
 
 Chap. i. Propositio. Catiline's audacity in appearing in the Senate when his guilt 
 is known. — 2. Weakness of the consuls, in allowing him to live. — 3, 4. Contrast, in the 
 cases of Gracchus, Melius, and Saturninus. — 4. The Senatorial decree is suspended in 
 Catiline's case, till all shall be satisfied of his guilt. His plans enumerated. — Hortatio. 
 5. He is exhorted to go out and join his confederates. The plots against Cicero have 
 been thwarted; but now they aim at the State. — 6, 7. Catiline has no inducement to 
 remain where all good men hate and shrink from him. — 8. He has offered to go into 
 custody : let him depart : the Senate shows by silence its approval of Cicero's words. — 
 9, 10. Though he insolently refuses to depart, yet his defeat as candidate for the consul- 
 ship has made him from a conspirator into a public enemy. — Peroratio. 11. The State 
 remonstrates against the consul's lenity. — 12. But it is a gain to force him into exile, and 
 thus draw the conspiracy to a head. — 13 For his death would only palliate the evil. So 
 let him go, taking with him the ruin of his plot, the hate of men, and the wrath of the 
 gods. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 85. § 1. etiam (et jam), still. — eludet, mock. — quem ad 
 finem, almost equivalent to quamdiu, but implying some shock or 
 crisis which must follow. — sese jactabit, insolently display itself. 
 — Palati, one of the strongest positions in the city, commanding the 
 Forum, and so most likely to be seized by the conspirators. 
 
 The Palatium, an isolated hill, of a rudely quadrangular shape, was the original seat 
 of the city of Rome, Roma Quadrata, from which it spread gradually over the other 
 hills. In the last years of the republic, the Palatine became the fashionable place for 
 residences. Here was Cicero's house as well as Catiline's. On the brow of the h 11 
 towards the Sacred Way stood the temple of Jupiter Stator, in which the Senate was now 
 assembled. It was because of its nearness to his house, as well as because of the strength 
 of its position, that the consul selected this temple for the meeting of the Senate on this 
 occasion. In the Empire the Palatine became the seat of the imperial residence, and its 
 name, palace, has passed in this sense into most modern languages. 
 
 bonorum, see § 21. — locus: the regular place of meeting for the 
 Senate was the Curia Hostilia; on special occasions it met in other 
 places, but always in a consecrated place (templum ; see note on 
 Manil. Law, § 70). — horum (with a gesture), the senators present. 
 — ora, features; voltus, expression (a sort of hendiadys). — con- 
 strictam teneri, is held fast bound. — proxima, superiore : for 
 what was done on the night of Nov. 6, see § 4 ; as to proxima, 
 last night, we do not meet with anything but general assertions. 
 
 § 2. O tempora, etc., what a time / what a state of things / — 
 immo, nay more : immo here negatives only the form of the 
 preceding, as not strong enough. — consili, counsels. — vitemus, 
 subj. of indir. disc. — ad mortem : the consuls originally possessed 
 full powers of judgment in criminal cases, including punishment 
 by death. These highest powers of the imperium were suspended 
 
§ i -4-1 Catiline I. 61 
 
 within the city by laws which gave the right of appeal to the people 
 (see note on § 28), but the Senate could revive it in cases of danger 
 by the formula Videant consules ne quid respublica cUtrimenti 
 capiat, — a proceeding analogous to the proclamation of martial 
 law. This action the Senate had taken Oct. 21, nearly three weeks 
 before. — oportebat, implied cond. (§ 60, 2, c) : the imperf. is used 
 with jam pridem, where we might expect the pluperf. (compare 
 § 58, 2, a). 
 
 § 3. an vero, while, &c, belongs both to interfecit and perfere- 
 mus, introducing (as usual) a sort of reductio ad absurdum. — 
 vir amplissimus, pontifex maximus : observe how these words 
 strengthen the force of the example. 
 
 P. Scipio Nasica Serapio was leader of the mob of gentlemen that murdered Tiberius 
 Gracchus, b. c. 133. He held the office of Pontifex Maximus, president of the board 
 (collegium) of pontifices, which had the general superintendence of the State religion. 
 Since in all ancient states the political constitution was based on the State religion, the 
 pontijices exercised great political power. They were the earliest jurists ; and the office 
 of their head, the pontifex maximus, was, in Rome, on the whole the first position in 
 dignity and influence. He was appointed by the Board from their own number. But, in 
 the last two centuries of the republic, it was established that the person to be so appointed 
 should be designated by popular election. This was confined to the minority (seventeen) 
 of the thirty-five tribes, designated by lot. An absolute choice by the people was regarded 
 as inadmissible in religious offices- 
 
 Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, a young man of high rank and great personal purity 
 of character, attempted to carry through some important reforms, particularly touching 
 the tenure of the public lands, b. c. 133. Requiring more time to make his legislation 
 effective, he attempted illegally to secure his own re-election as Tribune ; when he was 
 attacked and killed by a mob of senators headed by Scipio Nasica. The mother of 
 Gracchus was a daughter of the great Scipio, the conqueror of Hannibal. 
 
 privatus : Nasica at this time was only a private citizen of consular 
 rank. He afterwards went into exile, and was made Pontifex Maxi- 
 mus in his absence. The word privatus is opposed to nos consules, 
 and the contrast is rhetorically exaggerated. — ilia, that case, plural 
 for singular, as frequently in Greek. — Ahala, the magister equi- 
 tum of the famous Cincinnatus : he killed without law the eques 
 Madius, on suspicion of his aiming at a dangerous power by his 
 lavish gifts of corn (b. c. 439). 
 
 8G. novis rebus (the classic expression for a violent change 
 of government), revolution. — senatus consultum : i. e. ut videant 
 consules, etc. The consultum of the Senate was its ordinance, 
 regularly passed and promulgated, and recognized as valid. If it 
 was invalid by reason of informality or intercession of a tribune, 
 it was called senatus auctoritas, and might still be drawn up in 
 form, and would still have a certain modified authority. — vehe- 
 mens, severe, as regards Catiline ; grave, carrying weight, as re- 
 gards the consuls. — rei publicae (dat. with deest) : we know well 
 enough what to do — we have authority enough : it is the execution 
 that is remiss. 
 
 § 4. decrevit (emphatic), there was once a decree, &c. This 
 
62 Notes. [Catil. I. 
 
 word is used (as well as censeo, placet) to express the intent 
 of the Senate ; the consultum, ordinance, or any separate article 
 of it, might, as regarded its purport, be called decretutn. 
 
 Lucius Opimius was consul b. c. 121, when Caius Gracchus, the younger brother of 
 Tiberius, was attempting to carry through a series of measures far more revolutionary than 
 those of his brother. The Senate, the champion of the existing order of things, took 
 alarm, and intrusted the consul with absolute power. In the tumult that ensued, some 
 3,000 were said to have lost their lives, including Gracchus aad his leading associate 
 Fulvius. 
 
 The father of the Gracchi was Tiberius Gracchus, one of the most eminent statesmen 
 of his day, distinguished for integrity and humanity, as well as ability and culture. Their 
 mother was Cornelia, daughter of Scipio African us, the conqueror of Hannibal. Ancestors 
 on both sides were distinguished in the Second Punic War, and the brothers were likewise 
 connected by kinship and marriage with many of the noblest families of Rome. 
 
 The case of Marius was in b. c. ioo, the year of his sixth consulship. He was secretly 
 in league with the revolutionists, — Saturninus and Servilius Glaucia, corrupt demagogues, 
 unworthy imitators of the noble Gracchi. When it came to the point, however, the 
 courage of Marius failed him : he deserted his accomplices, and joined the Senate in 
 crushing the revolt. 
 
 rei publicae, poss. gen., the punishment being looked on as some- 
 thing belonging to the party avenged, and taken from the other 
 party. — remorata._£st, governing Saturninum, etc. : the punish- 
 ment is oddly regarded as waiting for them. — vicesimum : 
 strictly speaking, it was now the 19th day from Oct. 21. — horum, 
 the senators. — hujusce modi, i. e. like those others. — tabulis, 
 brazen tablets, on which the laws, &c, were inscribed. The edict 
 is said to be shut up in them (until put in force), like a sword 
 hid in its scabbard. — • interfectum esse (§ 58, 11, d). But, after 
 all, it would have been hardly possible, even with the extraordinary 
 power granted to the consuls, to put the conspirator to death with- 
 out some overt act. — cupio, / am anxious (emphatic) : a conces- 
 sion, opposed by sed, below. — dissolutum, hasty, as having one's 
 actions out of the control of law, reason, &c. — ipse : Latin in such 
 cases emphasizes the subject, English the object. — nequitiee, 
 worthlessness. 
 
 § 5. faucibus, narrow pass, leading north from Etruria. — 
 conlocata, § 72, 2, d. — jam, at once. — erit verendum, etc. This 
 difficult sentence is best rendered by connecting non and potius 
 with verendum : / shall not have more reason to fear ; and by 
 remembering that credo is, in this parenthetical use, ironical. The 
 sense is, of course I shall be accused of cruelty rather than slack- 
 \ ness. — boni (sc. dicant) : here, as usual, the well-intentioned, 
 i. e. those who held the speaker's views. — ego, opposed to omnes 
 boni. 
 
 87. denique, i. e. then, and not before. — jam, at length. — 
 fateatur, § 65, 2. 
 
 § 6. etiam, besides the forces on guard. — speculabuntur, re- 
 ferring to the spies in the interest of the government, who were in 
 the very heart of the conspiracy. Of these the chief was Fulvia, 
 
§4-ii] Catiline I, 63 
 
 mistress of one of the conspirators. — quid, etc., what is there for 
 you to wait for more? — nox, privata domus : the time and place 
 of meeting. — inlustrantur refers to tenebris ; erumpunt to pa- 
 rietibus. — recognoscas, review (§70, 3, f. r.). r^JL^ 
 
 § 7. dicere, § 58, 11, b. — fore (subj C. Manlium) : the rising 
 in arms is put first, as being the main thing ; the person is less im- 
 portant. — num, etc.. was I mistakm in, &c. — idem has the force 
 of also. — optimatium, i. e. of the senatorial party. — in ante diem, 
 § 56, 1, / — sui conservandi (§ 73, 3, a) : this passage is neatly 
 turned, to save their self-respect by showing that discretion was the 
 better part of valor. — cum dicebas, equivalent to saying (compare 
 §72, 1, e). — discessu, loc. abl. — tamen, opposed to discessu : 
 though the rest were gone. 
 
 § 8. Preeneste (Palestrina), an important town of Latium, about 
 twenty miles from Rome, in a very commanding situation. Its 
 possession would have given Catiline an important military post. 
 It was a chief stronghold of the Marian party in the civil war. — 
 sensistine, did you not find f The negative meaning occasionally 
 found in this enclitic is probably its original one. — coloniam : 
 Praeneste proudly declined the Roman franchise, and retained its 
 nominal independence until the time of the Social War. Sulla 
 established a military colony there by way of punishment. — prae- 
 sidiis, the garrison manning the walls ; custodiis, sentinels at the 
 gates ; vigiliis, night-guard. — agis, etc. : notice the climax. 
 
 88. noctem superiorem, night before last, i. e. Nov. 6 : 
 priore (below) refers to the same. — jam, you will at once see. — 
 quam te, § 67, 1, b, R. — inter falcarios, i. e. the street of the 
 scythemakers. — non agam obscure, i. e. I will speak plainly. 
 
 § 9. gentium, § 50, 2, d. — quam rem publicam, what sort of 
 a state ? — hie, hie, here, right here. — sanctissimo, ve?ierable. — 
 omnium, § 47, 5, b. — atque adeo, and in fact. — oportebat, see 
 §2. — igitur (resumptive), as I said. — quemque, each of the 
 conspirators. — placeret, for indie; relinqueres, for delib. subj. 
 (both in indir. disc). — equites: these were C. Cornelius and L. 
 Vargunteius. 
 
 § 10. id temporis (§ 50, 2, c), at that very time. — desiderant, 
 have been wanting (§ 58, 2, a). — si minus (sc. omnes), if not. 
 
 80. § 11. atque, and particularly. — huic, i. e. in whose temple 
 we are sitting. — Stator (sto), the one who causes to stand firm. 
 The temple to Jupiter Stator was vowed by Romulus when his 
 troops were giving way, and built upon the spot where their flight 
 was stayed. (See note, § 1). — in uno, etc., risked upon one ma7i 
 (i. e. Cicero : compare Thucyd. ii. 35). — proximis : the consular 
 election was usually held in July ; but this year, on account of the 
 disturbed condition of things, did not take place until Oct. 28, when 
 
 <\ 
 
64 Notes. [Catil. I. 
 
 Manlius was in fact already in arms. Catiline's successful competi- 
 tors were D. Silanus and L. Murena. — nullo ; . . concitato, with- 
 out exciting (the most common way of expressing this idiom in 
 Latin). — videbam, / saw all along (§58, 3). 
 
 § 12. nunc jam, now at length. — hujus imperi, i. e. which I 
 possess j that conferred upon the consuls by the special act of the 
 Senate. Without this, they possessed an i?nperiu?n, it is true, but 
 restricted by laws. — tu, opposed to comitum. — hortor, see note 
 on desiderant, § 10. — rei publicae limits sentina somewhat in 
 the sense of an adjective, — political rabble. Or, keeping the 
 original figure, we might say, bilge-water of the ship of state. 
 
 § 13. faciebas, were on the point of doing. — hostem, a public 
 enemy, over whom the consul would have that right — me con- 
 sulis, ask ?ny advice. — jam, longer. — nota, brand. — domesticae, 
 of the household j privatarum rerum, in private life, i. e. inter- 
 course with others out of the family. 
 
 OJ>. ferrum . . . facem : i. e. arm him for acts of violence, or 
 inflame him to deeds of lust. 
 
 § 14. quid vero, and say. — vacuefecisses : this crime is men- 
 tioned by no other writer, and is perhaps one of the orator's 
 exaggerations. — alio . . . scelere : Sallust mentions, as a common 
 matter of belief, that Catiline killed his own son, in order to gratify 
 his new wife, Aurelia Orestilla, — "a woman praised for nothing 
 but beauty." — facile, etc., I readily pass in silence. — tanti, etc., a 
 c?'ime of such monstrosity. — ruinas : this charge was undoubtedly 
 correct. The conspiracy was mainly composed of men of ruined 
 fortunes, who hoped to better themselves in the general scramble 
 of a revolution. — Idibus : the Kalends and Ides — the beginning 
 and middle of the month — were the usual terms for the payment 
 of debts. Catiline's failure in his consular canvass had probably 
 stirred up his creditors to push him for payment. — difficultatem, 
 straits. 
 
 § 15. cum, causal, though to be rendered when. — prid. Kal. 
 On the 1st of January, b. c. 65, the consuls Cotta and Torquatus 
 entered upon their office. It was the intention of Catiline to take 
 advantage of their inauguration to murder the new consul and seize 
 the government. The plot got whispered about, and its execution 
 was put off to Feb. 5, when it failed again through Catiline's over-, 
 haste. The act of Dec. 31 seems to have been in preparation for 
 the rising. — cum telo (a technical expression), with weapons. — 
 manum, a band (of assassins). — mentem aliquam, change of 
 mind. — aut . . . aut, etc., either obscure or few. — non multa, 
 etc. : i. e. they were too well known to need recapitulation, and too 
 numerous to admit of it. — interficere. " Cicero charges the man 
 with frequent attempts to murder him since he has been elected 
 
§ 1 1 -20.] Catiline I. 65 
 
 consul, but be does it in such a way as not to convince us that he 
 is speaking the truth" (Long). — petitiones, thrusts, the word 
 regularly used for the attack of a gladiator. — ita conjectas, so 
 aimed that they seemed impossible to be shunned. — corpore (a 
 proverbial expression), i. e. dodging with the body. 
 
 § 16. quae quidem, etc., / know not by what rites it has been 
 consecrated and set apart, that you think, &c. 
 
 91. vita, i.e. that you should desire to prolong it (in allusion 
 to § 15). — quae nulla (§ 50, 2, e, R. 3 ), nothing of which. — neces- 
 sariis : this word is used of any special personal relation, as that 
 of kinsman, client, guest, comrade, member of the same order, &c. 
 (see note on necessitudinem, Verr. I. § 11). — quid quod, what of 
 this — that, &c. — ista, where you are sitting. — consulares : these 
 voted as a class, and probably sat together ; but it is not easy to see 
 how Catiline could have sat among them. — ferendum is the pred. 
 of the clause quod . . . reliquerunt. 
 
 § 17. servi, emphatic, displacing si. — carere aspectu, be de- 
 prived of seeing. — tibi debitum, your due. — aliquo concederes, 
 would retire somewhere. — nunc, opp. to si, etc. — te nihil cogi- 
 tare, that you think of nothing. 
 
 § 18. quae (i. e. patria) . . . agit, she pleads with you. — socio- 
 rum, i. e. the allied cities of the province of Africa, which Catiline 
 governed as propraetor, b. c. 67. — leges et quaestiones, probably 
 both as praetor in Rome and as propraetor in Africa. — neglegen- 
 das implies only evasion ; evertendas, violence. — superiora ilia, 
 your former crimes. 
 
 9£B. me . . . abhorreat, subj. of est ferendum. — quicquid 
 increpuerit, at the least noise, modifies timeri. — abhorreat, is 
 i?iconsisle?it with. — hunc . . . eripe, rescue me from, &c, lit, 
 snatch it from me (§ 51, 2, e) . — aliquando, some time or other 
 (implying impatience). 
 
 § 19. in custodiam dedisti, i. e. in free custody, on parole. This 
 appears to have been late in October, when Catiline was prosecuted 
 on the Lex Plautia de vi. — M.' Lepidum, the consul of b. c. 66. — 
 ad me : u a proposal," says Long, " which might be viewed either 
 as evidence of his innocence or his impudence." — parietibus, loc. 
 abl. ; mcenibus, abl. of means. Observe the emphasis of the 
 contrast. — Metellum: Q. Metellus Celer, consul B. c. 60 ; he did 
 good service in the campaign against Catiline. He was nephew of 
 Coecilia, the friend of Roscius (see note R. A. § 50). — virum opti- 
 mum, that excellent man (ironical). — demigrasti, moved over. — 
 sagacissimum, keen-scented j fortissimum, energetic and fearless. 
 — videtur debere, does it seem that he ought? 
 
 § 20. refer : Halm conjectures that the members of the Senate 
 were secretly trying to persuade Catiline to go into voluntary exile, 
 
66 Notes. [Catil. I. 
 
 when all prosecutions would be dropped. — id enim, for that is 
 what you demand. — placere has for subj., te . . . exsilium. -^ 
 abhorret, is contrary to: because the Senate had no power to 
 pronounce such a judgment. — tacitorum, i.e. their silence gives 
 consent to my words. 
 
 03 o § 21. Sestio : whom Cicero afterwards defended in one of 
 his greatest orations (see p. 147). — M. Marcello : a prominent 
 member of the aristocracy, consul, b. c. 51 ; not to be confounded 
 with the person of the same name mentioned § 19. He took a 
 leading part in the civil war against Caesar, and was afterwards 
 defended by Cicero (see p. 210). — consuli, though consul. — jure 
 optimo, with perfect right. — vim et manus, violent hands. — 
 videlicet cara, alluding to his demand to have the matter sub- 
 mitted to the Senate. — quorum, § 48, 3, b, r. — haec (with a ges- 
 ture), all that is round us, the city, &c. — prosequantur, escort. 
 It was the custom for those who were going into voluntary exile 
 to be thus accompanied to the gate by their friends. If Catiline 
 would depart, the whole Senate would forget his crimes and pay 
 him this honor (perhaps ironical). 
 
 § 22. te frangat, i. e. break down your stubbornness. — duint, 
 § 30, 6, e 2 . — tametsi (corrective), although. — tempus, moment. 
 — est tanti, it is worth the price (§ 54, 8, a). 
 
 § 23. inimico, a private eneiny, thus attributing to Cicero per- 
 sonal and private motives of opposition. — si vis, if you choose. — 
 recta (sc. via), straightway. — latrocinio, partisan warfare, as 
 opposed to regular war {jus turn bellum). 
 
 04 o § 24. quamquam, and yet (corrective, cf. tametsi, § 22). — 
 Forum Aurelium, a small place on the Via Aurelia, about fifty 
 miles from Rome. The Via Aurelia was the road which led along 
 the sea-coast of Etruria, by which Catiline left the city the following 
 night. The word Forum, market-place, was used for the highest 
 class of inferior towns (market towns) within the territory of a 
 colony or municipiipn. — aquilam : the silver eagle had been 
 adopted by Marius as the standard of the legion, and the eagle in 
 question was said to have been actually used in the army of Marius. 
 The place in the camp where the eagle was kept was in fact con- 
 secrated : hence the word sacrarium. — ut possis, exclam. clause 
 with ut, § 70, 4, c. — necem, slaughter, or death by violence. 
 
 § 25. haec res, i. e. exile. — non modo, to say nothing of. — 
 atque connects perditis and derelictis ; ab connects fortuna and 
 spe to derelictis. — conflatam, got together (like molten metal). 
 
 § 26. bacchabere, will revel. — studium, taste for. — meditati 
 sunt, have been practised ; feruntur, are talked about. — facinus, 
 deed of violence, contrasted with stuprum, debauchery ; just as 
 bonis otiosorum, property of peaceful citizens, is with somno 
 
§ 20-31.] Catiline /. 67 
 
 maritonim, the repose of husbands. — ubi ostentes, an oppor- 
 tunity to display. — confectum, shattered. 
 
 § 27. reppuli : the consul who presided over the election had 
 it in his power to exercise great influence. That of Cicero on 
 this occasion was perfectly legitimate, in maintaining order and 
 checking Catiline's adherents. — exsul, consul : observe the play 
 upon words. — latrocinium : rebellion is regularly described by 
 words which ally it with disorder or highway robbery ; as, tu- 
 multus. 
 
 95 o querimoniam, i. e. for not having suppressed the con- 
 spiracy more vigorously. — detester ac deprecer (construed with 
 a me, above), remove by protest and plea. — animis mentibus- 
 que, hearts and minds. — evocatorem servorum, a summoner of 
 slaves, i. e. to enlist under him. — mactari, § 70, 3, a. 
 
 § 28. at, but (it may be said) : introducing an objection. — 
 rogatae sunt : the magistrate who proposed a law formally 
 asked the people whether they would accept it ; hence rogo was 
 the word regularly used for this act, and the proposition itself was 
 called rogatio. The leges in question, Valeria, Porcia, and Sem- 
 pronia (of Caius Gracchus), protecting the life and liberty of 
 citizens, had been not merely asked {rogatce), but passed (jusscz) ; 
 not merely proposed (lata}, but carried (perlata?). The word 
 rogatae appears to be used here to emphasize the part which the 
 people had in their establishment. — praeclaram . . . gratiam, you 
 show a noble gratitude. — tarn mature : Cicero says of himself 
 tli at he was the only novus homo \_nulla commendatione 7najorum~\ 
 on record, who both sought and gained the consulship the first year 
 the law permitted it. He was equally fortunate in the quaestorship 
 and praetorship. 
 
 § 29. inertiae, sc. invidia, the reproach. — an belongs with 
 non existimas. — conflagraturum, will burn up, suggested by 
 ardebunt. — idem sentiunt, have the same views. — mentibus, 
 thoughts. — superiorum, before thern. 
 
 06, maxime, ever so much. — partam (from pario), acquired 
 (a very common meaning). — putarem, the real apodosis : the 
 regularity of the sentence being broken by fui, etc. 
 
 § 30. videant, subj. of charact. — aluerunt, indie, of fact. — 
 regie, despotically : the Roman idea of king and kingly government 
 was associated with Tarquinius Superbus. Here the word also 
 implies the assumption of unlawful power (= tyrannice) , as well 
 as its abuse. — eodem, to the same place. — adulta, full-grown, as 
 opposed to stirps, the stock, and semen, the seed. 
 
 § 31. jam diu : the conspiracy was ready to break out b. c. 65 
 (see note on § 15). — versamur, have lived. — nescio quo pacto, 
 
68 Notes. [Catil. ii. 
 
 somehow (§ 67, 2, e). — visceribus, vitals (properly the great in- 
 terior organs, as the heart, lungs, &c). 
 
 97. circumstare, hang around : the proetor urbanus had his 
 tribunal on the Forum. — consensionem, unanimity. 
 
 § 2>2>- ominibus, prospects. — Juppiter, i. e. the temple. — arce- 
 bis, a mild imperative (§ 57, 7, d). 
 
 Catiline II. 
 
 Argument. 
 
 Chap. Pars I. 1. Catiline is gone : the city breathes again: it is open war now, and 
 no longer a concealed intestine conflict. — 2. Excuse for letting him go : all were not con- 
 vinced. Now, his guilt is manifest. — 3. His force is not formidable: what remains is 
 closely watched. — 4. All have been forced to declare themselves. Joy at his departure : 
 he has been a leader in every vice and crime. — Pars II. 5. His associates are desperate 
 but contemptible : character of this domestic war. — 6. Odium of his banishment depre- 
 cated : in fact, he went to his own. — 7. He will not go into exile, but to the camp of 
 Manlius, and will seek to cast odium on the consul. — Pars III. 8-10. The real fear is 
 from those who remain, viz. : (a) Rich but embarrassed profligates ; (b) Poor debtors : 
 these two classes have nothing to gain from violence; (c) Sulla's veterans, who will 
 not be allowed to repeat those times ; {d) Ruined men, hoping for any change ; 
 (e) Criminals, who had better be fought in the field ; {/) Profligates and debauchees, 
 men of Catiline's own stamp. — 11. Superiority of the patriot forces arrayed against them. 
 
 — Peroratio. 12. Review of the situation: warning to the ill-disposed. — 13. The work 
 shall be done without shock to the public order : the gods will lend their help. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 98. § t* ejecimus, expelled (with violence) ; emisimus, sent 
 forth. The words vel . . . vel imply that the same act may be 
 called by either name. — ipsum, of his own accord. — verbis pro- 
 secuti may apply as well to kind words of dismissal as to invective. 
 
 — abiit, simply, is gone ; excessit, has retreated before the storm ; 
 evasit, has escaped by stealth ; erupit, has broken forth with 
 violence, — a climax of expression, but nearly identical in sense. — 
 atque (adding with emphasis), and so. — hunc quidem, him at 
 any rate. — sine controversia, without dispute = unquestionably. 
 
 — versabitur, will be busy. — campo, foro, parietes, observe the 
 narrowing climax. — loco motus est, a gladiatorial expression : he 
 has lost his vantage-ground. — nullo, etc., i. e. his defenders till 
 now could screen him by forms of law. — justum, regular, in due 
 form. 
 
 § 2. cruentum (pred.), reeking with blood. — vivis nobis, 
 leaving us alive. — civis, ace. plur. — jacet, etc., lies prostrate. — 
 retorquet oculos begins the figure of a wild beast, which is con- 
 tinued in faucibus. 
 
§ i -9-] Catiline II. 69 
 
 § 3. omnis, ace. plur. — oportebat, § 60, 2, c. — in hoc ipso, 
 in this very point. — qui . . . accuset, as to accuse (§ 65, 2). — 
 hujus imperi, see note on Cat. I. § 12. — res publica, the public 
 interest. 
 
 OOo § 4. cum viderem, seeing: its obj. is fore ut . . . possetis 
 (§ 58, 11, f). — vobis, construed with probata ; ne . . . quidem, 
 i. e. much less the people at large. — videretis, § 66, 2. — quod . . . 
 exierit, § 70, 5, but subj. on account of the implied indir. disc. — 
 eduxisset, § 68, 1. — mini, eth. dat. (§ 51, 7, d). — in prsetexta : 
 the toga prcetexta, with a broad purple border, was worn by boys 
 as well as magistrates : this means, therefore, that Tongilius was 
 still a boy. — ses alienum, etc., i. e. petty debts run up in cook- 
 shops and the like ; not like the heavy mortgages spoken of after- 
 wards. — quos viros : for a characterization of these, see the next 
 division of this oration. 
 
 § 5. prse, in comparison with. — Gallicanis, i. e. those stationed 
 in Gaul, — Cisalpine Gaul, the northern part of Italy. The ager 
 Gallicus below was that strip of sea-coast, north of Picenum, for- 
 merly occupied by the Senones, but at this time reckoned a part of 
 Umbria. — hoc, the present. — Q. Metellus (Celer) : see note on 
 Cat. I. § 19. — luxuria (Synecdoche), high-livers. — vadimonia 
 deserere, cut bail: i. e. leave their bondsmen in the lurch. — edic- 
 tum praetoris, in effect like a sheriff' 1 s warrant. (A proclamation 
 was published by each new praetor, " in which he declared the man- 
 ner in which he intended to administer his department." Maine). 
 
 — concident, collapse. — purpura : the Roman toga was of un- 
 bleached wool: it was a mark of eifeminacy and foppishness for 
 any men but magistrates to wear colors in public. — mallem, § 57, 
 4, c. — eduxisset, § 70, 3, f R. — si . . . permanent, a fut. cond. 
 
 — pertimescendos, i. e. he will keep an eye on them. 
 
 100. § 6. superioris noctis, i. e. two nights before the last. 
 
 — ne, nay : an affirmative particle, wrongly spelt nae. — nisi vero, 
 ironical (as usual), introducing a reductio ad absurdum. — Amelia 
 via, see Cat. I. § 24. 
 
 § 7. sentinam, refuse (see Cat. I. § 12). — ejecerit, § 59, 4, c. — 
 exhausto, drained off (as sentind). — recreata, invigorated. — 
 conceperit, § 65, 2. — tota Italia, § 55, 3, f. — subjector, forger. 
 
 — circumscriptor, swindler. — perditus, scoundrel. 
 § 8. ullo, § 21, 2, h. — serviebat, pandered. 
 
 101. § 9- diversa studia. In another passage (Caal. 13) 
 Cicero ascribes to Catiline : " Cum tristibus severe, cum remissis 
 jucunde, cum senibus graviter, cum juventute comiter, cum faci- 
 norosis audaciter, cum libidinosis luxuriose vivere." — in dissimili 
 ratione, in different directions. — possitis, § 64, 1, b. — ludo, the 
 regular training-school. — scsena, i. e. among the actors of the 
 
70 Notes. [Catil. II. 
 
 baser sort. — tamen, i. e. in contrast to the usual effeminacy of 
 these profligates. — exercitatione, abl. of means : trained by the 
 Practice of debaucheries and crimes to endure, &c. — frigore . . . 
 perferendis, abl. with adsuefactus. — fortis, an able fellow. — 
 istis, his hangers-on. — subsidia, etc., i. e. means which might 
 be, &c. 
 
 § 10. audaciae, acts of audacity. — obligaverunt, encumbered. 
 — res . . . fides, property . . . credit. — quidem (concessive), no 
 doubt. — mini, eth. dat. 
 
 § ii. instare plane, is close at hand. — nescio quod, § 67, 
 2, e. — unius : Pompey, of course, now returning from his triumphs 
 in the East. 
 
 102 o resecanda erunt, shall need pruning. 
 
 § 12. etiam, still (after all that has been done). — enim, i. e. 
 the idea is absurd, as implied in the irony that follows. — quid, 
 what of this, that it was really the act of the Senate that drove him 
 out : ut is here nearly equivalent to quod. — hesterno die qualifies 
 convocavi. 
 
 § 13. in proximam : Cicero certainly said nothing definite as to 
 the night of Nov. 7, although he wishes to make it appear that he 
 had. — ei, dat. of agent (§ 51, 4). — teneretur, was caught. — 
 pararet, for plup. (see Cat. I. § 2, end). — securis, fascis : the use 
 of these signified that Catiline intended to assume the authority 
 and i?nperium of consul. — aquilam : see Cat. I. § 24. 
 
 § 14. eiciebam, conative imperf. (§ 58, 3, c). 
 
 B 03# su o nomine, i. e. not by Catiline's order. — nunc, even 
 now. — Massiliam : Marseilles, an ancient Greek city of Gaul, always 
 faithful and friendly to Rome. It was a favorite place of sojourn for 
 Romans who went into voluntary exile. — condicionem, terms. — 
 pertimuerit, take alarm. — erunt qui . . . velint, § 65, 2, a. 
 
 § 15. est tanti, it is worth the price. — sane (concessive), for 
 all 7ne. — aliquando, one day. — ilium emiserim . . . ejecerim : 
 let him go ... drove him out. — si interfectus, etc.: adroitly 
 excusing his lenity to those who would have wished harsher 
 measures. 
 
 § 16. quamquam (corrective), and yet. — nemo, not a man. — 
 misericors : his going to Manlius was his inevitable ruin, and yet, 
 for all their pity, they desired this. — latrocinantem, in partisan 
 warfare. 
 
 104:. § 17- sibi, for their own good. — placare, gain over. — 
 ex quibus generibus : " a similar picture," says Long, " may be 
 drawn of any great city." — comparentur, are ?nade up. 
 
 § 18. est eorum, consists of those (§ 50, 1, c). — dissolvi, sc. 
 a possessionibus : although they might pay their debts, they will 
 not make up their minds to do so. — honestissima, very respectable. 
 
§9- 2 4-] Catiline II 71 
 
 — argento, plate. — sis, § 58, 6. — tabulas novas, new accounts, 
 i. e. a sweeping alteration of debts, such as that, b. c. 86, i* which 
 reduced every private claim to the fourth part of its nominal 
 amount, and cancelled three-fourths in favor of the debtors " 
 (Momm.). — auctionariae : a forced sale would give them new 
 accounts. — certare cum usuris (§ 54, 6, b), struggle to ?neet the 
 interest. — fructibus is abl. of means. — uteremur, we should find 
 them. — vota facturi, likely to offer prayers. 
 
 105. § 19- quamquam premuntur : a man must be rich in 
 Rome to be active in politics. — scilicet, in fact. — praesentis 
 agrees with deos. — jam, at once. — non vident, don't they see? 
 (§ 71, 1, r.). — fugitivo, i. e. (probably) one of their own 
 slaves. 
 
 § 20. ex eis coloniis : Sulla rewarded his veterans (120,000 in 
 number) by grants of land, partly in municipia already existing, 
 partly by founding new colonies. Those here referred to may 
 have belonged to either class. — universas, as a whole. — ei sunt 
 coloni, there are (among them) colonists of this sort. — beati, 
 wealthy. — lectis, choice. — apparatis, splendid. — Sulla, etc., they 
 must raise Sulla from the dead: they can have no such hope in 
 Catiline. — illorum temporum, i. e. the times of proscription. — 
 inustus, branded. 
 
 100. § 21. sane, rather. — vacillant, stagger under. — vadi- 
 moniis, etc., the three steps in bankruptcy, — bail, judgment, and 
 sale of property ; proscriptio is properly the public notice that 
 property is for sale. — infitiatores, swindlers. — stare, keeping 
 their feet. : ^*<^Ct 
 
 § 22. career, the Tullianum, a dungeon near the Forum, now 
 existing. It was properly a jail, for temporary detention, as im- 
 prisonment was not recognized in Rome as a form of punishment. 
 
 — numero, in order; genere, ra?ik. — imberbis, a mark of effem- 
 inacy ; bene barbatos, a practice regarded by respectable Romans 
 as foppish ; talaribus, down to the heel ; velis, veils, rather than 
 the substantial toga, which was of unbleached wool. 
 
 § 23. saltare et cantare : these accomplishments were hardly 
 regarded as respectable in the better classes. — spargere, i.e. in 
 food or drink : poisoning has in all ages been carried to high art 
 in Italy. 
 
 107. his noctibus : although this was spoken Nov. 9, yet the 
 Roman year was at this time in such a state of confusion, that the 
 true time was probably some time in December, just when the 
 winter was setting in. 
 
 § 24. cohortem praetoriam, body-guard. — debilitatam, broken 
 down. — urbes coloniarum, etc. : the colonies and municipia in- 
 cluded their walled cities, urbes, in their territory. These well- 
 
72 Notes. [Catil. III. 
 
 manned walls would be more than a match for Catiline's rude 
 works. — ornamenta, outfit or equip?nent of all sorts. 
 
 § 25. ex eo ipso, from the very comparison. — jaceant, lie 
 helpless. — bona ratio, good counsel ; perdita, desperate. 
 
 108. § 26. custodiis vigiliisque : see note, Cat. I. § 8. — 
 consultum, etc., provident measures have been taken. — coloni 
 municipesque : see note on municipes, R. A. § 5. A colony dif- 
 fered from a municipiwn in being founded by Roman (or Latin) 
 citizens, who retained from the first their citizenship, either in whole 
 or in part. At the time of Cicero all practical difference between 
 the two classes of towns had been done away ; but the colonies 
 always retained a certain precedence in rank. — vocari videtis : 
 the members of the Senate had their gathering place (senaculum) 
 adjoining the curia, and were summoned by heralds (pr&cones) 
 from this into the building. If any were absent, the heralds were 
 sent to their houses. The curia and senaculum could be seen from 
 the place of assembly on the Forum, and the heralds were no doubt 
 noticed going their rounds. 
 
 § 27. monitos volo, § 72, 3, c. — etiam atque etiam, again and 
 again. — solutior, too remiss. — quod, etc., as for the rest. — ho- 
 rum and his relate to the conspirators, Lentulus, Cethegus, &c. 
 
 § 28. togato : as the toga was only the garb of peace, this word 
 means in peace, or as a states?nan, instead of a warrior. 
 
 IOO. manifestae, overt. — illud, in appos. with ut . . . poa- 
 sitis : I will secure that you shall all be safe. 
 
 § 29. quam urbem . . . hanc, this city which (§ 48, 3, b). 
 
 Catiline III. 
 Argument. 
 
 Chap. Exordium, i. The citizens are congratulated on their safety. — Narratio. 
 2, 3. The conspirators' plans have been watched : the Gallic embassy seized with letters ; 
 which, with the treasonable leaders, are brought before the Senate. — 4. Testimony of Vol- 
 turcius and the Gauls. — 5. Forced confession of Cethegus, Lentulus, and Gabinius. — 
 6. The Senate decrees the custody of the traitors and a general thanksgiving. — 7. Now all 
 is safe : Catiline alone was to be feared, and only while in the city. — 8, 9. The Divine 
 aid manifest in sundry omens ; chiefly in the madness of the traitors in confiding their 
 counsels to the Gauls. — Peroratio. 10 Exhortation to keep the thanksgiving: this 
 bloodless victory compared with others more costly. — 11. Cicero claims no reward but a 
 grateful remembrance. — 12. But he is less fortunate than victors in foreign war, since the 
 conquered are still citizens. The State shall be his reward and defence. 
 
 § i. vitam, lives : the plur. could not be used in Latin (§14, 
 i, a). — bona, estates (landed property); fortunas, goods (per- 
 sonal property). 
 
§ i-5-] Catiline III. 73 
 
 110. § 2. salutis, preservation. — ilium: Romulus, who, after 
 his death, was considered to be a god, and identified with the 
 Sabine god of war, Quirinus. — eorum, i. e. the swords. 
 
 § 3. per me, by my means (§ 54, 4, b). — vobis, opposed to in 
 Senatu. — exspectatis. are waiting to hear. — ut, since. — cum 
 reliquisset, having left. — eiciebam, notice the difference in tense 
 between this word and erupit. — ilia, sc. invidia. — exterminari 
 (terminus), put out of the boundaries. — restitissent, in dir. disc, 
 restiterint (fut. perf.). 
 
 111. § 4- oratio, argument; fidem faceret, gain credence. — 
 ut . . . comprehenderem, that I might get hold of the matter. — 
 Allobrogum. The Allobroges were a Gallic nation, between the 
 Rhone and the Alps (in the modern Dauphine and Savoy) ; sub- 
 dued b. c. 121, and united with the province Narbonensis. They 
 were restless under their new masters (see § 22), and inclined to 
 take up with Catiline's movement. Their ambassadors had come 
 to complain of certain exactions of their provincial governor. — 
 belli, i. e. when out of the range of the Roman jurisdiction ; tu- 
 multus, rebellion, i.e. when nearer home. — Lentulo, see Introd. : 
 he was consul b. c. 71, but was expelled from the Senate the next 
 year, with sixty-three others, on account of his character, and 
 now held the prastorship with the view of beginning the course of 
 honors over again. — litteris, a letter. — manifesto deprehende- 
 retur, taken in the act : the words apply strictly to the criminals 
 themselves. 
 
 § 5. praetores. Although the regular duties of the praetors were 
 judicial, yet they possessed the imperium, and in virtue of this 
 could command troops in the absence of the consuls, or under 
 their authority. — amans rei publicae, patriotic. — qui sentirent, 
 as men who, &c. — pontem Mulvium, the bridge over the Tiber, 
 about two miles above the city, by which the principal roads (the 
 Flaminian and Cassian) led into north Italy. — villis, country 
 houses. — inter eos, i.e. between the two divisions. — praefectura: 
 this was the title given to a class of towns which, after losing their 
 political independence (see note R. A. § 5) had justice admin- 
 istered by a prefect, appointed by the Roman prcetor urbanus, as 
 his representative. (Momm. Rom. St. i. p. 185.) They were, there- 
 fore, as a class wholly deprived of self-government ; but after the 
 Social War (b. c. 90-89), in which citizenship was bestowed upon 
 all the Italians, the prcefectjirce became municipia, only sometimes 
 retaining their old familiar appellation, as in this case. — Reatina : 
 Reate was a very ancient town of the Sabines, about forty miles 
 north-east of Rome. Cicero was the patronus (see note R. A. § 4) 
 of Reate ; that is, acted as its attorney and legal counsel : which 
 accounts for his having this body-guard of young men from that 
 
74 Notes. [Catil. in. 
 
 place. Besides, these simple mountaineers still retained some- 
 thing of the old Italian virtues, and therefore were well fitted for 
 this service. 
 
 § 6. tertia vigilia : the night, from sunset to sunrise, was divided 
 into four equal watches j this time, therefore, was about 3, A. m. — - 
 res, the occasion of the attack. — ignorabatur, etc. Though the 
 Allobroges had played the conspirators false, and knew that the 
 consul had his plans ready, they did not know what these plans 
 were, and therefore were as much taken by surprise as Volturcius 
 himself. Even the troops would appear not to have known what 
 special enterprise they were engaged in. 
 
 113. ipsi, the men (as opposed to the letters). — machina- 
 torem : Gabinius had been the go-between in this case ; he and 
 Statilius had had it in charge to burn the city (Sail. Cat. 43, 44). — 
 dam, as yet — prseter, etc., since Lentulus was notoriously lazy. 
 
 § 7. cum viris, dat. after placeret, which has for subject litteras 
 . . . deferrem (see § 66, 2). — esse facturum governs the clause 
 Tit . . . deferrem : it may be rendered : I said I would not fail to 
 lay before the public council a 7natter touching the public danger 
 before it had been tampered with (integram). — et enim si, for 
 even if — frequentem, full. 
 
 § 8. admonitu, suggestion. — introduxi, sc. in Senatum. — 
 fidern publicam, assurance of safety : he was to be used as 
 State's evidence. — vix = at length with difficulty. — servorum: 
 in the memory of the terrible servile insurrections in Sicily, and 
 especially that of Spartacus in Italy, less than ten years before, 
 this would shock and terrify his hearers beyond measure. — ut . . . 
 uteretur (§ 70, 3, #), obj. of the verb implied in mandata, etc. — 
 erat, § 67, 1, b. 
 
 1 13. § 9- equitatum. The Roman cavalry was chiefly com- 
 posed of Gallic and other auxiliaries (see note on the Equestrian 
 Order, Verr. I. § 1). — defuturas (§ 67, 1), dep. on the verb im- 
 plied in prsescriptum. — sibi (copias) refers to the conspirators ; 
 sibi (confirmasse) to the Allobroges. — fatis Sibyllinis, the books 
 bought by Tarquinius Superbus of the Cumaean Sibyl. They were 
 kept in charge of a board, collegium, the quindecimviri sacris faci- 
 undis, and consulted in cases of great public emergency. They 
 appear to have been the source of the introduction of Grecian rites 
 and forms of worship in Rome (Marquardt, Rom. Alt. iv. p. 51). — 
 haruspicum. The haruspices were Etruscan soothsayers, who in- 
 terpreted the will of the gods, chiefly from the entrails of animals 
 sacrificed. They were a private class, and were not to be con- 
 founded with the augurs, who were a board of Roman noblemen, 
 of high rank, who interpreted the auspices according to the native 
 Roman rules. — Cinnam, etc. : L. Cornelius Cinna was colleague 
 
§ 5-*3«] Catiline III. 75 
 
 of Marius, and ruled Rome after his death, b. c. 86. L. Cornelius 
 Sulla ruled Rome b. c. 82-79 ( see § 2 3)> — fatalem, destined. — 
 virginum : the Vestal Virgins, six in number, maidens of high 
 rank, consecrated to chastity and the service of Vesta. They were 
 peculiarly sacred, and were highly privileged. Violation of their 
 vow of chastity was incestus, and was regarded as a prodigium of 
 very bad omen. Of the incident referred to here nothing further 
 is known. — Capitoli : the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus (see note, 
 Verr. IV. § 15) was burned during the rule of the Marian faction, 
 b. c. 83. 
 
 § 10. Saturnalibus : a very ancient festival, in honor of Satur- 
 nus, the god of seed-sowing, celebrated Dec. 19. During this 
 festival every serious business was suspended ; and it was so com- 
 plete a holiday that slaves feasted at the same tables with their 
 masters. No better opportunity could be found for the outbreak 
 of an insurrection than this season of unrestrained jollification. — 
 tabellas, tablets of wood : wax was spread on the inside, and on 
 this the writing was scratched with a stilus. When used for letters, 
 the tablets were tied about with a linen thread, linum, and sealed. 
 — ipsius manu : the ambassadors had made sure to get all the 
 conspirators committed in writing except Cassius, who alone had 
 the sagacity to keep out of it. — senatui : the Gallic tribes were 
 governed by an aristocracy, having a council or senate as its mouth- 
 piece. — sese, etc.: in dir. disc, faciam quce vestris legatis con- 
 Jirmavi. — sibi recepissent, had taken upon themselves. — tamen : 
 i. e. notwithstanding the staggering evidence, against him. — sem- 
 per . . . fuisse, had always been a fancier of good cutlery. — est 
 vero, etc., i. e. you may well recognize it : it is, &c. — avi tui : Cor- 
 nelius Lentulus, cos. B. C. 162. He was princeps senatus, that is, 
 designated by the censors as first man of the Senate : an honorary 
 office, held ordinarily by patricians (Momm. i. p. 92). It was from 
 this dignity that the emperors derived one of their chief titles, prin- 
 ceps, — that by which they were known in civil administration, as 
 by that of imperator in regard to foreign politics and war. — debuit 
 (§ 58, 11, a, r.), ought to have recalled. (The joining of such op- 
 posites as muta and revocare is called oxymoron, ox paradox.) 
 
 § 11. eadem ratione = in eandem sententiam, to the same 
 Purport. — si . . . vellet, subj. of indir. disc, (si vis). 
 
 Ifl4. per quam (§ 54, 4, b), i. e. who had conducted them. 
 
 § 12. quis sim, etc. This letter is given with slight variations 
 by Sallust. — jam, still. — infimorum, i. e. slaves ; see note, § 8. 
 
 § 13. furtim, stealthily ("like thieves"). — indicare, inform 
 against. — a principibus, the leading men : the voting was in the 
 order of dignity (see note, Cat. IV. § 1). — sententiee : the views 
 of individual senators. — perscriptum : the vote in the Senate 
 
76 Notes. [Catil. III. 
 
 merely determined the substance of the ordinance, which was after- 
 wards written out in regular form by the secretaries, under the direc- 
 tion of the presiding officer. 
 
 § 14. verbis amplissimis, in the most ample terms. — gratiae 
 aguntur, thanks are rendered. 
 
 llt>. conlegae, C. Antonius : see Introd. Cat. I. — rei pub- 
 licae consiliis, the public counsels : i. e. his own as consul. — se 
 abdicasset : Lentulus could not properly be called to account 
 during his magistracy, and was therefore compelled to abdicate (see 
 below). — L. Cassium, etc. : these last mentioned had not yet been 
 arrested, but Ceparius was caught in his flight and brought back. — 
 pastores : Apulia was, as now, used chiefly for pasturage. In the 
 summer, when these broad plains were dried up, the flocks were 
 driven to the mountain pastures of Samnium and Lucania. These 
 pastoral regions have always been the home of a lawless and rest- 
 less population, prone to brigandage. 
 
 § 15. supplicatio, a day of prayer, proclaimed by the Senate, 
 either in thanksgiving, gratulatio, as in the present case, or in en- 
 treating favor of the gods. Another class, obsecratio, was directed 
 by the Sibylline books (see note, § 9), in order to ward off some 
 impending calamity. — eorum, i. e. the gods. — meo nomine (a 
 mercantile phrase), on my account. — togato, as a civilian : the 
 toga was the regular dress of the Roman in time of peace ; none 
 other was authorized to wear it, and the Roman was required to 
 wear it when acting in a civil capacity. — liberassem : in the de- 
 cree, liberavit. — bene gesta agrees with re publica. — jus, rights. 
 — tamen : he was allowed to resign instead of being put to death 
 without (as in the case below). — religio, religious scruple. 
 
 I1G. quo minus occideret, to prevent his killing, following 
 religio (§ 55, 1, a). — C. Glauciam, see note Cat. I. § 4. — nomi- 
 natim : i. e. the authority was conferred in general terms, by the for- 
 mula Videant, etc. — privato, as a private citizen. 
 
 § 16. pellebam, was attempting, etc. : see Cat. I., passim. — 
 tam diu, so long only. — consilium, ability to plan. — jam habe- 
 bat, already had in hand : he had reduced conspiracy to a science. 
 
 § 17. nunc ego : two pronouns are often put together thus for 
 antithesis. — callidum, experienced. — depulissem, pushed aside: 
 the image is of averting a crushing weight (molem), just ready to 
 fall. — non ille, etc.: i. e. as Cethegus did. — tanto ante: this 
 praise of Catiline's sagacity is hardly consistent with his succes- 
 sive schemes of conspiracy, repeatedly foiled for now three years 
 (see Cat. I. § 15). — rei publicae, dat. after denuntiavisset. — 
 testes, in appos. with both signum and litterse. — manifesti, 
 flagrant. 
 
 1 17. hostis (predic. appos.), as an enemy. 
 
§ 13-22.] Catiline HI 77 
 
 § 1 8. quod . . . potuisse (parenthetical), because, &c. — consili 
 limits gubernatio in the predicate : to belong to human wisdom; 
 turn (below) answers to cum. — faces, etc. : these omens are such 
 as the Romans observed and noted carefully. Livy's history is full 
 of them. — praetermittendum, inadvertently; reliuquendum, in- 
 tentionally. 
 
 § 19. Cotta et Torquato, consuls B. c. 65, the year in which 
 Catiline's conspiracy was first intended to break out. — aera : the 
 laws were engraved on bronze tables. Some of these are still ex- 
 tant. — ilia . . . Romulus : it is disputed whether this was the 
 bronze statue of the wolf suckling the infants, which is now in 
 the Capitoline Museum at Rome, and which bears marks either 
 of lightning seaming one of its hind legs, or of some defect in 
 the casting. Mommsen (Vol. I. p. 608) holds it to be the same. — 
 flexissent : in dir. disc, flexerint, following appropinquare, which 
 has a future sense. 
 
 § 20. illorum, the haruspices. — idem (plur.), they also. 
 
 118. contra atque, opposite to what (§ 43, 3, a). — solis . . . 
 conspiceret : this is one of the most conclusive passages in sup- 
 port of the view that the Capitolium, or Temple of Jupiter Capi- 
 tolinus, was on the south-western point of the hill. A statue here, 
 facing east, would also face (conspiceret) the forum and comitium, 
 which would not be the case with one upon the north-eastern point. 
 
 — conlocandum locaverunt : the regular expression for giving 
 out a contract (§ 72, 5, c). — illi, of year before last. — consulibus 
 and nobis, abl. abs. expressing the date (§ 84, 1). 
 
 § 21. praeceps, headstrong ; mente captus, insane. — haec 
 omnia, i. e. the universe. — rei publicse (dat.), against the State. 
 
 — in aedem Concordiae: one of the principal temples at the 
 northern end of the Forum, where the Senate had held its session 
 on this day. It was built by the consul L. Opimius, B. c. 121, after 
 his bloody victory over C. Gracchus. One would almost think it a 
 piece of satire. 
 
 § 22. quo : abl. of means (§ 54, 6, e). — si dicam, if I should 
 say (§ 59, 4, b). — ilia : the words in brackets are a manifest 
 gloss. 
 
 110. gens relates here to the Gauls as a whole, not to the 
 Allobroges in particular. — ultro, voluntarily. — patriciis : the 
 patricians were the original citizens of Rome ; and the plebeians, 
 the mass, were their clients or dependants, foreign residents, and 
 emancipated slaves. When the plebeians, after a contest of more 
 than a hundred years, obtained an equality of political rights, the 
 original patrician families still continued to be an hereditary aris- 
 tocracy, with no political privileges, but with the exclusive right to 
 certain positions of mere honor and dignity, such as the princeps 
 
J8 Notes. [Catil. III. 
 
 senatus (see note, § 10) and certain priestly offices. All patri- 
 cians were of course members of the new nobility. Of the con- 
 spirators, -Catiline, Lentulus, and Cethegus were patricians. 
 
 § 23. pulvinaria, shrines : properly cushions, upon which the 
 statues of the gods were laid, when a feast was spread before 
 them. This was called lectisternium, and was usually connected 
 with the supplicatio (see note, § 15). Only certain gods, chiefly 
 Grecian, had pulvinaria, and the rite was established by direction 
 of the Sibylline books (see note, § 9). — illos dies : the supplicatio 
 lasted several days. 
 
 § 24. P. Sulpicium (Rufum), a young man of remarkable elo- 
 quence, a leader in the reforming party among the aristocracy, one 
 of the speakers in Cicero's De Oratore. He was tribune b. c. 88, 
 and his quarrel with C. Caesar was the first act of the Civil War. 
 By his proposition, the command in the Mithridatic War was trans- 
 ferred from Sulla to Marius ; and when Sulla refused to obey, and 
 marched upon the city, Sulpicius was one of the first victims. — 
 conlegam : Lucius Cornelius Cinna (see note, § 9). They were 
 consuls b. c. 87, after the departure of Sulla for the East, and 
 in their dissensions the civil war broke out afresh. The victory of 
 Cinna recalled Marius from exile. — lumina : among these were 
 Octavius ; C. Caesar (see above), and his brother Lucius ; Q. 
 Catulus, father of the opponent of the Manilian Law (see below) ; 
 M. Antonius, the - great orator ; and the pontifex maximus, Q. 
 Scaevola (see note, Verr. V. § 19). — ultus est: to preserve the 
 emphasis, render, the cruelty, fa'c., was avenged by Sulla (see note, 
 R. A. § 6). — M. Lepidus, father of the triumvir, was consul b. c. 
 78 (after Sulla's death), with Q. Catulus, son of the one murdered 
 by Cinna. The scheme of Lepidus to revive the Marian party 
 resulted in a short civil war, in which he was defeated by his col- 
 league and killed. 
 
 ISO. § 25. commutandam rem publicam, a change of gov- 
 ernment. — quale bellum, a war such as. — tantum, so ?nuch 
 only. 
 
 § 26. mutum, dumb : such as a statue, for example. — eandem 
 diem, etc., the same period of time — eternal as I hope — is ex- 
 tended at once to the safety of the city, &c. 
 
 1^11. § 27. nihil noceri potest, no harm can be done. 
 
 § 28. in honore vestro : honor is used here, as usual, to de- 
 note external honors (offices) conferred by the people. Holding the 
 consulship, he had nothing higher to look forward to. 
 
§ i.] Catiline IV. 79 
 
 Catiline IV. 
 Argument. 
 
 Chap. Exordium, i. The question of the traitors' doom must be settled without 
 regard to Cicero's interest or his household ; his act is its own reward. — Propositio. 
 2, 3 Desperate nature of the conspirators' guilt : it is manifest already by clear proof, and 
 condemned already by the action of the Senate. — 4. The two opinions : that of Silenus, 
 for death ; of Caesar, for perpetual imprisonment. — 5. The latter will be least invidious to 
 Cicero: its extreme severity. — Contentio. 6. But in either there can be no cruelty: 
 severity to them is mercy to the people. What if the conspiracy had succeeded ! The 
 city to be given over to plunder and conflagration. — 7. The general excitement and alarm. 
 The guilty are to be regarded no longer as citizens, but as public enemies. — 7, 8. All 
 classes of citizens — even freedmen and slaves — desire the safety of the city. — 9. Re- 
 sponsibility resting on the Senate: the Consul will not fail them. — Peroratio. 10. He 
 cares nothing for himself: his fame is sure. The war he has taken up is without end ; 
 but the harmony of the State shall be unbroken. — 11. Let them remember his political 
 sacrifices ; but vote only for the welfare and safety of the State. 
 
 As this is the first deliberative oration, delivered in the Senate, contained in this col- 
 lection, it will be well to describe the course of a senatorial debate. 
 
 The Senate could be called together by any magistrate possessing the civil itnperium 
 (regularly the consul), also by the Tribunes of the People : the magistrate who summoned 
 it also presided, and laid before it (referre) the business for which it was summoned. 
 He might at this point give his own judgment. Then he proceeded to ask (rogare) the 
 Senators individually their opinions {sententia). The order was to ask in turn the con- 
 suiares, prcetorii, cedilicii, and qucestorii ; that is, those who sat in the Senate in virtue 
 of having held these offices respectively. If the annual election had already taken place, 
 which was usually in July, — six months before the new magistrates assumed their offices, — 
 the magistrates elect, designate, were called upon before their several classes. The priti- 
 ceps Senatus (see note, Cat. III. § 10) was called upon first of all, when there were no 
 consttles designati. The presiding officer had it indeed in his power to vary the order, and 
 honor or slight any senator by calling upon him extra ordinem. 
 
 The business was as a rule laid before the Senate in general terms, not in any special 
 form for action : each senator could, as he chose, give his judgment in full, by argument 
 {sententiam dicere), or simply express his assent, to the judgment of another {verba 
 assentiri). Only those who held seats by virtue of having held magistracies were entitled 
 to do this ; the others, who were enrolled by the Censors to fill up the number, were called 
 pedarii, and had no right to speak, but only to vote {pedibus ire in sententiam). The 
 vote was taken by going on one side or other of the house {discessio). When a majority 
 had decided in favor of any sententia, it was written out in proper form by the secretaries 
 (scribce), under the direction of the president, in the presence of some of its principal 
 supporters (adesse scribundo), and promulgated. 
 
 In the present case, what should be done with the captured conspirators, — the consul 
 elect, D. Junius Silenus, had advised that they be put to death ; and C. Julius Caesar, as 
 praetor elect, that they be kept in custody. At the end of the discussion, the presiding 
 consul gave his views in this speech- 
 
 § 1. si hsec, i. e. if the consulship has been given me on these 
 terms. 
 
 B23. § 2. aequitas : the praetor, who administered justice 
 between citizens, had his tribunal upon the Forum. — campus : 
 
80 Notes. [Catil. IV. 
 
 the comitia centuriata, in which the higher magistrates were 
 elected (see note, Verr. I. § 18), were held in the Campus Martins, 
 north of the city, just outside the walls, — the level space in which 
 the modern city is chiefly situated. — auspiciis, ablative : as it was 
 only through the auspices that the Campus was consecrated. 
 
 The Roman commonwealth was regarded as resting directly upon the will of the gods, 
 expressed in signs sent by them, auspicia. The magistrates alone were authorized to 
 consult the auspices (spectio), which was done by special formalities ; and the auspices, 
 when observed, were interpreted by a special board {collegium) of priests called Augurs. 
 All important public acts were done auspicato, that is, under authority of the auspices ; 
 the right of interpreting these was therefore a source of great political influence to the 
 board of augurs, which was composed of men of the highest rank and distinction. Cicero 
 himself became a member of this board ten years after his consulship. The rules of inter- 
 pretation were developed into a special science ca'led jus auguriunt. Most public acts 
 must be performed auspicato, that is, after consulting the auspices ; especially all public 
 assemblies in which business was transacted Thus the Campus was "consecrated by 
 auspices" every time that the comitia centuriata were held. The enclosure upon the 
 Campus, called scepta or ovile, in which the assembly met, was like the Curia, or Senate- 
 house, and the rostra, or speaker's stand, specially set apart and consecrated as a templum, 
 (see note, Manil. § 70). 
 
 auxilium : the Roman Senate was at this time a great court of 
 appeal for subject or friendly nations. — sella curulis, the seat 
 used by the curule magistrates, — king, interrex, dictator, magister 
 equitum, consul, praetor, censor, and curule asdile. It was like a 
 modern camp-stool without back or sides, with crossed legs of 
 ivory, so that it could be folded up and carried with the magistrate 
 wherever he went. — fcedissima, horrible, with the added idea of 
 polluting things sacred. — fatale, see note, Cat. III. § 9. 
 
 § 3. pro eo ac mereor, in proportion as I deserve. — relaturos 
 gratiam, will reward (" return favor "). — immatura : because a 
 consular had reached the highest point of Roman ambition. — 
 misera : the philosophy of the ancients professed to make them 
 despise death (see Plato, Apol., and Tusc. i.). — ille ferreus qui, so 
 iron-hearted as. — fratris : his brother Quintus, younger than he, 
 and at this time praetor elect. He served with credit in Caesar's 
 Gallic campaigns. — neque . . . non, nor can it be but that, &c. — 
 uxor, etc. : his wife Terentia ; his daughter Tullia (daughters took 
 the gentile name of the father, see § 15), married to C. Calpurnius 
 Piso ; his son Marcus, now two years old. — amplecti, take in its 
 arms. 
 
 194:. gener : Piso was not yet a member of the Senate, and 
 was probably standing in the lobby. — moveor (emphatic), / am 
 affected. — uti sint, [to wish] that, &C. (the verb being implied in 
 moveor). 
 
 § 4. incumbite, bend your energies, a figure taken from rowing. 
 — circumspicite, watch for. — Gracchus, etc., see notes, Cat. I. 
 §§ 3, 4. — ilia consulis, / will say in advance what belongs to [me 
 as] the consul: i.e. declare the need of instant action; what ac- 
 
§ i-io.] Catiline IV. 8l 
 
 tion, it is for the Senate to determine. — Memmium : C. Memmius, 
 one of the most upright men of his time, and a candidate for the 
 consulship against Glaucia, was murdered by instigation of Glaucia 
 and Saturninus (b. c. ioo). • This led to the separation of Marius 
 from these demagogues, and, on their forcible resistance, they were 
 put to death. — tenentur, are in custody. — signa, seals ; manus, 
 handwriting (see Cat. III.). 
 
 § 5. judiciis : their acts (here recounted) were their verdict on 
 the conspirators' guilt. 
 
 § 6. sed : i. e. though you have in fact decided. — tamquam 
 integrum, as if you had not already expressed your judgment. — 
 judicetis, censeatis : respecting the facts, they acted as a Court ; 
 respecting the punishment, as a State Council. 
 
 12*>. jam pridem videbam, had lotig seen (§ 58, 3, b). — 
 adfinis, implicated. — provincias, especially Spain, with which 
 Cm Piso had had relations. It had not yet become fully recon- 
 ciled since the overthrow of Sertorius, only eight years before. — 
 sustentando, forbearance ; prolatando, procrastination. 
 
 § 7. haec (with a gesture), all this, i. e. city, citizens, and gov- 
 ernment. — amplectitur, adopts. — versatur in, exhibits. — punc- 
 tual temporis, for a moment. — mortem, etc., the Epicurean 
 doctrine, espoused by Caesar. — municipiis dispertiri, sc. eos in 
 custodiam. — iniquitatem, unfairness, as it might expose them 
 to danger ; difficultatem, embarrassment, since they might decline 
 the service. 
 
 § 8. adjungit, he (Caesar) adds to his proposal. 
 
 12G. sancit, ordains under penalties. — per senatum, by an 
 executive decree ; per populum, by law. — uno, sc. dolore. — 
 itaque, etc, an artful way of making the punishment of death seem 
 less cruel : since death is a relief, these myths had been invented 
 to give it terror. — videlicet, no doubt. 
 
 § 9. mea, § 50, 4, d. — hanc . . . viam, this course in politics 
 (Caesar's well-known course). — popularis, not popular, but de- 
 voted to the people, democratic: Caesar was now the recognized 
 leader of the party. — auctore (abl. abs.), proposer; cognitore, 
 sponsor (a legal term). — nescio an, / don't know but. — impetus, 
 violence. — negoti, trouble. — rationes, consideration. — majorum : 
 none of Caesar's ancestors were men of any distinction, although 
 some distant relations of the same name were prominent in public 
 affairs in the time of Sulla (see note, Cat. 1 1 1. § 24). It was, however, 
 one of the oldest patrician families. — obsidem : he is pledged at 
 all events to defend the State as against the conspirators. — levi- 
 tatem, recklessness. — contionatorum, demagogues. — saluti, i. e. 
 not voluntati : their interests, not their capricious wishes. 
 
 § 10. non neminem, one or another. 
 
82 Notes. [Catil. IV. 
 
 Here Cicero turns from Caesar, a genuine democrat, to some self-seeking demagogue, 
 whom he does not name. No doubt ail his hearers knew what he meant ; and we are told 
 that it was Q. Metellus Nepos, brother of Celer (see Cat. I. § 19), a fugleman of Pompey 
 and enemy of Cicero. He was tribune the next year — entering upon his office upon the 
 Ides, Dec. 13 — and when Cicero, on New Year's day, on laying down his office, was 
 about to address the people, Nepos forbade it, "declaring it unfit that the murderer 
 of Roman citizens should address an assembly of free men. Amidst the uproar which 
 this act excited, Cicero could only exclaim, with a solemn adjuration, that he had served 
 the State, and the general acclamations of the people overwhelmed every opposing whis- 
 per " (Merivale). 
 
 de capite : this was properly only in the power of the comitia cen- 
 turiata. — is, this person. — dedit, decrevit, adfecit : gave his 
 vote for these acts. — qui has for antecedent the subject of ju- 
 dicarit. — re, the matter (in general) ; causa, the issue to be 
 decided. — C. Caesar : the full name gives emphasis ; he does not 
 hesitate to pass a judgment upon them, equally affecting the caput 
 
 — i.e. not only the life, but the civil existence — which was pro- 
 tected by the Sempronian law. — Semproniam, see note, Verr. 
 VI. 6. 
 
 127. ipsum latorem, C. Gracchus : he was put to death not 
 jussu populi, but in virtue of the dictatorial authority intrusted to 
 the consuls by the Senate. But a violation of the law in his case 
 did not excuse another on the part of Cicero. — largitorem, etc. : 
 i. e. however lavish, — a symptom of courting the popular favor. 
 
 — etiam, still. — se jactare, show himself off (as a friend of 
 liberty). U/ 
 
 § 1 1. obtinebo, make it appear that it (this opinion). — ita . . . 
 liceat ut, so may I enjoy, etc., as I am [in fact] moved by no 
 malignity. 
 
 § 12. cum vero : here vero introduces (as often) the most strik- 
 ing point. The others are bad enough, but when, &c. — purpura- 
 tum, a courtier : huic, § 51, 7. — Vestalium, see note, Cat. III. § 7. 
 
 15J8. si quis, in case any. — universum, common, i. e. belong- 
 ing to all. The city, as the seat of empire, is contrasted with each 
 man's private domicile. — id egerunt, have ai?ned at this. 
 
 § 13. nisi vero, etc., unless, indeed, any one thought (a reductio 
 ad absurdum, as usual with this phrase). 
 
 L. Caesar (cos. b. c. 64) was a distant relative of the dictator, son of Lucius Caesar 
 (consul b. c. 90, the year of the Social War), the author of the law giving citizenship to the 
 Italian allies (see note, Arch. § 7). The sister of Lucius Caesar (the younger) was mar- 
 ried to Lentulus, and his mother, Fulvia, was daughter of M. Fulvius Flaccus, the leading 
 adherent of C. Gracchus. When Gracchus and Flaccus found themselves (b. c 121) 
 drawn into a collision with the Senate, they sent the young son of Flaccus with a proposi- 
 tion of compromise. The Senate, however, refused to listen to any terms, threw the mes- 
 senger in prison — where he was afterwards strangled — and moved upon the insurgents 
 with all the power of the State. In the contest that followed, both leaders, and several 
 thousands of their partisans, lost their lives. It was to these events that L. Caesar 
 appealed, in justifying his vote in condemnation of his brother-in-law Lentulus. 
 
 nudius tertius, day before yesterday. — legatum : of course the 
 informal messenger of insurgents could have no claim to the title 
 
§io-i6.] Catiline IV. 83 
 
 ambassador, or to the privileges which attached to the title, in 
 ancient as well as modern times. — quorum limits factum : under- 
 stand with simile some word describing the present conspiracy. — 
 largitionis . . . versata est, a disposition for lavish grants then 
 prevailed in the public policy, leading to violent class-jealousy. 
 
 The plans of C- Gracchus embraced not only a lex frumentaria, allowing every 
 citizen to buy a certain amount of corn from the State at less than half its market rate, 
 and a lex agraria, providing for the distribution of public land among the poorer citi- 
 zens; but also the establishment of several colonies, both in Italy and the provinces, 
 the object of which was at once to provide poor citizens with land, and relieve the city, 
 by emigration, of a part of its proletariat. Of there last the only ones actually established 
 were Junonia, on the site of Carthage, and — after the death of Gracchus — Marbo, 
 Narbonne, in Gaul. 
 
 avus (see note, Cat. III. § 10) : he was an active supporter of the 
 Senate on this occasion. — urbem infiammandam : according to 
 Sallust, ch. 43, this work was assigned to Gabinius and Statilius. — 
 censeo, ironical (like credo). 
 
 129. § 15^ consentiunt, show their agreement. — ita ut = 
 only to j li|t., with this limitation that. — summam ordinis con- 
 silique, superiority in rank, and precedence in counsel. — hujus 
 ordinis (i. e. the Senate) limits dissensione in the sense of cum 
 hoc, etc. The long contest here alluded to (see note, Verr. I. § 1) 
 was at last compromised Jfcjy the Aurelian Law (see note, Verr. I. 
 § 47). — quam si, etc., and if we keep this union. — confirmo, / 
 assure. — tribunos aerarios, deans of the tribes. The Roman 
 people were divided into thirty-five tribes, strictly local and terri- 
 torial, like wards, but with the provision that the sons of citizens 
 belonged to the tribe of their father, rather than to that in which 
 they themselves resided. These tribes were made the basis of the 
 comitia centuriata, as well as the C07?titia tributa. The tribuni 
 a>rarii consisted of those who had been their presiding officers. 
 — scribas : the scriba> quastorii (treasury clerks) formed an im- 
 portant and powerful corporation. As they were a permanent 
 body, while the quaestors (treasurers) were elected annually, they 
 had the real responsibility in the management of the treasury 
 (see Momm. Rom. St. i. p. 272). — universos, the whole body. 
 
 HcSO. sortis : the quaestors entered upon office on the Nones 
 of December (Dec. 5) ; all other patrician magistrates on Jan. 1. 
 The scribes had therefore come together in order to be present 
 while the quaestors drew lots for their provinces (note, Verr. I. § 1 1). 
 
 § 16. ingenuorum, free-born. Freedmen, liberiini, were always 
 regarded as inferior in rank, if not in civil and political rights. 
 Even these, however, are shown in the next chapter to be in- 
 terested in the safety of the republic. — operae pretium est, it is 
 worth while. — sua virtute : manumission was very commonly 
 practised among the Romans, as the reward of some peculiar merit 
 in the slave. — hie nati : i. e. opposed to the slaves, who were, as 
 
84 Notes. [Catil. IV. 
 
 a rule — at least city slaves — not born in slavery, but brought 
 from foreign countries. — quantum . . . voluntatis, whatever good 
 will he dare and can. 
 
 § 17. tabernas, i. e. the handicraftsmen. — quidem (concessive), 
 to be sure. — otiosum, peaceful. — instrumentum, stock in trade. 
 
 — quaestus, profits. — quorum relates to eorum, four lines above. 
 
 — incensis, sc. tabernis. — futurum fuit= fuisset (§ 59, 3, /). 
 
 131. § 18. prsesidia, supports. — obsessa, beset. — arcem et 
 Capitolium : the Capitoline was a saddle-shaped hill, having the 
 temple of Jupiter Capitolinus on one elevation, the old citadel, arx, 
 on the other. Which was which is a point of great dispute, but one 
 of the arguments will be found in note Cat. III. § 20, for the view 
 which appears best supported — that the Capitolium proper, the 
 height which contained the Capitoline temple, was the south- 
 westerly one. The difficulty arises in part from the fact that the 
 word Capitolium is used in three different senses — for the temple, 
 the whole hill, and that part of the hill containing the temple. — 
 aras Penatium : the Penates were the gods of the household 
 (from fienus), worshipped by every paterfamilias in his own 
 atrium. The State, being developed from the family, had like- 
 wise its Penates, which were fabled to have been brought by 
 ^neas from Troy, and established at Lavinium, whence they were 
 transferred to Alba Longa, and afterwards to Rome. Their temple 
 was on the Velia, the low hill connecting the Palatine and Esqui- 
 line. — ignem Vestae : the temple of Vesta {cedes, not templum, 
 not having been consecrated by the augurs) was on the Sacra Via, 
 towards the Palatine, — a small round building. Adjoining it was 
 the regia, the residence of the Vestal Virgins and the Pontifex 
 Maximus. 
 
 § 19. in civili causa, in a political question. — quantis . . . 
 delerit : this clause will be best turned into English by translating 
 the participles, fundatum, etc., as verbs, and delerit as a relative 
 clause, — with how great toil this empire was established, which 
 one night, &c. 
 
 132. § 20. gesta, abl. abs. with re publica. 
 
 § 21. Scipio : the elder Africanus, who brought the Second 
 Punic War to a triumphant close by the battle of Zama, b. c. 
 202. By "carrying the war into Africa," he forced Hannibal 
 to retire from Italy. — alter Africanus : the younger, surnamed 
 iEmilianus. He was son of L. vEmilius Paulus (mentioned below), 
 and adopted by the son of the elder Africanus. He captured Car- 
 thage b. c. 146, and Numantia, in Spain, B. c. 133. — Paulus : father 
 of the younger Africanus, and, like his son, the most eminent and 
 upright man of his generation. He brought the Third Macedonian 
 War to a close by the battle of Pydna, b. c. 168, and led King 
 
§ 16-24.] Oration for Archias. 85 
 
 Perseus captive in his triumphal procession. — currum, sc. tri- 
 umphalem : the captives did not go with or behind the triumphal 
 chariot, but preceded it in the procession. — bis liberavit : by the 
 victories over the German invaders, — over the Teutones at Aquae 
 Sextiae(B. c. 102), and the Cimbri at Campi Raudii(B.c. 101). — Pom- 
 peius : it should be remembered that Pompey was now in the East, 
 in the midst of his career of conquest, and that his return was 
 looked for with expectancy by all parties. Cicero took every means 
 to win the confidence of the great general, and gain him over to his 
 views in public affairs ; but to no purpose. After some wavering, 
 he associated himself with Caesar, thus giving the Senate a blow 
 from which it never recovered, and preparing the way for his own 
 downfall. 
 
 133. § 23. pro imperio, in place of: i. e. all these would be 
 gained by a foreign command. — neglexi, i. e. by turning it over 
 to his colleague Antonius (see Introd. Cat. I.). — triumpho : by 
 thus surrendering his province, he renounced all thought of gaining 
 a triumph, the highest honor to which a Roman could aspire. — 
 clientelis hospitiisque : the relation of cliens to patronus was 
 that of a subordinate to a superior, carrying with it services on the 
 one side and protection on the other ; the hospites were, on the 
 other hand, equals, and their connection was one of mutual aid and 
 friendship. Foreign states and citizens were eager to form such 
 ties with influential Romans, and they were equally advantageous 
 to the Roman. Of course a provincial governor had peculiar oppor- 
 tunities for this. — urbanis opibus, the means afforded by a city 
 life. Such ties would be formed by a sojourn in the province ; but 
 their value to the provincial consisted in the opportunities for pro- 
 tection and assistance which a Roman statesman possessed in the 
 city. — pro meis studiis, in reward of my efforts. — satis praesidi, 
 in appos. with the clause si . . . memineritis (§ 70, 5, r.). 
 
 § 24. per se ipsum preestare, guaratitee [so far as he may] on 
 his own part. 
 
 Oration for Archias. 
 Argument. 
 
 Chap. i. Exordium. Claim of Archias to Cicero's services, both from personal 
 reasons and as a man of letters. — 2. Apology for the unusual character of his plea — 
 Narratio. 3. Early career of Archias ; he is enrolled as a citizen of Heraclia. — Confir- 
 matio. 4. His technical claim : his registry, acts of citizenship, domicile. — 5. Argument 
 from the public records. 6. The case is now closed. But there are other reasons why, as 
 a man of letters, he should be admitted. The great service of these pursuits to the 
 statesman. — 7. Testimony of famous men in the past. — 8, 9. All men recognize the 
 
86 Notes. [Arch. 
 
 poet's claims: examples. — 10. Greek is a surer passport to fame than Latin. Men 
 inferior to Archias have been thus honored. — n, 12. Fame is the strongest motive to 
 acts of public virtue. — Peroratio. 13. Appeal to the court : summary of Archias's claim. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 134. § 1. hujusce rei, i. e. dicendi. — ratio, theoretic ac- 
 quaintance, contrasted with exercitatio, practice. — A. Licinius : 
 following the custom of naturalized foreigners, as well as freed- 
 men, Archias had taken the gentile name of his noble friends and 
 patrons, the Luculli. Cicero's motive in always speaking of him 
 by his Roman name is obvious. — inde usque, from as far back 
 as that. — principem, master. — a quo relates to huic, which is 
 dat. after ferre ; quo relates to id : surely, to the man himself 
 from whom we have received that whereby, &c. — ceteris, every 
 body else, whom he could assist : alios, those few others whom he 
 could save. 
 
 135. § 2. a nobis, by me, construed with dici. — neque, 
 and not. — ne nos quidem, nor I either. 
 
 § 3. quaes tione legitima, a court established by law (i. e. the 
 Lex Papia, see Introd.). — publico, as distinguished from private 
 cases. — severissimos : this old Roman severity was not likely to 
 be conciliated by Cicero's praises of literature. — forensi sermone 
 is not used here in its restricted meaning, suited to the courts, but, 
 as political speeches were also delivered on the Forum, it means 
 rather public speaking. — abhorreat, differs widely. — hoc prae- 
 tore : Q. Cicero was himself a poet and man of critical taste. — 
 loqui and uti have me understood as subj. 
 
 § 4. Antiochiae : Antioch was the largest and most important 
 of the cities of the Roman Empire in Asia. It was founded by 
 Seleucus Nicator, first king of Syria, about B. c. 300. — contigit, 
 sc. ei, i. e. Archias. — urbe, see § 46, 2, b. — post, afterwards. 
 
 136. § 5- tunc, at that time. This was the long period of com- 
 parative quiet between the Gracchan disturbances (b. c. 133-121) 
 and the tribunate of Drusus (b. c. 91, see note, § 9), followed by 
 the Social War and the civil wars of Marius and Sulla. — Latio : 
 not the geographical Latium merely, but including all towns which 
 at that time possessed Latin citizenship ; that is, the Latin colonies, 
 such as Venusia, the birth-place of the poet Horace. 
 
 Colonies sent out by Rome were of two classes: i. Roman colonies, in which a small 
 garrison of soldiers (usually 300 in number) was established as a governing aristocracy. 
 The native population was held by them in a harsh subjection. 2. Latin colonies, in 
 which the colonists, whether native Romans or not, formed a quasi-independent com- 
 munity. They were usually quite numerous, went with their families, and did not possess 
 Roman citizenship ; but, on the other hand, the right of coining money and other rights 
 of sovereignty. These Latin colonies, together with the original Latins, formed the nomen 
 Latinum, and stood towards Rome in the relation of civitates foederatcR. Therefore 
 Roman citizens who went into exile could sojourn in these towns as if they formed no part 
 of Italy. This was called jus exsilii. 
 
§ i-7-] Oration for Archias. 87 
 
 Tarentini et Regini : see note, Verr. VI. § 21. — Neapolitan! : 
 
 Neapolis, Naples, was a Greek city, founded by Cumae, but not as 
 an independent civitas, therefore merely called the new-town (of 
 Cumae). — absentibus, people at a distance. — Mario et Catulo 
 (coss. b. c. 102) : of these, Marius was renowned for his exploits, 
 while Catulus was a good officer, and also a man of culture. He 
 was father of the Catulus who opposed the passage of the Manilian 
 Law. — Luculli : Lucius, the one who fought against Mithridates, 
 and his brother Marcus : both of them belonged to the highest 
 ranks of the aristocracy, and were men of distinguished taste and 
 culture. — prsetextatus : Roman boys wore the toga prcetexta, 
 i. e. with a broad purple stripe, which was also worn by magis- 
 trates. On entering upon manhood, at about the age of sixteen, 
 the prcetexta was laid aside, and the toga virilis, a plain robe of 
 unbleached wool, was assumed. The shape of the toga was that 
 of an elongated semicircle. — sic etiam hoc : the sentence is in- 
 complete. Read, This quality of genius [was so marked\ that, &c. 
 § 6. Metello Numidico : the most distinguished member of 
 this family (see note, Verr. I. § 21), cousin of Balearicus (see R. A., 
 § 50). He was predecessor of Marius in the war against Jugurtha, 
 and from this received his agnomen. — .ffimilio, sc. Scauro : see 
 note, Verr. I. § 52. — Catulo : see note, § 5. — L. Crasso : the 
 most distinguished orator of his time, a man of genius and culture 
 (see note, Verr. V. § 19) : he died B. c. 91. — Drusum (M. Livius), 
 tribune, B. c. 91, in which year he attempted to carry through a 
 series of moderate reforms, in which he was aided by Crassus and 
 other eminent men. He met with the most bitter opposition, espe- 
 cially from L. Philippus (see Manil. §62), and was at last assassin- 
 ated. — Octavios : see Cat. 1 1 1 . § 23. — Catonem : probably father 
 of the famous Cato of Utica. — Hortensiorum : the orator Hor- 
 tensius was distinguished for the elegance of his taste and the 
 luxuriousness of his life. — cum M. Lucullo : probably on some 
 private business, as Lucullus was at this time not much over twenty 
 years old. — Heracliam, an important Greek city, on the southern 
 coast of Lucania. In the war with Pyrrhus it espoused the side 
 of the Romans, and entered (b. c. 278) into an alliance of the 
 closest and most favorable character {cequissimo jure ac fcedere). 
 137. § 7- Silvani, etc. : the Lex Plautia-Papiria of B. c. 89. 
 
 The most thoughtful Romans had long been of the conviction that it was neces- 
 sary to extend the citizenship to the Italian allies, and thus include these vigorous and 
 sound communities within the Roman system. C. Gracchus first proposed reforms in this 
 direction, and they were the most important part of the scheme of Drusus (b. c. 91), who 
 for this purpose entered into close political relations with leading Italians. When his death 
 destroyed all hope of peaceful reform, the Italians had recourse to arms, in the Social or 
 Italian War ( B.C. 90-89); and, although they were unsuccessful in the field, the objects 
 that were aimed at were gained. The Lex Julia, of L. Caesar (cos. b. c 90), bestowed 
 the citizenship upon all who had remained faithful (including all the Latins, see note, § 5) ; 
 
88 Notes. [Arch. 
 
 and the Lex Plautia-Papiria, of the tribunes M. Plautius Silvanus and C. Papirius Carbo 
 (not to be confounded with his infamous cousin Gnaeus, the Marian leader after the death 
 of Cinna), extended it to other Italian communities. These towns now exchanged their 
 independence lor Roman citizenship, and became incorporated with the Roman republic. 
 Many of them therefore, as Heraclea, hesitated about making the charge, and did it with 
 g; eat reluctance. They lost all rights of independent government (such as that of coining 
 money, the jus exsilii, etc.). Latin became the official language ; justice was administered 
 by Roman law ; and in most cases their government was organized on the model of Rome, 
 having duumviri for consuls, and a curia for the Senate. The passage here given from 
 the Plautian-Papirian law contains its application to citizens of foreign birth, like Archias. 
 
 ferebatur, was proposed. It was not left possible for any aliens 
 to take advantage of the law by obtaining Italian citizenship for 
 this purpose. — domicilium : domicile, or permanent residence. 
 — essent professi, declared their intention. — Q. Metellum, sc. 
 Pium, praetor B. c. 89 : the most eminent member of this family, 
 and one of the leaders of the aristocracy. 
 
 § 8. tabulas, archives. The tabulariu?n, as at Rome, was the 
 building where the archives were kept. — municipi : since the be- 
 stowal of the Roman citizenship, the Italian civitates had become 
 Roman municipia (see note, R. A. § 5). 
 
 § 9. civitatem datam : i. e. by the law before cited. — con- 
 legio : since the praetors were elected as a body, their special 
 functions being determined by lot, they may be regarded as a col- 
 legium, or " board," in those few cases in which they are regarded 
 as a whole, and their special and individual powers do not come 
 into consideration (Momm. Rom. St. i. p. 63). In this case it 
 would seem that the names might be entered with any one of the 
 praetors. — Appi (Claudi — the name Appius was confined to the 
 Claudian gens), husband of Caecilia, the friend of Roscius (see 
 note, R. A. § 50), and father of the infamous Clodius. Claudius 
 and Gabinius alone are mentioned as colleagues of Metellus, prob- 
 ably because the provinces of all the other praetors carried them 
 away from Italy ; for, before the time of Sulla, when it was made 
 their duty to remain in the city during their term of office, and 
 govern provinces only as pro-praetors (see note, Verr. I. § 12), it 
 was the custom for all but the proetor urbanus and peregrinus to 
 administer a province during their year of office, as praetors. — 
 L. Lentulum : nothing further is known of him ; he probably pre- 
 sided over a court (judices) to determine cases involving citizen- 
 ship under the new law. 
 
 138. § 10. multis and praeditis are dat. after impertiebant ; 
 arte, abl. after praeditis. — Graecia, i. e. Graecia Magna, the Greek 
 cities of Italy. — Locrensis : Locri Epizephyrii, a Greek city near 
 Regium. — quod relates to id, which is governed by largiri underv 
 stood ; huic. Archias. — civitatem datam, i. e. by the Lex Plautia* 
 Papiria ; legem Papiam, see Introd. — illis, sc. tabulis, i. e. of 
 Tarentum, Regium, and Neapolis. 
 
§ 7- 1 6.] Oration for Archias. 89 
 
 § 11. Census : the list of citizens made out by the censors. 
 
 The Censors were two in number, elected from men of consular dignity, originally at a 
 minimum interval of four years (Moram. Rom. Chron. p. 164), afterwards once in rive 
 years, — the interval called a lustrum, — and holding office for eighteen monihs. They 
 ranked as magistratus ma/ores, but did not possess the itnperium, and had no power to 
 convene either the Senate or an assembly of the people. Their functions were — 1, to 
 inspect the registry of citizens of every c ass and order (see note, § 28); 2, to punuh im- 
 morality, by removal from the Senate, the equestrian centuries, or the Tribe (see note, 
 Verr. I. § 18), nota censor •< a, infamia, ignominia ; 3, the general superintendence of the 
 finances (giving out contracts lor collecting the revenues, see note, Verr. I. § 13), and 
 of the public works. In the intervals of the censorship, these last were under the care 
 of the aediles (see note, Verr. I. § 36). Sulla tacitly abolished the office of censor, but 
 it was revived in the consulship of Pompey and Crassus, b. c. 70 (see note, Verr. I. 
 § 54). The censors between the passage of the Lex Plautia-Papiria and the ease 
 of Archias were : — 
 
 B. c. 89. Lucius Czesar and Publius Crassus. 
 
 B. C. 86. Q. Marcius Philippus and M. Perperna. 
 
 B. c 70. Lucius Gellius and Gnaeus Lentulus. 
 
 b. c. 65. the elected censors, Catulus and Crassus, could come to no agreement, and 
 abdicated. They are therefore not mentioned here. 
 
 apud exercitum, in the war against Mithridates : see oration for 
 Manilian Law. — in Asia : this was in the first Mithridatic war, in 
 which Lucullus served as quaestor to Sulla. — quoniam, etc. : i. e. 
 even in the census lists there might be fraudulent names. — esse 
 versatum, had availed hi?nself of. — testamentum, etc., acts 
 which no foreigner could do. — in beneficiis, etc. : his name was 
 reported for a gratuity, i. e. on the ground of some special merit. 
 
 § 12. suppeditat, he supplies. Its obj. is the clause ubi . . . con- 
 quiescant. — suppetere has for subj. the clause quod . . . rerum. 
 
 — contentionem, strain. 
 
 130. ad communem fructum, to the general advantage. — 
 nullius tempore, the needs of no one ; i. e. as a client. 
 
 § 13. ceteris follows conceditur ; temporum limits quantum, 
 which relates to tantum. — ceteris, alii : i. e. everybody spends 
 time on his own business or recreation ; some on dissipation and 
 gaming. — tempestivis conviviis, early dinners, i. e. beginning 
 by daylight, or in business hours, — a mark of luxury and idleness. 
 
 — quae, i. e. the ability to speak ; ilia, the prcecepta, mentioned 
 below. 
 
 § 14. honestatem, honor. — parvi, of slight account. — acce^ 
 derent, were brought to them. — imagines, portraits. 
 
 140. § 16. Africanum, Scipio the younger (yEmilianus) : C 
 Laelius was his most intimate friend, a man of fine culture. L 
 Furius Philo was also a great friend of literature. M. Porciu* 
 Cato, called the Censor, was one of the leading men of Rome in 
 the first half of the second century b. c : a shrewd, hard-headed 
 Roman, full of prejudices, and priding himself on his blunt man- 
 ners. He was a distinguished antiquarian, and wrote books on 
 antiquities and agriculture. — senem : he gives the name to 
 Cicero's dialogue on Old Age {Cato Major). 
 
go Notes. . [Arch. 
 
 § 17. Rosci : Q. Roscius, the most eminent actor of his time, 
 defended by Cicero in a speech which is still extant. — non de- 
 buisse, § 58, 11, a. 
 
 141. § 18. doctrina, theory ; preeceptis, rules ; arte, prac- 
 tical skill. — Q. Ennius, almost the earliest name in Roman litera- 
 ture. He was a native of Rudiae in Magna Graecia, but wrote in 
 Latin (born b. c. 239). His principal work was the Annates, an 
 epic poem upon Roman history. He also wrote tragedies and 
 other works. 
 
 § 19. Homerum, etc. : Colophon, Chios, and Smyrna were 
 Ionian cities of Asia Minor ; Salamis an island near Athens. The 
 names of the cities thus claiming Homer are given in the following 
 verse : — 
 
 Smyrna, Chios, Colophon, Salamis, Rhodos, Argos, Athenae. 
 
 1 43. Cimbricas res : the war with the Cimbri and Teutones, 
 who invaded Italy and were at length defeated by Marius : the 
 latter, b. c. 102 ; the former, 10 1. 
 
 § 20. Themistoclem : the great Athenian statesman and general, 
 who won the battle of Salamis, in the second Persian invasion 
 (b. c. 480), and afterwards, by his skilful policy, raised Athens to 
 its greatest height of power. — L. Plotium, a Roman teacher of 
 rhetoric. 
 
 § 21. For the statements in this section, see oration forManilian 
 Law. — ejusdem, i.e. Lucullus. — quae, these things (just men- 
 tioned) : quorum limits ingeniis. 
 
 § 22. Africano superiori : the conqueror of Hannibal. — in 
 sepulchro Scipionum : this tomb, on the Appian Way, has been 
 discovered, and in it a bust of peperino (not marble), which has 
 by some been supposed to be that of Ennius, referred to here. 
 Probably, however, in here means on. — hujus : M. Porcius Cato, 
 called Uticensis, from his killing himself at Utica after Caesar's vic- 
 tory. Cato the Censor was his great-grandfather. — Maximi, etc. : 
 Q. Fabius Maximus, " the shield of Rome," in the Second Punic 
 War ; M. Marcellus, " the sword of Rome " (see note, Verr. V. 
 § 6) ; Q. Fulvius Flaccus, a distinguished officer in the same war. 
 — ilium, Ennius. 
 
 143. Heracliensem : Heraclia (see note, § 6) is here scorn- 
 fully compared with the insignificant Rudiae. 
 
 § 23. quo relates to eodem ; cupere governs the clause quo . . . 
 penetrare : we ought to desire that wherever, &c. — populis, dat 
 after ampla, a noble thing for them. 
 
 § 24. Sigeum, a promontory near Troy. — Magnus, i. e. Pom- 
 pey. — Mitylenaeum : Mitylene was an ^Eolian city in the island 
 Lesbos, the home of the famous lyric poets Alcseus and Sappho. — 
 rustici, country people. 
 
§ 16-31.] Exile of Cicero. 91 
 
 § 25. civitate donaretur, § 51, I, c. — de populo, of the people, 
 i. e. of low birth. — quod fecisset, which he had made as an 
 epigram (poetical address) to //////.-tantummodo, i. e. this was 
 its only poetical merit. — eis rebus : i. e. confiscated goods. 
 
 144. § 26. Cordubae, at Cordova in Spain: later the birth- 
 place of Seneca and Lucan. — pingue atque peregrinum, clumsy 
 and outlandish. — optimus quisque, § 17, 5, c. 
 
 § 27. Brutus : D. Junius Brutus (cos. B. c. 138) conquered the 
 Lusitanians (of Portugal). — L. Accius (Attius), a tragic poet, dis- 
 tinguished for vigor and sublimity, born B.C. 170: he lived long 
 enough for Cicero in his youth to converse with him. — Fulvius : 
 M. Fulvius Nobilior (cos. B. c. 189) subdued ^tolia. He was dis- 
 tinguished as a friend of Greek literature, and built, from the spoils 
 of war, a temple to Hercules and the Muses. — togati, see note, 
 Cat. III. § 15. 
 
 § 28. adornavi, / supplied him, i. e. with facts and other mate- 
 terials 
 
 § 30. imagines, busts (see note, Verr. V. § 15). — afutura est 
 (absum), shall be void to my sense. 
 
 § 31. vetustate : i. e. long continued friendship (see § 5). — 
 quae comprobetur, § 65, 2. 
 
 Exile of Cicero. 
 Argument of the Oration for Sestius, 
 
 [Omitted portions in brackets.] 
 
 Chap, [i, 2. Exordium. Good citizens are exposed to attacks of the lawless : Cicero 
 will undertake their defence. — Narratia. I. 3-6. Past life and services of Sestius, espe- 
 cially during Catiline's conspiracy.] — 7. Clodius goes over to the plebs, to forward his 
 attack on Cicero. — 8-16. The consuls, Gabinius and Piso, his tools: their character: 
 they abandon the state to Clodius. — 11-13. General grief at the attack on Cicero: 
 [Sestius is accused as his friend ]. — 14-16. Clodius's reign of terror : why Cicero yields 
 to the storm. — 17, 18, The Triumvirate : their studious neutrality. — 10-23. Should he 
 have resisted ? His enemies were fellow-citizens. He feared not death ; but his example 
 was needed, to encourage resistance. — [II. 24, 25. Acts after his departure ; assignment 
 of provinces ; censorial power abolished ; club-law. — 26-28. Foreign affairs : confiscation of 
 Ptolemy's kingdom ; Cato, Cicero's friend, sent out to consummate the villany. — 29. Con- 
 trast in former examples. — 30- The consuls are a party to the crime and disgrace]. — 
 III. 3r. At length Pompey takes up Cicero's cause: decrees of the Senate and pnblic 
 feeling in his favor. — 32. Eight tribunes propose his recall: Lentulus espouses his 
 cause. — 33, 34. The new year: the new consuls are his friends; Senators speak in his 
 behalf. — 35-37. A law is proposed for his return : riot and violence in the Forum : Ses- 
 tius abstains from force ; but is attacked and left for dead. — 38. Had Sestius been killed, 
 he would have been honored and avenged. — 39. The story of violence. — 40, 41. Action 
 of Milo, who is assailed by Clodius, and defends himself with armed guards. — [42. Sestius 
 
92 Notes. [Sest. 
 
 had the same right to defend himself. — 43. Wretched state, when such things are neces- 
 sary ! — 44. Milo is prosecuted by Clodius for illegal vio'ence : he is not suffered to 
 retaliate- — IV. 45, 46. The two classes (nationes) in the State. The optimates : they 
 are the true national party: their defence an honorable service. — 47. Violence of their 
 opponents: the better sort are more lukewarm. — 48,49. Formerly there were genuine 
 party differences (the Gracchi) : now only personal struggles maintained by hired ruffians. 
 
 — 50. The optimates are the true party of the country. — 51. This shown in the comitia. 
 
 — 52. The popuiares are really enemies of the people — 53-54- This shown in the elections 
 and the public games — 55-59- Popular feeling testified for Cicero and his friends in the 
 theatres and gladiatorial shows.] V. 60. in this state of popular feeling, Cicero cannot 
 refuse to return. — 61-63. The Senate and Pompey advocate his recall : also other leading 
 men ; the Italians ; his return is a perpetual triumph ; all classes join in the enthusiasm. 
 
 — [63, 64. The optimates are not a class by birth, as Vettius claims : he, though a noble, 
 leads in the opposition] — Peroratio. 65, 66. Young men are exhorted to stand by the 
 Senate : those who do this are optimates, whatever their birth. — 66-68. This glory costs 
 envy and hatred ; but patriotism has its reward. — 69. Appeal to the jury to save Sestius 
 if they wish Cicero saved, with whose cause his own is identified. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 34:8. fuerat . . . cum, that year had passed in which, &c, 
 i. e. the year of Caesar's consulship, and of the plebeian adoption 
 of Clodius. (For the tense, compare § 58, 5, a). — ignari rerum, 
 not knowing the facts. — re quidem vera, but in truth. — traduc- 
 tione, transfer. This word seems to imply some fling at the irre- 
 gularity of the proceeding by which Clodius, a man of forty, was 
 adopted as son by a youth of twenty. The correct legal term is 
 transitio. 
 
 A patrician who wished to hold the plebeian office of tribune, which was the great 
 engine of political power, might make a formal renunciation of the privileges of his rank : 
 in this case, being no longer a patrician, he of course belonged to the commonalty, or 
 plebs- This was called transitio ad plebem (Momm. Rom. Forsch- i p. 124), and the for- 
 mal act by which it took place was called deUstatio sacrorum (renunciation of the sacred 
 rites). Clodius attempted this simple process b. c. 60, but was prohibited for some reason 
 by the consul, Metellus Celer, and the next year became a member of the plebs by adoption 
 into a plebeian family. 
 
 It was a common practice in Rome, if a family was in danger of becoming extinct, to 
 adopt a young man of some other family, who now stood to his adoptive father precisely 
 as his own son ; and although-it might be that he was not cognatus (blood relation), yet 
 was recognized as agnatus (descendant in the male line. See Maine, Ancient Law, p. 125). 
 The most familiar example of this is Scipio Africanus the younger, whose agnomen, 
 ^Eniilianus, indicated that he was by birth a member of the jEmilian gens. If the person 
 adopted was sui juris, that is. had been freed from the patria potestas of his father, 
 bv his father's death or in any other way, the adoption was called adrogatio. It was an 
 act of great formality, and the circumstances must first be examined by the pontifices, to 
 make sure that the sacra of the person adopted should suffer no loss, and that the person 
 adopting had no hope of legitimate heirs. The act must then be submitted to the Comitia 
 of the cttrite, — an ancient division of the people, originally purely patrician, but after- 
 wards embracing plebeians also (Momm. i. p. 140). This assembly had been superseded 
 for all practical purposes by those of the centuries and tribes (see note, Verr. I § 18), but 
 w^is still kept up for a few formal acts, as this of adrogatio, and the annual law conferring 
 the imf>erium — lex curiata de imperio It was so far a mere formality that for the latter 
 purpose the thirty Curia? were represented by thirty bailiffs (lictors). When the curia 
 met merely to witness an act, as testaments, or detestatio sacrorum, the assembly was held 
 in the Curia Ca/abra on the Capito^ine, and was called comitia calata. 
 
 The consul Caesar, being also pontifex maximus, managed the whole affair for his 
 tool, Clodius; and the adoption was clearly and ostentatiously a farce. A senator of 
 
§ x -3-] Exile of Cicero, 93 
 
 nearly forty was adopted by a young married man of twenty named Fonteius — obviously 
 in complete violation of the spirit of the institution. Hence, and by reason of some other 
 gross informalities, Cicero sedulously speaks of it as invalid, from which it would result 
 that the tribunate of Clodius was illegal, and all his laws null and void. 
 
 Again, if it had been a genuine adrogatio, Clodius must have taken the name of his 
 adoptive father, while in the case of transitio ad plebent the patrician name was pre- 
 served. The fact that Ciodius kept his name, proves that the ceremony of adoption was 
 only a subterfuge, resorted to on account of some scruple of Metellus. 
 
 acrius . . . inimici = a far bitterer enemy of peace, &c. (§ 51, 6, c). 
 — multis repugnantibus, while many opposed. — Pompeius : as 
 one of the coalition, Pompey had presided, as augur, at the auspices 
 of the adoption, and so laid Clodius under personal obligation. — 
 cautione, etc., security, pledge, and protest (under oath). — esse 
 facturum, indir. disc, after the verb implied above. — quod . . . 
 fcedus . . . nisi, etc., which bargain that villain, born of the rotten- 
 ness of every crime, thought he could not violate enough, without 
 alarming by his own perils the very man (Pompey) who had taken 
 security (cautorem) against another's danger. 
 
 § 2. fuit (emphatic), there was, surely. — hocine (§20, 1, N.). — 
 ut, exclam. question (§ 70, 4, c). — consules, i. e. those of the next 
 year : A. Gabinius, proposer of the Gabinian Law (see Introd. to 
 Manil. Law), and L. Calpurnius Piso, father-in-law of Caesar. — 
 eversores, subverters. — ad delendum, etc., for the very sake of, 
 &c. — insignibus, i. e. the sella curulis, toga prcetexta, &c. — in- 
 cessum, gait. — animis, in your minds. 
 
 140o § 3- alter, i. e. Gabinius, the same who is praised in the 
 speech for the Manilian Law (§ 58). — adfluens, dripping. — cala- 
 vaiatxaXa, frizzled: the calamistrum is a crimping-iron. — conscios, 
 etc., translate, the partners of his vices and the old corrupters of 
 his yotith. — puteali . . . inflatus : A puteal was an altar erected 
 upon a spot struck by lightning : it received its name {well-curb) 
 from its being open at the top like a well. Such a puteal stood 
 near the eastern end of the Forum, and under it were supposed to 
 be buried the razor and whetstone of Attus Navius. The tribunal 
 of the praetor, which was originally upon the comitium, at the 
 western end of the Forum, was removed by L. Scribonius Libo 
 (tribune b. c 149) to the neighborhood of this puteal, which was 
 now called puteal Libonis or Scribonianum, and came to be iden- 
 tified with the tribunal for the administration of civil justice which 
 stood near it. Near it was the Columna Mania, referred to below. 
 This passage means, therefore, puffed up by his inti)nacy with 
 the tribunal, and the hosts of usurers ; referring to the desper- 
 ate indebtedness, of which Gabinius was rather proud. — Scyl- 
 laeo, the dangerous rock in the Sicilian strait (fretu) : as if one 
 should say, founder in that mahlstrom of debt. — columna, pil- 
 lory : a column {Columna Mania) in the Forum, where the names 
 of fraudulent debtors were posted. 
 
94 Notes. [Sest. 
 
 Gabinius had escaped the Scylla of the puteal and the Charybdis of the Columna, 
 only by running into the harbor of the tribunate (b. c. 67). The Gabinian Law of his 
 tribunate terved to repair his broken fortunes, and start him in his political career. In 
 another passage Cicero declares that it was only the success of his law against the pirates 
 that saved Gabinius from turning pirate himself. After his consulship, Gabinius went as 
 proconsul to Syria, and on his return, b. c. 54, was accused of majestas, ambitus, and 
 repetwidce. He was condemned on the last count, and went into exiie. 
 
 tribunatus : because a magistrate was not liable to arrest. — 
 operis, artisans, of the lowest class. — ab eis ereptum ne, etc., 
 rescued by them — i. e. by their votes in the co?nitia — so as not 
 (§ 65, 1, r.) to stand trial for bribery. — invito senatu, in spite 
 of the Senate. 
 
 By a law of C. Gracchus, the Senate determined in advance the provinces of the two 
 consuls, who then drew lots for them. A law, therefore, like the Gabinian and Manilian, 
 or that which gave Caesar his proconsulship of Gaul, infringed on the legitimate authority 
 of the Senate. By the law here referred to, Gabinius got the rich province of Syria, in 
 place of Cilicia, — a province which demanded more work and gave less opportunity to 
 plunder. 
 
 incolumem, safe from bankruptcy. 
 
 § 4 barbatis = old-fashioned. The old Romans wore long 
 beards : the custom of shaving came in about b. c 300. — exem- 
 plum, specimen. — columen, prop. — diceres, you would say : 
 properly a future apodosis (dicas) thrown back into the past (§ 60, 
 2, r.). — nostra, the dull (fusca) native dye in his proetexta and 
 latus clavus (the broad stripe up and down the front of the tunic), 
 as opposed to the imported murex, which was fashionable and 
 costly. — imaginis, etc, a sneer at his ambition for the jus im- 
 aginum (see Verr. I. 15), which he could earn only in some such 
 subordinate office. — duumviratum, see note on Or. for Arch. § 7. 
 — Seplasiam, a place {plated) at Capua, where hair-dressers had 
 their shops, and cosmetics were sold. So shock-headed a magis- 
 trate would certainly, it was feared, abolish the business. — super- 
 cilium, frown, as if a sign of dignity. — pignus : with an eyebrow 
 like that, the republic was surely safe. — oculo : sundry allusions 
 seem to show that Piso had a defect in one eye. If so, Cicero was 
 not the man to spare the sneer. 
 
 § 5. tamen, after all. — labi atque cseno, pestilent and dirty 
 fellow. — me dius fidius, sc. juvet. The god of faith was an old 
 Latin deity, commonly invoked in oaths. His Sabine name, Semo 
 Sancus, has the same meaning. — adfinem : Piso was a relative 
 of Cicero's son-in-law, C. Piso Frugi, a promising young man, who 
 died during Cicero's exile. 
 
 § 6. alter, i. e. Gabinius. — quis arbitraretur, who could have 
 supposed that such a man could hold the tiller and manage the 
 helm ? — diuturnis tenebris, daylight darkness. 
 
 fl»)0. lustrorum ac stuprorum, dens of infamy : lustrum is 
 a lair of wild beasts. — alienis, i. e. of the triumvirs. — non modo, 
 
§ 3-io-] Exile of Cicero* 95 
 
 etc., not only too tipsy to see the coming storm, but even to open his 
 eyes to the unwonted daylight. After carousing all night, he must 
 needs sleep all day. 
 
 § 7. plane, etc., utterly in-every way. — blanda conciliatricula, 
 a flattering commendation, in appos. with nobilitate, high birth. 
 The Calpurnii were plebeian, but of a very ancient and noble house. 
 — etiam mortuorum, even when dead. — tristem, austere; sub- 
 horridum, rather rough. — eo nomine . . . frugalitas : one of the 
 family names of the Pisos was Frugi, which means thrift. — voca- 
 bant, encouraged. — materni generis : Piso's mother was Calventia, 
 daughter of a Gaul who had come to Rome as a trader. 
 
 § 8. ipse . . . sensi, I, as well as the state, have felt. — ne- 
 quam, worthless ; levem, unprincipled. — falsa, i. e. his good 
 reputation arose from a false judgment. — sciebam, [though] / 
 knew all along. — obstructio, veil j properly, a wall built to hide 
 (as the "curtain" of a fort). — perspici, seen through. 
 
 § 9. inclusas (i. e. in-doors), secret. — philosophos nescio quos, 
 philosophers, so-called : i. e. Epicureans, whom Cicero never loses 
 an opportunity to flout. — cujus, i. e. voluptatis. — verbum, the 
 very name of it. — sapientis (ace.) . . . facere, that the wise do 
 all things for their own advantage. — bene sanum, a man of 
 sense. The Epicureans held that a wise man ought not to engage 
 in public affairs ; while the Stoics taught that philosophy should be 
 used in the service of the state. 
 
 151. eos qui dicerent, i. e. the Stoics. — vaticinari atque 
 insanire dicebat, he called preachers and fools. 
 
 § 10. fumabat . . . redolerent, smoked so [with the kitchen 
 fires] that he could smell the odor of his discourse : the philosophy 
 of the stews ! — statuebam, / came to the conclusion. — boni, 
 mali (the antithesis, strengthened by quidem), though nothing 
 good, yet nothing bad. — ab illis nugis, from those follies of his. — 
 imbecillo, infirm ; debili, feeble. — vel, even. — acie et viribus, 
 edge and temper. — ut . . . acciperent, the regular form for the 
 terms of a bargain (§ 70, 3, d). In fact, Gabinius obtained the 
 province of Syria, and Piso of Macedonia. — quas vellent, which 
 they should wish (subj. by attraction from future). — ea lege, si, 
 on this condition, that. — tradidissent, for fut. perf. of dir. disc. — 
 fcedus . . . ici : when a treaty was made, it was ratified by slaying 
 an animal as sacrifice. The technical expression was ferire or 
 icere (hence fce.dus ictuni). — rogationes, bills, proposed for the 
 acceptance of the people. — tribuno, Clodius. — de mea pernicie, 
 etc. : the word nominatim applies only to the consular provinces. 
 The rogatio which was aimed at Cicero did not mention him by 
 name, but in general terms imposed the punishment aquoz et ignis 
 interdictio (cutting off from the necessaries of life) upon any magis- 
 
96 Notes. [Sest. 
 
 trate who had inflicted or should inflict the punishment of death 
 upon any Roman citizen unless convicted by due process of law, 
 which could only be in the coinitia centuriata. (The omitted 
 passage contains some incidents of the act of Cicero's banishment, 
 especially the insolent conduct of Gabinius.) 
 
 § n. squalebat, veste mutata, put on mourning clothes. It 
 was the custom of the Romans to express their sympathy for one 
 in danger by wearing ragged and mean apparel. — municipium, 
 see R. A. § 5. — societas vectigalium : see note, Manil. § 4. — 
 conlegium : this word is often used for those magistrates who 
 stood to each other in a collegiate relation, that is, with equal and 
 undivided powers ; especially the tribunes. In this case, however, 
 are meant what we should call incorporated societies, which were 
 persons in the eye of the law : these were essentially religious, — 
 the great priestly colleges of augurs, fetiales, &c, and a great num- 
 ber of a private nature, principally burial societies (see also § 13). — 
 concilium : this was the technical expression of any assembly of 
 a portion of the people : thus the plebeian assembly of the tribes, 
 usually called comitia tribute, was in strictness of speech concilium 
 plebis. — consilium (see note, R. A. § 54), the general word 
 including all bodies that take common action ; in particular, a body 
 of persons learned in law, who sat with the president of a court to 
 advise him upon legal questions. — honorificentissime, in terms 
 of highest honor. — edicunt. § 62, 2, b (R. 2). — ut ad suum, etc., 
 i. e. put off mourning. 
 
 152. ipsius, its own (i. e. of the Senate, to which alone the 
 word decretum applies) : suis would have referred to consul. — 
 parumne est quod fefellisti, etc., is it not enough that you have 
 so deceived ?7ie7i, but you must also defy, &c. — consulare nomen, 
 i. e. in the person of Cicero, a consularis. — sive . . . valebat, 
 whether that change of dress amounted to a sign of their sorrow, 
 or to entreaty. 
 
 § 12. sua sponte, i. e. from private feeling only. — legatos le- 
 gasti, appointed as aids (see note, Manil. § 57). — ergo . . . licebit, 
 so then, &c. Supply and between the two clauses ; the connective 
 being regularly omitted in Latin. — fortasse, i. e. in case there 
 should be occasion for it ; with a hint that there will be. — civis, 
 etc., a citizen (Cicero) most honored by the favor of the good. — 
 ex fastis evellendos, expunged from the fasti. These were the 
 official lists of magistrates. — fcedere provinciarum, see § 19.— 
 in circo Flaminio : this was just north of the Capitoline hill, thus 
 outside of the walls. Contiones (see note, Man. Law, Arg.) were 
 usually held in the comitium. This was called by Clodius outside 
 of the city, in order that Caesar (who, as being proconsul and clothed 
 with the military imperium, could not enter the city) might be pre- 
 
§ IO-13-] Exile of Cicero. 97 
 
 sent. — furia, etc., Clodius. — vestro : i. e. of the judices, men of 
 senatorial and equestrian rank. — voce ac sententia (Jiendiadys), 
 their loudly expressed opinion. — auspicia : as in the Roman polity 
 every action depended on the auspices, or expressed will of the 
 gods, for its validity, and the magistrates alone possessed the right 
 to look for them (spectio), any magistrate possessing the auspices 
 could, unless prohibited by edict (see below), stop legislation by 
 announcing to the presiding magistrates unfavorable omens in the 
 sky (obnuntiare), or even, as it appears, by declaring his intention 
 of watching for them. This means could be used even against the 
 comitia tributa. 
 
 The Senate and higher magistrates sometimes defended the passage of their laws from 
 this interference, by prohibiting any magistrate servare de ccelo on the day of the comitia; 
 and the whole process was regulated by the iElian and Fufian laws (about b. c. 150). The 
 precise purport of these laws is not known, but the present passage is one of our principal 
 sources of information in regard to them. Obnuntiatio was the sole means by which the 
 patrician magistrates could control the legislation of the tribunes. This seems to have 
 been distinctly put in their hands by the iElian and Fufian laws, and taken away from 
 them by the Clodian law, which also appears to have limited in some way the power of 
 the tribunes to prevent legislation by "interceding" (see note, Verr. I. § 44). Thus 
 Clodius was relieved from the interference of his colleagues, as well as of the patrician 
 magistrates (consul, praetor, curule aedile, and quaestor — so called, not as being held by 
 patricians exclusively, which they were not, but as being of patrician origin). 
 
 intercederet, the technical word for the interference {veto) of the 
 tribunes. — omnibus festis diebus, on any legal business day. 
 
 The dies fasti were the days on which the prastor could hold his court : they were 
 the Kalends, Nones, and Ides of each month, together with the nundince (day haif-way 
 between Ides and Kalends), unless any of these days were rendered unavailable by 
 religious services (see Momm. Rom. Chron. p 239). They were therefore about forty 
 in number. Other days were partially unavailable (dies intercisi). On dies fasti, comitia 
 could not be held ; and the festival days in the Roman year were so numerous that there 
 remained on'y about 190 days in all for the comitia. The Clodian law seems to have 
 provided that the dies fasti should also be dies contitiales (see note, Verr. I. 31). 
 
 lex-SIlia, a law of Q. iElius (cos. b. c. 148) ; Fufia, of the tribune 
 Fufius ; providing for the above legal methods of delaying public 
 business. Both these laws were regarded as important safeguards 
 against hasty and partisan legislation. 
 
 § 13. pro tribunali, in front of the tribunal, a raised platform 
 or judgment-seat. The Aurelian tribunal was near the eastern end 
 of the Forum. — nomine conlegiorum, see note, § 11. 
 
 The associations here spoken of are the collegia compitalicia, organizations whoe 
 object was to conduct the sacred rites of the compita (cross-roads). The whole territory 
 was divided into districts, — pagi in the country, and vici in the city; and each district 
 hid its local sacra, held at its central compitum, and addressed to its lares, or local 
 divinities. The collegia which had charge of these, although nominally religious, were 
 turned into ** street-clubs," under the control of pothouse politicians. They were "nothing 
 else than a formal organization — subdivided according to streets, and with almost a mili- 
 tary arrangement — of the whole free and slave proletariate of the capital" (Momm.). 
 These clubs were suppressed by the Senate, B. c. 69, and were now revived by Clodius, to 
 aid him in his schemes. 
 
98 Notes. [Sest. 
 
 vicatim, by wards (via, or districts). — decuriarentur, were 
 grouped in squads, a word of military origin. The decuria, how- 
 ever, was a common name for the divisions of collegia, without 
 military or numeral reference. 
 
 1«)3. templum Castoris, on the south side of the Forum, near 
 the eastern end, — apparently used as a stronghold by Clodius. The 
 three columns now standing there are supposed to belong to it. — 
 tollebantur, were just being taken up, to prepare for siege. — 
 forum et contiones : the Forum was the usual place of assem- 
 bly for the tribal comitia, the comitium for contiones (see note, 
 §39). — nullus, nihil (pred.), counted for nothing. — possidebat, 
 held in keepiiig. — cum . . . retraxisset, when he had got away 
 both consuls from public duty by the bargain about the pro- 
 vinces. 
 
 § 14. quae cum, etc , and while these things were so. — ac, and 
 in fact. — equester ordo, etc., an indictment was brought against 
 the whole equestrian order. This refers to a passage (omitted) 
 which describes Gabinius as threatening this Order for the support 
 it had given Cicero against Catiline. — Italiae, see § 11. — relega- 
 rentur, were got out of the way : i. e. Cato, on pretext of an 
 honorable mission to Cyprus. — tamen . . . restitissemus, still, 
 with so great zeal on the part of good men, I should have re- 
 sisted; but, &c. 
 
 §15. rationem, motive. — nee deero, nor will I disappoint. — 
 causa tarn bona, i. e. to defeat the illegal violence of Clodius. — 
 parato agrees with consensu. — levitatem audaciamque, reckless 
 audacity. (A few lines, here omitted, consider the examples of 
 Metellus and Marius). 
 
 § 16. autem : i. e. if I yielded only to that fear, I own that I was 
 weak ; but there was something further. — G. Marium : this refers 
 to the case of Metellus Numidicus, whose exile Cicero compares 
 with his own. He went into exile in Marius' sixth consulship, 
 B. c. 100, rather than subscribe to an unconstitutional law carried 
 by Saturninus with the support of the consul. 
 
 1«54:. importuna, inhuman. — quos refers to prodigia by 
 synesis (§ 45, 7). — levitas, want of principle, the opposite of 
 gravitas. — tribuno . . . addixerat, had bound hand and foot in 
 service to the tribune. The word addicere means literally to assign 
 as bond-slave to a master, — the act of a court of justice. — si . . . 
 superassem non verebar ne, etc., / did not fear lest, in case I 
 should be victorioiis, &c. The apodosis is really contained in 
 reprehenderet ; but the construction is partly that of the future 
 protasis (§ 59, 4, f). As the protasis contrary to fact is a develop- 
 ment from this, by throwing it back into past time, the two are 
 sometimes mixed, as here. (See "Latin Subjunctive," p. 11). 
 
§ I3-2o.] Exile of Cicero. 99 
 
 § 17. sed ilia, etc., but this (which follows) is what moved me. 
 (Here sed is opposed to the sentence above, quos homines, etc.) 
 
 — auctore (abl. abs.), with the support of. — quoad licuit, i.e. 
 till the laws against Cicero were passed. This passage is interest- 
 ing, as showing the personal relations claimed by Cicero with the 
 members of the coalition. In fact, his letters show that a strong 
 and unfriendly jealousy existed between him and Crassus, and that 
 for Caesar he felt a political antipathy, deepened by fear of his 
 genius and daring. — his auctoribus usurum, should follow them 
 as advisers. — ex quibus, etc., one of whom [he said] had, &c. 
 In fact Caesar was at this time just making his first levies for the 
 campaign in Gaul. (In a relative clause like this, the subj. would 
 be more usual ; but, as an independent proposition, the relative 
 is equivalent to a demonstrative, with the regular construction of 
 indir. disc). — praesto, within call. 
 
 § 1 8. legitimam, by process of law. — causae dictionem, put- 
 ting on trial. — tarn improbe conjecta, so insultingly foisted 
 upon the political leaders. — eorum taciturnitas : the unfriendly 
 silence of Cicero's political rivals, who now u left him naked 
 to his enemies, 1 ' was the sharpest mortification he endured in 
 his public career. — conferebatur has a similar meaning with 
 conjecta, above. — non infitiando confiteri, by not denying, to 
 confess themselves partisans of Clodius. — illi, the chiefs of the 
 coalition. — acta ilia, etc., the acts of Caesar as consul, which were 
 said to be illegal for religious informality, and were in danger of 
 being set aside by the judicial officers (praetors) and the Senate. 
 
 — labefactari, infirmari (conative present), were sought to be un- 
 dermined and held void. — popularem, a party term. 
 
 lc>*>. propiora esse, touched them more nearly. 
 
 § 19. a consulibus, to avoid ambiguity ; with the dative, it 
 might be construed, said to the co?tsuls. — fidem, = protection. — 
 neque se . . . dicebat, and said that he would not. — publice, by 
 official act. — vitae (dat. of indir. obj. following the act implied in 
 insidias), plots against his life. — coram, in person. — ab illis, 
 meo nomine, i. e. he really feared that some designs against him 
 might be attempted by Cicero's enemies, who would hope to cast 
 the charge on him. — cum imperio, the technical term for being 
 in military command, — fratrem : Caius Clodius, an elder brother 
 of Publius. This would be claimed as an evidence of Caesar's 
 personal support. 
 
 § 20. non nemo, 07ie and another. — fortis, etc., of firm, ener- 
 getic, and lofty temper. — restitisses, you should have made a 
 stand (hortat. subj. § 57, 3, d). The dramatic form is here used, 
 in preference to the simpler ut resisterem, in appos. with illud. — 
 dimicationem caedemque, a bloody conflict. — fugisse, shunned. — 
 
ioo Notes. [Sest. 
 
 hoc, in appos. with ut . . . dedidissent. — vectores, the crew. — 
 negarent, mallent : the imperf. here denotes continued action. If 
 Cicero were telling an actual fact, he would say, Accidit ut, etc., 
 vectores negabatit, ?nalebant. — non modo, etc., see the application 
 of the figure, at the end of § 21. 
 
 § 21. fluitantem, drifting. — incursuree, § 72, 4, a. 
 1*10. depugnaxem, should I have resisted (§ 57, 6) ; depug- 
 nem would be, shall I (ought I to) contend? Transferred to the 
 past, it becomes as above. — summo exitio, / will not say abso- 
 lute ruin, but at least, &c. 
 
 § 22. victi essent, what the supposed vir fortis would say. — 
 at cives, i. e. the conquered would still be my fellow-citizens (com- 
 pare Cat. III. § 27 ; IV. § 22). — ab eo, etc., i. e. he who in office had 
 before crushed the conspiracy without fighting would have now 
 been in arms as a private citizen. — qui superessent, who would 
 [now] survive f — venturam fuisse, for venisset of dir. disc. 
 (§ 67, 1, c). — turn, at the time of his exile : was it death I fled 
 fro7n ? — illas res, the acts of his consulship : cum in this place 
 follows the emphatic words. — non haec . . . canebantur, was not 
 this predicted by me at the very moment of my actioji t (Cat. IV. 
 chap. 10.) 
 
 § 23. rudis, ignorant ; ignarus rerum, inexperienced. — tam, 
 i. e. as to fear death. — donata, a free gift. — alii . . . alii, two com- 
 mon opinions among ancient thinkers: compare Cat. IV. § 7, and 
 Plato's Apology of Socrates. — mentis (ace), subj. of sentire. 
 
 1»17. § 24. exemplum, i. e. a living example of one who had 
 preserved the state. — quis . . . auderet : the protasis is contained 
 in me . . . non restituto (§ 60, 1, a). — cum sua minima invidia, 
 at the risk of ever so little odium against him (§ 47, 5, c). 
 
 § 25. hoc honoris gradu, i. e. his rank as consularis. — cum 
 reliquissem, subj. on account of the implied supposition : in case 
 I had left. — hoc, in appos. with quod . . . malui. — nunc, sc. 
 dolorem. 
 
 § 26. isdem radicibus, a fruit of the same tree : i. e. the same 
 birthplace (Arpinum). — Minturnis, at Minturnce, a town at the 
 mouth of the Liris (a gloss, explanatory of the preceding). 
 
 When Sulla returned to the city, b. c 88, and put Sulpicius to death, Marius escaped 
 and concealed himself in the marshes of Minturnae, — a seaboard town on the borders 
 of Latium and Campania. Here he was captured and thrown into prison, where a 
 Cimbrian slave was directed to kill him ; " but the German trembled before the flashing 
 eyes of the old conqueror, and the axe fell from his hands when the general with his 
 haughty voice demanded whether he dared to kill Gaius Marius" (Momm.). The magis- 
 trates of Minturnae, struck with shame, set him free, and enabled him to escape to Africa, 
 from whence he was recalled in triumph by Cinna the next year, to riot in the blood of 
 his fellow-citizens. 
 
 § 27. atque ilia . . . ego, and [while] he, &c. 
 
§ 20-32.] Exile of Cicero, 101 
 
 158. periculo rei publicae (like the English), at the peril of 
 the state, i. e. as its only defence from peril. — consularibus lit- 
 teris, since men of that rank had given him these letters missive. 
 
 — fidei publicae, official fidelity. — quod si, etc., if this continues 
 to be an example. 
 
 § 28. regum, with kings : the externa bella are regarded as 
 warlike efforts of kings and peoples now quite. crushed (exstincta). 
 
 — invidia : as if that were the only thing to deter an honorable 
 ambition. (Here Cicero mentally compares his own case with 
 Caesar's.) — praeclare, etc., we treat them handsomely in sufferi7ig 
 them to becoi7ie our subjects. — periculorum, obj. gen. after medi- 
 ciiia. — rem publicam spectatis, look forward to public life. — 
 segniores, any less active. 
 
 § 29. si eis . . . persolutum, if the due penalty is visited on 
 them. — numquam jam, never again. — suum terrorem, the dread 
 of him. — relegentur, banished (see § 14). — interjecto, inter- 
 vening. 
 
 150. § 30. esse confectam, was ruitied. (The form of indir. 
 disc, is used after oratione, instead of quod with the indie de- 
 noting the fact.) Compare note, § 20. — caritatem, affection for. 
 
 — tecta ac templa : i. e. the usual crowds did not appear. — 
 mini . . . rogata est, ruin to me and the state, and a province to 
 the consuls, was enacted. 
 
 § 31. monstra, scelera, prodigies of crime. — servitio conci- 
 tato, by stirring up the slaves (see note, Cat. III. § 8). — lex: the 
 law which banished Cicero. — eo ipso crimine, on this very ground 
 (that he had defended the state). — vasto . . . tradito : i. e. the 
 Forum, where the comitia tributa met, was forsaken by good citi- 
 zens, and the assembly was overawed by armed men. 
 
 § 32. interesse, intervene. — spolia : see next sentence. — par- 
 titionem serari : the proconsuls regularly received their outfit by 
 vote of the Senate ; but on this occasion the Clodian law appro- 
 priated large sums for them. — benencia : not those referred to in 
 Arch. § 11, but offices and appointments. — vexabatur : Terentia, 
 Cicero's wife, was driven from her home, and his house on the 
 Palatine, as well as some of his villas, destroyed. This appears to 
 have been an act of pure mob-law, not the legitimate exercise 
 of any tribunician power. — liberi : his only children were his 
 daughter Tullia (now twenty-one years old) and his son Marcus, a 
 child of seven. — Piso gener : and he a Piso. 
 
 100. deferebantur : both consuls took possession of works 
 of art and other articles of value in Cicero's houses. — commo- 
 verentur, they should have been moved (hort subj. § 57, 3, d). An 
 omitted passage speaks of Cato's mission, or honorable banish- 
 ment, to Cyprus. 
 
102 Notes. [Sest. 
 
 § 33. vellet, could have wished : i. e. if it had been possible 
 to do any thing. — invitissimis eis, much against the will of those 
 who, &c. — qui. . . definisset (subj. of char. § 65, 2) : Pompey is 
 here described by allusions to his exploits (see Or. on Manilian 
 Law). — quam servasset (as above) : but the whole situation is 
 characterized, rather than the state itself = when he had pre- 
 served it. 
 
 § 34. accessit, he joined. — reliquis, what remained to be done 
 (opp. to praeteritis). — inclinatio, tendency. — frequens, full (well 
 attended). — L. Ninnio, a tribune of the people : the tribunes also 
 had the jus vocandi Senatus and referendi. The Senate was 
 favorable to the proposed act, but it was prevented by the inter- 
 cession of J£X\w$> Ligus : this tribune sided with Clodius, leaving 
 eight who were favorable to Cicero's recall. The promulgation, 
 spoken of below, did not take place until Oct. 29, and then after 
 all it never came to a vote. — contremuit, was shaken. — pro- 
 mulgaverunt, proposed a law : the promulgatio took place the 
 24th day,* trinum nundinum, before the Comitia were held (Momm. 
 Rom. Chron. p. 243). — decrevisse, had fallen off (decresco). — 
 in ea fortuna, in that kind of fortune (misfortune). — fortuna, sc. 
 mea. — quos esse, sc. amicos. — tamen, as it was. — habueram, 
 i.e. at the time of his fall. — defluxit, fell away. — JfEliorum : 
 Ligus appears not to have belonged rightfully to this gens : the 
 Ligurians, from whom his cognomen was taken, had the reputa- 
 tion of being rude and perfidious. 
 
 § 35. Kal. Jan., b. c. 57 : P. Lentulus Spinther and Q. Metellus 
 Nepos, consuls. Lentulus was favorable to Cicero, and Nepos — 
 an old enemy of his — was a mere hanger-on of Pompey, who had 
 now broken off with Clodius. Lentulus brought the case before 
 the Senate on New Year's day. — equidem (here = ego quidem), 
 but I. 
 
 161. § 36. Cotta: L. Aurelius Cotta (cos. B. c. 65) ; in his 
 praetorship, B. c. 70, he had proposed the compromise by which the 
 courts were reorganized (see note, Verr. I. § 47). For the order 
 of business in the Senate, see note, Cat. IV. Int. — more majorum, 
 by precedent. — ferri, of a law ; judicari, of a legal procedure. — 
 comitiis centuriatis : the Clodian laws, it will be remembered, had 
 been passed in the co?nitia tributa. — reliquae tranquillitatis, of 
 future tranquillity. — vim. habere, etc., i. e. the law was void, and 
 therefore need not be repealed. 
 
 § 37. nunc, subj. of sentire : that he had very just views 
 (answering to the sententia of Cotta, given above). — defungerer, 
 get clear of. — beneficium : i. e. by a law expressing their good 
 will Pompey apparently did not venture to treat the acts as abso- 
 lutely void, but contrived this evasive measure. — discessio, divi- 
 
§ 3 --42.] Exile of Cicero. 103 
 
 s/'ou (see introd. note to Cat. IV.).— Gavianus : a nickname of 
 the tribune Sex. Atilius Serranus, in allusion to his low birth. — 
 cum esset emptus, though he had been bought : the manner in 
 which Cicero speaks of this shows the demoralized state of politics 
 at that time. — socer : his name was Cn. Oppius. 
 
 IG£. postero die, i. e. the next on which the Senate could sit. 
 
 — moram, hindrance. — discessum est, they adjourned. — pauci 
 omnino, only a few in all. — tamen : i. e. though time pressed, 
 yet no other action was taken. 
 
 § 38. ludificatione, quibbli?ig : properly, a feint, or false move- 
 ment, intended to deceive an enemy (a military term). — calumnia, 
 chicanery. — concilio, in counsel, construed with agendi, which 
 limits dies : a concilium, it will be remembered, was an assembly 
 of a portion of the people, and was therefore in strictness the cor- 
 rect term for the plebeian assembly of the tribes, which is usually 
 called comitia tributa. — princeps, the chief supporter. — Q. Fa- 
 bricius : he, as well as Sestius, was a tribune. — templum, conse- 
 crated place = Rostra : see note, Manil. § 70. — hie, Sestius. — 
 nihil progreditur, takes no step forward. — multa de nocte, 
 early in the night. — manus adferunt, come to blows. 
 
 § 39. in comitio (see note, Verr. VI. § 14) : the assembly was 
 properly held in the co?nitium, or elevated spot set apart for public 
 purposes. As this was found too small for large gatherings, the 
 market-place proper, on the other side of the rostra, was used, and 
 the speaker, in the last years of the republic, faced away from the 
 co)7iitiu?n towards the market-place. 
 
 § 40. compleri, § 56, \\,b. — refarciri, choked. — copiam, etc. : 
 this ar?ned array. 
 
 103. patricium et praetorium : of Clodius's brother, Appius 
 Claudius, the praetor. — Cinnano, etc. : see Cat. III. § 24. — ani- 
 morum, passions. — pertinacia, wilful obstinacy ; constantia, 
 judicious firmness. — intercessoris : i. e. a tribune, interceding 
 to prevent the passage of a law. — latoris, the proposer of a law. 
 
 — commodo, advantage in the law vetoed. — concertatione, con- 
 flict among magistrates of equal power. — discessione, division. 
 
 § 41. multitudine, a throng of followers ; praesidio, an armed 
 band. — auspiciis, etc. (see note, § 12), refers to obnuntiasset. 
 
 — jure laesisset : i. e. both of these procedures would have been, 
 however mischievous, yet legally and formally correct : like filibus- 
 tering in Congress. — novicios, raw. — aedilitate : Clodius was 
 aedile the next year, b. c. 56. — eum, Sestius. 
 
 00 I. §42. id egit, aimed at this. — interfationem, interrup- 
 tion. — legibus : i. e. the original law of the tribuneship, and also 
 the Appuleian law, making it majestas to interrupt a tribune in the 
 discharge of his office. — obnuntiavit consuli, i. e. Metellus. The 
 
104 Notes. [Sest. 
 
 object is not known. — saeptorum, railings, or temporary enclos- 
 ures for voting. — opinione mortis, the notion that he was dead. 
 
 — modo, moderation. 
 
 § 43. Milo : T. Annius, whom Cicero afterwards defended for 
 the murder of Clodius. — non quo, § 66, 1, d, R. — impertiam, 
 bestow, sc. ei. — sic, with this design. — constans ratio, a rational 
 and consistent measure. — plena, having the full consent. — con- 
 sulis alterius, Lentulus ; alterius, Metellus ; unus, App. Claudius. 
 
 — duo soli : Numerius Rufus and Sex. Atilius Serranus, tribunes. 
 
 — qui si, and if they. — per summum ordinem, the Senate. 
 10*>. § 44- iUe gladiator, that ruffian (Clodius). — si mori- 
 
 bus ageret, if he made it a question of character. — dolorem, 
 indignation, — tripudiantem : strictly, a religious dance. 
 
 § 45. pristini judici : in the year b. c. 62, Clodius had been 
 guilty of a daring act of impiety, in violating the mysteries of 
 the worship of Bona Dea ; but had been acquitted by a venal 
 jury (note, Or. for Milo, § 13). — consul, praetor, tribunus : Me- 
 tellus, App. Claudius, and Atilius. The effect of this new edict — 
 although general in its nature — was, as was intended, to protect 
 Clodius from prosecution. — ne reus, etc. The edicts were in fact 
 that no proceedings should be had till after the allotment of places 
 to the praetors. — quid ageret, what was he to do? — adfligeret, 
 should he cast down (i. e. by abandoning it). — perfecit ut, etc. : 
 i. e. he surrounded himself, as Clodius had done, with a band of 
 cut-throats. 
 
 § 46. hoc in genere, in this sort. 
 
 160. cernit toto corpore, i. e. risks at every point. 
 
 § 47. This passage is interesting, as one of the few glimpses we 
 have of ancient opinion respecting the foundation of civil society. 
 
 — ita tulisse, has so decreed. — naturali jure, the law of nature ; 
 civili, that of organized society. — res publicas, institutions. 
 
 § 48. nihil tain interest, there is no difference so great. — 
 horum, etc., whichever we refuse, we must employ the other. — 
 altero . . . altero, i. e. law and force : an ingenious apology for 
 Milo's acts of violence. — ratio, method, or principle. 
 
 After all these efforts had failed, the restoration of Cicero was 
 carried quietly, on the 4th of August, by a Lex Cornelia, proposed 
 by the consul P. Cornelius Lentulus, in the comitia centuriata. 
 For the circumstances alluded to in the following section, see 
 Cicero's Letter to Atticus (Att. IV. 1), who was then in Epirus. 
 
 167. § 49- fitise, see § 32. — colonise : the colony of Brundi- 
 sium was founded Aug. 5, b. c. 244. — aedis Salutis : this temple, 
 on the Quirinal hill, was dedicated b. c. 303. 
 
 § 50. P. Lentulum : this was the young son of the consul of 
 B. C. 57. He had the year before assumed the toga virilis, and 
 
§42-52.] Defence of Milo, 105 
 
 also, by election into the college of augurs, the toga prcetexta. 
 The sqtialor and sordes here referred to were on account of a 
 proposition to abrogate the proconsular imperium of the elder 
 Lentulus, who had been commissioned as governor of Cilicia, to 
 restore to his throne the exiled King Ptolemy Auletes of Egypt, 
 father of the famous Cleopatra. This proposition, which was ve- 
 hemently disputed, never came to a vote ; but a year or two later 
 Ptolemy was restored. From the next section it would appear that 
 Cicero attributed much of this opposition against Lentulus to his 
 constant support of himself. 
 
 168. § 51. illo die : the arrest of the conspirators, Dec. 3, 
 B.C. 63 (see Cat. III.). 
 
 § 52. hie puer, the young Lentulus. — meo nomine, on my 
 account. 
 
 Defence of Milo. 
 Argument. 
 
 Chap, i, 2. Exordium. The new form of trial : public sympathy is with the de- 
 fendant — except the Clodian hirelings. Question not of fact, but of right. — Confutatio. 
 3, 4. Homicide is not always a crime : it is especially justifiable in defence against violence. 
 — 5, 6. Judgment of the Senate and of Cicero himself. — 6, 8. The action of Pompey : 
 his motive in constituting the court. — Narratio. 9, 10 The question is, Which laid the 
 plot against the other ? History of the controversy. Why Clodius desires Milo's death, 
 and how he plans to meet him. The encounter on the Appian Way. — Confirmatio. 
 I. 12-14. Which was gainer by the other's death? Which was likelier to commit the 
 crime: the two men compared. — 15, 16. Milo had before spared Clodius: why kill him 
 now ? — 17-19. How Clodius knew of Milo's journey, and informed himself of his setting 
 out: pretext of the death of Cyrus. — 20,21. Comparison of the conditions: Milo was 
 on strange ground, and unprepared. — 22. Why Milo manumits his slaves: it was 
 a generous and right act. The testimony of Clodius's slaves goes for nothing. — 
 23-26. Milo's after acts: the false charges against him, especially of plotting against 
 Pompey: the pretended hostility of Pompey explained away. — II. 27-50. Yet if he had 
 killed Clodius purposely, all would have approved- The crimes of Clodius : would any 
 have him restored to life? If Milo had slain him, he might have claimed glory for the 
 deed. — 31-33. It was the act of the gods, who first made Clodius mad, that he might 
 rush on his destruction. — Peroratio. 34-38. Milo's calm resignation : the State's in- 
 gratitude. He is upheld by the consciousness of right, and the sympathy of the good. 
 His services to Cicero, who appeals to the jurors in his own name : Milo would hardly 
 permit this appeal to their compassion. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 170, § 1. fortissimo : this word implies a steady courage, 
 rather than the violent temper which distinguished Milo. — per- 
 turbetur de, alarmed for. — novi judici : the court was ordained 
 by the comitia tributa, on motion of Pompey, as the first act of 
 
106 Notes. [Milo, 
 
 his consulship : one of the conditions being, that after three days 
 had been allowed for the hearing of witnesses, two hours were 
 reserved for the prosecution, and three for the defence. — terret 
 oculos, meets my eyes with terror. — requirunt, seek in vain. — 
 consuetudinem, usual appearance. — corona, the throng, a "ring " 
 of spectators. — frequentia, crowd. 
 
 § 2. pro templis, see plan of Forum, p. 42. — non . . . non 
 adferunt aliquid, do not fail to bring something (of terror or 
 constraint). — ut possimus, so that we cannot even be relieved 
 of fear (non timere) without some fear. — ioxo . . . judicio : be- 
 cause these especially require peace, and are opposed to the very 
 idea of armed conflict. 
 
 171. si . . . putarem, Cicero assumes, in spite of the plain 
 fact, that the authorities (including Pompey) were really on the 
 side of Milo. — recreat, reassures ; reficit, revives (emphatic posi- 
 tion). — consilium, purpose. — profecto, doubtless. — tradidisset, 
 submitted. — publica, official. 
 
 § 3. ilia arma, etc. On the first day of the trial, when M. Mar- 
 cellus began to cross-examine one of the witnesses against Milo, 
 he was so terrified by the rush of the mob, that he took refuge on 
 the praetor's bench. Pompey, alarmed by the same disturbance, 
 came down next day with an armed guard, and the trial was allowed 
 to proceed without disturbance. — presidium, protection. — quieto, 
 i. e. free from actual fear. — magno animo, great cheer. — auxilium, 
 help, against actual violence ; silentium, freedom from interruption 
 even by words. — quse quidem est civium, so far as it consists of 
 citizens (alluding to the gladiators in the pay of Clodius). — neque 
 quisquam . . . non cum favet, etc., and there is ?io one of those 
 whom you see looking on, who does not at once favor, &c. — 
 decertari, that the conflict is. — hesterna contione, yesterday 's 
 harangue. The day before, after the court adjourned, one T. 
 Munatius Plancus (see § 12) had harangued the crowd, urging 
 them to be on hand next day, and not suffer Milo to escape. On 
 this day, the last of the trial, says Asconius, shops were closed 
 throughout the city ; Pompey posted guards in the Forum and all 
 its approaches ; he himself sat, as on the day before, in front of 
 the Treasury, girt with a select body of troops. When Cicero 
 begun to speak, " he was received by an outcry of the party of 
 Clodius, who could not be restrained even by terror of the sur- 
 rounding soldiery." — eorum, namely, of those (gen. of material, 
 § 50, 1, e). — praeirent, dictated. — judicaretis, indir. quest. ; but if 
 direct would still be in the subj. : quid judicetis, what are you 
 to decide (§57,6). — quorum si, and if from them. — retinea- 
 tis : the penalty was banishment, by which he lost his rights as 
 citizen. — neglexit, thought as nothing. 
 
§ i-7] Defence of Milo, 107 
 
 § 4. adeste animis, have presence of mind. — locus, oppor- 
 tunity. — amplissimorum ordinum : the court was made up of 
 senators, eguites, and tribuni cerarii (see Verr. I. § 49). — de- 
 lectis : the whole body of jurors (360) was selected ; though the 
 particular jury (of 51) was drawn by lot. — re et sententiis, by act 
 aud verdict. — dediti, devoted. — omnem, complete. — nos, see 
 below. 
 
 172. § 5- nobis duobus, than we two, i. e. the orator and his 
 client. — exercitum, tormented. — ad rem publicam, into public 
 life. — crudelissimorum : exile was the worst, apparently, that 
 Milo had to fear. Here Cicero alludes to his own experience of 
 it. — ceteras, i. e. the ordinary turmoils which a politician must 
 expect to meet, from which the courts should be a refuge. — dum 
 taxat (usually written together as an adverb), at a?iy rate. — sense- 
 rat, had taken ground. — consilio, panel. — ex cunctis ordinibus, 
 see note, Verr. I. § 47. — talis viros, such me7i (as you). It was 
 admitted, says Asconius, that no body of jurors had ever been 
 more illustrious or just than those who composed this court. 
 
 § 6. quamquam, and yet (corrective). — tribunatu, see Oration 
 for Sestius, § 43 (87). — ad . . . defensionem, for the rebuttal of 
 this charge. — abutemur, take unfair advantage : these acts of 
 Milo's tribuneship, it will be remembered, were in the personal 
 interest of Cicero. — insidias a Clodio : Cicero was the only one 
 of Milo's advocates who ventured on this line of defence, which 
 so brings out the interest and ability of his speech. It required 
 some assurance to speak of Milo as acting in self-defence ! — 
 merita, services. — fuerit for fuit, on account of adsignetis. — 
 turn denique, then only. — cetera, all else. 
 
 § 7. ad earn orationem, to that line of argume?it. — est pro- 
 pria, properly belongs. — in senatu : a shocking detail of Milo's 
 brutalities in connection with this murder — including the wanton 
 slaughter of many of Clodius's men, and the cutting up a slave by 
 piecemeal under pretence of extorting testimony — had been made 
 by Q. Metellus Scipio in the Senate. — rem, the real case. — 
 negant: of course this supposed denial is a caricature of the 
 real argument employed. — tandem = / should like to know. — 
 nempe, why, precisely. — primum, i. e. the first capital trial. 
 
 173. M. Horati : the famous story of the three Horatii and 
 the three Curiatii. When Horatius was condemned to death for the 
 murder of his sister, he was acquitted on appeal to the people ; and 
 this incident passed as the origin of p?'ovocatio, or appeal to the 
 people from the decision of a magistrate (see note, Verr. VI. § 6). 
 — nondum libera, under the kings ; it was in the reign of Tullus 
 Hostilius, b. c. 668. — comitiis : sc. curiatis (see note, Sest. § 10). 
 The co?nitia centuriata and tributa were not established till long- 
 after this time. 
 
108 Notes. Milo, 
 
 § 8. an, why t — de nomine occiso, of a homicide. — recte, 
 right in conscience ; jure, in law. — P. Africanum, i. e. ^Emilianus: 
 he was cousin (by adoption) and brother-in-law of Gracchus, and 
 friendly to the spirit of his reforms, although not sympathizing 
 with his violent course. — C. Carbone : a bad member of a bad 
 family; father of the proposer of the Lex Plautia-Papiria (see 
 note, Arch. § 7), — the best representative of the family : uncle of 
 the infamous Cn. Papirius Carbo, the Marian leader. C. Carbo was 
 a pure demagogue, a violent supporter of Gracchus, and probably 
 the murderer of Scipio ^Emilianus : he afterwards went over to 
 the opposite party, and was one of the bitterest antagonists of 
 C. Gracchus. Two years after the death of C. Gracchus, he was 
 attacked so vehemently by the young orator L. Crassus, that he 
 took his own life. — aut . . . aut : i. e. these are cases in which 
 homicide is lawful. — Ahala, etc. (see Cat. I. §§ 3, 4) : but these 
 acts were so far from being approved at the time, that in every 
 case here mentioned the chief actor was forced into exile. — fictis 
 fabulis, properly, mythical dramas : the reference is to the Euine- 
 nides of ^Eschylus, which treats of the expiation of the guilt of 
 Orestes, son of Agamemnon, at the court of Areopagus in Athens. 
 Six judges pronouncing for condemnation and six for acquittal, 
 Pallas gives her casting-vote for mercy. — doctissimi, the greatest 
 poets. — memoriae tradiderunt, have left on record. s 
 
 § 9. duodecim tabulae, the Twelve Tables. 
 
 The " Twelve Tables " were the code which formed the basis of Roman law, drawn 
 up b. c. 451 by an elected board of ten commissioners, decemviri. The decemvirs super- 
 seded for the time the regular magistrates, plebeian as well as patrician ; and it appears to 
 have been intended that this should be a permanent change in the form of government, 
 which should place patricians and plebeians on an equality. The experiment failed, and 
 the old institutions were restored in two years. The codification of the laws, however, 
 made by the decemvirs, continued in force, and was the starting-point of the legal educa- 
 tion of every Roman, and of all later development of Roman law (Maine, "Ancient 
 Law," p. 32). 
 
 nocturnum, etc., this permission was obsolete in the time of Cicero, 
 and the necessity of killing had to be proved, as nowadays. — quo- 
 quo modo, no matter how. — quis, one. — porrigi, offered. — atqui, 
 and now. — vi vis . . . defenditur, offered violence is repelled by 
 force. — pudicitiam eriperet, tried to rob of his honor. — tribu- 
 nus : C. Lusius, son of Marius's sister. This was a stock-instance 
 among rhetoricians, in arguing the just limits of self-defence. — 
 scelere solutum, acquitted of guilt. 
 
 § 10. vero, i. e. a still stronger case. — comitatus, body-guard, 
 which would seem to have been a common thing among these gen- 
 tlemen of Rome, as in the Middle Ages. — volunt, mean. — nullo 
 pacto, under no circumstances. 
 
 174:. adripuimus, caught ; hausimus, i?nbibed ; expressi- 
 mus. wrought out. — imbuti, steeped. — omnis . . . esset, any way 
 
§ 7-i 3-] Defence of Milo. 109 
 
 should be honorable. — lex, as a word of decreeing, takes ut with 
 subj. (§ 70, 3, a). 
 
 § 11. silent : notice the emphatic position. — velit, subj. because 
 of sit. — ante . . . quam, § 56, 3. — etsi : i. e. there is no need to 
 appeal to the law of nature. — ipsa lex: a law of Sulla, forbidding 
 not only murder, but going armed with intent of murder. — non 
 hominem occidi : i. e. this is not the point which the law (in that 
 clause) forbids. — judicaretur : the subject is antecedent of qui. 
 The argument is, that the judicial interpretation excepts the case 
 of self-defence ; though the words hominem occidere are expressly- 
 used in the law. — insidiatorem : here he hints that Clodius will 
 be found to have forfeited his life to the law just cited. 
 
 § 12. sequitur illud, the next thing is this. — contra rem pub- 
 licam factum, a technical phrase, like "a breach of the peace." — 
 illam vero, etc., nay, but the Senate approved it (the killing of 
 Clodius). — nee tacitis, loudly j nee occulte, in plain terms. — 
 declarant, i. e. it is shown by. — hujus ambusti tribuni, this fire- 
 scorched tribune, i. e. T. Munatius Plancus (note, § 3). — intermor- 
 tuae, still-born, or stifled by the smoke of the burning Senate-house 
 at the time of Clodius's funeral (see note, § 13). This conflagration 
 had caused such a reaction in the public mind, that Milo, who had 
 nearly abandoned his case, was encouraged to return to Rome to 
 stand trial, and even renew his canvass for the consulship. — 
 potentia, unlawful domination. — aut auctoritas aut gratia, 
 influence from public acts or private favor. — officiosos, service- 
 able, in the way of forensic advocacy. — sane, for aught I care. 
 
 \75, § 13- vero, in reference to the statement at the beginning 
 of § 12. — hanc qusestionem, the special court, constituted for this 
 case (note, § 1, compare R. A., § 1). — erant, there were already. 
 — de illo incesto stupro, that incestuous outrage, the violation 
 of the mysteries of the Bona Dea (b. c. 62). 
 
 An annual service was solemnized (see §86), to the Bona. Dea — the Earth-Goddess 
 of fertility — at the house of a consul or praetor, in which the Vestal Virgins took part, 
 together with matrons of the highest rank in the city. The ceremonies were so strictly 
 private that no man, not even the magistrate at whose house they took place, was suffered 
 to be present. On this occasion — the mysteries being celebrated at Caesar's house as 
 praetor — Clodius, who was the accepted lover of Pompeia, Caesar's wife, introduced him- 
 self in female dress ; but was discovered, and escaped through help of a housemaid. The 
 scandal was frightful. A new ceremony was ordered by the priests. Caesar, whose strong 
 partisan Clodius was, affected to believe no harm, but presently divorced Pompeia, saying, 
 loftily, that Caesar's wife must be above suspicion. The Senate — since the existing 
 qucestiones perpetuce had each its own rigidly denned sphere— proposed a special court 
 de pollutis sacris, in which the jurors should be designated by the praetor, not determined 
 by lot. But the comitia which was to decide the question was broken up by a mob ; and 
 afterwards the Senate was obliged to accept a compromise, which secured a court contain- 
 ing a sufficient number of venal jurors, by whom Clodius was acquitted, 31 to 25. This 
 celebrated trial, in which Cicero had part, as witness to disprove an alibi (see § 46), was 
 the origin of the inexpiable feud between him and Clodius. 
 
 incendium curiae. The body of Clodius, left in the highway, had 
 
no Notes. [Milo, 
 
 been picked up and sent to Rome, where its wounds were exposed 
 to public gaze, till, in the fury of the time, it was dragged to the 
 Senate-house. Here a funeral-pile was made of desks, benches, 
 and other furniture, and in the conflagration the Senate-house 
 itself, with several other buildings, was destroyed. — Lepidi : M. 
 yEmilius Lepidus (afterwards triumvir with Octavianus and An- 
 tony) had been appointed interrex, a formality necessary to give 
 regularity to the forms of election when there were no consuls. 
 
 Whenever there was a suspension of legal authority, by vacancy of the chief magis- 
 tracy, it was understood that the auspices — which were regularly in possession of the 
 magistrates — were lodged with the patrician members of the Senate, until new magistrates 
 should be inaugurated. The renewal of the regular order of things was begun by the 
 patrician senators coming together and appointing one of their own number as interrex. 
 He held office for five days, as chief magistrate of the Commonwealth and possessor of 
 the auspices; then created a successor, who might hold the cojnitia for the election 
 of consuls. In the present case, the tribunes had prevented the appointment of an in- 
 terrex for several weeks. After the death of Clodius, Lepidus was appointed, and the 
 mob demanded that he should hold the comitia at once for the election of consuls. This 
 he refused, on the ground that the first interrex had no such power ; when his house was 
 besieged during the five days of his interregnum, and at last stormed and plundered. 
 The mob battered in his door, destroyed the household furniture, including his wife's 
 marriage-bed (the lectus genialis, which stood in the hall), the family images, and the 
 tapestries of the hall ; and were only stayed at last by the armed force of Milo. 
 
 § 14. e re publica, in the interest of the commonwealth. — 
 decrevi, notavi, I voted, I jnarked, i. e. as deserving punishment, 
 leaving the person of the criminal to the decision of the court 
 (§31). These words refer to Cicero's acts and votes in the Senate. 
 — crimen : the charge against the particular person ; rem, the act 
 itself. — tribunum, Plancus. — licuisset : the action was stayed by 
 the tribune's intercessio. — decernebat, it was on the point of 
 deciding (§ 58, 3, c). — extra ordinem, out of turn: i. e. they 
 should have precedence of the regular docket. — divisa sententia 
 est, i. e. the points were taken up separately. 
 
 Pompey had proposed his law de vi, establishing a special court. In opposition to this, 
 a resolution was offered in the Senate (a) that the disturbances were against the good of 
 the republic, and (<5) should be proceeded against by the regular courts, only out 
 of turn. The division of the question demanded by the tribune Q. Fufius Calenus 
 (nescio quo) allowed the first clause to pass, but stopped the second by the tribunician 
 veto (em/>ta intercessione). Then, in due time, Pompey's law was passed; while an 
 empty resolution of the Senate, disapproving of acts of violence, could be used to damage 
 the case of its own champion, as appears from § 12. 
 
 nescio quo ; Calenus is not named, probably as being present 
 (compare note, R. A. § 5). 
 
 § 15. re, the facts of the fray; causa, the case of the accused 
 person. — nempe, etc., si?nply investigation should be made. — 
 quid porro, etc., what, then, was to be investigated ? 
 
 170. hanc salutarem litteram, this saving letter : hanc, 
 because in favor of his client. Each juror inscribed on his ballot 
 A (absolvo) for acquittal, or K (condemno) for conviction. — pro- 
 fecto, no doubt. 
 
§ 13-21.] Defence of Milo. in 
 
 § 16. Publio Clodio : the name is given in full to emphasize the 
 person. — tempori, the troubled time, which demanded the inves- 
 tigation. — Catonis : M. Porcius Cato (the Younger), a stern cham- 
 pion of the Senate, who, when Caesar had destroyed the hopes of 
 his party, killed himself at Utica, — hence called Uticensis. — Dru- 
 sus : M. Livius Drusus (son of Marcus) was murdered by some 
 unknown person on returning home from an exciting political 
 debate (b. c. 91). — Africano, i. e. ^Emilianus. He was actively 
 opposed to the plans of C. Gracchus for the division of the Latian 
 lands ; and, while the controversy was at its hottest, was found 
 dead in his bed, with marks (it was thought) of strangulation. His 
 wife, sister of the tribune, and Gracchus himself, lay under some 
 suspicion of the crime. — quern immortalem, etc. Scipio died 
 at the age of fifty-six. — dolore, indignation. 
 
 § 17. quia, etc., i. e. it is question of persons. — summorum, 
 infimorum, simply high and low. — intersit, grant a difference 
 (hortat. subj.). — quidem, yet. — monumentis, memorial: i. e. 
 the road itself. The Appian Way was constructed b. c. 312, by 
 the censor Ap. Claudius Caecus, an ancestor of Clodius. This 
 circumstance is skilfully used to tell against Clodius, rather than 
 in his favor. — ille, the famous. 
 
 § 18. M. Papirium: this was one of Clodius's earliest exploits. 
 Papirius, a friend of Pompey, was killed in a brawl about a son of 
 Tigranes, held as hostage at Rome, whom Clodius was trying to 
 rescue and send back for a great ransom to Asia, having by a trick 
 got him out of the hands of his custodian. 
 
 177, templo Castoris, where the Senate was then holding 
 session. The circumstance took place in the year of Clodius's 
 tribunate (b. c. 58), while Pompey was in the Senate. " He in- 
 stantly went home and stayed there." — caruit, stayed away from. 
 
 § 19. certe haec, surely all these, res, vir, tempus. — summa, 
 in the highest degree. — eo tempore, i. e. during the violences 
 which followed the exile of Cicero (see oration for Sestius). — pro- 
 inde quasi, just as if &c. That is, the overt act must be judged 
 by its obvious intent : of course no tribunal (except an inquisition) 
 would attempt to try men for their intentions (consilia). 
 
 § 20. adflictantur : this word refers to the outward signs of 
 violent grief, such as wringing the hands or beating the breast. 
 This whole exaggerated description is probably in lively contrast 
 with the fact. 
 
 178. § 21. ferendam, to be proposed to the people. — recon- 
 ciliatse : Pompey had lately renewed friendly relations with Clo- 
 dius.— fortiter, firmly. — dele git : the choice of the judices was 
 left to Pompey, as the Senate had decreed it to be left to the praetor 
 in the trial of Clodius (see note, § 13). — secrevit, set aside.— 
 
112 Notes. [Milo, 
 
 continetur, is limited. — consuetudines victus, the associations 
 of daily life. — res publica, public business. 
 
 § 22. quod, in that (§ 70, 5, a). — Domiti : L. Domitius Aeno- 
 barbus (consul b. c. 54), a leader against Caesar in the civil war : 
 a haughty and cruel noble, which was the character of this house 
 down to its extinction, in the emperor Nero. — consularem, i. e. 
 the presiding officer. — ab adulescentia : Sallust calls Caesar adu- 
 lescentulus, " quite young," at the age of thirty-seven. — docu- 
 ments maxima : in his praetorship (b. c. 58), Domitius had 
 roughly cut his way through a crowd of the followers of Clodius, 
 killing many of them. The crowd had gathered, under the tribune 
 Cn. Manlius, to uphold a law giving the suffrage to freedmen. 
 
 § 23. quam ob rem : in reference to the foregoing introductory 
 argument. — si neque, etc. : recapitulation. — vellem, § 57, 4, c. — 
 uter utri, which against the other (colloq. which against which). 
 
 I79o § 24. in prsetura : Clodius was candidate for this office, 
 as Milo for the consulship. — tracta, delayed. — non multos men- 
 sis : really, less than six. 
 
 Originally the term of office was a full year ; and if the magistrates entered upon their 
 office at an irregular time, whether by reason of an interregnum (see note, § 13) or from 
 any other cause, they still held for a full year, and thus this irregular commencement of 
 the official year became its regular commencement. Afterwards the date of the official 
 year was fixed, and any interregnum was deducted from the time of the actual magis- 
 trates. Thus, b. c 53, the magistrates were not elected until July, and could therefore 
 hold office only until January, less than six months. 
 
 qui non spectaret, seeing that he did not look, &c. (§ 65, 2, e). — 
 annum suum, his regular year. By the lex Villia annalis an 
 interval of two years must pass between the several patrician ma- 
 gistracies. As Clodius had been curule aedile in b. c. 56, he might 
 have been praetor in the broken year 53. — religione aliqua, from 
 any religious scruple, as it is generally (ut fit). 
 
 § 25. mancam, lame-handed. — fieri, was getting to be, or sure 
 to be. — contulit se, went over. — petitionem, canvass. — convo- 
 cabat (imperf.), not officially, but in the course of his canvass. — 
 se interponebat, played the go-between among the several tribes. 
 — Collinam novam, a new highland district. Of the thirty-five 
 tribes, the four city tribes ranked lowest, because the freedmen and 
 poor citizens were placed in them ; and of these the Collina was least 
 reputable of all. It was through the collegia compitalicia, or local 
 clubs, that Clodius worked upon the city tribes ; and, by the ex- 
 aggerated expression that he registered an entirely new Collina, 
 appears to be meant that the new and perhaps fraudulent names 
 that he got upon the list outnumbered the genuine voters. — ille, 
 Clodius; hie, Milo (as generally in this speech). — paratissimus, 
 perfectly ready (as he was). — suffragiis : there were several 
 attempts to elect magistrates, which failed through the obstructive 
 tricks familiar to Roman politicians. 
 
§21-32.] Defence of Milo. 113 
 
 § 26. silvas publicas : probably some depredations of Clodius 
 in Etruria, where he had extensive estates. Perhaps it had some- 
 thing to do with renting the public pastures (Manil. § 14). — sig- 
 nificavit, hinted at. 
 
 180. § 27. legitimum, established by law. — sollemne, annual, 
 or at regular seasons. 
 
 Lanuvium was an old town of Latium, about twenty miles south-east of Rome. It 
 contained a temple of Juno Sospita, a local divinity, so famous that, when Lanuvium 
 became a municipium of Rome, this sanctuary was, by special arrangement, received into 
 the Roman religious system. The flamen, or special priest, of Juno Sospita must be 
 inaugurated by the chief magistrate {dictator) of the municipium. Milo, of Lanuvian 
 origin, a municeps of the town, now held this office. ( It will be noticed that the title 
 dictator, which at Rome meant an extraordinary magistrate with kingly power, was 
 given in the Latin towns to their regular republican chief magistrate.) 
 
 § 28. quoad, etc., the Senate adjourned on this day about the 
 fourth hour (between ten and eleven A. m ). — calceos : the senator 
 wore shoes adorned with a crescent-shaped ornament (lunula) : 
 his tunic was also distinguished by the broad purple stripe in front 
 (latus clavus). When travelling, a Roman put oif his toga and 
 badges of office, and put on a heavy travelling cloak (p&nula) 
 and other easy garments. — obviam fit : this was just beyond 
 Bovillae (Albauo), a village about nine miles from Rome. — reeda, 
 a four-wheeled family carriage. — Greecis comitibus, singers, 
 dancers, &c. (see § 55). — uxore : the wife of Clodius was 
 afterwards married to Mark Antony; that of Milo was Fausta, 
 daughter of Sulla. — comitatu : this troop of singing boys and 
 maidens was, no doubt, to glorify the village procession next day 
 at Lanuvium. 
 
 § 29. hora undecima ; this would be about half-past four P. M. 
 In reality, as we learn from other sources, it was nearly two hours 
 earlier ; and Milo had stopped at an inn in Bovillae, in order (as 
 was charged) to make sure of not missing his enemy. — adversi 
 occidunt, they attack and kill. — animo fideli, faithful j prae- 
 senti, ready (presence of mind). — re vera, really. — fecerunt 
 quod quisque . . . voluisset : this sentence is greatly admired as 
 a " way of putting things." — derivandi, etc., to divert the charge, 
 from Milo to the slaves. 
 
 181* § 30- prosit, hortat. subj. — quin judicetis, without 
 judging. 
 
 § 31. optabilius fuit, it would have be.en preferable (§ 60, 2, c). 
 — semel, once only. — id, i. e. the plot laid. — latum est, i. e. this 
 is the intent of Pompey's law (see note, § 14). — ut ne sit, subj. 
 of purpose (purpose of the investigation). 
 
 18S. § 32. Cassianum : L. Cassius Longinus Ravilla (cos. 
 B. c. 127) was one of the most upright men of his time, distin- 
 guished as a quasitor (presiding officer) of special trials. — cui 
 bono, for whose advantage (§ 51, 7 ; not for what advantage). 
 
H4 Notes. [Milo, 
 
 — personis, parties : the persona is properly the mask, which 
 indicates by its features the person, or character, of a play. — atqui, 
 now. — non eo consule, without one as consul. — adsequebatur, 
 was going to gain. — quibus . . . coniventibus : these competitors 
 of Milo were P. Plautius Hypsaeus and Q. Metellus Scipio, — the 
 latter an adopted son of Metellus Pius, but unworthy either of the 
 family (Scipio) in which he was born, or of that into which he en- 
 tered. He took a leading part on Pompey's side in the civil war, 
 and was defeated by Caesar at Thapsus, b. c. 46 — eludere, give 
 the slip. — tantum beneficium : they would owe their election to 
 him (see § 25). 
 
 § 33. hospites, strangers (see note, R. A. § 5). — peregrinantur, 
 gone abroad. — fuerit impositurus, ind. quest, for -turus fuit = im- 
 posuisset. — Clodi : Sex. Clodius, client and confidential agent of 
 the demagogue. — eripuisse e domo, i. e. from P. Clodius's house, 
 in the riots after his death. No attack, however, was made upon 
 his house. — Palladium : the image of Pallas, kept in the citadel 
 of Troy, and taken thence by a nocturnal enterprise of Ulysses 
 and Diomedes. The sanctity and adventures of this portfolio sug- 
 gest the comparison. — hujus legis : a proposed law of Clodius 
 by which the freedmen were to be distributed among all the thirty- 
 five tribes (see note, § 25). Sex. Clodius, the son of a freedman, 
 is shrewdly hinted at as author of the law. — de nostrum omnium 
 
 — this break is called aposiopesis. Cicero affects to be alarmed at 
 the threatening look with which Sex. Clodius hears his allusion 
 (aspexit me illis oculis). — lumen curiae, in allusion to the burn- 
 ing of the Senate-house (see note, § 12). He dare not say more ! 
 
 — pcenitus es (often deponent in Cicero) : nothing was more hor- 
 rible to the ancients than the loss of due funeral rites. The burning 
 of Clodius's body by the mob deprived him of all the honors to 
 which he was entitled. 
 
 183. imaginibus (see note, Verr. I. § 15) : a Claudius should 
 have a long line of most distinguished images. — pompa, proces- 
 sion ; laudatio, funeral oration, by a near kinsman. These were 
 among the essential rites of burial. — infelicissimis, ill-omened, as 
 the conflagration of a riot (compare infelix arbor, the gibbet). 
 
 § 34. obstabat, the supposed remark of an opponent. — repug- 
 nante eo, in spite of him. — fiebat, was coming to be (see note 
 on fieri, § 25). — immo vero, nay, rather. — utebatur, found. — 
 valebat (emphatic), what had weight with you was. — quis 
 dubitaret, who could [then] hesitate? (§ 57, 6). — usitatis jam 
 rebus, by the customary means. — ne quern, i. e. a result aimed 
 at, though not strictly a purpose (§65, 1, R.). 
 
 § 35. at, etc., but (you say) his hate prevailed, he did it in rage, 
 as a personal foe, &c. — pcenitor = punitor. 
 
§32-39-] Defence of Milo. 115 
 
 184. nulla, none at all. — quid odisset, why should Milo 
 have hated ? — civile, political (such as a good citizen must feel). 
 — ille erat ut odisset, there was ground for him to hate. — reus 
 Milonis : prosecutions could be entered in the standing courts by 
 private persons (see note, R. A. § 7). — lege Plotia (or Plautia) : 
 probably by M. Silvanus, tribune B.C. 89 (see note, Arch. § 7). 
 This law appears to have been the basis of all later legislation 
 de vi. 
 
 § 36. cum . . . cessi : Cicero gives his own case as an example 
 of Clodius's way of acting. — diem dixerat = reum fecerat. 
 
 Diem dicere was the term*used of a magistrate who brought a criminal charge before 
 the public assembly. Such a charge could not be sprung upon the accused person without 
 notice ; but a day must be set, diei dictio, for the trial. The tribal assembly could only 
 impose fines (hence multant inrogarat) : so with the qucestiones perpetuce, which, with 
 the single exception of parricide (see R. A. § 28), punished only with fines or banish- 
 ment (see Pauly. Realen. Vol. VI. p. 351). Capital charges against Roman citizens, such 
 as perduellio (treason), must regularly be brought before the centuriate assembly. Only a 
 magistrate could summon (diem dicere) before either comitia, while private persons could 
 prosecute (reum face re) in a qucestio perpetua. 
 
 multam inrogarat, had claimed a fine. — perdu ellionis, treason, 
 videlicet, ironical. — servorum . . . nolui, compare Sest. § 20. 
 
 § yj. vidi enim, I saw with my own eyes. Cicero here artfully 
 recounts other violent acts of Clodius, in the form of reasons 
 which moved him, — killing two birds with one stone. — Horten- 
 sium, Cicero's early rival, and opponent in the case of Verres. — 
 Vibienus : probably a lapse of Cicero's memory. He was killed 
 in the riots after the death of Clodius. — haec . . . heec : notice the 
 emphatic repetition {anaphora). — ad regiam : the old palace of 
 Numa, on the Sacra Via, at the point where it reached the Forum. 
 It adjoined the temple of Vesta, and was occupied by the Pontifex 
 Maximus. When Augustus was made Pont. Max., he gave the 
 Regia to the Vestal Virgins. The occasion here referred to was 
 probably an election riot in the preceding year. 
 
 § 38. quid, etc., what like deed of Auto's ? — detrahi non pos- 
 set, on account of the disturbances and lawlessness of the time. 
 
 185. potuitne, couldn't he? — deos penatis, see note, Cat. 
 III. § 18. — illo oppugnante : this was an attack not by a mob, 
 but by an armed band, upon Milo's house, on a spur of the Pala- 
 tine, Nov. 12, b. c. 57, the year of Cicero's return. — Fabricio : 
 see Sest. §§ 38-41. — Caecili, praetor B.C. 57. He was attacked 
 while presiding over the games of Apollo, in July. — lata lex, id. 
 §49. — facti, i. e. Cicero's recall. 
 
 § 39. consensus, universal feeling. — praetores, all except Ap- 
 pius Claudius, brother of Clodius ; tribuni, see note, Sest. § 43. — 
 auctor, the responsible originator (Sest. § 33) ; dux, champion, 
 who led it to a successful issue. — decretum : this word is some- 
 times used for the proclamation of a magistrate, which was prop- 
 
n6 Notes, [Milo, 
 
 erly edictwn. The decretum was the ordinance of a collegium or 
 council, especially the Senate (see note, Cat. I. §4). The decree 
 here referred to was passed by the municipal Senate {curia) of 
 Capua, upon Pompey's proposition. — signum dedit ut, gave the 
 signal Jor, &c. (equivalent to a verb of command). — qui . . . ejus, 
 of any one who, equivalent to a conditional construction (see § 59, 
 
 1, a, N. The imperfect cogitaretur is used instead of the pluperf., 
 on account of the indefinite qui. In present time, it would be, Si 
 quis interemerit, cogitetur. In past time, when it becomes con- 
 trary to fact, the same relation between the tenses is retained). 
 
 § 40. bis : once for the attack on his house (§ 38) ; the other 
 occasion is unknown. — fuit = fuisset (§ 60, 2, c). — et res : Clo- 
 dius, as aedile (b. c. 56), dixit diem Miloni for employing gladiators 
 to bring about by intimidation the law for Cicero's recall. — gravis- 
 simam . . . partem, a most important part in political affairs. 
 
 180* in scalarum tenebris, the stairway of a bookseller's 
 shop, as Cicero says (Phil. II. 9) in his reply to the charge of 
 Antony that he had caused the death of Clodius. The affair took 
 place b. c. 53, when Antony, at this time a friend of Cicero, was 
 candidate for the quaestorship. — magnum fuit, for fuisset (§ 60, 
 
 2, c). — nulla sua invidia, with no oditwi to himself. 
 
 § 41. ssepta, railings (voting enclosures). — curavisset, had 
 provided (§ 72, 5, c). A fragment of a lost oration says that the 
 two consuls were knocked down by stones. — liberet, might please. 
 
 — loco, with the advantage of ground (note, Cat. II. § 1). 
 
 § 42. contentio, striving after. — subesset, was close at hand. 
 
 — ambitio, the canvass (" going about" for votes ; hence, more 
 remotely, bribery). — obscure qualifies cogitari, but is displaced 
 to oppose palam. — fabulam fictam, got-up story. — molle, sensi- 
 tive j fragile, unstable j flexibile, changeable. 
 
 § 43. augusta . . . auspicia, rhetorical for comitia centuriata 
 qua auspicato fiunt. All the higher magistrates must be elected 
 at these co?nitia. — idem = on the other hand. — regnaturum, 
 would be an autocrat. — inlecebram peccandi, lure to wicked- 
 ness. 
 
 187. § 44- Favonio : Favonius (see § 26) was a friend and 
 great admirer of Cato, and one of the conspirators against Caesar. 
 He had taken part with Cato in some proceedings against Clodius. 
 
 — post . . . quam, § 56, 3. 
 
 § 45. fefellit, i. e. in making this threat. — stata, on a fixed 
 day. — mercenario tribuno : speeches were made this day by C. 
 Sallustius (the historian) and Q. Pompeius. Probably the latter 
 is here meant. — approperaret, were making haste (imperf. of 
 continued action). 
 
 § 46. qui . . . potuerit, how could he have known ? — ut . . . 
 
§ 39-53 ] Defence of Milo. 117 
 
 rogasset, even though he had asked (§ 61, 2). — quaesierit sane, 
 suppose (if y oti will) that he did ask (§ 57, 5). — quid largiar, 
 how much I grant — how liberal I am. 
 
 188. eadem hora : in the famous trial of the violation of the 
 mysteries (§ 13) Clodius had tried to prove an alibi, by showing, 
 from Causinius's testimony, that he had spent that night at his 
 house at Interamna (Terni, on the river Nar in Umbria, ninety 
 miles away) ; but was confuted by the evidence of Cicero, who 
 testified that he had called upon him the same day, — a circum- 
 stance that Clodius never forgot or forgave. 
 
 § 47. profectus esse, infin. depending on liberatur, is cleared, 
 as implying a verb of saying (§ 70, 1, a). — quippe, of course. — 
 futurus, expecting to be. — meum, etc., make a point for myself 
 
 — majoris, more important: this charge was afterwards brought 
 up against Cicero by Antony. — abjecti homines, C. Sallustius 
 and Q. Pompeius. — jacent, fall to the ground. 
 
 § 48. occurrit, meets me. — ne . . . quidem, not Clodius either, 
 
 — si quidem, yes, if — quid nuntiaret, why should he bring 
 word? (§ 57, 3, d.) — obsignavi, indorsed. The names of wit- 
 nesses were written on the back of wills, &c, after they were 
 closed and sealed. — palam, i. e. by naming the legatees in the 
 presence of the witness. Clodius need not hasten back to learn 
 what he knew already. — reliquisset, § 66, 2, e. 
 
 § 49. age, well then ; sit, etc., suppose it were so (that the 
 messenger informed him about Cyrus). — properato, § 54, 1, d. — 
 tandem, at any rate. 
 
 189. exspectandum, i. e. near the city, so as to catch him 
 by night. 
 
 § 50. sustinuisset, would have borne. — latronum : highway 
 robbery, with violence, was pretty common in the near neighbor- 
 hood of Rome. — bonis, landed estates. — multi, etc.: here it is 
 hinted that the crimes of Clodius (who had estates in Etruria) 
 had made him many enemies (see note § 26). 
 
 § 51, quod ut, fiow though. — devertit, turned aside to stop. 
 
 — ante, somewhere beyond Albanum. — adhuc, thus far. 
 
 § 52. nihil umquam, etc. On the contrary, Cicero says else- 
 where (Att. IV. 3), speaking of the disorder that followed his 
 return from exile, " If he [Clodius] comes in his way, I foresee 
 that he will be killed by Milo. He does not hesitate to do it ; he 
 openly professes it (pro? se fert)." Perhaps Cicero had forgotten 
 it ! — dissimulasse, concealed the fact. — causam finxisse, in- 
 vented an excuse. 
 
 IOO. § 53- etiam, any longer. — substructiones (see § 85), 
 buildings, but with the idea of walls, grading, and the like, fashion- 
 able among the Roman nobles (see Horace, Od. III. 1). — ver- 
 
n8 Notes. [Milo, 
 
 sabantur, used to be employed. — adversarii, of Clodius. — res, 
 circumstances. 
 
 § 54. quid minus, sc. quam Milo. — ilium, the other. — qui 
 convenit, how does that suit his character? — tarde, etc., com- 
 pare § 49 — Alsieuse : his villa at Alsium, a town on the coast 
 of Etruria. 
 
 § 55. Grseculi, diminution of contempt, "Greek playfellows.-' — 
 in castra Etrusca, i. e. to Catiline's camp, for which, says Asconius, 
 he had once really set out. — nugarum nihil, no nonsense, such 
 as buffoons and the like. — pueros symphoniacos, singing boys 
 (see § 28). — uxoris ancillarum, his wife's waiting-?naids. — 
 mulier, scornfully said of Clodius (compare note, R. A. 50). 
 
 101. § 56. odio, § 51, 5. — propositam, put tip for sale; 
 addictam, knocked down (terms of the auction room). — Martem 
 communem, the impartiality of Mars. — pransi : the 'prandium 
 was the noon-day meal, generally quite simple, of fruit and bread. — 
 haesit, was caught. — expetiverunt : this illustrates the ancient 
 mode of regarding punishment, as a compensation exacted from 
 the wrong-doer by the person injured. (See Maine, "Ancient 
 Law," p. 358.) 
 
 § 57. manu misit : only slaves could be forced to give testi- 
 mony by torture (R. A. § 35). As Milo had freed his, it was 
 claimed that he wished to destroy evidence. Manumission under 
 such circumstances was forbidden by later law. — in causa, on the 
 legal guestion. — indagamus hie : i. e. the legal aspect is to be 
 considered here. — nescis, you know not how. 
 
 192. § 59- quaestiones, examination (by torture) of Clodius's 
 slaves. — in atrio Libertatis. It was in this hall (probably near 
 the present Column of Trajan) that questions touching the libera- 
 tion of slaves were considered, and that torture was inflicted, — 
 not merely in mockery of the name, but to excite in the slave some 
 hope of freedom. — Appius : son of C. Claudius, an elder brother 
 of Clodius. — de servis : the passage in brackets seems necessary 
 to the sense. The exception de incestu — not the only exception, 
 by the way — is mentioned to bring the jest upon Clodius (com- 
 pare note, Cat. III. § 9). — proxime, very near : i. e. by having 
 his murder treated as sacrilege, in respect to the question of slaves. 
 (The whole passage is an argument a fortiori. If the Romans 
 excluded enforced testimony of a master's slaves when the truth 
 could be arrived at, how much more should it be excluded here, 
 where the truth was impossible on account of the temptation.) — 
 ad ipsos, in the mysteries of the Bona Dea (see § 13). In the very 
 effective sarcasm of this passage, there is a pardonable confusion 
 between the quo3stio in dominum (for incest by Clodius), and the 
 cozrimonia violata (which is represented as sacrilege against 
 Clodius). 
 
§53-66.] Defence of Milo. 119 
 
 § 60. verbi causa, for example. — areas, cells, anciently (appar- 
 ently) literal " chests " of timber, robustce. — integrius, sounder, 
 more honest and impartial. 
 
 § 61. ardente, still on /ire. — populo, senatui, i. e. by appearing 
 in his usual place among them. 
 
 193. praesidiis, i. e. the special power with which Pompey was 
 clothed as sole consul, which is further dwelt on in the following 
 (see § 65). 
 
 § 62. imperitorum, strangers to his character. 
 
 § 63. illud, in appos. with ut . . . trucidaret. — portenta, mon- 
 sters (his accomplices). — loquebantur, talked about, comparing 
 Milo with Catiline, and saying he would do likewise. — miseros, 
 etc., wretched the lot, &c. — in quibus, in whose case. 
 
 § 64. ilia, these surmises. — conscientia, an implied supposi- 
 tion contrary to fact (§ 60, 1, a). 
 
 1041. maximo animo (protasis), one of the highest courage. 
 — indicabatur, § 70, 1, a. In such cases English prefers the 
 impersonal form. — vicum, narrow street (properly a district or 
 quarter). — dicebant, they would say (repeated charges). — Ocri- 
 culanam, on theTiber, in a corner of Umbria. — devecta Tiberi, 
 carried down the Tiber. — clivo Capitolino, the street which ran 
 from the upper end of the Forum to the Capitolium. — delata, 
 used of official information. 
 
 § 65. popa, an inferior priest who slew the sacrifices — hardly 
 more than a butcher — who also kept a popina, or restaurant and 
 grog-shop : hence, apud se ebrios. (According to Asconius, 
 this Licinius was a sacrificulus, a higher order of attendant, whose 
 business it was to perform certain purifying rites.) — Circo Max- 
 imo : this was the place for the great games, in the valley between 
 the Palatine and Aventine hills. The circus gave its name to the 
 district. — in hortos, see note R. A. § 10. Here Pompey, it was 
 said, kept himself, out of fear of Milo. — defert : deferre ad Sena- 
 tum is to lay a piece of information before the Senate ; referre, to 
 bring a piece of business before it for action. 
 
 § 66. domus . . . nuntiabatur, § 70, 1, a. — tarn celebri loco, 
 in so thronged a locality. Caesar, as Pontifex Maximus, inhabited 
 the Regia (see note, § 37) on the Sacra Via, in the busiest part 
 of Rome. — senator inventus est. "Pompey was afraid of Milo, 
 or pretended to be ; and he stayed mostly, not at home, but in his 
 gardens — even the upper ones, where a great guard of soldiers 
 camped around. Pompey, besides, had once adjourned the Senate 
 suddenly, saying that he feared Milo's coming. Then at the next 
 session, P. Cornificius had said that Milo had a sword under his 
 tunic, fastened to his thigh, and demanded that he should bare his 
 thigh, which Milo did at once, lifting his tunic. Then Cicero called 
 
1 20 Notes, [Milo, 
 
 out, that all the other ^charges against Milo were just like that " 
 (Asconius). 
 
 19t>. § 67. exaudire : Pompey was sitting not in the court, 
 but at the Treasury, a considerable distance off. 
 
 § 68. sed quis, but [this cannot be ; for] who, &c. — si locus : 
 on account of his suspicions, says Asconius, Pompey had refused 
 to admit Milo — and no one else — when he came to visit him. — 
 te tuo, sc. in se ; me suo, sc. in me. — ita natus, born for that 
 very thing, to sacrifice every thing for his country. — tribunatum 
 suum, see Or. for Sestius, § 43. — Magne : it is uncertain when the 
 title Magnus was bestowed on Pompey — Plutarch says by Sulla. 
 Through his friends' flattery, it was adopted as a family name. — 
 te antestaretur, would appeal to your testimony. 
 
 190. § 69. motu aliquo : an anticipation of the approaching 
 civil war. 
 
 § 70. juris publici, etc., law, customs, politics. — ne quid, etc., see 
 note, Cat. I. § 2. — nunc simply repeats Pompeium, after the long 
 parenthesis ; ejus qui, of one who (by that supposition), i. e. Milo. 
 (The whole passage is an apodosis, depending on the supposition 
 that Pompey thought him guilty.) — dilectu : Pompey held the 
 consulship in B. c. 55, but after its expiration did not go into his 
 province of Spain, but despatched thither his army under the com- 
 mand of legati, while he himself remained in Italy with procon- 
 sulate power. Immediately after the death of Clodius, the Senate 
 gave the interrex (see note, § 13), the tribunes and the proconsul 
 (Pompey) the extraordinary power ne quid, etc., and empowered 
 Pompey to hold a levy of troops. — legem, the law for the inves- 
 tigation. — oporteret, liceret : ought, as I think; might, as all 
 allow. 
 
 § 71. animadvertere in, proceed against, i. e. punish. The 
 whole turning of Pompey's unfriendly action in Milo's favor by 
 Cicero is a stroke of art. — hesternam contionem, compare § 3. 
 
 § 72. Clodianum crimen, this charge, of Clodius's murder. — 
 palam clamare : this was the line of defence taken by Cato and 
 other friends of Milo ; in opposition to whom, Cicero preferred to 
 disprove the charge (diluere cri?nen). — P. Mselium, see note, 
 Cat. I. § 3. — jacturis, lavish expenditure. 
 
 197. conlegae, i. e. Octavius. 
 
 Ti. Gracchus was firmly resisted by his colleague Octavius, who used all the obstruc- 
 tive power of the tribunate to thwart his plans. Gracchus, then, finding himself completely 
 brought to a stand, proposed to the people to deprive Octavius of his office. This, 
 although a violent course of action, and contrary to the spirit of the constitution, — which 
 combined almost unlimited power of the magistrate with complete responsibility at the end 
 of the term of office, —was still strictly legal (see Momm. Rom. St. i. p. 13). 
 
 cum . . . liberasset, implying a supposition contrary to fact ; not 
 the ordinary subj. of relative time. 
 
§ 66-76.I Defence of Milo. 12 1 
 
 § 73. saepe censuit, see § 13. — sorore, his third sister, wife 
 of L. Lucullus. — quaestionibus habitis : this relates to the con- 
 silium of relatives, held by the paterfamilias •, or head of the 
 family, to pass judgment upon crimes in the family. — civem 
 quern ... judicarant, i. e. Cicero himself. — regna dedit : the 
 Galatian Brogitarus, son-in-law of King Deiotarus, was compli- 
 mented with the title of king by a law of Clodius. — ademit, re- 
 ferring to the case of King Ptolemy of Cyprus, spoken of in the 
 oration for Sestius. — partitus est: see Sest. § 10. — civem: 
 this is usually referred to Pompey. But, though Pompey was 
 attacked by Clodius (see § 18), there was no bloodshed : further, 
 singulari virlute et gloria is a mild expression for Cicero to use 
 of Pompey on this occasion ; and, though it is rather exaggerated 
 for the tribune Fabricius (see § 38), yet the circumstances precisely 
 correspond. — aedem Nympharum, containing the censorial regis- 
 ters. It appears to have been burnt in the disorders which pre- 
 ceded Cicero's exile. 
 
 § 74. non calumnia litium : fraudulent and malicious lawsuits 
 were too mild and dilatory a method of plunder. A powerful noble, 
 with his slaves and clients, had almost an army at his disposal, 
 and in the disorders of the present time this actually amounted 
 to private warfare, like that of the feudal nobles. The following 
 incidents illustrate this further. — sacramentis : a form of pro- 
 cedure in which a penalty or forfeit {sacramentutri) was deposited 
 by each party to abide the result of the suit. — Etruscos ; see 
 note, § 26. — Janiculo et Alpibus : i. e. all Italy north of the 
 Tiber. — splendido, the regular complimentary epithet of a Roman 
 eques. — Prilio : lago di Castiglione, a small sheet of water in 
 Etruria. — luntribus *= lintribus. — niateriem, timber; casmenta, 
 building- stone ; arma, tools. 
 
 19 80 § 75- mortuum, a corpse. — qua invidia, etc., by the 
 odium of which (the presence of the dead body) a flame [of 
 calumny] would be kindled. Odium is often spoken of as a flame. 
 — fratrem : Ap. Claudius Pulcher, an elder brother of Clodius, 
 Cicero's predecessor in the province of Cilicia. — Appium : the 
 oration for Sestius shows that App. Claudius was not always on 
 the best terms with the aristocracy ; in fact, the Claudii were as a 
 family characterized by original and radical opinions (see Momm. 
 Rom. Forsch. i. p. 285). — dejecit, ousted. — vestibulum, court- 
 yard, or open space in front of the house. — sororis, probably 
 his second sister, wife of Q. Metellus Celer, who lived next her 
 brother on the Palatine. 
 
 § 76. videbantur, were beginning to seem. — tolerabilia, in- 
 evitable, and therefore bearable. — quidem, concessive. — nescio 
 quo modo, somehow or other. — vero, opposed to quidem. — 
 
122 Notes. [MlLO, 
 
 potuissetis, i. e. if they had been realized. — imperium : all this 
 mischief had been perpetrated in virtue of holding the offices of 
 tribune and aedile. What would he do if he got the imperium, by 
 holding the praetorship, for which he was candidate ? — tetrarchas, 
 a title of certain petty kings, especially in Galatia (see § 72 > origin- 
 ally, but not always, kings of a fourth part of a country). — pos- 
 sessions, i. e. by his judicial authority as praetor. — tenentur, 
 are proved. 
 
 § tj. per me unum : ut is displaced by the emphasis thrown 
 upon me. — aequitas, equity^ i. e. the administration of justice, 
 disregarding the strict letter of law. This was within the province 
 of the proetor urbanus (Maine, " Ancient Law," p. 55). — esset, 
 ironical. 
 
 199. nunc, as it is. — multas, setas, both emphatic by the 
 inversion. — imperatorum : now including Caesar, who at this time 
 seemed to have completely subdued Gaul, and had just invaded 
 Britain and Germany. 
 
 § 78. in eis singulis [bonis], in the case of each one. — visuros 
 fuisse, for vidissetds, of dir. disc. — judiciis : Pompey, in this 
 year of his sole consulship, carried several laws intended to secure 
 the better administration of justice, among other things limiting 
 the time allowed to the lawyers' arguments. — odio inimicitiarum, 
 the bitterness of private resentment. — libentius quam verius 
 (§47, 7), with more alacrity than truth. — et enim si, etc., for 
 even if it (my animosity) had good reason to be extreme. — 
 aequaliter versaretur = found its equal. 
 
 § 79. quin, nay, adds strength to the imperative. " Come now, 
 attend while I present the case in this light. 1 ' — nempe haec, this, 
 you know. — sic intuentur, view as plainly. — cernimus, dis- 
 cern (distinguish by eyesight) ; videmus, see (the general word). 
 
 — rneae, that I suggest. — imaginem, etc. = quae sit condicio 
 (apod, of si possim). — ita si, on co?idition that. — quid voltu, why 
 this look of terror ? — vivus, if alive. — quos = when . . . you. 
 
 200. vellet instead of plup. to denote continued action : u had 
 had the disposition." — si putetis, a conceivable supposition; si 
 posset, contrary to fact. 
 
 § 80. cantus, instrumental music ; carmina. songs : for example, 
 the famous one on Harmodius and Aristogeiton. — prope ad reli- 
 gionem, almost to the sanctity. 
 
 § 81. si non negat, a general protasis to the whole that follows. 
 
 — dubitaret, sc. if he had done it. — nisi vero, ironical. — si 
 velletis, if you were willing. — probaretur, approve itself. — 
 poterat, § 66, 2, c. — minus grata, not so agreeable. — propter 
 quern, through whose ?neans. — laetarentur, subj. as belonging 
 to the supposed case. 
 
§76-86.] Defence of Milo. 123 
 
 201. § 82. ut putaremus, as to think. — paeniteat, regret. 
 
 § 83. uteretur, i. e. si fecisset. Notice the art with which this 
 (probably the true state of the case) is put in the form of a false 
 supposition, in order to give Milo the benefit of both views of the 
 case. — hujus benefici. for this favor. — fortuna, destiny. — 
 vestra, i. e. of the optimates. — deberi putant, claim as due. — 
 felicitas, good luck. — divinum belongs with vim. as well as nu- 
 men. — ille, yonder. — maximum, greater than all. — majorum, 
 the ancients, who were regarded as being nearer the gods, their 
 divine origin, and so better acquainted with the secrets of the 
 universe. — sanctissime coluerunt, piously practised. 
 
 § 84. imbecillitate, frail nature. — quod vigeat, etc., that 
 has life and sensation. — et non inest, while it does not exist. 
 
 — heec ipsa, i. e. this very speech. — perniciem, pest. 
 
 $&®*& mentem injecit : " Whom the gods wish to destroy 
 they first make mad," — a very old idea. — habiturus esset, was 
 destined io have. 
 
 § 85. mediocri, ordinary. — religiones, sanctuaries. — com- 
 mosse se, bestirred themselves. — retinuisse, reasserted. — Al- 
 bani : Clodius's Alban villa (see §§ 46, 51) must have been in the 
 territory of Alba Longa, the ancient capital of Latium, whose tem- 
 ples were spared and their worship adopted by Rome (as that of 
 the Lanuvian Juno had been, see note § 27), when the city was 
 destroyed by Rome. From what follows it would, appear that 
 some of these sanctuaries had been demolished by Clodius in his 
 building schemes (see §53). — tumuli, mounds, used for altars. 
 
 — viguerunt, revived. — Latiaris : the temple of Jupiter, on the 
 Alban Mount, was the religious centre of the Latin confederacy 
 (which in this was like the Greek Amphictyony). It was a change- 
 able festival, ferice conceptivce, celebrated by the consul, usually 
 in April or May. — lacus : there are several little lakes about the 
 Alban Mount, chief of which are those at Alba and Aricia, in 
 the craters of extinct volcanoes. — nemora : nemus (same root as 
 vefitd) is originally an open grove where cattle can graze : it is 
 applied, as well as lucus, to a consecrated grove. Of these the 
 most famous in Italy was the sanctuary of Diana on the Lacus 
 Nemorensis (L. Nemi) near Aricia. 
 
 § 86. nisi forte, compare nisi vero, above. — Bonee Deae, an 
 Italian goddess whose very name is a mystery. She probably 
 represented the fruitful power of the earth, so that her mysteries, 
 celebrated on December 3 and 4 (see note § 13) corresponded to 
 those of Demeter {Mother Earth) at Eleusis. — taeterrimam, i. e. 
 the death of a highwayman. — nee vero non, nor can it be but. — 
 imaginibus, busts ; cantu, music ; ludis, games; exsequiis, pro- 
 cession j funere, burial rites. — celebritate, throng (see § 2$, and 
 
124 
 
 Notes. [Milo, 
 
 note, R. A. § 13). — mortem ejus lacerari, that his dead body 
 should be mangled. 
 
 203o § 87. redemerat, bought off. — domum . . . incenderat : 
 B. c. 57. The other outrages here enumerated have been already 
 described, Sest. § 32 (54). — capere, contain. — incidebantur : 
 he felt so sure of his power, that he was having the laws engraved 
 even before their passage. — nos . . . addicerent : which should 
 bind us over to our own slaves (i. e. freedmen). The suffrage of the 
 freedmen was a standing subject of controversy in Roman politics. 
 They voted in the four city tribes (see note, § 25), but many efforts 
 were made to get them into the rustic tribes ; and Clodius had 
 promised, as praetor, to bring forward a law with this object. — 
 adamasset, had taken a fancy to. 
 
 § 88. cogitationibus, plans. — ilium ipsum : i. e. Pompey, 
 whose return to Rome was just before the Clodian disturbances 
 began. — hie, at this point. — circumscripsisset, kept him within 
 the legitimate bounds of his office (as praetor). — id, i. e. circum- 
 scribe. — in privato, when he held no magistracy. 
 
 § 89. consularem, of a consular 7tian (i. e. Cicero). — possi- 
 deret, would [now] occupy ', &c. — libertos suos : if he freed the 
 slaves of others, they would be his freedmen, and bound to him as 
 clients (see note, R. A. § 12). 
 
 204. § 90. templum, etc., the sanctuary of public purity, 
 grandeur, wisdom, and counsel. — aram, as the sacred place 
 where treaties were made. — portum, haven of refuge. — funes- 
 tari, defiled by the presence of a corpse. 
 
 § 91. ab eo, from (i. e. against) him. — potuisse, for potuit 
 (of dir. disc), 7night have been. — excitate, su?nmon. — falcibus, 
 crowbars to tear up the steps, and turn the building into a fortress. 
 — ad Castoris, see note, § 18. — disturbari, broke up. — M. Ceelius, 
 a young man esteemed by Cicero as of great promise, and defended 
 by him in a cause of some scandal, but who afterwards turned out 
 to be a wild and desperate demagogue (see Brut. § 273). In the 
 year b. c. 44, after Caesar's victory at Pharsalia, both Caelius and 
 Milo, in concert with each other, headed revolts against Caesar, 
 and lost their lives ignominiously in southern Italy. — By silentio 
 is meant that the contio was orderly and well disposed before this 
 attack of the Clodians. 
 
 20«>. § 92. haud scio an, § 71, 1, d. — ut liceat depends on 
 obsecrantis (ace). — cupimus : in gladiatorial contests, if one com- 
 batant had the other at his mercy, he waited the will of the people, 
 who expressed their wish to have his life spared by turning down 
 their thumbs. If most thumbs were turned up, he was put to 
 death. — emagitant, clamor for. 
 
 § 93. exanimant, &c, these words dishearten and depress me. 
 
§86-98.] Defence of Milo. 125 
 
 — audio, hear of j intersum, bear witness to. — propter me, 
 through my means. — bene moratam (§44, 1, c), of good man- 
 ners and morals. 
 
 § 94. mini (§ 51, 4, b) :• for this passage, see Quint. VI. i. 27. 
 
 — tribunus, Sest. § 43. — dedissern. had devoted. — acceperam, 
 had found. — putarem, should I have thought (§ 57, 6) . 
 
 206. § 95- <l uo videtis, s-c. eum esse. — civibus, § 51, 7.^ 
 plebem : this word, in the later republic, had lost its meaning of a 
 class contrasted with the hereditary aristocracy of the patricians, 
 and was applied to the lower classes in general. — tribus patri- 
 moniis : Milo was by birth a member of the Papian gens, but 
 was adopted (see note, Sest. § 1) by his maternal grandfather, C. 
 Annius. This accounts for two patrimonies ; the third, Asconius 
 thinks, was probably his mother's. The orator here makes a civic 
 virtue out of Milo's lavish bribery. — conciliarit, has won. — ab- 
 laturum, will bear away, i. e. the memory of them. 
 
 § 96. vocem praeconis, etc. : i. e. the election was practically 
 decided, when the comitia were broken up by a mob. The election 
 could not therefore be formally and legally complete, and no an- 
 nouncement could be made by the herald. — desiderarit, cared 
 for. — facinoris suspitionem, etc. : the suspicion of a great crime, 
 not the indictment for this act. That is, as the last chapters 
 have shown, it was, in Cicero's view, not Clodius's death, but sus- 
 picion of designs against Pompey and the state, that decided the 
 case against Milo. — recte facta, § 72, 2, a (examples). 
 
 § 97. si . . . ratio, if regard is to be had. (The proper apo- 
 dosis, we should say, &c, is supplanted by the thing that would 
 be said ; and by this protasis and apodosis the tense of the rest 
 of the paragraph is changed.) 
 
 SOT. § 98. Etruriae festos : holidays appointed by the people 
 of Etruria, the neighbors whom Clodius had cheated and robbed, 
 at the good news of his death. — et actos et institutos, in app. 
 with festos : the celebrations that have already taken place, and 
 the anniversaries that have been established. — centesima et 
 altera, i. e. just one hundred days. 
 
 The length of interval was caused by the insertion this year of an intercalary month 
 between February and March. This was in theory done every other year, but was 
 practically left to the caprice of the fiontifices, from which it resulted that the calendar 
 had fallen into extreme confusion. The calendar year was 67 days behind the true time ; 
 and the discrepancy remained until the reform by Julius Cassar, b. c. 45. The Roman 
 year at this time consisted of only 355 days, and the interval was alternately of 20 and 22 
 days (see § 84, 2). These were inserted, not at the end of February, but alternately after 
 the 24th and 23d of the month, so that the intercalary month {Mercedonius) always con- 
 tained 27 days (Momm. Rom. Chr. p. 21). According to Asconius. the trial was April 8 
 (vi. Id.), and the murder was Jan. 18 (xiii. Kal. Feb.), although both these dates were 
 disputed. Counting for January 11 days, the Mensis Intercalaris 2j, March 31, and 
 Anril 8 days, we have 23 days left for February, which would indicate the shorter inter- 
 calation, of 22 days. * 
 
126 Notes. [Milo, 
 
 qua . . . ea, wherever . . . there (abl. of way by which) . — non 
 laboro, / have no concern. — versatur, abides. 
 
 § 99. his, sc. judicibus. — quo . . . eo, § 54, 6, e, r. — quae 
 oblivio = forgetfulness of which (as regularly with adj. pronouns, 
 cf. ea gratia). 
 
 § 100. pietatis, gratitude. — inimicitias, etc. " Such," says 
 Asconius, " were the constancy and good faith of Cicero, that 
 neither the popular enmity, nor the suspicions of Pompey, nor the 
 fear of coming danger if he should be put on trial before the 
 people, nor the arms openly taken up against Milo, could deter 
 him from his defence ; when he might have shunned all danger 
 and popular wrath, and even won back the good will of Pompey, 
 by relaxing a little the zeal of his advocacy." 
 20 8. §101. qua? excipiat, § 65, 2, /. 
 
 § 102. mene non potuisse, sc. respondebo. — gentibus : a 
 line must have dropped out, part of which belongs with gentibus. 
 Before non, the word must be quibus. 
 
 § 103. concepi, incurred. — ille indicia, i. e. Catiline's con- 
 spiracy. — fuerit, § 70, 4, b. — possum, virtually future, and so 
 used as apod, to a future protasis. 
 
 200. dictator : in times of great public emergency, the Sen- 
 ate could call upon the consuls to create a Dictator, who should 
 possess the undivided power of the old kings, but only for the 
 period of six months. The laws of appeal, and other safeguards 
 of individual liberty, had at first no force against this magistrate. 
 In later times dictators were no longer appointed, but the consuls 
 were invested with dictatorial power by the formula, ne videant, 
 etc. (Cat. I. § 2). Sulla, and afterwards Caesar, revived this magis- 
 tracy in their own persons for life {perpetuo). 
 
 The Magister Equitum, appointed by the Dictator, stood next 
 in command to him. 
 
 § 104. in Italia : since the Social War, the towns of Italy, hav- 
 ing received Roman citizenship, had lost the jus exsilii (see note, 
 Arch. § 5). 
 
 § 105. lacrimis defendi : this was a peculiarly Roman custom. 
 Many a desperate case was gained in the Roman courts by putting 
 on mourning, and bringing out the wife and children of the ac- 
 cused, in deep mourning and bathed in tears. 
 
 Not long after this trial, which ended in Milo's conviction, he 
 was further tried in his absence for bribery {ambitus) and illegal 
 combinations (de sodaticiis), and on a second charge of assault 
 (de vi) } and was condemned on each count. Cicero sent him a 
 copy of his labored defence, and received a reply dryly thanking 
 him for his effort, but expressing satisfaction that the speech was 
 
§ J -3] Oration for Marcellus. 127 
 
 not delivered ; " for then," said he, " I should not now be eating 
 the excellent mullets of Marseilles." 
 
 In the civil war, Milo perished in South Italy, while leading the 
 remnant of his troop of gladiators in resistance to Caesar, — " hit 
 with a stone from the wall " in an assault on the town of Cosa, 
 in Lucania (see Caesar, B. C. iii. 22). 
 
 Oration for Marcellus. 
 Argument, 
 
 Chap. i. Caesar's clemency in victory is glorious for himself and honorable for 
 Marcellus. — 2. Warlike glories depend on many outward circumstances: this glory is 
 wholly his own. — 3. Conquest is a natural and frequent thing : self-conquest is a divine 
 attribute. Other praises are drowned by the noise of war : this wins love and gratitude. — 
 4. This glory none can claim to share. Victory itself is conquered when its rights are 
 renounced. — s, 6, This is an earnest of Caesar's patriotism. Cicero had feared the 
 victory of his own side: Caesar's spirit was the nobler. —7. There is nothing to fear 
 from the pardoned: the State itself hangs upon Caesar's life. —8. The wounds of civil 
 wars are to be healed : he must live to restore the republic. —9- This glory still remains : 
 unless the State is restored, his other glories will have no abiding-place. — 10. All accept 
 the results, and wish his safety. — 11. Cicero is the mouthpiece of all in rendering 
 thanks. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 210. diuturni silenti : it was now more than six years since 
 the defence of Milo, which was followed almost immediately by 
 Cicero's absence as proconsul in Cilicia, whence he returned only 
 on the eve of the Pharsalian campaign. — eram usus, had kept 
 (plup., as preceding attulit). — timore (abl. of cause), fear of 
 consequences ; verecundia, modesty, distrust of himself under the 
 circumstances. — vellem : not subj. of indir. question, but conj. 
 modesties (§ 60, 2, b), thrown into past time by conn, of tenses ; 
 initium, looks forward to a change of plan : hence the subj., meaning 
 what I may wish in the future (compare § 59,4,/"). — tantam 
 mansuetudinem, etc., no doubt these words express the genuine 
 and grateful surprise felt at Caesar's clemency, so contrasted with 
 the temper and purpose of his opponents. — rerum omnium, in 
 every respect. 
 
 211. § 2. quasi signum sustulisti, you have raised, as it 
 were, a signal. 
 
 § 3. in multis, in me ipso, in the case of. — paulo ante, just 
 now. — commemoratis, see introd. — suspitionibus : Caesar is 
 said to have suspected Marcellus of some designs of assassi- 
 nation. 
 
128 Notes. [Marc. 
 
 § 5. usurpare, dwell on. 
 
 313. § 6. Fortuna, see Man. Law, § 47, 
 
 § 7. centurio, the infantry officer (see note, Manil. § 37). — 
 prsefectus, the commander of the auxiliary cavalry. So Conors 
 and turma correspond to each other, as the infantry and cavalry 
 divisions. 
 
 At the present period the regular cavalry of the legion was quite insignificant, and the 
 horse of the Roman army consisted chiefly of auxiliaries, — Gauls, Spaniards, Thracians, 
 &c. ; these were organized in alee of 300 or 400 men each, which were subdivided into 
 turmce of 30. For this reason we find here the Roman infantry officer combined with 
 the auxiliary cavalry officer, — corresponding to the real composition of the army. 
 
 § 8. immanitate barbaras, barbarous and fierce : his conquests 
 had first subdued the Gauls, Germans, and Britons. — locis in- 
 finitas. Caesar moved from Gaul B. c. 49 into Italy, and the same 
 year to Spain. In 48 he crossed over to Greece, and thence to 
 Egypt. In 47 he carried on war in Asia Minor, and in 46 gained 
 the crowning victory of Thapsus in Africa. 
 
 21«$. § 9- tubarum, of clarions : the tuba was a long straight 
 horn, used in infantry ; the lituus a curved one, used in cavalry. 
 
 § 10. hujus curiae. The old Curia Hostilia, upon the north 
 side of the Comitium, was destroyed by fire in the riots after the 
 death of Clodius, b. C. 52 (see Mil. § 33) ; but was rebuilt by 
 Faustus Sulla, son of the dictator. — C. Marcelli: cousin of Mar- 
 cus (cos. B.C. 50). — obfudit, rushed upon. 
 
 § 11. tropaeis et monumentis : the tropcea were memorials of 
 victory, consisting of armor of the conquered, arranged in human 
 form, and either erected by itself, or attached to some monument — 
 as a column or arch. Of monuments, Caesar did not live to carry 
 out his plans fully ; he built, however, a new enclosure for assem- 
 blies, the Sozpta Julia, and laid out a new forum for courts of jus- 
 tice, the Forum Julium^ north of the old Forum. 
 
 &14L* § I2 » florescet, § 49, i, b. — operibus, dat. (§ 51, 2, e). 
 
 — victores : i.e. Cinna, Marius, and Sulla. — vereor ut, etc. 
 (§ 7 0, 3> f)i I fear that this which I say cannot be understood 
 in the hearing quite as (perinde atque) / feel it in the thinking. 
 
 — occidissemus, might [by right of war] have fallen. 
 
 § 1 3. quam late pateat, how far it reaches. — ilia, i. e. Pom- 
 pey's. — tenemur, are convicted. — reddidit, restored, by confi- 
 dence that no vengeance would follow. — hostis, ace. plur. 
 
 § 14. flagitantium : before the outbreak of the civil war, Caesar 
 sent C. Curio (son of C. Curio, Verr. I. § 18) to Rome with offers 
 of compromise, which were spurned by the Senate. — hominem, 
 the man (Pompey) : emphatic, not his measures. — consilio, 
 reasons. — grati animi (see Sest. § ^3) '• a t the time of Cicero's 
 recall, Pompey interested himself to go in person to several of the 
 Italian towns to encourage the general feeling in his favor ; and 
 
§ 3~ 2 5-] Oration for Marcellus, 129 
 
 so atoned in part for the tardiness of his support, and his earlier 
 hesitating, cold, and ungracious course. 
 
 2f£». § 15- integra re, before peace was broken. — cuin cap- 
 itis mei periculo, with danger of ?ny life. It is said that after 
 Pompey's defeat, the command was urged upon Cicero by Cato ; 
 and on his refusal to conduct the war, young Pompey would have 
 stabbed him unless Cato had interfered. — existimator rerum, 
 judge of things. — statim censuerit : Cicero was welcomed and 
 kindly treated by Caesar on his return to Italy, B. c. 47. The war 
 was not finished till the next year, hence incertus exitus, etc. — 
 victor, when victorious (opposed to incertus, etc.). 
 
 § 16. certorum hominum : such senatorial leaders as Metellus, 
 Scipio, and Dolabella. Cicero says, in a letter to M. Marius 
 (Fam. vii. 3), " Excepting the chief and a few besides, the others 
 — the leaders I mean — were so grasping in the campaign and so 
 cruel in their talk, that I shuddered at the [thought of] victory. 
 There was nothing good except the cause." And to Atticus (ix. 7), 
 " It is their plan to stifle (suffocare) the city and Italy by famine, 
 then ravage the fields, set fire, and not spare the money of the 
 rich." Pompey, he says, would often say, Sulla potuit : ego non 
 potero? (ib. ix. 10). — inter se, with each other. 
 
 § 18. otiosis, the neutral. — ubi fuisset, which might have been 
 a mere accident. — aliquando, at last. — contulisse ad, laid upon. 
 
 216. § l 9- <l U£e > things which (the Stoic doctrine). — com- 
 modata, loaned. 
 
 § 20. prsesertim belongs with lapsis. — opinione, notion. — 
 si . . . timuerunt, subj. of est (§ 70, 5, R.). — senserunt, found 
 by experience. 
 
 § 21. querellam, etc., that the partisans of Pompey wished to 
 kill him. — de tuis, i. e. his immediate companions ; qui una, 
 those on the same side. — qui fuerunt, sc. inimici. 
 
 § 22. sane, by all means. 
 
 217. ignarus, inexperienced j rudis, raw ; nihil cogitans, in- 
 considerate. — equidem, for my part. — dumtaxat, merely (even 
 these). 
 
 § 23. consensio, conspiracy. — constituenda judicia, etc.: the 
 short period of Caesar's dictatorship was distinguished by a number 
 of salutary enactments, which were almost equivalent to a complete 
 revision of the constitution. — propaganda suboles : the waste of 
 population by incessant wars had already begun to alarm the best 
 minds of Rome. It was, in fact, the chief direct cause of the ruin 
 of the Empire. — diffluxerunt, have run wild (like vines). 
 
 § 24. sananda, to be healed (the result) ; mederi, to remedy 
 (the treatment). 
 
 § 25. doctorum, philosophers. 
 
 9 
 
130 Notes. [LlGAR. 
 
 SI 8. cunctam, entire. — perfectione, completion. 
 
 § 26. immo, corrects the general expression parum magna. — 
 futurus fuit, was to be. 
 
 §27. hie actus, as in a play. — tu perfruare, enjoy it yourself. 
 — angustiis, narrow bounds. 
 
 § 28. inservias (ut omitted, § 70, 3, f r.). — quae quidem, 
 i. e. seternitas. — certe, doubtless. 
 
 219. § 28. munera, gifts to the people, as monuments and 
 spectacles. 
 
 § 29. sedem, abiding-place ; domicilium, home. — requirent, 
 will miss. — illud, the war; hoc, the public safety. — servi eis 
 judicibus, pay regard to those judges. 
 
 § 30. non pertinebit, will have no concern for. 
 
 § 31. perfuncta est, has got through with. — arma, etc., arms 
 have been laid down by some, and wrested from others. 
 
 § 32. sanitatis, ordinary intelligence. — oppositus, interposition. 
 
 220. § 33- unde, with which (in Latin the beginning is re- 
 garded as the source from which). — agimus, express ; habemus, 
 feel. — cum id prsestiterim, while I have fulfilled it. — me 
 conservato, having been preserved. — quod . . . non arbitrabar, 
 which I thought no longer possible. 
 
 Oration for Ligarius. 
 Argument. 
 
 Chap. i. The charge and the circumstances — 2. No crime, or sign of ill-will to 
 Caesar. — 3. Cicero himself was more culpable, yet is pardoned. — 4. So Tubero, who is 
 indebted to Caesar for his life, yet seeks that of Ligarius. — 5. The clemency of Caesar a 
 the refuge of all : he stays the violence of his partisans. — 6. The political difference was 
 not crime, but error : so regarded by Caesar himself. — 7. Circumstances of the command 
 in Africa: Ligarius was not responsible. — 8, 9. If Tubero had been admitted, he would 
 have acted against Caesar: when refused, he went to Pompey. — 10. 11. Cicero does not 
 defend the cause, but pleads for mercy : Gaesar regards the case itself, not the man who 
 pleads it His friends desire mercy for Ligarius. — 12. Final appeal : the divine quality 
 of mercy. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 221. propinquus, kinsman. It is not known what was the 
 relationship of Tubero to Cicero. He was a member of the 
 ^Elian gens, — a family distinguished for its legal attainments ; and 
 Tubero himself ranks high among the Roman jurists. The prose- 
 cutor, Q. Tubero, was son of L. Tubero, whom Ligarius had pre- 
 vented from landing in Africa ; a chief grievance was that the 
 younger Tubero was at the time sick on board. 
 
§i-4-] Oration for Ligarius. 131 
 
 The Roman state was developed out of the patriarchal state of society, of which it 
 retained many characteristic institutions, such as the patria potestas, the enormous 
 power, even of life and death, possessed by the head of a family {paterfamilias) over 
 those under his legal control, — that is, all sons and descendants in the male line, and all 
 unmarried daughters. Daughters, upon their marriage, passed from the manus of the 
 father to that of the husband. 
 
 The gens was an enlarged family, which had outgrown the centralized power of a 
 paterfamilias, and the feeling of near relationship, but which still held in theory to the 
 belief in a common descent, and which maintained a gentile organization, possessed certain 
 property in common, and kept up the observance of certain sacra. The chief object of 
 adoption (note, Sest. § i) was the maintenance of these sacra. If a person died intes- 
 tate without heirs, his property went to his gens- The fundamental importance of the gens 
 in the Roman patriarchal institutions appears in the fact that the gentile name, always 
 ending in ius (except in a few Etruscan names in na, as Perpenna) was the nomen proper, 
 while the family name was only cognomen Some persons* as C Marius, had no family 
 name ; but most gentes fell into a number of families, and sometimes even these families 
 were divided into branches, with distinctive names. Thus the Cornelian gens contained 
 the families of Scipio, Sulla, Cinna, Lentulus, Dolabella, &c ; while a branch of the 
 Scipios retained for many generations the agnomen Nasica. Strictly speaking, there were 
 no fully organized gentes except those of the patricians, as the Comelii, Julii, Fabii, 
 Claudii; but the plebeian nobility (see note, Verr. I. § 15) developed gentes of its own, 
 which were quite analogous to those of the patricians. Such were the Caecilii, Sempronii, 
 Licinii, Livii. 
 
 Pansa (C. Vibius ; cos. B. c. 43 ; see Phil. XIV.) : at this time a 
 leading supporter of Caesar. This introduction is in a high degree 
 ironical. — quo me vertam, which way to turn. Later in the 
 language the word is used in a reflexive sense, as with us. — 
 necessarius : Cicero's necessitudo to Pansa appears to have con- 
 sisted in their working together in behalf of Ligarius. — ut . . . 
 esset (obj. of fecerit), that it is no longer a new case. 
 
 3352. § 2 - Considius : C. Considius Longus, propraetor of 
 Africa, B.C. 50, the year before the civil war. — sociis, see note, 
 Verr. I. § 13. — satis facere, etc. : the governor of a province, on 
 leaving his province before the expiration of his term, could ap- 
 point any officer he chose to govern pro prcstore in his place : 
 such a lieutenant exercised the imperiu?n of his superior. It was 
 usual, although not required, in this case, to appoint the highest 
 subordinate officer, the quaestor ; hence this apologetic expression 
 of the orator (see Momm. Rom. St. i. p. 178). 
 
 § 3. cupiditate inconsiderata, headlong partisanship. — salu- 
 tis and studii limit ducem ; the provincials, at first by a sort of 
 necessity for their own security, then with a growing zeal espousing 
 Pompey's cause, craved a military leader. — cum = at which time 
 (§ 62, 2, £ 2 ). — praetor = propraetor. — obtinuerat : had held, in 
 some former year. Of course, therefore, he had no legitimate 
 authority in Africa at the present time, for the imperium must be 
 conferred by a special and very definite act : hence the expression 
 si illud, etc. 
 
 § 4. qui cuperet, being one who wished. — in provincia paca- 
 tissima : Africa was one of the earliest and most thoroughly 
 
132 Notes. [Ligar. 
 
 conquered of the provinces : as is shown by the fact that in the 
 division of the empire by Augustus, when he took into his own 
 hands the administration of all provinces which required a military 
 force, Africa was left, with Asia, Achaia, Hither Spain, Narbonnese 
 Gaul, &c, under the authority of the Senate. — pacem esse, subj. 
 of expediret. — profectio, his going there. 
 
 $£2t& § 5« criminosum, liable to accusation. — Uticse, a 
 Phoenician city in Africa, older then Carthage, under whose su- 
 premacy it was always restive. For this reason it helped Rome 
 against Carthage, and was rewarded with the gift of territory. 
 After Africa was made a Roman province, Utica was its capital. 
 
 § 6. occurrat, indir. question depending on reformidat : a con- 
 struction very common in the comic poets (§ 67, 2, r.). 
 
 § 7. imperator. After the news of Pompey's death (b. c. 48), 
 Caesar was made dictator rei publicce constiluenda?, at the same 
 time receiving certain other special grants of power, and retaining 
 the imperiu?n, which he had now held uninterruptedly for twelve 
 years. Hence the exaggerated expression imperator unus ; for 
 in the original sense of this title (see note, Verr. V. 1), it could be 
 borne by as many officers as was necessary. It was not until the 
 spring of b. c. 45, some months after the delivery of this oration, 
 that Imperator became the title of a new magistrate, in whom the 
 imperium was vested for his life, and to be transmitted to his de- 
 scendants. This was the commencement of the Empire. From 
 this time the old use of this title was rare. — alteram, second. — 
 fascis laureatos : the fasces were wreathed with laurel when the 
 commander, after victory, was greeted as imperator. Cicero aspired 
 to the honor of a triumph for successes over some mountain rob- 
 bers. — reddere, restore. (This infin. represents a #onative present, 
 having a future force : hence dedisset for fut. perf.) 
 
 3S54L. § 8. ut, how. — cognationem, kitiship by blood. Prob- 
 ably this is used rhetorically for adfinitatem, connection by mar- 
 riage. 
 
 § 9. fuissse, subj. of esse. — nempe, etc., why ! one who, &c. 
 — in acie Pharsalica : the decisive victory of Caesar over Pompey, 
 at Pharsalus, in Thessaly, was fought Aug. 9, B. c. 48. — petebat, 
 aim at. — qui sensus, i.e. on which side? — optabas, pray for 
 (stronger than cupiebas). 
 
 § 10. equidem, to be sure. — ut tu vis, as you will have it. 
 
 § n. dicam = dictura* sum. — levium, unsteady. — imma- 
 nium, ferocious. 
 
 $&$£•§• § 12. eum dictatorem : i. e. Sulla. The dictator, as pos- 
 sessor of the full royal imperium, had judicial powers, although 
 their exercise, at this period, had fallen into disuse. — aliquot 
 annis post, some years later. Sulla had provided by law for the 
 
§ 4-i8.] Oration for Ligarins, 133 
 
 impunity of those who executed his proscriptions ; but Caesar, as 
 judex qucestionis de sicariis, b. C. 64, took pains to secure the 
 trial and conviction of more than one of these wretches. — studia 
 virtutis, the devotion to virtue, &c, of your race and family. 
 
 § 13. non videamini esse, are not, as it seems, 
 
 § 14. domi, in private. — tollere, take away. 
 
 § 15. per te : i. e. as contrasted with the bloodthirstiness of. 
 some of his followers. 
 
 220. essent : following nisi, etc. (notice conn, of tenses). 
 
 § 16. alicujus, for any one. — tunc,-*/* that case (§ 60, 1, a). 
 — extorquebit, wrest from you. 
 
 § 17. de nullo alio, etc.: i. e. why he selected Ligarius out 
 of all Pompey's followers ; how one who had committed precisely 
 the same fault could have the audacity to bring the charge — or 
 was it perhaps that he had some new crime to accuse him of ? 
 (adferret is subj. as being a question ; the others are facts).— 
 ilia causa, Pompey's. — qui durius, who speak more harshly. 
 
 227. § 18. mortuus, " in his grave." — contumeliam : Caesar's 
 proconsular command in Gaul ended March 1, B. c. 49. It was 
 usual in such cases to continue in command until the next first 
 of January, on the principle that every tenure of office continued 
 until a successor was appointed ; and, in consequence of a law 
 of Sulla, the consuls and praetors went to the government of 
 provinces immediately on the expiration of their term of office in 
 the city. A new law of Pompey's, however, had provided that 
 five years should intervene between the magistracy and the gov- 
 ernorship, so that it would be easy to appoint a successor to Caesar 
 at the legal expiration of his office. Further, Caesar had been 
 exempted by law from the necessity of presenting himself in per- 
 son as a candidate for the consulship of B. c. 48. His plan was to 
 be elected in his absence, to retain his proconsulship until the day 
 when he should assume the consulship again, and thus to have no 
 gap between the two offices. If there were a gap of a single day, 
 his enemies were on the watch to prosecute him, for various acts 
 which were at any rate irregular. Their policy was to abrogate 
 his command, if possible, and at any rate to repeal the law which 
 allowed him to be a candidate while absent. The year 50 b. c. 
 was consumed in fruitless negotiations and attempts at compro- 
 mise ; when Pompey and the Senate at last cut off further de- 
 bate, refused all concessions to Caes*ar, and declared war. It 
 was this treatment which Cicero describes as contumelia. — pa- 
 cem esse cupiebas : it seems certain that Caesar had, in his 
 desire for peace, carried his offers of compromise as far as was 
 possible. — ut tibi conveniret, that you should come to an un- 
 derstanding (in appos. with id). 
 
134 Notes. [Ligar. 
 
 § 19. esses, i. e. in that case. — secessionem : Pompey and 
 most of the Senate retired at Caesar's approach, and escaped to 
 Greece. — utrisque cupientibus, where both wished. — eorum 
 qui sequebantur : almost the entire body of nobles followed 
 Pompey. — cognita . . . tua, now that your clemency is known. 
 
 § 20. poteramusne, sc. non venire. — atque is almost = atqui. 
 
 § 21. Tuberonis sors : i.e. in assigning the provinces. 
 
 238. excusare, to make excuse. — contubernales, in Cicero's 
 brief campaign in the Social War. — quidam, some friend : it is 
 uncertain who. 
 
 § 22. occupatam, i. e. by Attius Varus. — voluisse, voluisse, 
 maluisse, all have the clause Africam . . . obtinere depending 
 on them, but it is expressed only with the second. — natam ad 
 bellum : a map of the Mediterranean will show the formidable 
 position of the province of Africa as against Italy. — aliquem, 
 some one else. 
 
 § 23. tradituri fuistis, were you going to surrender ? (half- 
 way between the original meaning and that which it afterwards had, 
 of the apod, contrary to fact. The student should bear in mind 
 these transitions in meaning, as language is constantly changing, 
 and can never be strictly reduced to rules : traditurum fuisse 
 (below) is the regular construction of indir. disc. ; while the above 
 forms in direct disc, were only used as strict apodosis later.) — 
 cujus interfuit, whose interest it was. 
 
 § 24. veniebatis, conative imperf. — maxime infestam : King 
 Juba of Numidia was a zealous adherent of Pompey, and Africa 
 was the seat of the last struggle of the Senate against Caesar. — 
 huic victoriee, Caesar's. — aliena voluntas, estranged feeling. — 
 conventus : an association of the Roman citizens of a province, 
 possessing certain corporate powers. 
 
 SSO. § 2 5« nempe, naturally enough. — in societatem, to 
 take a share in. — venissetis, you should have come (not apod, 
 but hortatory). — venistis (emphatic), you did come. — per me, 
 for all me. —   qui privarerit, in that he deprived you (§ 65, 2, e). 
 
 § 26. quamvis probarem, however much I approved. (The 
 tense is attracted by the following apod, contrary to fact.) — 
 partibus, party. — ad eos ipsos, constr. (by synesis) with partibus. 
 
 § 27. nequaquam fuerunt : Varus was of an insignificant 
 family, while the Tuberos were members of the nobility. — justo, 
 regular, duly conferred. — ad Caesarem, sc. venit. — causam, side. 
 230o § 28. ejus, Pompey. — cum videres, second person of 
 indef. subj. in a general condition (§ 59, 5, a). — esset, subj. of 
 charact. (§ 65, 2 ; but for that it would be indie. § 59, 3, d). 
 
 § 29. in ilia causa, in upholding the side of Pompey. — ad 
 unam summam, to one main point. 
 
§ I 9~3 6 -] Oration for Ligarips. 135 
 
 § 30. tecum, in company with you. Caesar was hardly less 
 distinguished as an orator than as a general and statesman. — 
 equidem emphasizes multas. — in foro : the Forum was the 
 seat of the administration of justice. — honorum: i. e. the canvass- 
 ing for office made it necessary for him to appear as patronus. — 
 posthac, sc. fecerit. — ne haec quidem, i. e. the following. — vale- 
 rent, might prevail (if I used them). — oppressus, forced into. 
 
 — in eo ipso, i. e. in use. — temere, thoughtlessly. 
 
 231. ignoscatur, impersonal. — idem . . . qui, just as. 
 §31. mini, etc., i. e. not only have I been preserved, but, &c. — 
 
 est posita, depends. — studiis, zealous efforts. — causas, the cases. 
 — voltus : the tears and lamentations by which it was customary 
 to seek acquittal. — quam tuus necessarius, how closely con- 
 nected to you. — quam illius, opposed to tuus. — fruuntur, con- 
 cedas : the indie, refers to individual cases ; the subj. character- 
 izes. — justissimum, very natural. 
 
 § 32. tu : only expressed to go with the concessive quidem. — 
 Sabinos : Ligarius was of Sabine origin, and many of his Sabine 
 friends were here present. — florem, etc. : the Sabine territory 
 among the mountains was still the home of a hardy and virtuous 
 population. — nosti : during the civil war, Caesar had found shelter 
 from Sulla among these kindly mountaineers. — squalorem, see 
 note, Sest. § IX. 
 
 § 33. quodvis, any whatever (emphatic). — vox, the expres- 
 sion which follows. — nos, i. e. the party of Pompey. — nisi qui, 
 except those who. 
 
 232. tecum fuerunt, on your side, i. e. as holding aloof from 
 the other side. As neutrals, they were threatened by the Pom- 
 peians. — non nulli, some of us. — tuis suos, to your friends 
 their friends. 
 
 § 34. fuerit futurus, see note, § 23. — conspirantem, harmo- 
 nious (breathing together) ; conflatam, identical (fused together). 
 
 — ut . . . sequerentur, subst. clause (§ 70, 4, b). — tempestate, 
 by stress of weather. — tamen, notwithstanding. 
 
 § 35. ierit, etc. (concessive subj.), suppose he did go. — hi . . . 
 tui (emphatic) = these beseech you, and they are your friends. 
 
 — equidem sets off the implied subj. ego against tu, below. — 
 cum interessem, having been concerned in. — quaestor urbanus, 
 city treasurer (see note,Verr. I. § 11), in which capacity he appears 
 to have done a service to Caesar, who was then in Gaul. 
 
 § 36. nihil egit aliud, had no other object. — tot talibus, many 
 and excellent as they are. — dederis, § 58, 7. — condonaveris : 
 condonare is to grant something for the sake of some one else. 
 — haec, the present condition of things. — officio, brotherly kind- 
 
136 Notes. [Phil. XIV. 
 
 23«$o § 37' de homine nobilissimo, i.e. Marcellus. — in 
 curia before' the Senate (see Introd. to Or. for Marcellus). — foro : 
 Ligarius had been accused ; hence the form of trial in the Forum. 
 — populare, popular, but in a strictly political sense — nulla, 
 etc., not one of your many virtues is ?nore, &c, than 7ne7'cy. 
 
 § 38. ut possis : a subst. clause of result (§ 70, 4, a), because 
 an effect is implied in habet. — postulet, § 60, 2, a. 
 
 The Last Philippic. 
 Argu?nent. 
 
 Chap, i, 2. Rejoicing is premature, while Brutus is not safe ; his rescue has been 
 the object from the beginning. — 3-5. Antony and his troops should be held as public 
 enemies : their cruelties at Parma, &c. : the city itself has been allotted among them. 
 Cicero would extend the time of rejoicing, and salute the commanders as imperatores, 
 to which their deeds entitle them. — 6, 7. Absurd charge against Cicero, of aiming at 
 power. The career of honors is open, and the people rate men according to their deserts. 
 
 — 8. His former counsel, that Antony be declared a public enemy. This is implied in 
 the proposed su.pplica.tio. — 9, 10. Exploits and eulogy of Pansa and Hirtius. — 11, 12. A 
 supplicatio recommended of fifty days for the three commanders. Eulogy of the soldiers, 
 the living and the dead. Let a monument be erected to the dead, especially of the legion 
 of Mars. — 13. Let us console their relatives, and pay the promised reward to the families 
 of the dead, as well as to the survivors. — 14. Resolution of thanks and honor. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 5237. § !• ex litteris, the army-bulletins. — si . . . cognovis- 
 
 sem (see note, R. A. § i) : the construction of this involved sen- 
 tence is, If I knew that Brutus was already gone from Mutina 
 {which we all greatly wish, and think to be effected by the victory 
 already gained), as I do ktiow, from the documents just read, 
 that the army of our worst enemy is cut to pieces and put to 
 flight, I would vote without hesitation, &c. D. Brutus, one of 
 Caesar's murderers, had been assigned by him to the government 
 of Cisalpine Gaul, and took possession of the province after 
 Caesar's death. In the summer, Antony procured the passage of 
 a law transferring this province to himself. Brutus, supported by 
 the Senate, refused to give it up, and upon this issue hostilities 
 broke out. Brutus was at this time besieged in Mutina (Modena), 
 and the consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, had moved to raise the siege. 
 
 — ad saga, etc., as we should say figuratively " to arms," the 
 sagum being the type of anxiety and alarm, as the toga was of 
 security and peace. 
 
 As the toga was the garb of peace, so the sagum was that of war. It was a simple 
 woollen cloak, fastened over one shoulder with a clasp or buckle, fibula, while the toga 
 
§ i-6] The Last Philifpic. 137 
 
 had no fastening, but was wound in elaborate folds about the body. The sagum was 
 worn in the army, and also in the city when, as now, there was civil war, or war near 
 home. Ire ad saga was a mark of a state of war ; redire ad vestitutn would come with 
 peace. 
 
 ea res : the raising of the s'iege. 
 
 § 2. sententia, proposition. — in hodiernum diem: i. e. for the 
 day's rejoicings. — id agamus ut, let us do so with the intention 
 to retain it. — turpe est : it were a mockery to show rejoicing and 
 triumph, when the gods had as yet granted only half their prayers. 
 
 .§ 3. redierimus, sc. ad vestitum. — ne . . . prodatur : i. e. by 
 changing the dress for the one day, it will appear that it was not 
 on account of Brutus that the change was made : for he was not 
 yet safe. — tollito banc, set aside this motive (a kind of protasis, 
 § 60, 1, b). — pravse, perverse. — conservate, &c, maintain your 
 dignity (by sustaining Brutus). 
 
 § 4. legati : this was in January. At the head of the embassy 
 was the distinguished jurist, Ser. Sulpicius Galba, who died on 
 the journey. The Ninth Philippic was spoken in commemoration 
 of him. — denuntiaret, order (with threats) . — hosti, Antony. 
 
 £38. Hirtius, the consul (see Introd.). — imbecillitatem, 
 infirm condition. Cicero had said of him before, " How feeble 
 and worn he was ! But the infirmity of his body did not check 
 the vigor of his soul." — per se, through his own exertions (§ 54, 
 4, b). — liberasset : Octavianus had taken an active part in the 
 autumn in thwarting Antony's plans. — dolorem aliquem domes- 
 ticum, soi?ie private griefs for the death of his adoptive father. 
 Cicero would imply that he was too true a patriot to feel a real 
 affection for the dictator. 
 
 § 5. quid . . . egit, what object had Pansa f He had set out 
 for Mutina some weeks after his colleague. — faciendis, procuring. 
 — necessitati victus, implying that the war brought distress in 
 the provision-market. — quod, i. e. the liberation of Brutus from 
 siege. — inibi esse, on the very point of being achieve'd. — et 
 connects rei and evento. — praeripuisse, seized prematurely, if 
 the news proved true ; contempsisse, scorned, if it proved false. 
 
 § 6. significatio vestra, the indication you have given. — pro- 
 praetore : i. e. Caesar Octavianus, upon whom the Senate had 
 specially conferred this rank early in January. He was left in sole 
 command after the deaths of Hirtius and Pansa. — si . . . ante, as 
 soon as. — pertineant, § 66, 1, b. — imbuti, stained; madefacti, 
 bathed. — exercituumque : this term is added, because the legions 
 contained only Romans, while the consular armies had also aux- 
 iliaries. — duobus . . . prcelio : the battle was begun by Pansa, who 
 was routed and mortally wounded — although the fatal character 
 of his wound was not yet known at Rome ; then the fortune of the 
 day was retrieved by reinforcements led by Hirtius. Octavianus 
 
138 Notes. [Phil. XIV. 
 
 took no part in this engagement, but repulsed an attack upon the 
 camp. — hostium, civium : Cicero's great point in the Philippics 
 is to make out that Antony — like Catiline — is no citizen, but a 
 public enemy. In the argument that follows, he shows that the 
 proposition of a supplicatio (see note, Cat. III. 15), which had never 
 been decreed except for a victory over foreign enemies, indorses 
 this view by treating 'Antony as an enemy. — nefarium scelus : 
 observe the chiasmos. — nisi mucrones, etc., unless you wish 
 their very sword-blades to waver in doubt. 
 
 § 7. hostem : the proposition seems to have studiously omitted 
 calling Antony's troops enemies : this Cicero objects to. — vero, 
 forsooth, marks the irony. — improbis, criminal, sc. civibus. — 
 clarissimus vir : P. Servilius Vatia, the proposer of the suppli- 
 catio, Caesar's colleague in his second consulship, b. c. 48. — 
 urbanarum, civil. — internecivi, to the death. — circumscribunt, 
 swindle. 
 
 239. § 8. infert, of offensive war. — quattuor consulibus : 
 i. e. besides the two consuls, the two consuls elect, Plancus and 
 D. Brutus. — gerit, is actually carrying on. — suis cladibus, the 
 evils he threatens. — Dolabellae facinus : Dolabella, Antony's 
 colleague in the consulship (b. c. 44), when on his way to the 
 province of Syria, in February 43, assaulted Smyrna by treachery, 
 captured the propraetor of Asia, C. Trebonius (one of the conspir- 
 ators against Caesar), and put him to death with indignities and 
 torture. — hoc templo : i.e. that of Jupiter Capitolinus, where the 
 Senate was now met. — Parmensium : Parma had been captured 
 by Antony, and treated in the manner here described. — propu- 
 dium et portentum, prodigy of wickedness. — L. Antonius, the 
 youngest brother of Mark Antony (cos. B. c. 41). 
 
 § 9. oblita, besmeared. — crudelitatem : the cruelty of the 
 Carthaginians was proverbial — at least among their enemies the 
 Romans. — capta, taken by assault : surrepta, surprised. 
 
 § 10. hujus urbis : sc. eum esse : urbis limits quid in the 
 same sense as coloniarum limits hostis. — explendas, replenish- 
 ing. — latrocini, gang of robbers. — peritus metator et callidus, 
 that tried and shrewd surveyor. — Saxa, L. Decidius ; a Celti- 
 berian by birth, originally a land-surveyor, a creature of Caesar's 
 and now of Antony's. The reference here is to a law of Antonius, 
 passed in the June preceding, for the establishment of colonies 
 of veterans. — domesticis, within the walls. 
 
 24:0. dissipatis, spread abroad. — domum, home (actual 
 abode) ; tecta, buildings (in general) ; larem, domestic hearth. 
 
 The Lares, or deified ancestors, are hardly to be distinguished, as an object of wor- 
 ship, from the Penates, or household gods (see note, Cat. IV. § 17). Each compihtm, or 
 cross-road, had its lares, who were the object of the sacra of the collegia compitalicia 
 (see note, Sest. § 13). The lar familiaris was that of the family. 
 
§ 6-I4-] The Last Philippe. 139 
 
 si quis attulerit . . . assentiar, if any would propose, I would 
 accept. 
 
 § 11. decreverit, has moved. — omnino numerum, the number 
 in all. — cui, interrogative. — ut non, etc., without his being 
 called, &c, even though, &c. — decernenda non fuit, ought not 
 to have been voted. 
 
 § 12. an . . . adimemus, shall we then deprive ? — appellaret, 
 would have styled (imperf. because of repeated action). — quae 
 increbuit : in the later days of the republic, the title of imperator 
 and the honor of triumph were granted upon much less cause than 
 in earlier times. — ovantem : the ovatio was an inferior triumph, 
 sometimes granted by the Senate, in cases when the proportions 
 or circumstances of the victory, or the rank of the commander, did 
 not warrant the supreme honor of a triumph (see note, Man. § 8). 
 The general did not wear the purple embroidered robe, or the laurel 
 crown, but the ordinary toga pr&texta, and a wreath of myrtle. 
 
 § 1 3. is demum, that only. — sive, if either. 
 
 ^4:1. gratias agebant, gave a vote of thanks. — tu igitur, sc. 
 gloriaris. — dixerit, hortat. subj. (§57, 3). — equidem, concessive. 
 
 — gratiam non referri, that a favor, should not be returned. 
 
 § 14. Parilibus : the Parilia or Palilia (April 21) was one of 
 the most ancient Roman festivals, in honor of Pales, a goddess 
 of flocks. This day was regarded as the anniversary of the found- 
 ing of the city. — qui dies, etc., which occur this very day. — 
 cum fascibus descensurum, was coming down with the insignia 
 of usurped power. — hoc esse conlatum, this [intention] was 
 attributed. — ne quid, § 65, 1, r. — [ut] : if this word is retained, 
 the expression is subj. of exclam. (§ 70, 4, b) ; if omitted, a rhe- 
 torical question (§ 57, 6). — exsisterem, etc., should turn out of 
 a sudden another Catiline. (Imperf. as referring back to the time 
 when his enemies said "descended") — quibus auspiciis, i.e. by 
 what formal authority. — augur, / an augur (emphatic) : i. e. an 
 augur would know his science too well for such an attempt. This 
 was the latest of Cicero's official honors, received ten years before ; 
 and he fully appreciates the dignity of the priestly craft. 
 
 While an augur had the power of interpreting the auspices, only magistrates had the 
 power of taking them (see note, Cat. IV. 2); and augurs were not in any sense magis- 
 trates. Further, any assumption of power would be invalid unless confirmed by auspices. 
 Cicero, though an augur, was unable to take the first preliminary step to any usurpation 
 of power. A technical obstacle like this would not stand long in the way of a modern 
 usurper ; but the stress here laid upon it illustrates the degree in which the peculiar for- 
 malism of the Roman religion had become worked into the Roman mind ; and further, 
 the power exercised by this adherence to form in protecting the institutions of the State. 
 
 traderem : the i7nperitim, as well as the auspicia, descended 
 by regular succession, like ecclesiastical functions in the church. 
 
 — quemquamne fuisse, § 57, 8, g. — sermo, mere talk, not even 
 honest suspicion. 
 
140 Notes. [Phil. XIV. 
 
 § 15. illam curiam, i. e. the Pompeian : this was to the north of 
 the Capitoline, and was the scene of Caesar's death : hence the 
 term infelicem. — furiis suis, their own madmen. (The mss. have 
 viribus or juris : Klotz's conjecture partibus is adopted by Halm.) 
 — ad me : as being now the leading man in the State. — quae is 
 obj. and res subj. of patefecit. 
 
 § 16. jam inde, ever since. 
 
 34:^. optatissimi nuntii, etc. : i. e. of the victory at Mutina. 
 liberarit, perf. as of an effect still continuing (§ 58, 5, b). 
 
 § 17. male mecum ageretur, / should be ill dealt with. — pur- 
 gatus, cleared. — jejuno, mean (" meagre "). — magnus . . . cam- 
 pus, a broad field is open in public life. — Crassus : the great 
 orator, who died B.C. .91. — apertus, unobstructed. — quidem, / 
 am sure. — principes : such men as Catulus, Lucullus, Hortensius, 
 Servilius (Isauricus), and Metellus Celer. — cum . . . cederem, 
 when I myself was ready to yield to the7n. — quo dolore, in- 
 terrogative. — sententiam moderari, govern their views. 
 
 § 18. principatus (obj. gen.), supremacy. — cursus, speed. — 
 optime sentiam, have the noblest views. 
 
 SJ4L3. et libenter, and should be glad to be. 
 
 § 19. haec . . . ferunt, these things, as some maliciously say, the 
 Roman people see, &c. — poteratne fieri, was it possible t — uni- 
 verso, as a whole. — xiii. Kal. Jan. (Dec. 20), the day when the 
 third and fourth Philippics were spoken, — one in the Senate and 
 one in the Forum, — declaring Antony a public enemy ; Kal. Jan., 
 when, in the fifth Philippic, he urged that no negotiations should 
 be had with him. The campaign against Antony may be said to 
 have begun with the former; but no active measures could be 
 taken until the new consuls entered upon office on the first of 
 January. 
 
 § 20. legatos : it was on the question of sending this embassy 
 (see note, § 4) that Cicero delivered the fifth Philippic. — ilium 
 hostem, sc. appellari. (Observe the condensed emphasis, caused 
 by omission of the verbs.) 
 
 § 21. P. Ventidium : an officer of Antony's army. He after- 
 wards gained some important successes over the Parthians, B. c. 
 38. — f volusenum : the mss. here are hopelessly corrupt. — dis- 
 cessionem : a vote by going to one part of the house (pedibus 
 ire in sententiam : see Introd. note, Cat. IV.). 
 
 § 22. semel et saepius, once and again. — sustulerunt, i. e. 
 refused to put the question. The presiding officer had the right 
 to decide what questions should be put. 
 
 QW % imprudens, unawares. 
 
 § 23. bellum Octavianum : the reaction, b. c. 87, by which 
 Sulla's partisan, the consul Octavius, was expelled by his col- 
 
§ 14-32 ] The Last Philip fie. 141 
 
 league Cinna. — Servili, P. Servilius Vatia, colleague of Caesar, 
 B. c. 48. — de Alexandria : for a victory over the Egyptians ; de 
 Fharnace, son of Mithridates, King of Pontus (both victories, 
 
 B.C. 47). 
 
 § 24. Gabinium (see Or. for Sestius) : he had claimed a sup- 
 filicatio, which the Senate steadily refused, for some successes 
 against Arab marauders in Syria. — re, in effect; verbo, in so 
 many words. 
 
 § 25. habet, has already. — honoris amplissimi : i. e. the con- 
 sulship. — alterum, i.e. consul; alteram, imperator. — jugulis, 
 i. e. lives simply. 
 
 245. a membris, etc. : Antony would not only cut their 
 throats, but treat their bodies with indignity, — as was, in fact, after- 
 wards done in the case of Cicero ; perhaps even torture them, like 
 Dolabella. 
 
 § 26. princeps, leader in. — legione Martia : this was one of 
 the two legions (the other was the Quarto) that had gone over 
 from Antony to the Senate the November previous. 
 
 § 27. beneficia : i. e. grants of money and assignments of land 
 to Caesar's veterans, as well as new enactments making military 
 service less onerous. — viginti cohortibus, i. e. two legions (see 
 note, Manil. § yj). — qua . . . accepimus, than which we have 
 heard of no nobler exa7nple of a commander. — tribus, in point 
 of fact, Antony had only two legions engaged : but full particulars 
 had not yet reached Rome, and Cicero appears to have thought 
 that a third legion, the Alauda, which he had with him, was en- 
 gaged in the fight. 
 
 246. § 2 8- postulanda, to be expected. — dabamus, conative 
 imperf. — ejus nominis, that title : imperator being connected 
 with imperium. — castra, the camp of Hirtius. 
 
 § 29. decerno : note that this word does not mean decree, but, 
 of a single senator, simply vote. — quinquaginta, an unprece- 
 dented number. Ten days' supplicatio had been decreed for 
 Pompey's victories in Africa, and fifteen for Caesar's defeat of the 
 Belgians. — conjungi, joined with that of the commanders. 
 
 § 30. cumulata, redoubled. — praestabitur, will be redeemed 
 (" fulfilled "). — secuti sunt = relied on. — quibus, i. e. the living, 
 whose silent presence is a reminder. 
 
 § 31. occurrunt, suggest themselves. 
 
 247. Albam, sc. Fucensem, a town among the mountains, 
 in the territory of the Marsi, which the Martian legion took and 
 held after revolting from Antony. — desiderat, has lost. 
 
 § 33. idem deus : Mars was the special patron god of Rome, 
 — a relation not inconsistent with the recognition of Jupiter as the 
 supreme god of all. The establishment of the worship of Jupiter 
 
142 Notes. [Phil. XIV. 
 
 Capitolinus, as the central point of Roman religion, belongs to 
 that stage in the history of Rome — the period of the Tarquinian 
 dynasty — when, from being a single Latin city, she became the 
 head of the Latin name. — pignerari, claim as his own. 
 
 248. § 34- bustis, burial-mounds. The bustum was properly 
 the heap of ashes left after the body had been consumed with the 
 rogus. The term was also applied to the mound erected on the 
 spot where the body was burned. 
 
 24:9. § 37- alter ambove : the imperium of the two consuls 
 was absolutely equal, and the power of neither was impaired by 
 any field of action specially assigned, or any duty specially im- 
 posed upon the other. Such special assignment of functions was 
 only conditional upon mutual consent, and either had a legal right 
 to interfere in the other's province. Of course, however, any such 
 interference was regarded as unwarranted, and, in practice, the two 
 colleagues either took turns in the administration, or agreed upon 
 a division of functions between them. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Add/cere, 98. 
 Adrogation 92. 
 Advocati, 3, 43. 
 sEdilis, 30. 
 Adoption, 92. 
 Ager Publicus, 24. 
 Agnatus, 92. 
 Allies, 87. 
 Antithesis, 4, 43. 
 Aratores, 24. 
 Aristocracy, 19. 
 Asia, 22. 
 Assemblies, 25. 
 Auctoritas, 61. 
 Augur ia> 44. 
 Augur, 139. 
 Auspicia, 80, 97, 139. 
 
 2?0#« Ztea, 104, 109, 
 
 123. 
 Bustum, 142. 
 Cafite Censi, 26. 
 Capitolium, 84. 
 Career, 71. 
 Cavalry, 128. 
 Censor, 89. 
 Challenge, 21. 
 Citizenship, 24. 
 Client, 5, 85. 
 Cohors, 35. 
 
 Collegium, 88, 96, 1 1 7, 
 Colonia, 63, 72, 86. 
 Comitia, 25, 92, 96. 
 Cotnitium, 41, 93, 103. 
 Comj>erendinare, 29. 
 
 Concilium, 96. 
 Consilium, 17, 28. 
 Consultum, 23, 81. 
 Contio, 32, 96. 
 Curia, 128. 
 
 Decumat, 47. 
 Detestatio Sacrorum, 
 
 92. 
 Dictator, 126, 132. 
 Diem Dicere, 115. 
 Discessio, 79. 
 Z?/«5 Fidius, 94. 
 Duumviri, 88. 
 
 Elections, 63. 
 Equites, 19. 
 Evocare, 36. 
 Evocatio deorum, 36. 
 Exsilium, 86, 88. 
 
 Familia, 13, 48. 
 Fasces, 52. 
 Eiscus, 27. 
 Forum, 42, 66. 
 Freedmen, 8, 83 ; suf- 
 frage of, 124. 
 
 Games, 28. 
 (re»5, 131. 
 
 Gracchus, 61, 83, 120. 
 Gymnasia, 36. 
 
 Haruspices, 74* 
 Hospitium, 5, 85. 
 
 Imagines, 25. 
 Imperator, 35, 132, 139. 
 Imperium, 50, 57, 60, 
 
 122, 131, 142. 
 Innocentia, 29. 
 Intercalation, 125. 
 Inter rex, no, 112. 
 
 Judex £>ua>stionis, 2. 
 Judices, 2, 19, 33. 
 Judicium, 20, 33. 
 y«5 Gentium, 16, 23. 
 y«5 Exsilii, 86. 
 
 Lares, 138. 
 Laws (title), 13. 
 Legatus, 22, 28, 47. 
 Legion, 28, 53. 
 Libertus, 8, 83. 
 £«**>-, 33, 52. 
 ZrfVtt jEstimatio, 31. 
 
 Manumission, 118. 
 Mars, 141. 
 
 Municipium, 5, 66, 72. 
 Munus, 30. 
 
 Nobility, 19. 25. 
 
 Obnunliare, ofl. 
 Oppidum, 12. 
 CW0, 18. 
 Ovation, 139. 
 
 Palatium, 60. 
 Parricide, 10. 
 
i 4 4 
 
 Index, 
 
 Patria Potestas, 131. 
 Patricians, 77. 
 Patronus, 5, 44, 73. 
 Penates, 84. 
 Piratical State, 51. 
 Plebiscitum, 26, 55. 
 Pontifex, 61. 
 Prcefectura, 73. 
 Prcerogativa, 27. 
 Prcelexta, 69, 87, 94. 
 Praetor, 23, 44, 56, 
 
 58, 73, 88. 
 Proconsul, 50, 67. 
 Propraetor, 88. 
 Princess Senatus, 75, 
 
 79- 
 Prorogare, 57. 
 Proscription, 6, 132. 
 Provincia, 22. 
 Prytaneum, 36. 
 Publtcam, 24, 45, 48. 
 Puteal, 93. 
 
 Qucestio (torture), 13. 
 Qucestiones Perpetua, 
 
 2. 
 Quaastor, 22. 
 Quirites, 43. 
 
 Referre, 32^56, 79, 
 
 119. 
 <£*£&, 115. 
 Reicere, 21. 
 Relatives, 2. 
 Repetundce, 19. 
 Rogatio, 67, 95. 
 Rogus, 142. 
 
 Sacramentum, 121. 
 Sagum, 136. 
 Scribcz, 79, 83. 
 Scriptura, 48. 
 Sect ores, 13. 
 5W/tf Curulis, 80. 
 Senaculum, 72. 
 Senate, 19, 23, 79. 
 Senatus Consultum, 2] 
 
 23, 61. 
 Sententia, 20, 79* 
 Sertorius, 46. 
 Servare de ccelo, 97. 
 Sibylline Books, 74. 
 Slaves, 48, 83, 118. 
 Socii, 24. 
 Stator, 63. 
 Stipendium, 47. 
 Sulla, 4, 15. 
 
 Supplicatio, 76, 78, 
 138. 
 
 Tabella, 75. 
 Tabula? Novaz, 71. 
 Tabular/urn, 88. 
 Templutn, 59. 
 Tempora, 44. 
 Toga, 87, 136. 
 Torture, 13, 118. 
 Transitio ad plebem, 
 
 92. 
 Transvectio Equitum, 
 
 5*. 
 
 Tribes, 83. 
 
 Tribunus s&rarius, 33, 
 , 83. 
 
 „ Militaris, 28. 
 
 „ Plebis, 31. 
 Triumph, 46, 57, 85, 
 
 139- 
 Twelve Tables, 108. 
 
 Vectigalia, 45, 48. 
 
 Vesta, 84. 
 
 Vestal Virgins, 75. 
 
 Vestts mutatio, 96, 137. 
 
 Cambridge : Press of John Wilson and Son. 
 
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