THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA DAVIS GIFT OF THE PIERCE FAMILY ^\ REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA: A HISTORY OF THE COLONIAL AND REPUBLICAN arty be so disposed, and neither give up any point in this ques- fci^n, which may be called principle. Can it not be done by permitting Missouri to go into the Union with the restriction, and then draw a line from the western boundary of the proposed State of Missouri, due west to the Pacific North of the line pro hibit Slavery, and South permit it ?" On February 5th, the Missouri bill being still under discussion, Mr. Hemphill, of Pennsylvania, said : "Mr. Chairman: The present amendment does not interfere with the slaves now held by the inhabitants of Missouri; but by its operation, their offspring will be free. The cause in which we are embarked is just, as its object is to afford to the descend ants of an unhappy race, those enjoyments that heaven intended to give them; but we are met on the threshold of the discussion, and told that Congress has no right to legislate on the subject. It is said that the power is too large. It has been compared to an ocean, and that Congress ought not to be entrusted with it, the danger of it being abused is so great. It is contended, that if Congress possesses the power, they might descend to the minutest acts of legislation, and introduce new States into the Union, mere dwarfs, stripped of all the grandeur of sovereignty. * * " But it has been said, that even this condition in restraint of Slavery, would manacle a limb of the sovereignty of the proposed State of Missouri, and bring her into the Union, as an object of scorn, altogether unworthy of the association of her sister States. This picture is most unnaturally drawn. It ought rather to have drawn her as the Goddess of Liberty, a being incapable, from the composition of her nature, of doing wrong in this respect, and yet deprived of no political strength. If any of her sister States should disdain to associate with her, the general spirit of the age would condemn such lofty pretensions. 96 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. " Our ancestors treated this subject in the true light in which Liberty and Slavery ought always to be considered; but is the spirit that warmed their breasts to pass for nothing? Is the Ordinance of 1787 to be reproached as a mere usurpation and nothing more ? Let us at least condescend to inquire into these first principles, and afterwards we can perceive whether they apply to this particular case or not. " I now, Mr. Chairman, beg leave to call the attention of the Committee, to the peculiar kind of sovereignty that is to be with held from the proposed State of Missouri. It is pretended that she will be deprived of the right of holding men in bonaaj^, but how can this be deemed a right ? It is nothing more than a tyrannical abuse of sovereignty. All the laws on earth cannot make a right of it. When a people are overcome and enslaved for want of ability to resist, they do not lose their rights; the laws of the oppressing country take from them their remedy. They are not held as slaves because they have no rights, but they are held by force, and because there is no remedy in their power. " The contest for Liberty was bloody and expensive, and after it terminated in the achievement of an independence, and when the Representatives of the people assemble^ to make a Consti tution, among the first difficulties that were presented to them, was the unfortunate practice of Slavery. It was pregnant with every species of embarrassment; they had fought for liberty, but were obliged to countenance within the borders of their own country, a state of bondage. For themselves, they could not bear political restraint, but their situation had been a paradise, compared to the condition of this miserable race. " A large portion of the people at that critical moment, were constrained to yield to certain principles contained in the Con stitution, as a Federal alliance was considered as the only polit ical event, that could effectually contribute to the tranquillity and future greatness of the United States as a nation, a Compri- mise was effected. **** * *#* "But to these Compromises, the people of Missouri were as strangers. Could the present question in any shape have been presented to the Convention? I appeal to the candor of the Committee, if, in their opinion, it would have been sustained for a moment, by the patriots of that early day ? Slavery in the old States could not be extinguished, but as to States that were VIII.]' COMPROMISE DISCUSSION. 97 41 to grow up out of the Constitution, it never- was intended that they should be inconsistent with the solemn professions made to the world. "The sentiments of the nation on this subject, were fairly evinced by the disposition of the Territory northwest of the Ohio; and shall it now be made a serious question, whether we will de liberately extend the practice of Slavery to this boundless region, and deny the blessings of liberty to nations unborn, when we are left at liberty to act according to our own wishes, and when there is no plea of necessity for an excuse? I ardently hope that a different result will be the effect of our deliberations. ****** *** "Slavery, in the abstract, strikes the heart with abhorrence. This life can have no charms, if it is not sweetened with liberty; and if a slave has any accurate knowledge of his condition nothing can appear before him but sadness, from the dawn pf the morning to the close of the evening. * * The gentle men on the other side tell us, that if the restriction is carried the Union will be dissolved. * * Will the other slavehold- ing States join in the contest? What is there to justify such a calamitous event? Wherein are we betraying our country? Do we not stand on the ground of our ancestors ? Are we not main taining the same principles that animated their hearts, when like a band of patriotic brothers, they unanimously excluded Slavery from the northwestern territory ? I have no wish to say, that the honorable gentlemen only mean to intimidate us; that would be unkind; but I beg leave to differ with them on this subject. I have a more exalted opinion of the patriotism of the South. They will never cause American blood to be spilt, unless for reasons that would justify them in the eyes of the world; and, in the language of Mr. Jefferson, ' The Almighty has no attribute that would side with them in such a cause as this would be.' "Has it come to this, that the existence of Slavery is to be considered as one of the pillars of our liberty ? This, indeed, would be a political paradox." CHAPTBK IX. ADMISSION OF MISSOURI. ANNEXATION OF TEXAS. WAK BETWEEN MEXICO AND TEXAS. SANTA ANNA IN THE FIELD. HOUSTON MAKES HIM PRIS ONER. WAR BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO. RESULT OF THE WAR. FROM the 16th day of March, 1818, to the 10th day of August, 1821, the first date being the day upon which the petition of the people of Missouri was pre sented to Congress prating admission into the Union, to the latter date, the time of the admission a period of three and a half years the almost entire business of the nation had been neglected, and the whole ener gies of the members expended upon the subject of Missouri; the representatives from the Free States urg ing the prohibition of Slavery, and the representatives from the slaveholding States bending every energy, and exhausting every argument for her admission with out any restrictions as to Slavery. The Constitution was invoked by both sides the one to prove that under it the General Government had the power to legislate in all things necessary for the government of the public domain ; having the right to purchase or otherwise acquire property; to sell or otherwise dispose of it ; to govern it by Federal appoint ment and Federal legislation. The friends of Slavery holding that the territory being the common property of the people of all the States, that they could, and of a right ought to, take with them their property of any description, and when framing a Constitution, they should not be debarred by Federal power from coming IX.] EXTENSION OF SLAVERY. 99 into the Union, Slavery or no Slavery, as to them might seem best. The friends of restriction held that as the Constitution of the United States empowered the Gen eral Government to "make all needful rules and regu lations respecting the Territory, or other property be longing to the United States," (Article IV, Section 3, Constitution), that the Congress had complete con trol of the Territory could sell, convey, or in any other way that they saw fit dispose of it to any State, people or foreign Government, and that the Congress was to be the judge of what were " needful rules and regulations" for any of the Territory, and that in this matter they were to be the sole judges, and that the leg islation enacted for them by the Congress, was the su preme law of the land. The compromise, restricting Slavery within certain limits, did not determine this point of controversy. [This subject will be further commented upon under the head of Constitutional Powers.] The public domain into which the institution of Slavery would have been extended under the doctrine of the Pro- Slavery party and the Squatter Sovereignty doctrine, forms at this time a most prominent feature of the geographical area of the Union, the acquisition of which forms a most singularly striking coincidence of how circumstances may produce great results. The acquisition of the Territory of Louisiana is no more remarkable in its accomplishment than it is interesting in its effects. The possession of the waters of the great artery of America, the river Mississippi, had long claimed the attention of leading American statesmen. The treaty with Spain of Oct. 27th, 1795, secured the middle of ihe Mississippi as the boundary on the west, and also the free use and navigation of the whole river, 100 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. from its source to its mouth, to the citizens of both countries; and the citizens of the United States were to be permitted for three years to use part of the city of New Orleans for a place of deposit and exportation for their merchandise, and this privilege, might be con tinued if not injurious to Spain; and if discontinued, then another part should be assigned some place on the banks of the Mississippi. The provincial authori ties, however, soon declared that by their new rela tions with the English Government these privileges to America had ceased, and that without a new order from the King of Spain the conditions then stipulated must end. Thomas Jefferson, who had been inaugurated Presi dent of the United States in 1801, turned his first at tention to acquiring the Territory of Louisiana, but it was soon ascertained that all the Territory west of the Mississippi, and that portion of Louisiana on the east, with New Orleans, had been ceded to the French by the Spanish Government for the insignificant consider ation of granting in succession to the Duke of Parma, a Spanish Prince, the grand duchy of Tuscany. The superior military power of Napoleon is considered to have been a convincing argument in this affair. The apprehensions of the American people at this cunning operation on the part of Napoleon, aroused suspicions for the future safety of the Union. In con sequence of the close proximity of a new neighbor, whose proclivities for conquest and absorption were so well known, the loss of the waters of the Mississippi, or their cooccupation with an uncertain and ambitious neighbor, were equally embarrassing and dangerous, and any sacrifice must be made to possess them. The cession of the Territory to France had been kept a se- IX.] TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 101 cret for some time, and now that the fact was known, the American Government set vigorously to work to obtain at least a free right of way on the Mississippi. A commission was appointed for this purpose, as also to offer terms gf purchase for the Louisiana Territory. The American Government still had claims on Spain, for the treaty relating to the navigation of the Missis sippi had been ruthlessly violated, and Mr. Livingston and Mr. Pinckney, Ministers to France and Spain, were instructed to inform those Governments of those facts. Mr. Monroe and the gentlemen who are named here, constituted a commission to secure the right of way of the Mississippi by treaty. Napoleon and his Ministers were disposed to treat them at first with but little con sideration; but new features were developing them selves. Many of the leading London papers advocated the sending of an expedition of British troops to take possession of New Orleans. Difficulties between France and England were assuming a grave aspect, arid the possibility of Napoleon holding his newly acquired Territory, in opposition to the powerful navy of Great Britain, seemed hopeless. The certainty of difficulties with Great Britain daily relaxed the ambition of Napoleon to hold on to this Territory, and the fact that cash would be wanting in the coffers of France, and the fears that England might in some way become possessed of this Territory, a proposition was made to the American Commissioners to purchase it at about one hundred million dollars ; but the Commissioners did not know that they possessed any power to purchase the Territory; nor indeed does it appear that Jefferson himself knew of any power in the General Government by which such an act could be done; besides, the Commissioners were only in- 102 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. stmcted to arrange for the occupation, on favorable terms, of that part of Louisiana east of the Mississippi, and the navigation of that river ; but it was found on investigation that the Floridas and an almost limitless tract of Territory had been ceded to France, and all this she was willing to sell to America, owing to the pressing circumstances in which she found herself. Frequent consultations with Messieur Marbois, Minis ter of the French Treasury, brought the negotiations to a close, upon the following conditions: Vessels of France and Spain, coming directly from any part of their respective dominions, loaded only with the pro ducts of the same, to have the right for twelve years to enter the ports of the ceded Territory on the same terms as vessels of the United States. France there after to enjoy the privileges of the most favored nations. The sum to be paid was 60,000,000 francs, and the French debt of about 20,000,000 francs, the whole purchase amounting finally to $15,000,000. The treaty was signed on the 30th day of April, 1803, and thus, with a single dash of his pen, for the paltry sum of fifteen million dollars, Napoleon signed away a Territory and possessions of inestimable value to the United States, and handed into the possession of the Republic the key to the waters of the king of Ameri can, rivers, upon whose bosom floats from the distant West to the waters of the Gulf the bread supply of two Continents, and containing an area of rich and fruitful soil that at some distant day may support a population three times as great as that of the whole of France at the present time. The acquisition of this vast Territory is one of the finest accomplishments of American diplomacy in the history of our country. IX.] COLONIZING TEXAS. 103 The addition of the Floridas and that great Territory stretching from the Rio Grande to the waters of the Pacific, embracing California, Oregon, and Washington Territory, forms a most interesting and important link in our history. When the purchase of Louisiana was made, but little attention had been paid to its geographical limits, and whether or not it embraced the Territories of the Flor idas was not fully determined its lines were uncer tain. Subsequent developments tended to give shape to this subject, when Spain laid claim to these latter Territories, which she afterwards ceded to the United States. The vast region lying between the Mississippi and Rio Grande, known as Texas, soon called up new diffi culties. The American Government had not formerly laid any claim to it, still it was supposed that it was embraced within the area of the purchase of Louisiana. The Territory of Texas during the period from the ces sion of Louisiana up to the organization of its State Government, furnished an active field for the adventur ous American spirits, who, taking it for granted that as neither Mexico nor the United States had positively asserted ownership, and that " possession was nine points of the law," began to establish their individual claims to it, prominent amongst whom were Burr, La- fitte, Long, and Austin. The unsettled state of political affairs in Mexico gave the people of that country but little time to attend to the affairs of Texas. But as time wore on, and the fact that Texas adjoined the Mexican State of Coahuila on the one side, and the Territory of the United States on the other, and now that the spirit of filibustering had fully set in, the subject began to agitate both Gov- 104 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. ernments. Moses Austin, a Connecticut Yankee, who had gone to Texas and represented a band of Roman Catholics who were supposed to be suffering from Protestant intolerance, received a grant from the Mex ican Government to form a colony in Texas.' Austin died in the same year 1821 the year in which Mex ico gained her independence from Spain. Austin's son succeeded him in the grant, but with little effect. The anxiety of the United States to be in the undis turbed possession of Texas was manifesting itself. By the advice of John Quincy Adams, President of the United States in 1827, it was agreed that a propo sition should be made to the Mexican Government to pay them one million dollars for their claim on all Territory east of the Rio Grande, but from motives of policy the proposition was not made. The idea of purchase was still prominent with the American administration. President Jackson's Secre tary in 1829 made a proposition to pay to Mexico five millions of dollars for Texas, but the Mexican Govern ment refused to sell. ' The Territory stood as a bone of contention between the American and Mexican Gov ernments. It was a sweet morsel for the hungry man of Slavery, and every effort was made to colonize it with a population from the above States. Sam. Houston, one of the most adventurous of Amer ican citizens, having passed many years among the Cherokee Indians, by whom he was made a Chief, made his way into the Territory, and aided by the slave party, soon entered upon schemes to obtain control of Texas. A Convention of the Americans in the Terri tory was called to frame a Constitution, to which Hous ton was elected a delegate. It met April 1st, 1833. A Constitution was framed, and Texas declared herself IX.] INDEPENDENCE OF TEXAS. 105 a free and independent State March 2 d, 1836, and hold ing no allegiance to Mexico. At this time Texas con tained a population of upwards of fifty thousand, most ly Americans. Mexico, incensed at this act of assump tion, at once commenced hostilities against Texas. Houston, now at the head of the Americans, met the Mexicans. Santa Anna took command of the Mexican forces, who by superior numbers defeated Houston, and in cold blood murdered, on March 20th, 357 men, the entire number captured Santa Anna pursuing Hous ton in hot pursuit. But the wheel of fortune soon turned in Houston's favor. Being supplied with two guns (six-pounders) he suddenly turned upon the en emy, vastly his superior in numbers, and gained, a de cisive vicjbory, taking Santa Anna prisoner, with whom he concluded a treaty acknowledging the inde pendence of Texas. General Houston was soon after chosen President of the new Republic, and the "Lone Star" became an in dependent nation. Houston was inaugurated October 22d, 1836, The subject of declaring Texas an independent nation was urged by members of the Congress of the United States ; but circumstances were developing difficulties between America and Mexico, and delay was thought advisable; still her independence was acknowledged March 1st, 1836. Meantime the political complexion of affairs with Mexico was beginning to wear a serious aspect, but the term of President Jackson's office closed without any outbreak. Van Buren came to the Presidency in 1837, and during his administration the subject of the annexa tion of Texas was a prominent feature in the Congress. The independence of Texas having been declared in 106 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 1833, and the fact that she was not admitted into the Union until the 3d day of March, 1845, the very last day of President Tyler's administration, will show that for twelve years what is now known as Texas, a State in the American Union, was an independent Republic, and as much a foreign nation as is Mexico, or any other Government. Still the people who created and gov erned the country were Americans, and strong feelings of attachment for their native country directed their attention and hopes towards the union of Texas to the American Republic. During the last term of Jackson's office, which be gan in March, 1833, through all of Van Buren's term, which began in March, 1837, and through Tyler's ad ministration, which began in April, 1841 (he having been elected Vice-President in the fall of 1840, when W. H. Harrison was elected President Harrison hav ing died one month after his inauguration, and Tyler succeeding to the Presidency) through all those ad ministrations up to the last day of Tyler's term, the subject of the admission of Texas formed a prominent feature of Congressional debate. The situation of Texas was peculiar. America claim ed and reasoned upon the cession of the territory by Spain to France, and its subsequent cession by France to the United States. Still, although many eminent Americans held to this opinion, others took an oppo site view, holding that the territory belonged to Mex ico, and that Congress had no power to admit her into the Union that her acquisition must be by treaty through the Executive Department. NOT was Mexico idle upon the subject, for, as she found her neighbors, the American Republic, seeking an alliance with Tex as, she stoutly proclaimed her title to that territory. IX.] WAR WITH MEXICO. 107 Towards the clos of Tyler's administration the Slave Power at the South became loud in demands that the Government should comply with the request of the people of Texas for admission into the Union. Most of the Northern delegates opposed the annexation, and a high party feeling was manifested upon the subject. Towards the last day of Tyler's administration resolu tions were passed by both Houses of Congress for the admission of Texas, and Tyler, on the 3d day of March, 1845, the last day of his administration, dispatched a messenger to Texas to secure her immediate annexa tion, which was soon after accomplished, and the vexed question was at an end. The annexation of Texas led to a war with Mexico, which resulted in the acquisition of California by the United States. A suspicion existed between Mexico and the United States so soon as Texas was annexed, that difficulties would arise. Mexican forces were dis patched to the Rio Grande to look after the interests of her boundaries. The twenty-ninth Congress of the United States, which met on December 1st, 1845, made propositions to meet any emergency that might arise, and in January -folio wing General Zachary Taylor was sent at the head of an army to New Orleans, and in April following took up his position on the western line of Texas. Early in March he received orders to march to the Rio Grande. Here he found a strong force of Mexicans entrenching, and on the 12th of April, 1846, the Mexican commander requested Taylor to retreat back forthwith, warning him that did he re fuse, a declaration of war would follow. Taylor did not retreat, and on the 8th of May following, the Mex ican forces crossed the Rio Grande, and with 6,000 men attacked Taylor ; who had only 2,300 men. The Mex- 108 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. leans were defeated, and the next day were followed up by Taylor's forces, who completely routed them, driving them in great confusion across the Rio Grande. The war with Mexico continued with increasing suc cess to the American arms, up to the 30th day of May, 1848, at which time a treaty of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement, between the United States and the Republic of Mexico was concluded; the ratifica tions of which were duly exchanged at the City of Queretaro, in Mexico. By this treaty Mexico ceded to the United States New Mexico, with an area of 281,368 square miles (the Territory of Arizona, and a part of the Territory of Colo rado have since^been severed from it.) She also ceded the Territory of California (now State) with an area of 158,687 square miles. By the treaty the United States agreed to pay to Mexico twelve millions of dollars, and also agreed to assume the claims of citizens of the United States: " the claims already liquidated and de cided against the Mexican Republic to an amount not exceeding three and one quarter million of dollars." The termination of the war with Mexico, after two years duration, marked by spirited victories by the Americans. . served to lend a new impulse of chivalry to the army of conquest, and tended to place its fighting qualities pretty high, at least, in the estimation of the Mexicans, who were quite willing to enter into the terms, by which, for fifteen millions, they relin quished a territory of such almost boundless propor tions, embracing nearly ten degrees of latitude, reach ing from Oregon to the Rio Grande ; possessing climate, soil, and mineral wealth unequaled on the globe. But not alone did the treaty above alluded to place the United States in the possession of California; for IX.] ACQUISITION OF CALIFORNIA. 109 as early as 1846, the American flag had been planted on the Pacific side, and the territory proclaimed to be the property of the United States. California at this period was a Mexican territory known as Alta Califor nia, in contradistinction from Baja California, which was then, and is still, a Mexican Territory. CHAPTER X CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT OF CALIFORNIA. OCCUPATION OF BY AM^-TCANS. RAISING THE BEAR FLAG. ESTABLISHMENT OF GOVERNMENT.- ^ ABATES IN CONGRESS ON. ADMISSION OF. PROTEST AGAINST. SPEECHES OF CLAY, WEBSTER, JEFFERSON DAVIS, AND OTHERS. CALHOUN WILL MAKE CALI FORNIA THE "TEST QUESTION." THE claims of the United States to the Territory of Oregon, had been at this time (1846), pretty well established. As early as 1842 and 1844, settlers from many of the Eastern and Western States had made their way into Oregon, and even some few into Cali fornia. The American Government became anxious to know more of the nature of the soil, climate, and resources of their possessions on the Pacific, and had already sent exploring parties into the country. John C. Fremont, a brevet Captain in the Corps of United States Topographical Engineers, had left Wash ington in the spring of 1845, on a tour of exploration across the plains, and over the Rocky Mountains, to the Pacific ; and charged with endeavoring to find the best route from the Rocky Mountains to the mouth of the Columbia River. After a most hazardous journey, he arrived with his faithful guide and escort, Kit Car son, and his men (six of whom were Delaware Indians) the whole company consisting of sixty-two men, within a hundred miles of Monterey, where he halted, and pro ceeded in person to the head-quarters of General Castro, the Mexican General in charge of the Territory. His object was to obtain a pass for himself and company, to go to the San Joaquin Valley, where hunting and X.] ACQUISITION OF CALIFORNIA. Ill pasture were abundant. He received a verbal promise from the General that it would be all right, to go where he desired, and that, on his word of honor, "as a soldier," he would not be molested. Fremont and his party were soon on their way to the valley. Three days after this, the ungallant General Castro, had raised an army^of three hundred native Californi- ans, and sent a dispatch to Fremont, notifying him to quit the country at once, else he would march upon him, and put to death his whole company. This treachery did not much surprise Fremont and his party, who replied that he would leave when he was ready. He prepared for action, entrenched himself on u Hank's Peak," about thirty miles from Monterey, and over looking that village, where he raised the American flag. The whole company were well armed, each with a knife, a tomahawk, two pistols and a rifle. The warlike Castro, now came dashing on, with cavalry, infantry and artillery ; but after making a few ineffectual attacks, always galloped off before coming within range of Fremont's bullets. Castro issued bulle tins and proclamations daily, of the impending destruc tion of the little band, but always keeping out of rifle range of the entrenchments. After four days of this fighting, Fremont broke camp and started on his jour ney towards Oregon. Castro was not visible. Fremont had proceeded into Oregon, and had reached Klamath Lake, when he was overtaken by Lieutenant Gillespie, of the United States Army, who had left Washington the previous November, crossing the coun try from Yera Cruz to Mazatlan, and who arrived at Monterey in a United States sloop of war, and started up the valley in search of the explorers. Gil lespie had letters to Fremont from the Secretary of 112 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. State, and it is supposed they, or other letters to him, from friends at Washington, caused him to retrace his steps, and return to the valley of the Sacramento. This move had ben quickened by the fact, that on the very night after receiving his dispatches, and whilst all were asleep, the Indians broke into his camp, and assassinated three of his Delaware 'Indians, and might have slain the whole company, had it not been for the vigilance of Kit Carson, who sounded the alarm. Fremont soon returned to the Sacramento Valley, and encamped near the mouth of the Feather River, where the settlers soon flocked around him. Great alarm was caused by reports that General Castro was on the march to attack them, with a strong force of cavalry. A company of twelve volunteers, headed by Mr. Mersite, started for the Mexican Fort at Sonoma, in Sonoma county, and on the 15th of June, 1846, entered and captured the post, where they found two hundred and fifty stand of arms, and nine cannon. Here they captured General Yallejo, and took him a prisoner to Sutter's Fort, at Sacramento. William B. Ide, a New England man, was left to garrison the fort at Sonoma, with a force of eighteen men. General Castro having charge of the operations at Sonoma, issued his pronunciada, calling upon his countrymen to rise, and drive the marauders from the soil. On the 18th of June, Ide issued his proclamation, to the people of Sonoma, to defend themselves, and calling upon them to assemble at Sonoma, and assist in establishing a Republican Government. A flag was improvised, by painting in rude form, the figure of a grizzly bear on a piece of white cotton cloth ; it fol lowed Ide's proclamation, and was the first flag, after California was declared independent of Mexico. It is X.] ACQUISITION OF CALIFORNIA. 113 still in possession of the " Pioneer Society " of Califor nia, at San Francisco. Fremont was at Sutter's Fort during these eventful operations ; but hearing that Castro intended a raid upon Ide at Sonoma, he reached there on the 23d of June, at the head of ninety riflemen. He met only a few retreating Mexicans of De la Torres' band, who made their way to Saucelito, where they escaped by boat across the Bay to Yerba Buena, (now San Francisco.) Castro did not appear. Fremont returned to Sonoma, and on July 5th, 1846, his party, consisting of one hundred and sixty mounted men, concluded to make a Declaration of Independ ence, which they did, thus superseding the " Bear Flag." Fremont was at their head. Soon the whole company started for Sutter's Fort, intending to attack Castro, who was reported to be at Santa Clara; they soon learned, however, that he was on the retreat to Los Angeles, but they determined to follow him, (some five hundred miles). Soon news reached them of a new feature in affairs. On the 2d day of July, Commodore Sloat, of the United States Navy, with the Frigate Savannah and five smaller vessels, arrived at the Bay of Monterey, California. The Commodore had no instructions from his Government to take any hostile steps on the Pacific coast; on the contrary, his mission was peace. But whilst he was at Mazatlan, he heard of the annexation of Texas, and of the certainty of war between the United States and Mexico, but he did not know of the declaration of war, by the American Congress, against Mexico, nor that General Taylor was already in the field ; nor did he know that instructions were on the way to him, from his Government (dated 15th of May, 114 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. 1846), directing him to take possession of Mazatlan, Monterey and San Francisco, and to declare the country the property of the United States. Sloat is supposed to have known that the possession of California by the American Government had been much favored at Washington ; besides a strong English fleet, under the command of Rear- Admiral Sir George Seymour, was hovering about the coast of California on the same day that the Savannah left Mazatlan. Seymour's flagship, the CoBingwoodj sailed from San Bias; both headed for Monterey, under a full press of sail, the Savannah being the fastest reached Monterey first, where Sloat learned of the efforts being made by the British authorities to place California under the protection of the English Government. Governor Pico, the Mexican Governor of the Ter ritory of California, and General Castro, were in favor of this scheme. Mr. Forbes, the English Vice-Consul at. Monterey, was active in making the negotiation; and the American Consul, Thomas 0. Larkin, also at Monterey, informed Sloat upon his arrival of the state of affairs; this, together with the news of the opera tions of Fremont and his party at Sonoma (it is sup posed he heard of it), determined him at once (July 7th) to dispatch two hundred and fifty marines on shore, to hoist the American flag over the town of Monterey. A salute of twenty-one guns was fired, and a proclamation issued that California henceforth was a part of the United States. The dull ship of the British Rear- Admiral arrived at Monterey only to see the Stars and Stripes floating over it, as a part of the Republic of America; the Admiral, too, read the proclamation, and saw that ke was outwitted by Sloat, and outrun by the Savannah. X.] ACQUISITION OF CALIFORNIA. 115 The day following, July 8th, by order of Commodore Sloat, a party from the United States sloop of war Portsmouth, landed at Yerba Buena, now San Francisco, and hoisted the American flag on the Plaza, On the 10th, Commander Montgomery of the Ports mouth, sent an American flag to Sonoma which was hoisted, and the flag improvised by Ide and his men, known as the " Bear Flag," was hauled down, all welcoming the Stars and Stripes. Commodore Stockton, on board the United States frigate Congress, arrived at Monterey, July 15th, just one week after Sloat had taken possession of the coun try, and one week later, Commodore Sloat sailed home on board the Levant. Stockton was now in full command of the American fleet, aided by Commodore Dupont. Meantime, Gen eral Kearny had arrived at Monterey, crossing by way of New Mexico. He had orders from the United States Government to take possession of, and establish a Gov ernment for California; but on his arrival, he found that Sloat, Stockton, and Fremont, had already ac complished these things. The government of the country was conducted under the military authorities until November 13th, 1849, at which time a State Con stitution was adopted. The Convention to frame this Constitution met at Monterey, September 1st, 1849. Amongst the per sons who have since acquired a national or State reputation, who were present at the Convention,were Captain H. W. Halleck, since General-in-Chief of the Armies of the United States, an accomplished scholar, sound lawyer, brave man and true patriot; John A. Sutter, of Sutter's Fort, the friend of the needy; Thomas 0. Larkin, the first and* only American Consul in 116 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. California; General Vallejo, of Sonoma; Doctor Gwin, "D-uke De Gwin," of Maximilian notoriety; Edward Gilbert, founder of the Alta California newspaper, and first Member of Congress from California; and last, but not least, J. Ross Browne, who reported the pro ceedings of the Convention. Amongst the members of the Convention also was "W. E. Shannon, born in Ire land, who came from New York to California in the year 1846; he it was who proposed in the Convention that clause in the Constitution which brought up such determined opposition from the Southern Democracy to the admission of California: " Neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, unless for the punishment of crime, shall ever be tolerated in this State." The Constitution was adopted November 13th, 1849, and the State admitted by Act of Congress into the Union September 9th, 1850; thus the State of Califor nia was, from a Mexican Territory, ushered into the Union as a State, without undergoing the probationary delay of a Territorial Government. The reader has already been referred to this subject in a preceding chapter, in which the strong desire to have this vast Territory thrown into the hands of the slave power was discussed. A few additional illustra tions of this feeling, as demonstrated in the Congress of the United States upon the subject of her admission into the Union, may be interesting. In the United States Senate, January 29th, 1850, Mr. Clay, Senator from Kentucky, said (the subject being the admission of California: ) " Mr. President : I hold in my hand a series of resolutions which I desire to submit to the consideration of this body : Taken together in combination, they propose an amicable arrangement of all questions in controversy between the Free and Slave States, growing out of the subject of Slavery. * * * * X.] ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 117 " It being desirable for the peace, concord, and harmony of these States to settle and adjust amicably all existing questions of controversy between them, arising out of the institution of Slavery, upon a fair, equitable, and just basis. Therefore, " 1st. Eesolved: That California with suitable boundaries ought, upon her application, to be admitted as one of the States of this Union, without the imposition by Congress of any re striction, in respect to the extension or introduction of Slavery within those bounds. " 2d. Eesolved: That Slavery does not exist by law, and is not likely to be introduced into any of the territory acquired by the United States from the Eepublic of Mexico. It is inexpedient for Congress to provide by law, either for its introduction into or exclusion from any part of said territory; and that appropri ate Territorial Governments ought to be established by Congress in all of the said territory not assigned as the boundaries of the proposed State of California, without the adoption of any re striction or condition on the subject of Slavery." Mr. Clay said, in support of this proposition: " This resolution, sir, proposes in the first instance a declara tion of two truths; one of law and the other of fact. The truth of the law which it declares is, that there does not exist at this time Slavery within any portion of the territory acquired by the United States from Mexico. When I say, sir, that it is a truth, I speak my own solemn and deliberate convictions. I am aware that some gentlemen now hold a different doctrine, but I per suade myself that they themselves, when they come to review the whole ground, will see sufficient reasons for a change, or at least a modification of their opinions; but that at all events if they adhere to that doctrine, they will be found to compose a very small minority of the people of the United States. " 5th. Resolved: That it is inexpedient to abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia while that institution exists within the State of Maryland, without the consent of the people, and without just compensation to the owners of slaves within the District. " 7th. Eesolved: That more effectual provisions ought to be made by law, according to the requirement of the Constitution, for the restitution and delivery of persons bound to service or labor in any State, who may escape into any other State ~ Territory in the Union." 118 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. There were eight of these resolutions, but as those already given are the only ones applicable to the sub ject of this chapter, the others are omitted. The sophistry of the Kentucky orator will be visible in the resolutions above. The point raised in the first res olution was, that Congress should neither prohibit nor introduce into the State, by implied or express terms, the system of Slavery. " Let it alone," was his doctrine. He would tickle the ear of the slaveholder by assuring him that if the National Government did not establish and sustain the institution that it would not attempt to prohibit it. The question raised in the second resolve was, that it was not likely that Slavery will be introduced into any of the territory within the limits of the Territory of Cali fornia; and that as it was "not likely," therefore, it was " inexpedient" for Congress to provide either for its " introduction or exclusion" in said Territory. By this it was tacitly acknowledged that Congress had the power to legislate upon the subject, but that it was "inex pedient" for it to do so. The inexpediency in the mat ter was this; that Mr. Clay was endeavoring to escape a grave responsibility trying to please the slaveholder at the sacrifice of cardinal principles * of Federal au thority, and of the laws of nations and the rights of man, while the expediency would have been that the highest judicial authority establish the fact, that no power existed under the Federal Constitution to cap ture or return slaves who might have escaped into the territory of the nation; and that so soon as a slave entered the Territories he was free. What is here said will apply to the inexpedient propositions in the fifth resolve. The recommendations in the seventh resolve are X.] ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 119 what disclose the cupidity of its author. He advised more effective laws, " according to the requirements of the Constitution," for the restitution and delivery of persons bound to service or labor in any State, who may escape into any other State or Territory of the Union. Article IV, Section 2, of the Constitution, provides that, " No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation 'therein, be dis charged from such service or labor, but shall be de livered upon claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." This is all that is said in the Constitution of the Union, in relation to the re turn of persons held to service or labor; and this directly and in the most positive terms applied to the States of the Union. Where did the Kentucky States man find his constitutional requirements to return escaping or other slaves in the Territories to their mas ters in either the States or Territories ? Let the im partial reader judge of this expounder of the Con stitution. Mr. Foote, addressing the President, said: " The resolutions of the honorable Senator assert that Slavery does not now exist by law in the Territories recently acquired from Mexico; whereas, I am of the opinion that the treaty with the Mexican Republic carried the Constitution with all its guarantees, to all the territory obtained by treaty, and secured the privilege to every Southern slaveholder to enter any part of it, attended by his slave property, and to enjoy the same therein, free from all molestation or hindrance whatever. " If all other questions connected with the subject of Slavery can be satisfactorily adjusted, I see no objection to admitting all California, above the line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, into the Union, provided another new Slave State can be laid off within the present limits of Texas, so as to keep up the present 120 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERiCJA. [Chap. equiponderance between the Slave and the Free States of the Union." Mr. Foote, having delivered himself of this exposition of constitutional powers and guarantees, had done full justice to the views of Southern Senators upon the same subject, but in the minds of constitutional law yers, untainted by the influence of a pecuniary interest in the " peculiar institution/' I am inclined to the be lief that he will find few admirers upon the question which seemed to be settled in the honorable Senator's mind, that Slavery did exist in the territory acquired from Mexico by force of treaty stipulations with the American Government; and that the citizens of the Slave States were guaranteed protection in their prop erty (slaves)., and could enter any part of said ter ritory, and enjoy protection from the Federal Govern ment. Four barriers stand in the way of Mr. Foote's propositions: 1st. That the normal condition of man is freedom. 2d. That Slavery exists only by the opera tion of enacted laws or long continued custom within prescribed territories or nations. 3d. That the Mexi can nation, by Act of Congress, abolished Slavery in all her States and Territories in the year 1829; and that Slavery did not exist in any of said territory at the time of its acquisition by the United States, and consequently, no conditions of that nature, nor of property in man, could have passed to the incoming nation demanding its support and protection to the citizen in this species of property. 4th. As the Govern ment of the United States was not slaveholding, and never had been, and as Slavery was purely a creature of State laws, there were no guarantees in the Constitu tion to that species of property in the Territories. Mr. Mason, debating the resolutions, said; X.] ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 121 ' ' But there is another which I deeply regret to see introduced into this Senate by a Senator from a slaveholding State. It is that which assumes, that Slavery does not now exist by law in those countries. I understand one of these propositions to declare, that by law, Slavery is now abolished in New Mexico and California. That was the very proposition advocated by non-slaveholding States at the last session, combated and dis proved, as I thought, by gentlemen of the slaveholding States, and which the Compromise Bill was framed to test/* The remarks upon Mr. Foote's opinions will apply to this constitutional expounder (from a Southern stand-point) . Mr. Davis, of Mississippi (late President of the late Confederacy), next addressed the Senate on the reso lutions. He said: " As with regret I see this, the conservative branch of the Government, tending towards that fanaticism which seems to prevail with the majority in the United States, I wish to read from the journals of that date the resolutions thus adopted, and to show that they went further than the honorable Senator from Kentucky has stated. * * * I will read the fifth in the series, that to which the honorable Senator from Kentucky must have alluded. It is in these words: "fiesolved: That the intermeddling of any State or States, or their citizens, to abolish Slavery in the District or any of the Ter ritories, on the gro'und, or under the pretext that it is immoral or sinful, or the passage of any act or measure of Congress, with that view, would be a direct and dangerous attack on the institutions of all the slaveholding States." Arguing upon these resolutions and the preceding remarks, he said: " And that Imay be understood upon this question, and that my position may go forth to the country in the same columns that convey the sentiments of the Senator from Kentucky, I here assert, that never will I take less than the Missouri Com promise Bill, extended to the Pacific Ocean, with the specific recognition of the right to hold slaves in the territory below 122 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. that line; and that before such Territories are admitted into the Union as States, slaves may be taken there from any of the United States, at the option of the owners. I can never consent to give additional power to a majority to commit further aggres sions upon the minority in this Union. * * * * 3 s I have not proposed to compel slaveholders to take their slaves to California, nor to renew the African slave trade there. * * * * "We maintain, that it is the right of the people of the South to carry this species of property to any portion of the Territories of the United States; that it rests under the Constitution, upon the same basis as other property." Mr. Webster, speaking upon Clay's Compromise Res olutions, March 7th, 1850, said: " Mr. President: I wish to speak to-day not as a monarch, a Southern man, nor as a Northern man, but as an American, and a member of the Senate of the United States. * * * Now as to California and New Mexico, I hold Slavery to be ex cluded from those Territories by a law even superior to that which admits and sanctions it in Texas. I mean the law of na ture. * I mean Slavery as we regard it slaves in the gross, of the colored race, transferable by sale and delivery like other property. * * I hear with pain, anguish and distress the word secession. * * Peaceable seces sion ! Sir, your eyes and mine are never destined to see that miracle the dismemberment of this vast country without con vulsion! The breaking up of the fountains of the great deep without ruffling the surface ! Who is so foolish as to expect to see such a thing ? Sir, he who sees these States now revolving in harmony around a common centre, and expects to see them quit their places and fly off without convulsion, may look the next hour to see the heavenly bodies rush from their spheres and jostle against each other in realms of space, without producing the crash of the universe. There can be no such thing as peace able secession. Peaceable secession is an utter impossibility. Is the great Constitution under which we live here, covering the whole country, is it to be thawed and melted away by secession, as the snows of the mountains melt under the influence of the vernal sun, disappear almost unobserved and die off? No, sir! No, sir! * * I see it as plainly as I see the sun in X.] ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 123 heaven. I see that disruption must produce such a war as I will not describe in its two-fold characters. " Peaceable secession! peaceable secession! The concurrent agreement of all the members of this great Eepublic to separate a voluntary separation, with alimony on one side and on the other; why, what would be the result ? Where is the line to be drawn ? What States are to secede ? What is to remain Amer ica V What am I to be ? An American no longer ? Where is the flag of the Republic to remain ? Where is the eagle still to tower ? or is he to cower and shrink and fall to the ground ? *' * Our children and our grandchildren would cry out shame upon us if we of this generation should dishonor these ensigns of the power of the Government and the harmony of the Union, which is every day felt among us with so much joy and gratitude. What is to become of the Army ? What is to become of the Navy ? What is to become of the public lands ? How is each of the thirty States -to defend itself ? I know, although the idea has not been stated distinctly, there is to be a Southern Confederacy. * I hold the idea of a separation of these States those that are free to form one Government, and those that are slaveholding to form another as a moral impos sibility. * * And now, Mr. President, instead of the possibility or utility of secession, instead of dwelling in these caverns of darkness, instead of groping with those ideas so full of all that is horrid and horrible, let us come into the light of day let us enjoy the fresh air of Liberty and Union let us cherish those hopes that belong to us let us devote ourselves to those great objects that are fit for our considerations and our Actions." Mr. Calhoun said: " If the question is not now settled, it Is uncertain whether it ever can hereafter be, and we, as the representatives of the States of this Union, regarded as Governments, should come to a distinct understanding as to our respective views, in order to ascertain whether the great questions at issue can be settled or not. If you who represent the strong portion cannot agree to settle them on broad principles of justice and duty, say so, and. let the States we both represent agree to separate and part in peace. If you are unwilling that we should part in peace, tell us so, and we will know what to do when jou reduce the ques- 124 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. tion to submission or resistance. If you remain silent you will compel us to infer what you intend. In that case, California will become the test question." Let it be remembered that the only objection to the admission of California was that her Constitution pro hibited Slavery. [During the period of these debates John C. Calhoun, Z. Taylor, President of the United States, and Mr. Elmore, United States Senator, elected to succeed Calhoun, and David P. King, Representa tive, all four died.] Daniel Webster was appointed Secretary of State for the United States, left the Sen ate, and was succeeded by the appointment of Honora ble Robert C. Winthrop, by the Governor of Massachu setts. The tedious debate on the admission of California here ended, Monday, August 12th, 1850, by a vote of the Senate on her admission, which resulted as follows, the composition of which will at once show the strong party feeling existing in the Senate : Yeas Messrs. Baldwin and Smith, Connecticut; Bell, Tennessee; Ben- ton, Missouri ; Bradbury and Hamlin, Maine ; Bright and Whitcomb, Indiana; Cass and Felch, Michigan ;. Chase and Ewing, Ohio ; Cooper and Sturgeon, Pennsylvania ; Davis, Massachusetts; Dickinson and Seward, New York; Dodge and "Walker, Wisconsin; Dodge and Jones, Iowa; Douglas and Shields, Illinois; Greene, Rhode Island ; Hale and Norris, New Hampshire ; Hous ton, Texas; Miller, New Jersey; Phelps, Vermont; Spruance and Wales, Delaware; Underwood, Kentucky; Upham, Vermont; Winthrop, Massachusetts 34. Nays Messrs. Atchison, Missouri; Borland and Sebastian, Arkansas; Berrien and Dawson, Georgia,; Foote, Mississippi ; Hunter and Mason, Virginia ; King, Alabama; Morton and Yulee, Florida; Pratt, South X.] ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 125 Carolina; Rusk, Texas; Soule\ Louisiana jTurney, Ten nessee 18. But the Democracy were not satisfied with this pop ular expression of the Senate for her admission, and on Wednesday, August 14th, presented a remonstrance to the Senate, as follows: "We, the undersigned Senators, deeply impressed with the importance of the occasion, and with a solemn sense of the re sponsibility under which we are acting, respectfully submit the following protest against the bill admitting California as a State into this Union, and request that it may be entered upon the Journal of the Senate. We feel that it is not enough to have resisted in debate alone a bill so fraught with mischief to the Union and the States we represent, with all the resources of ar gument which we possessed, but that it is also due to ourselves, the people whose interests have been intrusted to our care, and to posterity, which even in its most distant generations may feel its consequences, to leave in whatever form may be most solemn and enduring, a memorial of the opposition which we have made to this measure, and of the reasons by which we have been gov erned, upon tlie pages of a journal which the Constitution re quires to be kept so long as the Senate may have an existence. We desire to place the reasons upon which we are willing to be judged by generations living, and yet to come, for our opposi tion to a bill whose consequences may be so durable and portent ous as to make it an object of deep interest to all who may come after us. " We have dissented from this bill because it gives the sanc tion of law, and thus imparts validity to the unauthorized action of a portion of the inhabitants of California, by which an odious discrimination is made against the property of fifteen slavehold- ing States of the Union, who are thus deprived of that position of equality which the Constitution so manifestly designs, and which constitutes the only sure and stable foundation in which this Union can repose. " Because the right of the slayeholding States to a common and equal enjoyment of the territory of the Union has been de feated by a system of measures which, without the authority of precedent, of law, or of the Constitution, are manifestly con- 9 126 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. trived for that purpose, and which Congress must sanction and adopt, should this bill become a law. " Because to vote for a bill passed under such circumstances would be to agree to a principle which may exclude forever here after, as it does now, the States which we represent from all en joyment of the common territory of the Union a principle which destroys the equal rights of their constituents, the equali ty of their States in the Confederacy, the equal dignity of those whom they represent, as men and as citizens in the eye of the law, and their equal title to the protection of the Government and the Constitution. " Because all the propositions have been rejected which have been made to obtain either a recognition of the rights of the slaveholding States to a common enjoyment of all the territory of the United States, or to a fair division of that territory be tween the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States of the Union every effort having failed which has been made to obtain a fair division of the territory proposed to be brought in as the State of California. " But, lastly, we dissent from this bill, and solemnly protest against its passage, because in sanctioning measures so contrary to former precedent, to obvious policy, to the spirit and intent of the Constitution of the United States, for the purpose of ex cluding the slaveholding States from the territory thus to be erected into a State, this Government in effect declares that the exclusion of Slavery from the territory of the United States is an object so high and important as to justify a disregard not only of all the principles of sound policy, but also of the Constitution itself. Against this conclusion we must now and forever protest, as it is destructive of the safety and liberties of those whose rights have been committed to our care, fatal to the peace and equality of the States which we represent, and must lead, if per sisted in, to the dissolution of that Confederacy in which the slaveholding States have never sought more than equality, and in which they will not be content to remain with less. " J. M. Mason, B. M. T. Hunter, Virginia; A. P. Butler, B. B. Barnwell, South Carolina; H. L. Turney, Tennessee; Pierre Soule, Louisiana; Jefferson Davis, Mississippi; David B. Atchi- son, Missouri; Jackson Morton, D. L. Yulee, Florida. " Senate Chamber, August 13th, 1850." X.] ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA. 127 On September 9th, 1850, the Clerk of the House of Representatives announced *to the Senate the passage of a bill by the House of Representatives for the ad mission of California, and she was admitted into the family of States. CHAPTER XI. EIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE TO TAKE SLAVES INTO THE' TERRITORIES. INTEREST AND COMPROMISE. UNITED STATES AND STATE COURTS DECISIONS ON. STATUS OF COLORED PERSONS. SLAVES REAL ESTATE. RUNAWAY NE GROES MAY BE TRACKED WITH DOGS, IF DONE WITH CIRCUMSPECTION. THE right of citizens of the Slave States to carry their slaves into the Free States as body servants or domestics, and the time that they should remain in such Free States with such slaves, and whether such a de lay prolonged beyond the reasonable time for the pur poses of a traveling or pleasure excursion, or the recu peration of ill health, was long an open question. How long could a slave be held by his master in a Free State under the Constitution and laws of States pro hibiting Slavery within their limits, was equally unde cided. The broad declaration upon which .is founded American Liberty, that all men are created equal, cer tainly has its forcible significance in every State and Territory of the Union. Freedom is the normal condi tion of all men. Slavery owes its origin to a perversion of a law of nature, and is controlled in its operation and extent by the local laws of the Nations, States or Dis tricts in which it exists. At the time of the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, Slavery ex isted in all the Colonies except Massachusetts, where it had been abolished shortly before that period by a Bill of Eights to the new Constitution of the State. It will be conceded, no doubt, that once a State having abolished Slavery within her limits, or coming into the Union with a prohibition of Slavery, that no XL] SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES. 129 power exists in the General Government to impose Slavery upon the inhabitants of such State, and that no power exists in a State to extend beyond its own limits either Freedom or Slavery. As well might the law makers of a State attempt to extend their jurisdic tion in this matter to a foreign nation as to any ter ritory outside of its own limits and within an adjoining State of the same Confederacy, or the public domain of the General Government. The acquisition of territory by a nation is either by original discovery and possession in the name of the sovereign, by conquest, by cession, or by purchase con cluded by the Executive or Legislative Departments of a nation. These are the modes of acquisition by those nations having a Government consolidated or made up of confederated States; and territory might undoubt edly have been acquired in either or all of these modes by any of the original States of the Union before the adoption of the Articles of Confederation, or before the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, so long as they acted in a national capacity, and main tained even a de facto Government, but not so when they surrendered their national character to the United States. Man, neither by the laws of nature, the common law, nor the law of nations, is regarded as a chattel, but the reverse is the governing rule, and man is in all conditions, and in all lands, supposed to be free to go and return, and do whatsoever to him seemeth best, and to control his liberty. Some law must be shown, enacted by constitutional authority, depriving him of his libert}^. Man not being the subject of barter by the common law, and those States, or parts of nations, or nations themselves, holding slaves, cannot have pro- 130 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. cess for the return and delivery of a human being upon the plea of ownership, outside of their own territory, because the common law and the law of nature knows 110 such condition of the human race, and only for the commission of high crimes, before or after conviction, do the laws and customs of nations return the body of a human creature to the Supreme Executive of a State or Nation, and not to the possession or control of an individual. The philosophy of common sense, and the philosophy of good government, teach the equity of this. The existence of Slavery in the Colonies of America prior to the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, might well excuse those holding that species of " property" in legislating for its security in the sev eral States. The avarice of man might plead a justifi cation; but it is most difficult to conceive upon what theory or hypothesis an argument can rest to justify the General Government in upholding it. The legislative branch of a Republic in extending her patronage and support to a traffic so odious and so at variance with the meaning, scope, and genius of a Republican form of government, would seem to be a palpable violation of the fundamental principles upon which the~ Govern ment was established. The fierce debates in the Convention that framed the Constitution, and the contentions upon the subject of Louisiana, Texas, Missouri, and California, the Com promise and Fugitive Slave bills, all of which the read er has found in preceding chapters, and which need not be here referred to again, have clearly shown that interest upon the part of those holding these " chattels" controlled the legislation of the nation, and that the great balance wheel of Federal power and Federal pat- XI.] SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES. 131 ronage was kept in motion by "men held to service or labor." The acquisition of the vast public domain since the formation of the Federal Union, was the act of the General Government, and not the act of the States. But as the same persons legislating in the Slave States or a t least the people of those States were called into the National Councils to enact laws, the national legislation at each period of the Government partook of the feeling and interest of that section. It does not, therefore, appear strange that the hands of the national legislators could not be kept clean of the stain of con verting the United States Government into a prop agator of Slavery, and her Courts of Justice and Mar shals into dealers in and catchers of men. Article IY, Section 2, of the Federal Constitution says: u Ko person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered upon claim of the party to whom such serv ice or labor may be due." This being the fundamental law of the land, it can not be disputed as to the limits to which it was confined by its own language "held to service or labor in one State, and escaping into another." It will be seen that this clause of the Constitution refers in direct terms to the States, and that its operation and execution must be confined where its phraseology places it. This clause, as has already been seen, was inserted in the Constitution under the roll of the Juggernaut wheel of the slave power ; but it left open two issues of vital in terest. First, the authority by which the law should be executed ; if disobeyed; and secondly, its silence 132 REPUBLICANISM IN AMEEICA. [Chap. upon its force or effect in the Territories. These two subjects, more than any others, had absorbed the pub lic attention disturbed national and State legislation and, in 1861, culminated in the greatest civil war of any age. With the growth and development of the nation came the growth and spread of Slavery, and the acqui sition of territory ; and with the development of these came the necessity for the application of constitution al principles not only as to the return of "persons held to service or labor," but to the powers of the General Government in the matter of the admission of new States into the Union, and as to whether the in coming States should be left to their own free will in framing their Constitutions, or whether or not the Legislative Department of the National Government should prescribe what kind of a Constitution they should come in with whether or not it should prohibit Slavery, or determine what kind of government was Republican in form. Upon these subjects, as they de veloped themselves at each stage of the Nation's pro gress, they were met by interest, and compromises were entered into to meet the demands of conflicting parties. As the States of the North abolished Slavery, they, or some of them, in turn protested against the process of the judicial authority coming from the Slave States into the Free States to capture and return slaves, and the power of the Federal Government had to be invoked to carry the letter of the Constitution into execution. So we find the National Congress , pass ing laws for the rendition of the slave to his master in the States and Territories. But as the Constitution was invoked, its letter and spirit must be interpreted, and the friends of Freedom asserted boldly that it was XL] SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY. 133 silent upon the subject of capturing slaves in the Ter ritories. Mixed with this subject was the question of whether or no Congress could prescribe the conditions of the Constitutions of new States, organized out of the ter ritory, and seeking admission into the Union. The statesmen of the South contended that Congress had no constitutional power to dictate terms, either for or against Slavery, whilst the statesmen from the North held that the National Legislature had the sole power of passing all necessary laws for the Territories, and that the Constitution imposed upon it the power and the duty to " guarantee to every State a Republican form of government." The National Legislature, in obedience to the influ ence of sectional feeling, passed the acts known as the "Fugitive Slave Laws," [the reader has already been referred to these acts,] and the judicial branch of the Government had sustained them by elaborate opinions upon their constitutionality. The reader will observe my declared opinion, that Slavery is purely a local affair, confined to such geo graphical limits as may be included within the State or Nation which claims to hold men in Slavery by writ ten laws or long custom, and as the Constitution was silent upon the subject of Slavery in the Territories, it must be concluded that as no law of the National Gov ernment placed it there, that the Territories must be free ; and so it would follow that if slaves in like man ner should be carried from one State of the Union into a Free State, and there employed or held, they would also become free, because the State prohibitions gen erally declare that Slavery shall not be nor exist within their limits. 134 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. The language of the Constitution relating to persons held to service being returned, was that if such per sons escape they shall be returned to their masters; and even this escape does not apply to the Territories but to the States. It follows, then, that if a slave en tered a Free State by any other means than an escape from his State or master, that he would not be subject to arrest under this clause of the Constitution. If he enter the Free State or the Free Territory by accident or mistake, or by the consent of the master, then he would become free ; or, if whilst an escaping slave, be ing in a Free State, bring forth offspring, then such offspring would be free. .It may not be here uninter esting to give a few of the judicial opinions, State and National, upon these and other points. The reader will bear in mind that it is impossible to conceal the fact that many of the decisions are colored with in fluences or interests financial or political. ct United States Constitution, Article TV, Sees. 2 and 3 are eon- fined to persons held to service or labor escaping from one State to another, and do not extend to the case of a person brought voluntarily by his master into another State or Territory. Liv- ermore v. People, 26 Barber (New York), page 270." " A contract to set a slave free on a certain day, on certain conditions, whether made with the vendor on sale and purchase of the slave, or with the slave himself, is an executory contract for emancipation, and a specific performance of it cannot be en forced by the slave in a Court of Law or Equity. Jackson v. Bobb, 18 (Arkansas), page 399." " It is lawful to track runaway negroes with dogs, provided it be done with a due degree of caution and circumspection. Mo- ran v. Davis, 18 (Georgia), page 722." " A conveyance of land and slaves in trust, to allow the slaves to occupy the land and receive the profits thereof, and of their labor, is void. Smith v. Betty, 11 Gratt (Virginia), page 752." . ." A bequest of freedom to a slave is void, in consequence of XI.] SLAVERY ADJUDICATED. 135 his incapacity to take under the will. Roberson v. Roberson, 21 Alabama, page 237." " In a Slave State every colored man is supposed to be a slave. Miller v. McQuerry, 5 McLean, page 469." It will be seen by the decision of the Supreme Court in the Arkansas case above cited, that a contract with a slave for emancipation is void ; and by the de cision of the Georgia Supreme Court in Moran v. Davis, that it is lawful to track runaway negroes with .dogs. The reader will observe how careful the learned Judges of the Supreme Court of Georgia were in not putting in the word slave, or person held to service or labor, but negroes, which includes in this sense an} r persons having any negro blood in them, or whose mother was a slave, be she black or white; or be the father of the negro black or white ; nor does the learned Court say whether the "moderation and circumspection" shall be observed by the master or by the dogs. In the Alabama case it will be seen that a bequest of freedom by will to a slave was void, because a slave could not take by device. And in the case of Miller v. McQuerry, above, it will be seen that the United States Circuit Court decided that in u Slave States every colored man is presumed to be a slave." It is most difficult to reconcile this very singular opinion either with the principles of law or common sense. Neither the law of nations, the civil nor common law, nor the laws of nature make any such violent presump tion. Congress certainly has not attempted to legis late this presumption into a law, and a State Legisla ture, in enacting such a rule, would certainly little ex pect that a species of legislation so much at variance with the acknowledged laws of civilized nations and the laws of nature, could be supported even by State 136 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. judicial tribunals, much less by the Courts of a great nation, which declare by the fundamental law that all men are created equal. In viewing a decision so sweeping in its effects, it would be well to ascertain whether the learned Judge did or did not mean it to be understood that in a State or country where Slavery existed in a reverse form from that in which it did in the United States, (i. e. where the slave is the white man, and his master the black or colored man,) his decision would be applicable; or ii> a case where the master was colored and the slave also colored, as is the case in parts of Asia, and was the case in many of the Slave States of America. If this be good law, then in the State or country where the white man was the slave, and his master the col ored man, the relation would be at once reversed, and the master would be put upon his proofs that lie was not the slave; and where the master and slave were both colored, and Slavery existing there, then, prima facie, the colored man would be held to be a slave ; and as this would embrace both master and slave, the whole community would be slaves, even if there was not a man who was not colored in the whole Nation. Query : Who would be the master ? According to this decision the whole free colored population might have been arrested, imprisoned, and tried as being slaves, and it would have been purely competent to hold them as slaves, unless they had brought clear proofs that they were not slaves. Nor does the Court say that this shall apply to negroes, blacks, Africans, or persons of African de scent; but colored. Which color did the Court mean? Mulatto, octoroon, black, brown, copper, yellow, or red ? There are as many shades of colored men as XI.] SLAVERY ADJUDICATED. 137 there are of colors between black and white, and the colored are twenty to one of the whites the world over. DM the Court mean to say that if one China man held another in Slavery in his own country, that because Slavery existed there, that all colored men would be presumed to be slaves ? This is what the decision does say. Such twaddle, emanating from the Courts of the enlightened itepublic of America, is nauseating. " In Alabama, the presumption arising from color, indicating African descent, is that the person is a slave. Becton v. Fur- geson, 22 Alabama, page 599." "What was written respecting the decision of the United States Circuit Court will apply to this decision. " The Act of 1806, Section 32, called the Black Code, justifies the firing upon runaway slaves who are armed, or who, when pursued, refuse to surrender; avoiding, however, if possible, the killing of them. Laparouse v. Rice, 13 Louisiana, page 567." In view of this decision by the highest judicial tri bunal, and the case reported in 5th McLean, above alluded to, it is plain to be seen that the position of the slave in Louisiana was anything but pleasant ; and as all colored men were, in consequence of their color, supposed to be slaves, and if one of this class of per sons, although free, should be pursued anywhere, and ordered to stand, and if he refused to do so, he could be fired upon, "avoiding, however, if possible the k1- ing of him," will show the imminent jeopardy of the colored inhabitants of the Slave States, and the absolute control of the master. A testator made this provision in his will : " The negroes loaned my wife, at her death, I wish to have thoir choice of being emancipated or sold publicly; if they prefer being emancipated, it is my wish that they be hired out until 138 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. a sufficient sum is raised to pay their expenses to a land where they can enjoy freedom. " Held, that as the manumission of the slaves was made to depend upon their own election, an act of which they were legally incapable, the provision was void. Bailey v. Poindexter, 14 Gratt. (Virginia), page 132." The beauties of the decision of the Supreme Court of the " Mother of Presidents," viewed in its equitable bearings, will be apparent and needs no. comment. cc A bequest of slaves, with a provision by which they may be supported without working like other slaves, is a violation of the policy of the State, and void. Lee v. Brown, 3 James* Equity (North Carolina), page 141." " A bequest of two hundred acres of land and three thou sand dollars, with a family of slaves, who were valuable, with a provision that on the death or insolvency of the legatee one of the slaves should select an owner, who was also to take the land and money, with an injunction that the slaves should be treated kindly and humanely, is manifestly for the ease and benefit of the slaves, and against public policy." Same authority as last above. Persons who feel disposed to be treated " kindly and humanely/' and who like " ease," particularly if they are il colored," will, no doubt, be deeply in terested in studying the two last above decisions. It was scarcely necessary for the highest judicial tribunal of the slave-breeding State of North C. to have as serted that anything tending to the ease and comfort of the slave was against public policy, and void, as such has always been Southern Democratic policy, as the blood, tears, and unrequited toil of two and a half centuries of the poor slave will abundantly tes tify. How long Democratic speakers and the Demo cratic press will advocate this doctrine is uncertain. The subject of this decision would form an interesting XI.] SLAVERY ADJUDICATED. 139 basis for a Democratic speech to a Democratic Freed- man's Club, as it might enlighten them upon the love of their former masters toward them. " In a suit for freedom, by Ann, claimed as a slave, proof that her grandmother was a mulatto and a slave, and that her mother was a quadroon and slave, and the father a white man, was held to countervail (outweigh) the testimony of two physicians, who had examined the petitioner; that she presented all the indica of being of the white race, but that one-eighth of African blood might not, but would in general show itself, and that the mixed child was more likely to resemble the father than the mother. Gaines v. Ann, 17 Texas, page 211." Microscopic shades of complexion are not now necessary to determine the freedom of persons in Texas; nor are opinions of learned physicians, that the person presents all the "indica" of being of the white race, of any importance- within the limits of the American Republic. " If one claimed as a slave, but suing for his freedom, mani festly belongs to the negro race, he is presumed to be a slave. Daniel v. Guy, 19 Arkansas, page 121." * ' Where it is matter of doubt that the petitioner belongs to the negro race, evidence that the woman reputed to be his mother, and owned as such, was lawfully held in Slavery, repels any presumption that he is entitled to Freedom. Gray v. Stevenson, 19 Arkansas, page 580.'* " A convict slave is a free man, for the purpose of giving evi dence, as well as of punishment. The State v. Dillahant, 3 Harrington (Delaware), page 551.. The State v. Griffin, ib., page 559." " A mulatto free man of color is a citizen of the State, and a slave is a person within the meaning of the Act of 1825. The State v. Edmund, 4 Dev. (North Carolina), page 340." ' c A slave tried for a capital crime may be convicted on the tes timony of a slave, though uncorroborated by pregnant circum stances. The State v. Ben, 1 Hanks (North Carolina), 434." " Slaves in Virginia in 1777, were real estate, and descended 140 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. to the eldest son. Chiver v. Respass, 1 Munroe (Kentucky), page 25." " A part owner of a slave may emancipate to the extent of his interest; it is effectual pro tanto. Thompson v. Thompson, 4 B. Munroe (Kentucky.)" " Slaves are competent witnesses only for or against negroes or mul&ttoes. Turney v. Knox, 7 Munroe, 88 (Kentucky)." In the case of the State v. Dillahant, and the case of the State v. Griffin, the Supreme Court of Delaware held, that a convicted slave is a free man, and this is the only instance in which Courts of slaveholding Stales have admitted, that by any possibility a slave can discharge the duties of a free man. They have said that he could not be released by the will of his owner if there was any contingency depending upon the will or assent of the slave, and he has been refused his freedom on these grounds. But it must be observed that the Court of Delaware acknowledges his freedom to extend only to two things; that he may testify against a negro, and for the purpose of being hanged himself. It must have been consoling to the slave to know that he was free for the purpose of convicting his fellow slaves; and that whilst he stood on the scaffold, and the hangman's axe was descending to cut the rope, he himself was free. In the case of the State v. Edmund, it will be seen that the Supreme Court of North Carolina, decided, that by the Statute of that State of 1825, " a mulatto free man of color is a citizen of the State, and a slave is & person." No doubt both the " citizen" and the " per son" will appreciate the distinction in this decision, and also the addition to it, in the Thirteenth Amend ment to the Constitution of the United States, which says, that in the United States " all men are free" In the case of Chiver v. Respass, above, it will XL] SLAVERY ADJUDICATED. 141 be seen that in Virginia in 1777, slaves were consid ered real estate. From this condition may have arisen the popular American term, "mud-sill," to 'those employed in labor. It is reasonable also to suppose that the modern name of " contraband," by which this species of " property" was designated, was owing to the improved facilities of locomotion, induced by the armies of the North, " marching through Geor gia," and that the negro is now a " free-soiler." The case of Thompson v. Thompson, above, is one involving a most important physiological subject, upon which the learned Court fails, to shed the necessary light. The Court held that a part owner of a slave might emancipate to the extent of his interest. We oan understand the Court in making this decision; but the point in which the slave would be interested, would be the application of the rule; for in a case where one party was the owner of a half interest in a slave a third, or any other proportion and he should emancipate pro tanto (to the extent of his interest), and the party owning the balance of the negro should order his interest to labor, by what process could the Court guarantee to the subject of its decision the status of part free and part slave ? Would an injunction to re strain the physical motion of a certain leg or arm, and the tying of it up justify the decision, and satisfy the owner and the slave ? A singular feature of the enslavement of man in the American Republic is the fact, that at the begin ning of the Slaveholders' Rebellion in 1861, there were 5,718 Americans (colored) held as slaves by the In dian tribes in the Territories west of the Arkansas. Let it be understood that in the case of these persons, the prohibition of the importation of negroes had 10 142 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. tended to bleach their complexions. Many of them were almost pure-blooded Americans; they varied from the wooly Congo to the rosy-cheeked Saxon. Of these, 2,297 were held by 385 Choctaw masters; 2,504 by 384 Cherokee masters; 1,651 by 267 Creek masters, and 917 by 118 Chickasaw masters. The number of Indian slave-owners were few com pared with all the Indians; but in proportion to the number of owners, they held more slaves than did the white slave-owners of the South, many of them own ing several hundred slaves. CHAPTER XII. WELMOT PROVISO. SLAVERY IN MEXICO. IN THE TERRITORIES. LAWS OP SPAIN AND MEXICO RELATING TO. DRED SCOTT DECISION. FUGITIVE SLAVE LAWS OP CALIFORNIA. STATE COURT DECISIONS IN CASE OF PER KINS AND ARCHEY. AMONG the many popular themes of public interest that had their origin in the Congress of the United States during the debates upon the subject of an ap propriation by that body to purchase territory from Mexico, was the "Wilmot Proviso." On the 4th of August, 1846, the President informed^the Senate, by special message, of his desire to negotiate for the pur chase of Mexican territory. A bill for an appropriation of two million dollars was introduced into the House of Representatives. This proposition involved the important question of how this territory should be governed as regarded Slavery. Calhoun and the whole Southern Democracy had long promulgated the doctrine that the slaveholder had as much right to take his property (the slave) into any Territory of the Union, and be protected there by Fed eral law and Federal officials, as the man from the Free States had to take his merchandise there and be pro tected. The Whigs at the North, and many of them at the South, held opposite opinions that Slavery was a subject of local law, and did not by any constitu tional or other law extend into the Territories acquired by the Union. Mexico had already, by act of her Congress, abol ished Slavery upon every foot of her soil, and the 144 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. United States, as a Nation, was not slaveholding; and the presumption that Slavery could, as a matter of course, extend to the public domain, enslaving those of African descent, who were freed by the laws of Mex ico, or introducing slaves from American States upon territory declared to be free by the Mexican Govern ment, could not be tolerated by the Whigs. On the 4th day of August, 1846, David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, introduced a proviso to the bill for the appropriation, as follows : "Provided, That as an express and fundamental condition to the acquisition of any territory from the Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any treaty that may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the Executive of the moneys herein appropriated, neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime, whereof the party shall first be duly convicted." The bill was passed in the House, and on Monday night, August llth, was sent to the Senate, where it came up next day, the day agreed upon for Congress to adjourn. The morning, however, was passed in de bate, and the clock in the House being ten minutes faster than the time of the Senate, the legislative ses sion was closed, and the bill and appropriation laid over. Upon the discussion of the Wilmot Proviso arose the doctrine of "Squatter Sovereignty " of which Stephen A. Douglas was subsequently a strong advocate. Its principal features were that the inhabitants of any of the States had an equal right to introduce their prop erty into the Territories, and when a sufficient popu lation existed as to entitle the Territory to become a State, then the inhabitants thereof might adopt a Con stitution with or without Slavery, and frame such laws XIL] SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY. 145 as they thought proper, and that the Congress of the United States had no power to legislate upon the sub ject of Slavery in the Territories; that it was the prop erty of the people, and that they alone could say what their domestic institutions should be. Upon this popular fallacy Douglas rode into power with the Democracy, and into the ring of the politician, and out of the sphere of the statesman. Calmly looking over the records of the advocates of this theory, it is most difficult to surmise how they disposed of that clause of the Federal Constitution which says: " Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respect ing the Territory or other property belonging to the United States." I cannot see how language can be shaped to more clearly and fully vest the National Congress with full power to legislate upon subjects that would qualify the public domain, when possessed of sufficient population to become States in the Union, than that in the above clause. Again, the Constitution says: "New States may be admitted by Congress into the Union;" and further, "The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican form of government." They "may be admitted "- not they shall. The act of their admission is a legislative act of Congress, and as there is no power to dictate nor control the legisla tive branch of the Federal Government in this respect, it may impose such conditions as may seem best ; and until a State, making application for admission, comply with these terms, the Congress can govern them by its laws; and as the General Government, and not the States, must legislate upon the subject, how is the 146 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Congress to be controlled as to the extent or quality of its legislation? And if Congress is of opinion that Slavery is inconsistent with a Republican form of gov ernment, may it not so declare, and refuse to admit the State until a Constitution prohibiting it is adopted? Or, if a Territory refuse to adopt such a Constitution, and thus cannot be admitted into the Union, and it re main in a territorial condition until its population is as great or greater than the whole of the States of the Union, and still maintains Slavery, and declines or re fuses to adopt a Constitution Republican in form, as may be prescribed by Congress, is it not competent for Congress to legislate Slavery out of such Territory and fit it for admission ? Surely this is one of the " needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory." In further support of my statements, that Slavery was abolished in Mexico prior to the acquisition of any territory by the United States from that country, a cor rect translation of some of the laws upon the subject in that country are here given. The extracts are taken from the eleventh volume of the laws of Mexico, pub lished at the City of Mexico in 1838; also from the de cree of President Guerrera in 1829, page 213 of the volume above alluded to: "Fifteenth of September, 1829. Decree of the Government in virtue of extraordinary powers. "Abolition of Slavery in the Kepublic. 1. Slavery is abol ished in t&e Republic. 2. Consequently those are free who until now have been considered slaves. 3. When the circum stances of the treasury permit it, the owners of slaves shall be indemnified in the manner prescribed by the laws." The Congress of Mexico, in 1831, acting upon the decrees of President Guerrera, classifying and approv ing them, on the 15th of February, 1831, enacted; XIL] ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN MEXICO. 147 "1st. Slavery is abolished, without any exception, in the whole Republic . " 2d. The masters of slaves manumitted by the present law, or by the decree of the 15th of September, 1829, shall be indem nified for their value." The Constitution of Mexico of 1834, contains the following declaration : "1. No one is a slave in the territory of the Nation -j and any introduced shall be considered free, and shall be under the pro tection of the laws.'* It seems idle to multiply evidences tending to show that Slavery was abolished in Mexico, California, Texas, and New Mexico, and that when these Territories (which belonged to Mexico) became the property of the United States they 'were free territory, as much as the territory of Canada or Nova Scotia is to-day, and that if these latter had been acquired by the United States, prior to the late war, they would have been equally open to Slavery as was any of the territory ac quired from Mexico; and who can entertain the idea that Slavery could be introduced into them by emi grants were they Territories belonging to the Union. It has already been seen that in the slaveholding States of America stringent laws were passed prohibit ing emancipation, and that by will or agreement slaves could not attain liberty the tendency, policy, and scope of the laws being opposed to emancipation. On the contrary, the laws of Spain enforced in Mexico re lating to slaves, were all favorable in their tendencies towards emancipation; and special laws were enacted by which slaves could gain their freedom, even with out the consent and against the will of their masters. Many of these laws, if in force in the Slave States of 148 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. America during their palmy clays of miscegenation, would have added largely to the list of free female slaves. The following extracts will illustrate. The quotations are from the Spanish law dictionary of Es- criche, under the heads, " Esclavo" u Esdavitud" " The slave shall deserve liberty in the four following cases: 1. If he shall inform on theravisher or forcer of a virgin woman. 2. If he discovers the maker of false money. 3. If he shall dis cover a military chief who abandons his post. 4. If he shall in form on the murderer of his master, or shall avenge his death, or discover treason against the King or the Kingdom. In the three first cases the King shall give the price of the slave to his master. Law 3, title 22, part 4. "If the master publicly prostitute his slave woman, she is thereby freed, and he cannot recover her or have any right over her. Law 4, title 22, part 4." Had this law been in force in the Slave States, Abra ham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation would have only applied to some of the male slaves, and those of the females who were under the age of maturity. Two events only have transpired in the United States that seem to excel in importance the "Dred Scott Decision." These are the independence of Amer ica, and the late Rebellion. The case above alluded to was decided in the Su preme Court of the United States at the December term, 1856, Honorable Roger B. Taney, Chief Justice, and the Honorables John McLean, James W. Wayne, John Catron, Peter V. Daniel, Samuel Nelson, Robert C. Grier, Benjamin R. Curtis, and John A. Campbell, Associate Justices. The opinion was delivered for the Court by the Honorable Roger B. Taney, Chief Justice. Mr. Justice McLean and Mr. Justice Curtis dissented, and wrote elaborate and able opinions. Some of the most inter- XIL] STATUS OF THE NEGRO. 149 esting points in the decision of the Court, and also of the dissenting opinions, are given here. For a full re port of the case the reader is referred to 19 Howard, United States Supreme Court Reports, page 393. The decision and opinions occupy two hundred and thirty pages, and will repay a careful reading. The Court said: " A free negro of the African race, whose ancestors were brought to this country and sold as slaves, is not a citizen within the meaning of the Constitution of the United States. ' ' The only two clauses in the Constitution which point to this race, treat them as persons whom it was morally lawful to deal in as articles of property, and to hold as slaves. " The plaintiff having admitted by his demurrer to the plea in abatement that his ancestors were imported from Africa and sold as slaves, he is not a citizen of the State of Missouri, according to the Constitution of the United States, and was not entitled to sue in that character in the Circuit Court." It will be seen that the Court held Scott to be a slave and not a citizen, in consequence of the status of his ancestors. I apprehend that if all persons were held to this rule, many interesting changes would be made, even among "first families." " If, therefore, the facts he states do not give him nor his fam ily a right of freedom, the plaintiff is still a slave, and not enti tled to sue as a citizen. " Every citizen has a right to take with him into the Territory any article of property which the Constitution of the United States recognizes as property. " The Constitution of the United States recognizes slaves as property, and pledges the Federal Government to protect it, and Congress cannot exercise any more authority over property of that description than it may constitutionally exercise over property of any other kind. " The Act of Congress, therefore, prohibiting a citizen of the United States from taking with him his slaves when he removes to the Territory in question, to reside, is an exercise of authority 150 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. over private property which is not warranted by the Constitu tion; and the removal of the plaintiff by his owner to the Terri tory gave him no title to freedom." The attention of the reader is. called to the differ ence of opinion in the above decision, compared with those views already stated upon this subject; that Slavery is the subject of municipal and local law, and cannot exist in localities unless where some specific law or long custom establishes it. In support of these prop ositions, an(J in opposition to the above opinion of the learned Court, the reader's attention is called to the dissenting opinions of Justice McLean and Justice Curtis, and the Spanish laws upon the subject of Slavery in this chapter. Justice McLean, dissenting, says: " On the question of citizenship, it must be admitted that we have not been very fastidious. Under the late treaty with Mexico, we have made citizens of all grades, combinations, and colors. The same was done in the admission of Louisiana and Florida. No one ever doubted, and no Court ever held that the people of these Territories did not become citizens under the treaty. They have exercised all the rights of citizens, without being naturalized under the Acts of Congress. * * * " In the course of my judicial duties, I have had occasion to consider and decide several of the above points. 1st. As to the locality of Slavery. The civil law throughout the Continent of Europe, it is believed, without an exception, is, that Slavery cannot exist only within the territory where it is established; and that if a slave escapes, or is carried beyond such territory, his master cannot reclaim him, unless by virtue of some express stipulation. (Grotius, lib. 2, chapter 15, 5,1; lib. 10, chapter 10, 2, 1. Wicquepast's Ambassador, lib. 1, page 418. 4 Martin, 385. Case of the Creole in the House of Lords, 1842. 1 Phil- lemore, on International Law, 316, 335.) " There is no nation of Europe which considers itself bound to return to his master a fugitive slave, under the civil law, or the law of nations. XII.] SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES. 151 " In the great leading case of Prigg v. the State of Pennsyl vania (16 Peters, 594; 14 Curtis, 421), this Court says, that by the general law of nations, no nation is bound to recognize the state of Slavery, as found within its territorial dominions. * * * * The state of Slavery is deemed to be a mere municipal regulation, founded upon and limited to the range of the territorial laws. This was fully recognized in Somerset's case (Laff. Hep. 1; 2 HowelTs State Trials, 79), which was decided before the American Revolution." Lord Mansfield, in delivering the opinion of the Court of King's Bench, in the Somersett case, said: " The state of Slavery is of such a nature that it is impossible of being introduced on any reasons, moral or political, but only by positive law, which preserves its force long after the reasons, occasion, and time itself, from whence it was created, is erased from the memory. It is of a nature that nothing can be suffered to support it but positive law . " Slavery is sanctioned bv the laws of this State, and the right to hold slaves under our municipal regulations is unquestionable; but we view this as a right, existing by positive law of a municipal character, without foundation in the laws of nature, or the un written and common law." (Rankin v. Lydia, Court of Appeals, Kentucky; Miller, J., 2 A. R. Marshall's Rep.) That the reader may follow me in my views that the Government of the United States was vested with full power to legislate for the Territories, and can prohibit Slavery or any other institution contrary to nature, reason, or justice, I give an extract from the opinion of Chief Justice Marshall, in the case of the Atlantic Insurance Company v. Carter (1 Peters, 511; 7 Cur tis, 685), cited by Justice McLean, speaking in regard to the people of Florida: " They do not, however, participate in political power; they do not share in the Government until Florida shall become a State. In the meantime, Florida continues to be a Territory of the United States, governed by virtue of that clause of the Con- 152 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. stitution which empowers Congress to make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States." This comprehensive opinion of the learned Chief Justice Marshall ought to settle the question of the powers vested in Congress to pass all needful laws for the Territories, and as the Congress alone can be the judge of what is needful, their power seems almost un limited, whilst their legislation is within the sphere of the Constitution. Mr. Justice Curtis, dissenting from the Dred Scott decision, says: " To determine whether any free persons descended from Africans held in Slavery were citizens of the United States under the Confederation, and consequently, at the time of the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, it is only necessary to know whether any such persons were citizens of either of the States under the Confederation at the time of the adoption of the Constitution. Of this there can be no doubt. At the time of the ratification of the Articles of Confederation, all free native born inhabitants of the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, and North Carolina, though descended from African slaves, were not only citizens of those States, but such of them as had the other necessary quali fications, possessed the franchise of electors on equal terms with the other electors. " The Supreme Court of North Carolina, in the case of the Slave v. Manuel (4 Dev. and Bat. 20), has declared the law of that State on this subject in terms which I believe to be as sound law in the other States I have enumerated, as it was in North Carolina." " According to the laws of this State," says Judge Gaston, in delivering the opinion of the Court: " All human beings within it who are not slaves, fall within one of two classes. Whatever distinctions may have existed in the Boman laws, between citizens and free inhabitants, they are unknown to our institutions. XII.] DEED SCOTT DECISION. 153 " Before our Eevolution, all free persons born within the dominions of the King of Great Britain, whatever their color or complexions, were native-born British subjects; those born out of his allegiance were aliens. Slavery did not exist in England, but did in the British Colonies. Slaves were not in legal par lance persons, and were then either British subjects, or not British subjects, according as they were or were not born, within the allegiance of the British King. ' c Upon the Eevolution no other change took place in the laws of North Carolina than were consequent on the transition from a Colony dependent on a European King, to a free and sovereign State. Slaves remained Slaves. British subjects in North Carolina became North Carolina free men. Foreigners, until made members of the State, remained aliens. Slaves manu mitted here became free men, and, therefore, if born within North Carolina are citizens of North Carolina, and all free per sons born within the State are born citizens of the State. * " The Constitution extended the election franchise to every free man who had arrived at the age of twenty-one, and paid a public tax; and it is a matter of universal notoriety, that under it, free persons, without regard to color, claimed and exercised the franchise until it was taken from free men of color a few years since by our amended Constitution." The reader is respectfully referred to the dissenting opinions of Justices McLean and Curtis, in the Dred Scott case, reported in 19 Howard's United States Supreme Court Reports, page 393. The friends of Slavery on the Pacific Coast, not con tent with the veto of the people upon the institution, and still inclined towards fostering an establishment of barbarism upon the free soil of California, passed an Act in the Legislature, approved April 15th, 1852, with the modest (?) title of: " An Act respecting fugi tives from labor, and slaves brought into this State prior to her admission into the Union. 11 The reader having already had abundant evidence that by no possible construction; either of the laws of any State in the 154 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Union, or by any Territorial or United States law; the laws of Mexico, Spain, or the laws of Nations, could it be shown that Slavery existed in the Territory of California before the adoption of her Constitution, and as it could not exist after the adoption of the Constitution, because of its prohibition, it may be difficult to understand where the able legislators found , legal powers to establish Slavery in California in 1852, and as this monument of Democratic legislation and wisdom may be handed down to posterity, it is given here in full, as it stands upon the statute book to this day. It expired by limitation April 15th, 1855, but the Act still continues to be published in connection with the other statutes of California. " FUGITIVES FROM LABOR." " An Act respecting fugitives from labor, and slaves brought to this State prior to her admission into the Union. Approved April 15th, 1852. " SECTION 1. When a person held to labor in any State or Ter ritory of the United States under the laws thereof, shall escape into this State, the person to whom such labor or service may be due, his agent or attorney is hereby empowered to seize or arrest such fugitive from labor, or shall have the right to obtain a warrant of arrest for such fugitive, granted by any judge, justice, or magistrate of this State, and directed to any sheriff or constable of this State; and when seized or arrested, to take him or her before any judge or justice of this State, or before any magistrate of a county, city, or town corporate, and upon proof to the satisfaction of such judge or magistrate, either by oral testimony or affidavit, taken before and certified by any judge or magistrate in this State, or of any other State or Ter ritory, that the person so seized or arrested doth, under the laws of the State or Territory from which he or she fled, owe service or labor to 'the person claiming him or her, it shall be the duty of such judge or magistrate to give a certificate thereof to such claimant, his agent, or attorney, which shall be sufficient warrant for removing the said fugitive from labor, XII.] SLAVERY IN CALIFORNIA. 155 to the State or Territory from which he or she fled; and for using such force and restraint as may be necessary, under the circumstances of the case, to take and remove such fugitive per son back to the State or Territory whence he or she may have escaped as aforesaid. In no trial or hearing, under this Act, shall the testimony of such alleged fugitive be admitted in evi dence, and the certificate herein before mentioned shall be conclusive of the right of the person or persons in whose favor granted, to remove such fugitive to the State or Territory from which he escaped, and shall prevent all molestation of such per son or persons by any process issued by any Court, judge, jus tice, or magistrate, or other person whomsoever. " SEC. 2. Any person who shall knowingly and willingly ob struct, hinder, or prevent such claimant, his agent, or attorney, or any person or persons lawfully assisting him, her, or them, from arresting such fugitive from service or labor, either with or without process as aforesaid, or shall rescue or attempt to rescue such fugitive from the custody of such claimant, his or her agent or attorney, or other person or persons lawfully assisting as aforesaid, when so arrested pursuant to the authority herein given and declared, or shall aid, abet, or assist such fugitive, directly or indirectly to escape from such claimant, his agent, or attorney, or other person or persons legally authorized as afore said, or shall harbor or conceal such fugitive so as to prevent the discovery and arrest of such fugitive, shall, for either of said offenses be subject to a fine of not less than five hundred dollars, and imprisonment not less than two months, by indict ment and conviction before any Court of Sessions of this State, or before any Court having criminal jurisdiction within this State; and shall, moreover, forfeit and pay, by way of civil damages to the claimant of said fugitive, the sum of one thou sand dollars for each and either of said offenses, to be recovered by action in any District Court of this State. " SEC. 3. It shall be the duty of all sheriffs, deputy sheriffs, and constables to obey and execute all warrants and precepts issued under the provisions of this Act, when to them directed; and should any sheriff, deputy sheriff, or constable refuse to re ceive such warrant or other process when tendered, or to use all proper means, diligently to execute the same, he shall on con viction thereof, by indictment, be fined in the sum of not less than five hundred dollars and not more than two thousand 156 * REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. i dollars, to the use of the county in which conviction is had, and removed from office, and shall be liable to the claimant in such damages as the claimant shall sustain by reason of said miscon duct; and after the arrest of such fugitive by such sheriff, or his deputy, or constable, or whilst at any time within his custody, should such fugitive escape by the assent, neglect, or contrivance of such officer, such officer shall be liable, on his official bond to such claimant, for the full value of said fugitive in the State or Territory from whence he or she came. " SEC. 4. Any person or persons held to labor or service in any State or Territory of the United States, by the laws of such State or Territory, and who were brought or introduced within the limits of this State, previous to the admission of this State as one of the United States of America, and who shall refuse to return to the State or Territory where he, she, or they owed such labor or service, upon the demand of the person or per sons, his, or their agent, or attorney, to whom such labor or serv ice was due, such person or persons so refusing to return shall be held and deemed fugitives from labor within the meaning of this Act; and all the remedies, rights, and provisions herein given to claimants of fugitives who escape from any other State into this State, are hereby given and conferred upon claimants of fugitives from labor, within the meaning of this section, provided the provisions of this section shall have force and effect until the 15th day of April, 1855, but not beyond that period. " SEC. 5. Nothing contained in this Act shall be so construed as to allow the claimant of any slave to hold such slave in servi tude in this State after his reclamation under the provisions of this Act, except for the purpose of removing such slave from the State." The general features of the bill are, to say the least, interesting; full powers are guaranteed, and provision made for the arrest and return of " he or she," and "in no trial or hearing under the Act shall the tes timony of such alleged fugitive be admitted in evi dence." That is possession of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness (?). Also, persons " held to serv ice or labor in any State or Territory * * * XIL] SLAVERY IN CALIFORNIA. 157 and who were brought or introduced within the limits of this State previous to the admission of this State as one of the United States of America/' and who " refuse to return/' shall be delivered up. The Con stitution of the United States speaks of persons " es caping/' but the California legislators say, " brought or introduced." And the Supreme Court of the State, in the matter of C. Perkins and R. Perkins, reported in 2d California Reports, page 424, (the case being brought before Judge Wells, on habeas corpus,) Chief Justice Murray, and Justice Anderson, each delivered opinions. Hear the learned Court : " By virtue of their police power, the States possess jurisdic tion to arrest and restrain fugitive slaves, and to remove them from their borders, but not so as to obstruct the owner in reclaiming his slaves undfer the Constitution of the United States." But the Act does not speak of fugitives. " The owner of slaves in Mississippi brought them voluntarily into California before the adoption of the Constitution by the State. These slaves asserted their freedom, and for some months were engaged in business for themselves. Afterwards the Act of 1852 was passed. * * * * It enacts that slaves who had been voluntarily introduced into the States before the adoption of the Constitution should be deemed fugi tives from labor and be returned to their masters/'* The Judge quoted the clause of the United States Constitution for the rendition of persons charged " with treason, felony, or other crime." I cannot see that those persons brought into a territory where Slavery was abolished by the laws of Mexico (the country from which the territory was obtained), and where the laws of the United States did not introduce Slavery, could became slaves; much less, how the 11 158 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. clause applicable to persons fleeing from justice in con sequence of the commission of crimes, could apply to those persons brought to California by their masters. The Court concluding, says: ' ' The judgment of the Court is, that the writ be dismissed, and that the slaves Robert Perkins, Carter Perkins, and Sandy Jones, be remanded to jail, into the custody of the Sheriff of the County of San Francisco, and by the said Sheriff delivered to his master or his agent without delay or cost." Justice Anderson, concurring in his written opinion, has exhibited much research and ability; but his de cision is burdened with the shallow display of that love of compromise which has characterized the friends of Slavery in all sections of the Republic. A single extract from his opinion is here .given: " It would be a poor evidence of our fidelity to the spirit of compromise to resort to a very strained and technical construc tion, by a surprise and strategy to deprive our American brethren of their property, because they came here in good faith, trusting to the protection of the National Constitution. This would not be the favorite mode that a wise Statesman or a just and patriotic Judge should elect to allay a long, deep, and sorely irritated feeling, or to consign to oblivion the unkind remembrances of the past; but a plain and truthful administra tion of the laws will do this. It will mark, too, the justice of our noble State; and if any other word was needed, I would say, our wisdom. No complaint can then go up against us to our far off brethren for the want of the first, and the latter will stand out in illuminated letters, declaring the truth of the law as it is$ the purity of our motives, and our devotion to our whole Union." It will be seen how anxious the learned Judge was .not to surprise his distant brethren, and how sincerely he desired to avoid a show of want of "fidelity to the spirit of compromise." The reader must judge how XIL] SLAVERY IN CALIFORNIA. 159 "illuminated" are "the letters declaring the truth of the law" in these decisions. The next California case of importance was the case of Ex-parte Archy, on habeas corpus before the Su preme Court, January term, 1858. Reported in 9th California, page 147. The statute relating to "fugi tives from labor" expired by limitation on the 15th of April, 1855, as will be seen by referring to it, and this case came under the Constitution of the United States and the "comity" of States. Charles A. Stovall, a citizen of Mississippi, who came across the plains in 1857, brought with him his slave, making California his home, entering into busi ness, advertising his business as permanent, and hiring out Archy on a river boat Archy receiving part of the wages and Stovall the balance. Archy became a resident of the State by the free will of his master not as an escaped slave for he came in company with his master, and was employed by him in the State for almost a year, and was unquestionably entitled to his freedom. The decision of Justice Burnett is neither dignified with a pretension to impartial research nor legal knowledge; and judging by his own language, he de cided the case upon the score of policy. He says : " This is the first case, and under these circumstances we are not disposed to rigidly enforce the rule for the first time; but in reference to all future cases it is our purpose to enforce the rules laid down strictly, according to their true intent and spirit. It is therefore ordered that Archy be forthwith released from the custody of the Chief of Police and given into the custody of the petitioner, Charles A. Stovall." As this was t.he "first case," the learned Judge would consign Archy back to Slavery, but in the "fu- 160 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. ture" he would do better and "enforce the rules laid down, strictly" These rules were, that where a person took his slaves into a Free State and held them there until they gained a residence, he should hold that they were free. See Chief Justice Terry's concurring opinion in confirmation of this. He says: " I concur in the judgment and in the principles announced in the opinion of my associate, while I do not entirely agree with his conclusions. From the facts of the case, I think the delay of the petitioner was unavoidable, and that the fact of his engaging in labor in order to support himself during his neces sary detention, did not divest his rights under the law of comity as laid down in the opinion." The learned Chief Justice believed, because he (Sto- vall) had to keep Archy at labor to support him (Sto- vall), that he did not legally lose any rights to the possession of his slave; and besides, the law of comity sustained his return to his owner. The able and eloquent appeals of the learned Joseph "W. Winans, of counsel for Archy, were dispelled by the logic of James H. Hardy, counsel. for Stovall. In his argument he said: ' ' But I cannot consent to stultify the members of the Conven tion who framed, or my fellow citizens who ratified the Consti tution, by the indulgence of the thought that the section in view owed its place in the Constitution to so blind an infatuation as sympathy for a few hundred negro slaves. * * * * Slavery derives its force and dignity from the same principles of right and reason, the same views of the nature and constitution of man, and the same sanction of Divine revelation as those from which the science of morality is deduced. Its effect is the moral and physical improvement of the slave himself." CHAPTER XIII. REPUBLICAN PARTY. -ITS FIRST ORGANIZATION. DEMOCRATIC PARTY 1840 TO 1861. ABOLITIONISTS. JAMES G. BIRNEY ABOLITION CANDIDATE. SUC CESS OF THE PARTY. PRESIDENTIAL" ELECTIONS OF 1840, 1844, f&is, 1852, AND 1856. NOMINATION OF HARRISON, SCOTT AND POLK. WHIGS NOMI NATE CLAY. BIRNEY RE-NOMINATED. SETTLEMENT OF THE OREGON CLAIMS. TREATY RESPECTING OREGON. THOMAS H. BENTON'S VIEWS ON THE OREGON BOUNDARY. GEN. TAYLOR ELECTED." HUNKERS " AND "BARNBURNERS." LEWIS CASS NOMINATED. FRANKLIN PIERCE NOMI NATED. ELECTION OF PIERCE. NOMINATION OF BUCHANAN AND FRE MONT. BUCHANAN'S CABINET. FLOYD MOVES ARMS SOUTH. HIS RESIG- NATION.-SPEECHES OF SOUTHERN LEADERS. SOUTHERN JOURNALS. SLAVERY IS DIVINE. WOULD "EXTEND IT EVEN TO YANKEES." OF all the political organizations in America, none has had so hard a struggle for national existence as had the party known as the Republican Union party of to-day; nor has any political party in any country or age achieved so much as has this party for the ad vancement of human liberty and the elevation upon a common platform of the religious and civil equality of all men before the law. The first appearance of the party under its present name, as a national organization, was in the year 1831 ; but this was not the first appearance of tfye spirit of that party, for the impulses that animated and inspired the leaders of this progressive band had first taken hold of American affairs when the Pilgrims planted their feet on Plymouth rock, and had followed the conquering hosts of New England throughout the rev olutionary struggle to a glorious conquest, and again perched upon their banners in the formation of civil government, wherein they established for themselves and their children that political and religious freedom 162 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Cfrap. which has placed America far in advance of all the nations of the earth. The different political parties that had from time to time appeared before the people, had at this period resolved themselves into the two great national parties of Whigs and Democrats. The Democratic party at this time was in the zenith of its glory. It had stood firm to the doctrines of its founders. They were in spired with the spirit of those men, who in the Con vention that framed the National Constitution over powered Washington, Franklin, and others in their efforts to extirpate human Slavery, and had in opposi tion to their will, fastened upon the nation the odium of property in man, and the unjust representation of the South in the National Congress based upon negro influence. Their rule in State and National legisla tion was almost a continuous and unlimited chain of wrongs and usurpations, arrogating to themselves all places of profit and interest; indeed, they had com pletely turned the whole country into a kind of South ern hospital for the comfort and support of the slave-breeder. At this time the Democracy had nominated for the Presidency, by their Convention at Baltimore, on May 5th, 1840, Martin Yan Buren; but they were defeated in the election. The Whig party, the only other or ganized National party at this time, had met at Harris- burg on the 4th of December, 1839, and nominated William H. Harrison, over Henry Clay and Winfield Scott, for the Presidency, and John Tyler for the Vice- Presidency, both of whom were elected. Harrison died just one month after his inauguration, and was succeeded by John Tyler, who was elected Vice-Presi- deiit with him. XIII.] POLITICAL PARTIES. 163 At this period a third party had developed itself. Its members were composed of the progressive wing of the Whig party, and those who had cast their votes for years without any real tie to any party. They were few in numbers, but they were a resolute land. They came from all quarters of the Republic. Their ranks could boast not only of patriotism and love of freedom, but also of possessing more refinement, education, and sobriety than ever characterized a political party since the formation of civil government. Many of its mem bers were men of years, who had received their convic tions of the equality of men before the law from the teachings of patriotic ancestors, who had raised their voices against the sin of the Democratic institution of Slavery as early as the year 1621. They were calm and philosophical observers of the progressive spirit of Freedom in the new world they were the sentinels upon the outposts of Liberty, w^ho were to sound the first notes that called up from the doomed night of Democratic barbarism into the pure light of Republican liberty, the bondmen of America they were the medium between God and man, to break the cruel fetters of barbarism and touch the magic spark that should light up in the breast of the slave that fire of Liberty and Hope implanted by the Deity, and which when once illuminated by the light of Freedom and intelligence, never can be dimmed by the hand of man. They were called Abolitionists, tfie very name of which, in those times, was odious, and consigned its bearer to insult, and often to physical outrage by the Democrats. Indeed, in many parts of the country, and particularly at the South, a true Democrat hunted with savage fe rocity, akin to the African tiger on the scent of a Hot- 164 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. tentot, an Abolitionist, and considered him his prey ; and if found within the Slave States, would serve as a manikin upon which to practice with his bowie-knife, or bedeck with tar and feathers, or under Southern statutes, consign to a prison or the gallows. Their treatment at the North, in many instances, had been little better. For years no meetings of the party could be held; violent attacks from Democratic ruffians drove them from every point. Laws were passed at the South denying the use of the United States mails to any books, papers, or any other matter of an aboli tion tendency. An Anti- Slavery meeting was held at "Warsaw, in "Western New York, in November, 1839, at which the subject of organizing into a national political party, and placing a candidate in the field for the Presidency, was discussed. Here was the first practical move toward the organization of the National Union Re publican party. The National Union Republican party which crushed out Slavery, subdued the fiery temper and brutal pas sions of the dealers in men, lifted the American Re public from the slough of despond into which it was cast by Democratic infidelity, and made her the freest and most powerful of nations on the earth. The Convention nominated for .the Presidency, James G. Birney, of New York, formerly of Alabama, and for the Vice-Presidency, Francis J. Lemoyne, of Pennsylvania. The ffew party came before the public as a mere experiment; for, of course, they could not hope to carry the election, but they achieved a victory, the rich fruits of which will be gathered by the gen erations of men, so long as human freedom finds an advocate. They forged the thunderbolt that rent the XIII.] THE ABOLITION PARTY 165 black cloud which obscured the light of freedom in the Southern sky; they directed the hand that on the 1st day of January, 1863, wrote the proclamation that made America free, and sounded the bugle notes which led the conquering armies of 1864-' 65 to a triumphal victory; they blew the trumpet blast that called the doctrines of peaceable secession and " Southern rights" to that sleep that knows no waking. The Abolition party, as it was called, retired from the election contest of 1840 with a vote of 7,000 for their candidates. The Democrats were defeated by the Whigs, who elected Harrison. Tyler, who succeeded Harrison, soon abandoned the principles upon which he was elected, and found himself in close league with the interests of the leading slaveholders of the South. At no period of the nation was the contest between political parties so great as in the years from this first Republican (abolition) national organization to the election of Mr. Lincoln, their first President, in 1860. The Secession Laws of South Carolina of 1832, and the cruel codes passed by the South against the Abo litionists, aroused the sympathies of a large portion of the people of the North in favor of the new party. The strife between North and South was now bitter and well defined. State elections brought to the Na tional Capital representatives imbued with the spirit of the Republican party, whose philosophy and argu ments in favor of human liberty, coming in contact with the barbarous instincts and debasing practices of the representatives of the slave power, converted the halls of national legislation into a battle field be tween Liberty and Slavery. Within this period were the agitating questions of the annexation of Texas, and in 1850 the admission 166 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. of California, " Squatter Sovereignty/' Kansas and Nebraska difficulties, under all of which agitations the new Republican party grew into strength and influ ence. Soon they began to absorb the advance lines of the Whig party, and to gain victories at State elec tions. From the year 1840 up to 1844, dissensions were creeping into the Democratic ranks; and as the Presi dential election of 1844 drew nigh, the breach began to widen. The annexation of Texas to enlarge the field of slave labor, was an all-absorbing subject. Martin Yan Buren had been their choice for the Presi dency until within a few months before the election. The Democratic Convention which met May 29th, 1844, found it difficult to nominate Van Buren, and the delegates of Virginia and New York abandoning him, the scale was turned in favor of James K. Polk, who received the nomination, but left an ugly gap in the Democratic ranks. The Whig National Convention assembled at Balti more on May 1st, 1844. Henry Clay was declared the unanimous choice of the Convention for the Presidency. The disaffection caused by the rejection of Yan Buren by the Democratic Convention, and the feeling amongst many of the Whig leaders that Clay was leaning too strong toward slave interests, afforded many of them an opportunity to affiliate with the new party, the Re publicans, who now held the balance of power.. Mr. Clay's Whig friends felt keenly the loss of their votes; for with the abolition vote added to the Whig vote, the ambition of Clay's life would have been consummated, and Polk would have been defeated. But the new Re publican party were not to be bought nor swerved from their purpose. They liad held their National Conven- XIIL] BIRNEY AND HIS PARTY. 167 tion, and came the second time before the public with their tried friend Mr. Birney, for the Presidency. This tim^the Democrats were successful; Polk was elected President; Clay was defeated, so was Birney,' but Birney and his party had gained on both parties. The 7,000 votes of four years before were now swelled to 62,140, an increase of almost tenfold in four years. Abolitionism was beginning to be respectable, and Democratic hate and opposition to it to increase. The wheels of Polk's administration were put in motion on March 4th, 1845, with James Buchanan as Secretary of State. The administration was highly favorable to " compromise" and domestic Slavery. The new administration had upon its hands, besides local issues, two important foreign affairs the dispute with Great Britain respecting the claims of title to Oregon, and the Mexican question, as to the boundary of Texas, out of which grew the war with Mexico, which was commenced April 25th, 1846. Polk was inaugurated President only a few days, before -March 4th, 1846. The Democrats had gained temporary prestige by Polk's administration, and the prosecution of the Mexican war; but on the question of enforcing the claims of the United States to the Oregon Territory, including all that country between the parallels of 42 degrees, and 54 degrees and 40 minutes north latitude, they weakened; the region was not suitable to slave labor and " Southern interests," so Calhoun, Rhett and other Democratic leaders, became hike-warm, and finally opposed a vigorous prosecution of the claims of the United States to Oregon, whilst Mr. Adams, of Massachusetts, the leader of the Whig party, together with other prominent 'Whigs, proclaimed for immediate 168 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. action, as did also Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, the leader of the Abolition party. This reaction and cooling down of the fighting spirit of the Democrats^ they ap proached. the frigid zone, wore off a little of the Mexi can tinsel, and placed the Whig and Abolition parties upon a healthier footing in the estimation of the party of freedom, who now advocated the issuing of a no tice by the Executive to the British Government, that steps be taken to abrogate the Convention of 1827. A declaration of this nature would decide one of two things the peaceable possession of Oregon by the Americans as claimed, or a war with England. On the vote on this proposition, it passed by 142 to 46 against it; all those voting against it being Democrats. So now the Whigs and Abolitionists were in harmony for Oregon, while the leaders of the Democracy opposed it. Polk, on the 27th of April, 1846, approved the resolu tions, authorizing the notice to England, which notice was in due time handed to Queen Victoria in person. The great suspense of the country, and the dread of war entertained by the Democracy, was soon dispelled. A conference between Mr. Parkenham on behalf of her Britannic Majesty, and James Buchanan on behalf of the United States, concluded a treaty on the 15th of June, 1846, confirming the title to Oregon, as now possessed by the United States, making the division line "the 49th degree of latitude, from the Stony Mountains west to the middle of the channel which separates Vancouver Island from the Continent, thence southerly through the middle of the channel and to Fuca Straits, to the Pacific Ocean." The treaty was- sent to England for the ratification of that Government, which was done, and ratifications exchanged, which were proclaimed by the President, August 5th ; 1846. XIII.] THE PACIFIC TERRITORY. 169 Thomas H. Benton, one of America's clearest headed Statesmen, at this period in the United States Sen ate, had not gone to the extreme of '54, as had many leading spirits of all parties; and to his able speech delivered upon this subject, in which he had con tended for 49 as the .north boundary, more than to any other one cause, may be attributed the peaceful adjustment of what threatened a long and disastrous war. The following extract from a speech made by him in the United States Senate, January 12th, 1843, will at once show the origin of our title to this vast Pacific Territory, forming Oregon, "Washington, and Idaho Territories : " Mr. Benton said he would not restate the American title to that country; it had been well done by others who had preceded him in debate. He would only give a little more development to two points the treaties of 1803 and 1819; the former with France, by which we acquired Louisiana, the latter with Spain, by which we acquired all her rights on the northwest coast of America, north of 42 degrees. By the first of these treaties, we became a party to the tenth Article of the Treaty of Utrecht be tween France and England; the treaty of peace of 1714, which terminated the wars of Queen Anne and Louis XIV, and settled all their differences of every kind in Europe and America, and undertook to prevent the recurrence of future differences be tween them. The tenth Article of this treaty applied to their settlements and territories in North America, and directed Com missioners to be appointed to mark and define their possessions. These Commissioners did their work. They drew a line from ocean to ocean to separate the French and British dominions, and to prevent further encroachments and collisions. This line began on the coast of Labrador, and followed a course slightly south west to the centre of North America, leaving the British settle ments of Hudson Bay to the north, and the French Canadian possessions to the south. This line took for a landmark the Lake of the Woods, which was then believed to be due east 170 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. from the head of the Mississippi, and from that point took the forty-ninth parallel of latitude indefinitely to the west. The lan guage is ' indefinitely ;' and this established the northern boundary of Louisiana, and erected a wall, beyond which future French settlements could not cross to the North, nor British to the South. ' ' As purchasers of Louisiana, the treaty of 1803 made us a party to the tenth Article of the Treaty of Utrecht, and made the forty- ninth parallel the same to us and the British which it had been to the French and the British ; it became a wall which neither party could pass, so far as it depended upon that line." The settlement of the Oregon question and the shameful backing down of the Democracy in the matter began to lead the Whig and Abolition parties into favor. The Presidential campaign of 1848 was opened early in 1847. The name of General Taylor was prom inent among Democrats and Whigs; his war record was -of influence. Many of the latter party felt loth to abandon Henry Clay, but he had been so often before the people in the Presidential line that they began to think of looking for fresh material. They did not like Taylor ; he was a slaveholder, and doubtless would favor the extension of the institution into the Ter ritories, to all of which the Whigs were opposed. Taylor was a Democrat, and when interrogated by Whigs and Democrats as to his position in relation to the subjects dividing these parties, he declined to define his position, or state his views. He had been for the past forty years in the active service of the Army ; had not thought of politics or party issues, in deed, had not cast a vote in all his life ; all he could say was, that if elected, he would serve the people honestly and faithfully. He also declared, that he would not receive a nomination from any party Demo- XIII.] CANDIDATES FOR THE PRESIDENCY 1848. 171 cratic, Whig, or National; but if nominated and elected, it must be by the people, regardless of parties ; still, if nominated by the Whig party, he should not decline the nomination, provided he was left free of all pledges if pledges were demanded, he should de cline the nomination. Whigs objected to this, and declared that no man was fit to represent that party who was ashamed or afraid to proclaim for its doc trines. The Democratic National Convention met at Balti more, May 22d, 1848. The composure of the Conven tion was disturbed by double sets of delegates from New York the " Hunkers" and " Barnburners" each claiming to be the regular party. Neither of these par ties, however, took any part in the Convention. General Lewis Cass received the nomination for the Presidency. The Whig National Convention met at Philadelphia, June 7th, 1848. General Zachary Taylor was nom inated for the Presidency over Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, General Scott, and John McLean. Great con fusion and excitement followed the announcement of the nomination. The leading Whigs of the Free States who had favored Webster, Scott, or Clay, in preference to Taylor, felt that the nominee was not the representative of the progressive ideas of the great Whig party; indeed, one of them, Mr. Allen, of Mas sachusetts, proclaimed in the Convention after the nomination, that the Whig party Jiad tlmt day leen dis solved. Millard Fillmore was nominated for the Vice- Presidency. Resolutions were introduced amidst great confusion, to the effect that Congress possessed the legal power to prohibit Slavery in the Territories. This caused a storm most violent from the Southern 172 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. wing of Taylor's supporters. Right here was the element of destruction preying upon the Whig party. No more than oil and water can be united could the sentiments of the Pro- Slavery and Anti- Slavery ele ments of this body be harmonized. At every step new converts were being made for the new party the Abolition or Republican party. " Barnburners " and "Hunkers" were calling mass meetings, and proclaim ing against the Democratic nominee, General Cass. While this was going on, disaffected Whigs were hold ing meetings, and looking to some new combination through which they might have a fair exponent and a representative of their principles. The " Barnburners," now a powerful organization, particularly throughout New York State, had held a Convention at Utica, New York, June 23d, 1848. They favored Yan Buren for their nominee for the Presidency, but he declined, at the same tijne pro claiming in favor of Free Territory, and avowing that he could not support either the Democratic or Whig nominees for the Presidency. The Convention, not withstanding his declination, nominated him for the Presidency by acclamation. A mass Convention of the friends of Free Territory was held at Buffalo, New York, August 9th, 1848. Nearly all the Free States and the States of Yirginia, Maryland, and Delaware were represented. The Con vention was composed of many of the purest and best men of the country, attracting to it those persons of all previous parties who were opposed to human Slavery. The three following resolutions were unani mously passed: " First, That it is the duty of the Federal Government to abol ish Slavery wherever it has the constitutional power to do so, XIII.] THE FREE-SOIL PARTY. 173 * and that the Government is responsible for its existence in such places. Second, That the States within which Slavery exists, are alone responsible for the continuance or existence of it within those States, and that the General Government has no authority over Slavery within the States. Third, That the true and safe means of preventing the existence of Slavery in territory now free is by Congressional action." Charles Francis Adams, of Massachusetts, was chosen President of the Convention, and a Vice-President from each of the States was also chosen. Martin Yap. Buren was nominated for the Presidency, and John P. Hale for Vice-President, the former receiving 244 votes, and the latter 181. Mr. Hale was at the time a Democratic Congressman from New Hampshire, but his " free-soil" doctrines had placed him outside the ring of his party. Hale, who had been previously nominated for the Presidency by the Anti- Slavery party, at his request had his name withdrawn, and- Charles .Francis Adams was nominated for Vice-Presi- dent by acclamation. The Anti-Slavery party, which had run Birney twice for the Presidency, now centered their forces upon Van Buren, who went into the field with great reluc tance, ho having publicly announced some years pre viously that he should not again be a candidate for the Presidency. In the meantime Taylor, the Whig can didate, was gaining strength from the Democratic ranks. Many of the Southern people, tiring of that party, feared that Lewis Cass, being a Northern man, would not prove sound on the Slavery question. During this time, those who were more progressive in both the Democratic and Whig parties, and the disaffected "Barnburners," "Hunkers," and Abolitionists rallied to Van Buren' s support, and swelled his vote in the fall election to 291,455. Here was an increase of five- 12 174 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. * fold in the last four years for the Free- Soil party. Taylor, the Whig candidate for President, with Mil- lard Fillmore for Vice-President, were elected, they receiving 1,362,031, and Cass and Butler 1,222,445 popular votes. Taylor was inaugurated President on the 5th of March, (the 4th being Sunday,) 1849, and Mr. Fillmore as Yice-President. The leading topics engaging his first attention were the Acts of Congress in* relation to the formation of governments for the Territories of Oregon and Utah and the admission of California. (See California.) President Taylor died July 10th, 1850, and was suc ceeded on the same day by his Yice-President, Mr. Fillmore. The violent struggle maintained by the Democracy during Taylor's and Fillmore' s administra tions to perpetuate Slavery in all the Free Territory, and their opposition to the admission of California, will be found treated upon under the head of that State, in other chapters of this book. The National Democratic Convention met at Balti more, June 1st, 1852. Lewis Cass was a prominent member before it for the Presidency. James Bu chanan, Stephen A. Douglas, and W. L. Marcy.were also before the Convention. Several days were spent with out effecting a nomination. On the fifth day of the Convention, Cass had run as high as 123 votes; still there was no nomination. It was now apparent that a "compromise" must be effected. Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, whose name had not before been mentioned, was presented by the Virginia delegation. Pierce, on the 49th ballot, received the nomination. "W. R. King, of Alabama, was nominated for the Vice- Presidency. The Whig National Convention met at Baltimore, on XIII.] DEMOCRATIC RESOLUTIONS OF 1852. 175 the 16th of June, 1852. The prominent candidates before it were Fillmore, Gen. Scott, and Daniel Web ster. Scott received the nomination on the fifty-third ballot, as follows: Scott 159, Fillmore 112, Webster 21. W. A. Graham, of North Carolina, was nominated for Y ice-President. The issue upon the subject of Slavery was still a leading subject of discord. The following extracts from the platforms of these two parties will clearly present their positions upon the subject of Slavery, at this time the one agitating the public more than all others: DEMOCRATIC KESOLUTIONS OF 1852. " Resolved, That Congress has no power under the Constitu tion to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that such States are the sole and proper judges of everything appertaining to their c~ 'n affairs and not prohibited by the Constitution; that all efforts of Abolitionists or. others made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of Slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calcu lated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and to endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions. ' ' Resolved, That the foregoing proposition covers and is in tended to embrace the whole subject of Slavery agitation in Con gress; and, therefore, the Democratic party of the Union, stand ing on this national platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as the Compromise meas ures, settled by the last Congress the act for reclaiming fugi tives from service or labor included which act, being designed to carry out an express provision of the Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, nor so changed as to destroy or impair its efficiency. " Resolved^ That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the Slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be made." 176 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. WHIG KESOLUTIONS OF 1852. " Eighth. That the series of acts of the XXXIst Congress, known as the Compromise measures of 1850 the act known as the Fugitive Slave Law included are received anrl acquiesced in by the Whig party of the United States as a settlement, in principle and substance, of the dangerous and exciting questions which they embrace; and so far as they are concerned, we will maintain them, and insist on their strict enforcement, until time and experience shall demonstrate the necessity of further legis lation to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand and the abuse of their powers on the other not impairing their present efficiency; and we deprecate all further agitation of the question thus settled, as dangerous to our peace, and will dis countenance all efforts to continue or renew such agitation when ever, wherever, or however the attempt may be made; and we will maintain this system as essential to the nationality of the Whig party and the integrity of the Union." The "Free-Soil Democracy," or Abolition party, still in the lead of the old Whig party on the subject of prohibiting Slavery in the Free Territories, composed now of all the leading Abolitionists in the country, held their National Convention at Pittsburg, Pennsyl vania, on August llth, 1852. John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, was nominated for the Presidency, and George W. Julian, of Indiana, for the Vice-Presidency. Franklin Pierce and W. R. King, the Democratic nom inees, were elected. Glen. Scott, the Whig candidate, carried but four States Massachusetts, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Yermont casting 42 electoral votes, while Pierce carried twenty-seven States, casting 254 votes in the electoral college. The popular vote of the three parties was as follows: Pierce, 1,590,490; Scott, 1,378,589; J. P. Hale, Abolitionist, ,157,296. The latter party did not carry a single State. Pierce was inaugurated March 4th, 1853. The pacific measures of Mr. Pierce, suggested to XIII.] GOVERNMENT OF THE TERRITORIES. 177 Congress on December 6th, 1853, no doubt settled in his mind the once agitating subject of Slavery in the Territories; but the bills introduced early in the ses sion for the government of the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, opened the whole subject afresh, and brought the troubled subject of the Missouri Compro mise to the surface. Bills were introduced to exempt this Territory from the application of the Compromise, and leading Democrats at once proclaimed themselves in favor of opening, without restraint, all the territory to Slavery. This announcement startled the people of the Free States, and soon the Slavery question be gan to develop in gigantic proportions. Stephen A. Douglas, with his heresy of "Squatter Sovereignty," was widening the breach between the Pro-Slavery and Anti-Slavery parties of the country, to which his position as Chairman of the Committee on Territories at this time increased his influence. The able and patriotic stand taken by Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, at this time in the Senate, against the spread of Slavery, lent new hope to the friends of Freedom, and placed his name before the American people as an able champion of -human freedom. Nebraska and Kansas were filling up with emigrants from Free and Slave States. The Pro- Slavery element, encouraged by the doctrines of Douglas a.nd others, soon began to make their way in large numbers from Missouri to Kansas, taking their slaves with them, where they met with considerable opposition from the Anti- Slavery settlers. The former, amongst other things, early in Pierce's administration, passed the fol lowing resolutions at a public meeting held by leading men of the party in Kansas: " Resolved, That we will afford protection to no Abolitionist ITS REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. as a settler of this Territory. That we recognize the institution of Slavery as already existing in this Territc ry, and advise slave holders to introduce their property as early as possible." During the whole of Pierce' s administration a reign of terror prevailed throughout the Territory of Kansas. This was the last great battle field for the supremacy of human bondage in the Territory, and the Democracy made a desperate struggle against the party of Free dom, in which they were aided by the Executive and Stephen A. Douglas. The political campaign of 1856, for the election of President and Yice-President of the United States, opened with unusual spirit. Three parties were in the field, one of which was the Democratic party, repre senting all the elements and doctrines of the party since the formation of the Government, and which have been already dealt with in preceding chapters, and must continue to form a link in the present volume to its close. The Democratic National Convention met in Cin cinnati on June 2d, 1856, and nominated Jamas Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, for President," and John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for Vice-President. Stephen A. Douglas was a candidate before the Con vention, but failed to obtain the nomination. Buchanan had a clear Democratic record. He had stood by his party, whilst they repealed the Act prohibiting Slavery from extending into the Western Territories, known as the " Missouri Compromise." He had years of ex perience, and was well skilled in the art of Democratic diplomacy, as will appear more fully toward the close of this chapter. The Convention, among other planks f its platform, adopted the following: "1st. Resolved, That, claiming fellowship with, and desiring XIII.] THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 179 the cooperation of, all who regard the preservation of the Union under the Constitution as the paramount issue, and repudiating all sectional parties and platforms concerning domestic Slavery, which seek to embroil the States, and incite to treason and armed resistance to law in the Territories, and whose avowed purpose, if 'consummated, must end in civil war and disunion, the Amer ican Democracy recognize and adopt the principles contained in the organic laws establishing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the Slavery question upon which the great national idea of the people of this whole country can repose in its determined con servation of the Union, and non-interference of Congress with Slavery in the Territories or in the District of Columbia." A new and powerful organization was now in the field, made up of the leaders of the old Whig party, who had stood in direct opposition to the Democratic party upon national and constitutional powers and principles. It also drew to its support all those who were opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and those of all parties and sections who believed in the constitutional powers of Congress to legislate upon the subject of Slavery in the Territories. It had been gathering strength and form since 1840, at which time it formed a national organization known as the Abolition party, headed by J. G. Birney, as Presidential candidate, who polled 7,000 votes. The party had through each successive step, from that period to 1856, drawn within its circle the leading progressive men of the nation those imbued with the spirit that inspired the Pilgrim Fathers, and such champions of human freedom as Washington, Warren, Mather, Franklin, John Adams, John Quincy Adams, Jefferson, Lafayette and others. At this date, whatever was pure in the Democratic ranks was either attaching itself to the Whig or the new Republican party. The bloody crusades of 180 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. , [Chap. the Democracy against the Anti-Slavery men in Kansas during the preceding few years, had fully demonstrated the fact that until Slavery was obliter ated, the fiendish propensities of that reckless, in human, illiterate, and vagrant band of ruffians, strug gling for the enslavement of men upon the Free Territory, would not cease. Fully conscious of this, the Republican party came into the contest with increasing numbers, and inspired with the justness of their cause, manifested great determination. In 1854 they had carried most of the State elections in the Free States. Their .National Convention, under the name of the Republican party, met at Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, February 22d, 1856; but little more was done than to declare principles, and to give shape and vitality to the organization, which was destined to be the most powerful political party ever organized in America. Arrangements were made for the calling of a National Nominating Convention, which was called, and met at Philadelphia, June 17th, 1856. John C. Fremont, of California; Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois; John McLean, of Ohio, and William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, were before the Convention for nomination. Fremont received the nomination for President, and Dayton for Vice-President, and the Republican party entered upon their first national campaign with great hope and activity. They took strong grounds in favor of the constitutional powers of Congress to legis late in all things needful for the Territories, and in corporated the following resolutions as a part of their principles : " fiesolved, That with our Republican fathers, we hold it to be a self-evident truth that all men are endowed with the inalien- XIII.] THE AMERICAN PARTY. 181 able rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and that the primary object and ulterior design of our Federal Gov ernment was to secure these rights to all persons within its ex clusive jurisdiction. That as our Republican fathers, when they had abolished Slavery in all our National Territory, ordained that no person should be depri\ ed of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing Slavery in any Territory of the United States, by positive legislation, prohibiting its existence and extension therein. That we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, of any individual or association of individuals, to give legal existence to Slavery in any Territory of the United States while the present Constitution shall be main tained. ' ' Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress sover eign power over the Territories of the United States for their Government; and that, in the exercise of this power, it is both the right and duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism Polygamy and Slavery." In the campaign of 1856, a third party, known as the American party, was also in the field. It differed essentially from each of the other two parties, still it held a close affinity with the Democratic party upon the subject of Slavery in the Territories. Their can didate for the Presidency took strong grounds against the Republican party, denouncing it as a " sectional party/' Their National Convention met at Philadelphia, February 22d, 1856. A cardinal principle of the party was, that " Native born Americans must rule Amer ica." Millard Fillmore, of New York, George Law, of New York, and Andrew Jackson Donelson, of Ten nessee, were before the Convention for nomination. Fillmore was nominated for the Presidency, and Donelson for the Vice-Presidency, The following reso lution, as a part of their principles, adopted in the Convention, is a kind of political homeopathic dose: 182 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. " The recognition of the right of native born and naturalized citizen of the United States, permanently residing in any Ter ritory thereof, to frame their Constitution and laws, and to regulate their dgmestic and social affairs in their own mode, subject only to the provisions of the Federal Constitution, with the privilege of admission into* the Union, whenever they have the requisite population for one representative in Congress: Provided, always, that none but those who are citizens of the United States, under the Constitution and laws thereof, and who have a fixed residence in any such Territory ought to participate in the formation of the Constitution, or in the enactment of laws for said Territory or State." The Whig- party was not represented as an organized body in the Presidential campaign of 1856 ; disease had set in upon it on the adoption of its platform in 1852. The Southern wing of the Democracy, which had affili ated itself with it at that time, (because Gen. Cass, the regular nominee of their own party, was a Northern man) soon dispersed the glorious old Whig party, not however to obscurity, but to the ranks of the new party of Republican Liberty, where they have continued since to march, carrying the Nation's Constitution, flag, honor, and arms, high in the ranks of greatness and universal freedom. The Democratic candidates were successful. Bu chanan received a popular vote of 1,803,029. Fremont received 1,342,164, and Fillmore 874,625. Buchanan was^ elected President, and Breckinridge Yice-President, still not by a majority of the popular vote. In the Electoral College, the vote stood as follows: Buchanan, 174; Fremont, 114; Fillmore, 8 total, 291 thirty-one States voting. The vote for Yice-Presi dent was in each case as above. The Republicans carried the six New England States and Ohio, Iowa, Michigan, Wisconsin, and the State of New York by 80,000 majority. XIII.] BUCHANAN'S CABINET. , 183 Buchanan carried Pennsylvania, Indiana, New Jersey, California, and Illinois the three latter giving him a plurality vote. He also carried all the Slave States, except Maryland, which went for Fillmore. Buchanan being installed at the head of the nation, proceeded to select his Cabinet, some of whom seem to have been chosen with an eye to their fitness for trea son and villainy, as will more fully appear hereafter. His Cabinet was as follows : Lewis Cass, of Michigan, Secretary of State; Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secre tary of the Treasury; Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Interior ; Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy; John B. Floyd, of Virginia, Secretary of War; Jeremiah Black, of Pennsylvania, Attorney-General ; and Aaron V. Brown, of Tennessee, Postmaster-General. The new Administration having in the first b.ut little business of importance, turned its attention to the sub ject of the purchase of Cuba. Increasing troubles in Kansas, and the raid of the eccentric old John Brown into Virginia gave it some exercise. The Governor of Missouri offered a reward of three thousand dollars for John Brown, on the charge of his running off slaves. James Buchanan came in with his mite, and added two hundred and fifty dollars to the reward. Congress was engaged in maturing schemes for the acquisition of Cuba. Fourteen out of the fifteen Slave States having supported Buchanan, the patronage of the Government was extended to them. The hostility of Southern leaders, botli before and after the election of 1856, against Republicans and their doctrines was bitter in the extreme, and threats of open violence were made, that no Republican Presi dent would be allowed to be inaugurated if elected. 184 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Senator Butler, of South Carolina, said : " When Fremont is elected we must rely upon what we have good State Governments. Every Governor of the South should call the Legislature of his State together and have measures of the South decided upon; if they did not, and submit to the degrada tion, they would deserve the fate of slaves. I shall advise my Legislature to go at the tap of the drum." In 1856, at Lynchburg, Virginia, Mr. Keitt, of South Carolina, in a speech, said: "I tell you now, that if Fremont is elected, adherence to the Union is treason to lib erty. I tell you now, that the Southern man who will submit to his election is a traitor and a coward." v South Carolina Congressman, Preston S. Brooks, (who made the attack on Senator Sumner,) at a festi val gotten up by his constituents for him, said: " We have the issue upon us now, and how are we to meet it ? I tell you, fellow citizens, from the bottom of my heart, that the only mode which I think available for meeting it is just to t&.^r the Constitution of the United States, trample it under foot, and form a Southern Confederacy, every State of which will be a slaveholding State. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) I believe it, as I stand in the face of my Maker; I believe it on my responsi bility to you as your representative, that the only hope of the South is iii the South, and that the only available means to make that hope effective is to cut asunder the bonds that tie us to gether, and take our separate positions among the family of nations. These are my opinions; they have always been my opinions. I have been a Disunionist from the time I could think. If Fremont be elected President of the United States, I am for the people, in their majesty, rising above the law and the lead ers, taking the power into their own hands, going by concert or not by concert, and laying the strong arm of Southern freemen upon the treasury and archives of the Government. (Applause.)" Henry A. Wise, Governor of Virginia, in an address to the people in 1856, said: " The South cannot, without degradation, submit to the elec- XIII.] SOUTHERN SECESSION THREATS. 185 tion of a Black Eepublican President. To tell me that we should submit to a Black Republican, under circumstances like these, is to tell me that Virginia and the fifteen Slave Stateaare already subjugated and degraded. (Cheers.)" The Richmond Examiner, an influential Democratic paper, speaking of Brooks' assault on Sumner, said : " Sumner and Summer's friends must be punished and silenced. Either such wretches must be hung or put in the penitentiary, or the South should prepare at once to quit the Union. If Fremont is elected, it will be the duty of the South to dissolve the Union and form a Southern Confederacy." The Charleston Mercury^ an influential Democratic organ, said: " Upon the policy of dissolving the Union, of separating the South from our Northern enemies, and establishing a Southern Confederacy, parties, press, politicians, and the people are a unit. There is not a public man in her limits, not one of her present representatives in Congress, who is not pledged to the lips in favor of Disunion." Senator Iveson, of Georgia, in 1860, addressing his constituents, said: " Slavery must be maintained in the Union if possible, out of it if necessary ; peaceably if we may, forcibly if we must." Senator Brown, of Mississippi, in an address to his State, said: "I want Cuba, I want Tamaulipas, Potosi, and one or two other Mexican States. I want them all for the same reason for the planting and spreading of Slavery and a footing in Cen tral America will powerfully aid us in acquiring those other States. Yes! I want these countries for the spread of Slavery, like the religion of our Divine Master, to the uttermost ends of the earth, and rebellious and wicked as the Yankees have been, I would even extend it to them." Toombs, of Georgia, in 1856, said. " If Fremont is elected the Union would be dissolved and ought to be dissolved." 188 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. "William L. Yancey, (now deceased) a leading Demo crat of Alabama, said in 1858: " We shall fire the Southern heart, instruct the Southern mind, give courage to each other, and at the proper moment, by our or ganized, concentrated action, we can precipitate the Cotton States into a rebellion. " Mr. Parks, in the Convention at Charleston, which passed the Secession Ordinance, said: " It is no spasmodic effort that has come suddenly upon us, but it has been gradually culminating for a long series of years, un til at last it has come to that point when we may say the matter is entirely right." Mr. Inglis said: "As my friend has said, most of us have had this matter under consideration for the last twenty years, and I presume we have by this time arrived at a decision on the subject." Mr. Keitt added: " / have been engaged in this movement ever since I entered polit ical life. I am content with what we have done to-day, and content with what will take place to-morrow. We have carried the body of this Union to its last resting place, and now we will drop the flag over its grave." Mr. Rhett said: "The secession of South Carolina is not an event of to-day. It is not anything produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or by the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave Law; it has been a matter which has been gathering head for thirty years." The extracts from the speeches of leading Democrats of the South and from the leading Democratic journals above, will . sufficiently disabuse the minds of those who, (if any there be) entertain the idea that the election of Lincoln to the Presidency in 1860 and his hostility to Slavery was the immediate cause of XIII. ] SECESSION LONG PREMEDITATED. 187 the Senators and Congressmen from the Slave States taking their departure from the National Legislature and entering into hearty cooperation with the Gov ernors of the Southern States in passing their ordi nances of secession, and in levying war against the General Government. The people of the South them selves never believed that any great danger awaited them from the election of Lincoln, nor did their feelings undergo any change upon the subject of their rights during the period from the nomination of Fremont in 1856 to the nomination of Lincoln in 1860. Neither the events of this period, nor the his tory of the past, will warrant any such belief, and the pretext of " danger" and u encroachment upon the institutions of the South," are but the specious argu ments of apologists, for those who for years secretly connived at the destruction of the American Union, and who, as is abundantly demonstrated by their own declarations, rejoiced at the opportunity of proclaiming the "Sovereignty" of the several States. The history of the country from the adoption of the Articles of Confederation and through each successive stage, both of State and National policy and legislation, fully demonstrates that, at what is called the North and South, (popularly designated the Free and Slave States) a wide difference of opinion prevailed upon the subject of the relation of the States to the Union, and the power of the National Legislature to govern in certain matters of vital National interest. The popular opinion that the institution of Slavery at the South had arrayed its people against extended National legislation, and that a hatred of Slavery by the people of the Free States stimulated them in upholding and advocating National authority over the public domain, and upon other points, is not entirely correct. 188 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Whilst it must be conceded that the interest of these opposite conditions of Slavery in one section and no Slavery in the other, were not without their due share of influence, and tended much to embitter the political relations of the two sections, yet impartial his tory teaches us that these conditions were not the only, nor can we concede them to be the prime, moving cause of their divided action upon questions of National le gislation ; for when all the States in the Union, North and South, were possessed of the element (Slavery) that is said to have brought about these opposite views of National authority, almost the same opinions were en tertained by the two sections, as were in 1860. Numerous extracts of speeches, debates, and letters already given in this volume, will fully establish this position ; and the State legislation of the several States, which is a fair reflex of the views of the people, will at once show, that while in one section a steady march of progressive freedom and acquiescence in the supremacy of the National Government existed, in the other section a constant proscription of the religious and political freedom of the people, with a persistent opposition to National legislative authority, were prac ticed. That the tendencies of both sections were di rectly opposite upon the general principles of State policy and Republican government, is apparent. This subject will be found fully discussed in the treatise upon the several State Constitutions in this volume. From the earliest period of the Government, the people of the New England and other Northern States seemed to comprehend and realize the necessity of a Nationality. "In Union there is strength" seemed to be their inspiring theme. Early in the seventeenth century they had torn themselves from the parent XIIL] UNITED ACTION. 189 country, seeking religious liberty. With the search of this came the necessity of combination, discipline rnd government. Before they had left the shores of Britain they felt this; and as their ship approached the Ameri can Continent, they found that for the government of the country, and the future government of their little band, Union must be established, and to that end they formed themselves into a body politic, framed a Constitution (already set forth in this work), elected a Governor, and entered upon the discharge of the duties of the government of the country. The subsequent Government of the New England Colonies and their Confederation, the Articles of Association, Declaration and Constitution of the United States were the off spring and echo of these principles and practices ; and at each step of the struggle against British oppression, these people felt keenly the necessity of a reliance in a well organized and concentrated system of action, by which they could throw their whole force and strength against the enemy, and thus gradually and almost im perceptibly what are now known as the Northern States, and particularly the New England States, grew into a National Republic ; and by each assault from the ag gressor, the riots in Boston, the opposition to the Stamp and Duty Acts, and when they, single-handed, engaged the British troops at Lexington, and followed them to Bunker Hill and declared war against them the most powerful nation of the earth without any knowledge that they would be joined by any of the other Colonies,, they felt the necessity of Union, nor indeed had they much reason to hope for assistance from their Southern sister Colonies. When Warren, Putman, Franklin, and Hancock, rallied their men at Bunker Hill and the siege of Bos- 13 190 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. ton, then was Union determined upon ; and when after seven years of bloody war, wherein Massachusetts alone sent into the field 13,825 more men than all the South (notwithstanding that the population of Virginia at that time was double as much as that of Massachu setts) ; then, when the green grass shrouded the bravest of her sons, and the nation draped in mourning wept for her heroic dead when Independence was demon strated, and the flag 'of the new Republic took its proud position among the family of nations' symbols, then, more than ever, did they feel the glory and the majesty of Union. From 1620 to the day of the Independence of Amer ica, the New England Colonies had passed through the probationary stages of National Republicanism, and their people became well versed in the science and practice of organized government. Their whole cir cumstances, the objects of their leaving England, their separation and aspirations toward a complete religious and political freedom, taught them that, for the per petuity of those objects and blessings, a " perfect Union'' of the States was their only safety; and as a consequence and incident of the Union, the su premacy of the Government as the head of the nation must be recognized ; and as each branch of the Gov ernment Legislative, Judicial, and Executive per formed their varied functions, an acquiescence and co operation with them characterized their actions, and at each sound of alarm from without or within, tend ing to impair or thwart the action or the usefulness of any of its branches,, new jealousies were aroused and new safeguards were established for its perpetuity, until the Northern States became ihe National Repub lican Government of America, acting as the great safety- XIII.] COLONIAL -GOVERNMENT OF THE SOUTH. 191 valve of the nation, holding in its hand the key to national existence, and the perpetuity of American liberty. The people of the Southern States, from the earliest period of their settlement, presented directly opposite characteristics, opinions and practices. Their coloni zation was not the result of search after freedom, either religious or political. The leaders were men of learn ing, high ambition, and exalted ideas of hereditary fame and descent. They were fully imbued with the doctrine of the " divine right of kings;" and as they held ' the lower class, or what the slaves called "poor white trash," in a species of vassalage, they soon learned to believe that they, too, "the first families," were kingly (in their way), viewed the status of man, in proportion to his possessions, and in each Colony and State, set up a species of Royal Government, which was super intended by a few wealthy families, to the exclusion of those not possessed of the legal property qualifica tions. On the breaking out of the Revolutionary War, in 1776, the South fell in with the Northern States, al though not without strong opposition from the wealthy class and those generally in authority. As the war progressed, a hearty cooperation was tendered by the great majority of the South; still, the altered political condition of the country had but little changed the views of those in authority, and it is fair to conclude that not until the surrender of the armies of the Con federate Government in the late Rebellion [1865] did the people of the Slave States reaftze that their State Governments could be divested of their "sovereignty." Settled down in their own States, surrounded by com forts, and educated in the school of domination, they 192 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. fully believed in the nationality of the States^ and re garded each State as an independent nation. No better evidence upon this is necessary than the proceedings and debates in the Convention that framed the Constitution of the United States, which will be found in a preceding chapter of this volume, and the history of the constant opposition on the part of South ern Senators and Representatives to the powers of the National Legislature. Indeed, the very idea and name of National Government have been repugnant to them ; and their statesmen, in National and State legislation, have carefully avoided the use of the term, either in debate or the framing of laws, and have, in more than one important national act, caused the word " National" to be stricken out, declaring that the use of the term was inconsistent with the nature of the 'Government, and repugnaifct to the dignity of the " Sovereign States." They held that the Constitution did not consolidate the States into a National Union, but into a Confeder ation of Sovereign States; and to this idea all legisla tion, whether of State or General Government, was conformed, at least so far as the influence of Southern statesmen could control it. As the Northern States began to loose the bonds of the slave, and to extend the elective franchise and abolish religious proscriptions, and assimilate them selves to the requirements of the Federal Constitution, their representatives went to the National Capital with enlarged ideas of liberal legislation, and a sincere be lief in the necessity of a National legislative depart ment to adjust arift redress public grievances. But the Southern representatives were imbued with entirely opposite views. The delegates from the South in the lower house of the National Congress went there upon XIII.] NATIONAL LEGISLATION. 193 a three-fifth representation of "men held to service," who in law were merchandise-^- not by the laws of na tions, the civil or common law, but by the local laws of the individual States. Their views of liberal legis lation did not, therefore, kep pace with the views of men from the Free States, who had a representation in Congress based not upon the inanimate commodity of "chattels," but upon the basis of freemen think ing, active, resolute men. The North did not dread liberal National legisla tion, but rather courted it. Her State Governments were in harmony with the spirit of liberal laws. Her statesmen began to take strong grounds for an ac-. knowledgment of the constitutional authority of the National Legislature to govern the public (Joniaiiij and in proportion as they advocated this view, it met with violent opposition from the Southern Statesmen, who, fearing that the " sovereignty" of their States would be merged into the General Government, de clared that any attempt to legislate upon such matters by the General Government would be subversive of "State Rights;" and as at each step of legislative progress at the North, the people advocated and upheld enlarged Federal legislation, the representatives from the South made determined opposition, until the two sections stood in direct antagonism, which was occasionally relaxed by one or the other to hold the balance of power, or forward party interests. But the balance of power could not have been ex pected long to remain with the people of the South. The tendencies of their doctrines were in conflict with the letter and spirit of the Constitution and Declaration of Independence; and each year carried them further from the philosophy of Republican Government, until 194 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. the year 1860 found them with weapons in their hands protesting against and defying the authority of the legally constituted authorities of the General Govern ment. Under this state of affairs their opposition was more formidable than at ay former stage of the Gov ernment, but not more opposed to its principles ; for at no time since the Union of the States had the Southern States acknowledged the National Govern ment. At no time had they been " Republican in form." At no time had they formed a part of the American Nation (save in name), nor affiliated with the spirit of Republican Government. They were as foreign to the interests and progress of America as was Spain or Russia; and, indeed, were the greatest obstruc tion to the carrying out of the system of government, designed by the patriots and statesmen of the revolu tionary period not passive and inactive, non-partici pants in the affairs of the Government, but active and persistent obstructionists , who, at every progressive step made by the party in harmony with the principles of the Constitution, entered with renewed vigor upon bold and defiant opposition to the laws and measures of the Federal Government. The struggle between the Democratic and Republi can party during the period of President Buchanan's administration, from March 4th, 1857, to March 4th, 1861, was one of the most momentous and fierce con tests for liberty or despotism ever fought within the arena of political combat. The National Union Re publican party was on the outside of the ring ; the Anti-National party on the inside, and securely en trenched at the Capital of the Nation. Buchanan, as their chief, had, in compensation for the undivided vote of the Slave States, extended the whole Federal XIII.] FEDERAL PATRONAGE. 195 patronage to the supporters of the party. Old line "Whigs and disaffected Democrats, with modern school Republicans, were expelled from official positions in every State and Territory, with a recklessness and ferocity unparalleled in the history of the Government; and although the labor thus to be performed was not great, yet it was thoroughly done. Indeed, almost the entire patronage and emoluments of the Government of the Nation had been in the hands of the Democratic party since the formation of the Government. The Army, the Navy, and the great civil list of appointees and employes were made up of persons from the Slave States, or those in. sympathy with their views at the North, interspersed with an occasional appointment from the Free States, as policy might require. Slave labor and the emoluments of the Federal Gov ernment supported in luxury the a first families" of the South, and now for the first time in the history of the Government that there was danger of the Federal supply being cut off by the encroachments of the new party (Republican), a double incentive was apparent that they, at all sacrifices, hold the " balance of power;" and never did General entrench himself with more caution, or throw out his pickets with more watch fulness against an invading enemy, than did the slave power within the entire lines of the Federal Govern ment. The majority of Buchanan's Cabinet were " picked men," well versed in the diplomacy of villainy. Prom inent among the most efficient was his Secretary of War, John B. Floyd. Subtle as a serpent, employed for the especial purpose of supplying the Democracy witla the necessary amount of military stores, and a proper distribution of the army within the slavehold- 196 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. ing States. How well and how faithfully he discharged his duties can be ascertained by an examination of the history of his stripping and dismantling armories and arsenals throughout the Free States and concentrating the military stores and equipments of the Nation within and about the forts and harbors of the South. From January 1st, 1 360, to January 1st, 1861, Floyd had sent South from the Springfield Armory, Massa chusetts, 105,000 percussion muskets; from Water- town, NJW York, 6,000 percussion rifles ; and from Water vlit, New York, 4,000 percussion rifles. The Secession Ordinance of South Carolina, of De cember 20th, 1860, and the belligerent attitude of the South, caused the gallant -Major Anderson, on the 26th, to concentrate his forces at Fort Sumter. Floyd made a peremptory order for the transfer of all the heayy guns at Alleghany Arsenal, Pennsylvania. He said: " Send immediately to Ship Island, near Balize, (mouth of the Mississippi) 46 cannon 21 ten-inch columbiads, 21 eight- inch columbiads, 4 thirty -two pounders, (iron); and to Galves- ton, 78 cannon 23 ten-inch columbiads, 48 eight-inch colum biads, 7 thirty-two pounders, (iron.)" Floyd resigned his office on December 29th, 1861, *and joined his Southern brethren. Honorable Joseph Holt, of Kentucky, (who has since proven himself one of America's truest patriots) was appointed his suc cessor, and stopped further shipment of arms South. The whole North was rendered defenseless, and the South placed upon a strong military basis for either offensive or defensive operations, as circumstances might demand. Another picked man was the Attorney-General of Buchanan; and for an appreciation of judgment made XIII.] ' NATIONAL REPUBLICAN PARTY. 19*7 in his selection, and the Democratic-tike manner in which he discharged the duties devolving upon him, the reader is referred to his written opinion to the President upon the subject of the seceding States, where he, like Buchanan, held that there was "no con stitutional power in the General Government to coerce a State that had seceded, or was about to secede" The Senate and House of Representatives were well stocked with some of the " best blood" of the South, who seemed by some presentiment to be aware that their days in the National Legislature were drawing to a close forever; and as the days of Buchanan's Admin istration were counted off like the prisoner in his cell tells through the weary night the hours that hasten him on to execution they numbered theirs; and although the uninitiated could not see danger in the defeat of Fremont and the Republican party in 1856, yet, in this defeat and this party, the sagacious politician saw a victory; the "handwriting" was "on the wall." The new Republican party was full of vigor. It came up from the direction of the rising sun, where the monuments erected to the Nation's heroes have never been gazed upon by a slave. Came with a platform upon which Liberty stood; equal justice before the law was inscribed upon its banners; freedom, industry, virtue and patriotism marched in its ranks, and high upon its banners was " Union now, and forever," from which the party in power shrank like a guilty thing under a terrible summons. Through the four years of the administration (Buchanan's) the Democratic party was in the sweat and gall of bitterness. The new National Republican party was daily gaining strength. Local elections were watched by the party in power, only to extract groans from them as they witnessed their defeat. 198 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. ' [Chap. Republicanism made heavy draughts from the ranks of the Democracy in the Free States. The power of the press, that mighty engine, shed its illuminating rays upon the new party. The pulpit came to the rescue, and a "political sermon by special request," was rel ish e-d by the village " church-goers" throughout the land. New clubs and organizations were formed, and old familiar faces from the Democratic ranks joined them, which cast radiant smiles upon the faces of Re publicans, while the once cheery countenance of the Democratic official was quite chop-fallen and woe begone. The spring of 1860 had opened with increased polit ical activity. The immense Federal patronage in the hands of the Democrats, would almost seem to warrant their success in the coming election in November, and a death struggle was inaugurated to keep afloat the old Democratic craft; but she was top-heavy, sails torn, helm unsteady and leaking badly, and the roar of breakers could be hear.d in the distance. As time wore on, it was evident that dissensions were rife among the Democrats of the " Border States" and at the North; and that a third party, if not a fourth, would be in the field ; and sure enough there was. The time for nomi nations for the Presidency was at hand, and despite all influences brought to the rescue, four political parties were before the people. CHAPTER XIV. PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1860. NOMINATION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. JOHN BELL. LINCOLN ELECTED. SECESSION OF SLAVE STATES. LAST DAYS OF BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION. THE LONDON TIMES ON BUCHANAN'S OFFICIAL CON DUCT. PLATFORMS OF THE PARTIES. OFFICERS OF THE SOUTHERN CON FEDERACY. THE history of civilized nations presents no chapter so black with official corruption as that of the period from Buchanan's election, in 1856, to the close of his term, March 4th, 1861 ; and upon this subject the most conclusive documentary evidence abounds. A period had evidently arrived in the history of the American Government, when chicanery, deception, robbery of the Federal Treasury, and even the prosti tution of the Executive office to subserve partisan ends, and carry State and National elections,were re garded as virtues. [The reader is referred to the proceedings of Congress during the month of March, 1860, upon the investigation of frauds; also, to the " American Statesman," page 1035, edition of 1866.] Contracts were let by the Government to extreme Dem ocrats, at rates thousands of dollars higher than " Con servative " men had bid. The days of Democratic power were drawing to a close, and they came into the fall campaign of 1860, with a keen sense of the power of the Republican party, and with a determination to make a death struggle to retain that place and power so long usurped by them. The National Democratic Convention met at Charles- 200 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. ton, South Carolina, April 23d; but although all seemed well upon the surface, they were doomed to trouble, and right in this Convention Secession began secession and demoralization in their own ranks for it was ascertained that double sets of delegates were present from some States, entertaining and advocating views that could not be hoped to be harmonized. After days of debate, a committee was appointed to *draft and present a platform for the party, and after great delay, contention, and excitement, two sets of platforms and resolutions were presented; one by the majority of the Convention, and one by the minority. The report of the majority was in harmony with the political sentiments of the delegates from the Slave States. The minority report was more in harmony with the Northern Democrats, and received the support of the Douglas wing of the Convention. Upon the propositions for the adoption of the reports and reso lutions, the friends of each took strong and decided grounds to maintain their respective positions; and a scene of Democratic discord ensued,, such as never had been witnessed among civilized men before. The Douglas Democrats in the Convention were in the majority; they favored ike minority report, and on a vote taken, it was adopted as the platform of the " National Democratic Party." Upon the announce ment of the result, the Southern wing of the hall began to disgorge, and a Secession u ordinance" was mutually and speedily entered into by the delegates from South Carolina, Texas, Alabama, Arkansas, Mississippi, Lou isiana, Florida, and Georgia, who beating a hasty re treat, entrenched themselves in another hall, hoisted their flag, and set up a new " Confederacy." This spread demoralization through the ranks of the Dem- XIV.] NOMINATION OF LINCOLN. 201 ocracy over the entire country; but the Sececlers de clared their determination to "die in the last ditch' 7 before they would succumb to the " softs " of the Northern Democracy. The National Democratic party, after several inef fectual ballots, adjourned May 31st, to meet again at Baltimore on the 18th of June, 1860. At last the Seceders had adopted a platform and started business; and after four days' session adjourned to meet at Rich mond, June llth, 1860. The Republican National Convention met at Chi cago, on Wednesday, May 16th, 1860. On calling the roll it was found that all the Free States were repre sented by delegates ; and that of the Slave States, Mis souri, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia, also the Dis trict of Columbia, were the only ones present; the others having refused to elect delegates. This was the first time in the history of the Govern ment that so decided a sectional hostility existed, that a National Convention for Presidential nominations, be there ever so many parties, did not receive delegates from all sections of the Union. The country was di vided. On Friday, May 18th, the Convention pro ceeded to nominate for President and Vice-President of the United States. Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, was nominated for President, and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, for Vice-President. The announcement of these nominations caused great commotion among the Democrats. Threats loud and violent came from the Slave States, that they never would submit to " Lin coln rule;" that if he was elected, he should "never take his seat." A fourth organization, known as the " Constitution?! Union" party, made up of those once known as the 202 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. " American" party; differing from all the other parties, they might properly be called Conservative Republic ans. Their political doctrines were not very fully de fined, but they were for the " Union," upholding Fed eral authority and the supremacy of the laws. They were a "split" from or a mixture of Union Democrats and Conservative Republicans. They met at Baltimore, May 19th, 1860, and nominated John Bell, of Tennes see, for President of the United States, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. The better to understand their position their platform is here inserted: " Whereas, Experience has demonstrated that platforms, adopted by the partisan Conventions of the country, have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country, by the creation and encouragement of geographical and sectional parties, therefore, "Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to recognize no political principle other than the Constitution of the country, the Union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws; and that, as representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the country in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect and defend, separately and unit edly, these great principles of public liberty and national safety against all enemies, at home or abroad; believing that thereby peace may once more be restored to the country, the rights of the people and of the States re-established, and the Government again placed in that condition of justice, fraternity and equality which, under the example and Constitution of our Fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tran- quility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." Next in order, were the Seceders or extreme Southern party. They, pursuant to adjournment, met at Rich mond, on June llth, 1860, and after a day's consulta- XI V.] POSITION OP PARTIES. 203 tion, adjourned to the 2 1st, and met again on the 28th, (twenty-one States were represented) when they nomi nated John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for Presi dent of the United States, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for Vice-President. Pursuant to adjournment at Charleston, the Na tional Democratic Convention met at Baltimore, on Monday, June 18th, 1860. On calling the roll, discord again presented itself. Delegates from-the Slave States, claiming to be in the place of those who seceded at Charleston, presented themselves, and great confusion followed. Delegates from other States .withdrew, and it was now apparent that demoralization, if not chronic decay, had seized upon the Democratic body politic. The Convention assumed order; Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, was nominated for President of the United States, and Benjamin Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, was nominated for Vice-President, but the latter declined the nomination, and Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, was substituted. That the position of the three remaining parties may be understood, the following extracts from their plat form are here given: "1. Lincoln. Slavery can only exist by virtue of municipal law, and there is no law for it in the Territories, and no power to enact one. Congress can establish oulegalize Slavery nowhere, but is bound to prohibit it in, or exclude it from, any and every Federal Territory, whenever and wherever there shall be neces sity for such exclusion or prohibition." " 2. Douglas. Slavery, or no Slavery, in any Territory is en tirely the affair of the white inhabitants of said Territory. If they choose to have it* it is their right; if they choose not to have it, they have a right to exclude or prohibit it. Neither Congress nor the people of the Union, or of any part of it outside of said Ter ritory, have any right to meddle with or trouble themselves about the matter." 204 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. "3. Breclcmridge. The citizen of any State has a right to migrate to any Territory, taking with him anything which is prop erty by the law of his own State, and hold, enjoy, and be pro tected in the use of such property in said Territory; and Congress is bound to render such protection wherever necessary, whether with or without the cooperation of the Territorial Legislature." The secession of the extreme Southerners from the Charleston Convention, is now well known to have been a premeditated arrangement, to divide the party and cause .the election of a Northern President, as a pretext for discontent and apparent cause of grievances when they would secede ; and this belief is well supported by the ample preparation made by Floyd and Buchanan, and the whole Democratic party of the South, to arm and discipline the people and prepare them for the conflict. The campaign opened immediately after the nomina tions, and the champions of the respective parties took the field in person. Lincoln and Douglas were the great centre of attraction. Popular opinion had cast the impression, that the abilities of Douglas, as a debater, would give him a great advantage over Mr. Lincoln ; but this delusion soon vanished, for not only was Douglas matched but completely mastered by Mr. Lincoln, who, during that memorable canvass, estab lished himself as the leading debater upon National questions in the whole country, and made himself a great favorite, even among his political opponents, for his calm, dignified and honest manner of debate. The "split" in the Democratic ranks, and the fact that their vote would be divided among three parties, while the real Republican party would raly to its standard the strength of the whole party, presented a formidable and serious aspect to the Democracy. The Republic ans began to be sanguine of success, and the leaders, XIV.] CAMPAIGN OF 1860. 205 from Oregon to Maine, plunged into the combat with, the spirit of desperation, determined to win. The summer elections for State officers began to de velop signs of Republican strength. New Hampshire, Connecticut, Maine, Vermont, Pennsylvania, and Indi ana had given decided Republican majorities. Lincoln and Jiis friends had made a thorough canvass of the Free States, while Douglas and his party, and the other two parties, canvassed both North and South, Douglas making a thorough tour of the Slave States in person ; but his "Squatter Sovereignty" was too tame within the regions of the cotton-fields of the South, and they spewed the " Little Giant "and his doctrines out of their mouths for the more agreeable theory that the people of the Territories should not legislate Slavery out of them, and that Slavery, like any other property, had a right to be protected in any State or Territory, and " must be protected." Monday, November 6th, 1860, was the day for hold ing the Presidential election throughout the whole Union; that of all days, since the accomplishment of the American Independence, was the most eventful. The whole nation had been wrought up to a fever by the interests of the issues, and the excitement of the campaign carried on by four rival parties upon a scale and with a determination never before known in the country. Daily and nightly meetings in every city, town and village ; long lines of nightly torchlight pro cessions; banners of every stee; devices and mottoes, new, novel and exciting. Fire and militia companies, bonfires, and the roar of cannon, had for months given the whole country the aspect of a great military encamp ment preparing to march upon the enemy at a moment's warning. The combatants came into the ring eager for 14 206 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. the fray; and if any doubt rested in the minds of the Republican party respecting their victory, it was dis pelled before the sun reached the meridian on that day, and the Republican hosts marched to their quarters at the close of the day with victory perched upon their banners. Every Free State in the Nation had been carried by the Republicans, except' New Jersey. And now, for the first time in the history of the country, a party de claring that "the nation could not live half slave and half free," and who proclaimed their belief that Con gress had the constitutional power to legislate upon Slavery in the Territories, had taken the lead in the affairs of the Government. The regular Democratic, the " Constitutional Union/' and the extreme Southern parties, were all defeated and sorely demoralized, and the announcement of the result was the signal for the Slave States to carry out their long cherished plans of seceding from the Union. Congress was not in session, and the Senators, Con gressmen, Cabinet, and other Government officials were with the people of their respective States. On the summing up of the vote of the country, a most remarkable sectional feeling at the South was manifest. Lincoln had not carried a single State of the Slave States in the Electoral College. In only three of them, and they bordering on the Free States, did he receive a single vote of the people. Delaware, Kentucky, and Maryland had given him a few scatter ing votes, while in all the other Slave States his name was not before the people. The vote of the Electoral College was 303, of which Lincoln received 180; Breckinridge, 72; Bell, 39, and Douglas, 12. Lincoln received 57 more than all the XIV.] THE SLAVE STATES FOR SECESSION. 207 others, and 38 over the necessary majority to elect him. -The whole popular vote cast, at large, was 4,680,193, of which Lincoln received 1,866,452; all others, 2,813,741. (See Appendix.) Douglas, in the Electoral College, received only three votes from New Jersey, and the nine votes of Missouri twelve in all. On the news of the result of the election, South Car olina was ripe for action. ^The Secession Ordinance of 1832, relinquished through the dread of General Jackson dealing summary punishment, was again revived. The Governor of the State had advised the people, November 5th, 1860, the day before the election, that if Lincoln should be elected, the people should seek redresSj and added that the tl secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union" alone would satisfy the people. On the day after the election, November 7th, 1860, the leaders in the Slave States were wild with joy. Mass meetings filled every hall, where separation and "no compromise" was the theme. The North must be rebuked for the election of a President. It was a " sectional" election, and South -Carolina at once pro ceeded to organize her "sovereign powers" into an independent nation. At this time it was not certain that any of the " Sovereign States" would form them selves into a National Government; indeed, the con trary opinion prevailed. " National" and " Union" Gov ernment had been repugnant to them ; still, the general belief was that those." Sovereign Nations" should each retain their position among the family of governments, but for purposes offensive and defensive they should "Confederate." Steps were at once taken for the independence of South Carolina. November 7th, the day after the 208 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. election, the Federal officers at Charleston resigned. (It will be remembered that Lincoln's term of office would not commence until March 4th, 1861, just five months from the date of these proceedings.) At the meeting of the South Carolina Legislature, called by Governor Gist, and which met at Columbia, November 5th, the day before the election, James Chestnut, Jr., United States Senator from South Carolina, being called upon for a speech, said: " Before the setting of to-morrow's sun, in all human proba bility, the destiny of this Confederated Republic will be decided. He solemnly thought, in all human probability, that the Repub lican party would triumph in the election of Lincoln as Presi dent. In that event, the lines of our enemies seem to be closing around us; but they must be broken. They might see in the hurried paths of these starched men of livery the funeral cortege of the Constitution of the country. Peace, hope, independence, liberty, power, and the prosperity of Sovereign States may be draped as chief mourners; still, in the rear of this procession there is the light of the glorious past, from which they might re kindle the dying blaze of their own altars. We see it all, know it all, feel it all, and, with heaven's help, we will meet it all. ' ' But the question now was, would the South submit to a Black Republican President, and a Black Republican Congress, which will claim the right to construe the Constitution of the country and administer the Government in their own hands, not by the law of the instrument itself, nor by that of the fathers of the country, nor by the practices of those who administered sev enty years ago, but by rules drawn from their own blind con sciences and crazy brains ? They call us inferior, semi-civilized barbarians, and claim the right to possess our lands, and give them to the destitute of the Old World and the profligates of this. They claim the dogmas of the declaration of Independ ence as part of the Constitution, and that it is their right and duty to so administer the Government as to give full effect to them. The people now must choose whether they will be gov erned by enemies, or govern themselves. " For himself, he would unfurl the Palmetto flag, fling it to the breeze, and with the spirit of a brave man, determine to live XIY.] THE SLAVE STATES FOR SECESSION. 209 and die as became our glorious ancestors, and ring the clarion notes of defiance in the ears of an insolent foe. He then spoke of the undoubted right to withdraw their delegated powers, and it was their duty, in the event contemplated, to withdraw them it was their only safety." A leading Congressman of South Carolina, W. W. Boyce, in a speech on November 5th, spoke as follows : " The question then is, what are we to do ? In my opinion, the South ought not to submit. If you intend to resist, the way to resist in earnest is to act. The way to enact revolution is to stare it in the face. I think the only policj for us is to arm as soon as we receive authentic intelligence of the election of Lin coln. It is for South Carolina, in the quickest manner, and by the most direct means, to withdraw from the Union; then we will not submit, whether the other Southern States will act with us or with our enemies." On the confirmation of the election of Lincoln, the Cotton States were in a blaze of excitement. Such re joicings and congratulations had never before been seen; every male citizen was improvised into a military chief tain; lazy and sluggish gaits of corpulent "Chivs" were hastened into blustering swagger, and the slave- driver cracked his whip until aged " chattels' " eyeballs stood out in alarm, thinking that the judgment day was at hand. The secession of the Slave States, in the order in which they passed their ordinances, is here given. SOUTH CAROLINA. November 7th, 1860, the Federal officers at Charleston resigned. November 10th, bill introduced into the Legislature for the enrollment of 10,000 volunteers. James Chestnut, Jr., and James H. Hammond, United States Senators, resigned their seats. A Convention was called to meet December 17th ; delegates to be elected December 6th. Decem- 210 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. ber 13th, a bill passed in the Legislature staying the collection of all debts due citizens of non-slaveholding States; Francis W. Pickens elected Governor. De cember 20th, Ordinances of Secession adopted unan imously, as follows: " We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in Conven tion assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the Ordinance adopted by us in Convention, on the 23d day of May, in the year of our Lord, 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was ratified, and also all Acts and parts of Acts of the General Assembly of this State, ratifying the amendments of the said Constitution are hereby repealed; and that- the Union now subsisting between South Carolina, and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved." December 21st, Commissioners were appointed to proceed to Washington to treat with the United States Government for all its property within the limits of South Carolina; a Southern Congress proposed, and Commissioners were appointed to the other Slavehold- ing States. December 24th, Representatives in Con gress withdrew. January 3d, 1861, Commissioners from South Carolina left Washington. January 4th, 1861, Delegates to a Southern Congress appointed. January 5th, Convention adjourned, subject to the call of the Governor. January 14th, Legislature declared that any attempt on the part of the United States to reinforce Fort Sumter, will be considered as a declara tion of war. Accepted the services of Catawba In dians, and approved the Governor's action in firing on the Star of the West. January 27th, Commissioners from Virginia received, but declined to cooperate with them. The following resolution was passed : "Resolved, unanimously, That the separation of South Caro lina from the Federal Union is final, and she has no farther inter- XI f.] SECESSION OF SLAVE STATES. 211 est in the Constitution of the United States, and that the only appro priate negotiation between her and the Federal Government is, as to their mutual relations as foreign States." March 26th, Convention met at Charleston. April 3d, 1861, " Confederate" Constitution ratified. April 8th, forts and all other United States property in South Carolina transferred by the Legislature of the State to the Confederate Government. GEORGIA. November 8th, 1860, Legislature met pursuant to adjournment. November 18th, Convention called; $1,000,000 appropriated to arm the State. De cember 3d, Legislature adopts resolutions, proposing a conference of the Southern States to meet at Atlanta, February 20th, 1861. January 17th, Convention met; Commissioners from Alabama and South Carolina re ceived. January 18th, resolutions declaring it the duty and the right of Georgia to secede adopted ; vote yeas 165, nays 130. January 19th, Secession Ordinance passed. January 21st, Senators and Representatives in Congress withdrew. January 24th, Delegates to South ern Congress elected to meet at Montgomery, Alabama. January 28th, Commissioners to other Slaveholding States elected. January 29th, Address "to the South and the world" adopted. March 7th, Convention re assembled. March 16th, ratified Confederate Con stitution. March 20th, passed ordinance authorizing the " Confederate " Government to occupy, use and possess the Arsenals, Forts, Navy Yards and Custom Houses within the State of Georgia. April 26th, Governor Brown issued a proclamation repudiating all debts due by citizens of Georgia to Northern men. MISSISSIPPI. November 26th, 1860, Legislature met, and adjourned November 30th; fixed time for election 212 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. , [Chap. to Convention for December 20th; Convention to meet January 7th; Secession bills passed unanimously; ap pointed Commissioners to other Slaveholding States. January 7th, 1861, Convention met. January 9th, Ordinance of Secession passed the people declared in their ordinance their desire to join in a Southern Con federacy. January 10th, Commissioners from other States received ; South Carolina, by resolution, recog nized as a " Sovereign and Independent State." Janu ary 12th, Representatives in United States Congress withdrew. January 19th, resolutions to provide for Southern Confederacy adopted. January 21st, Sena tors in Congress withdrew. March 30th, Confederate Constitution ratified. FLORIDA. November 26th, 1860, Legislature met; immediate secession recommended by Governor Perry. December 1st, bill for Convention passed. January 3d, 1861, Convention met. January 7th, Commissioners from Alabama and South Carolina received. January 10th, Secession Ordinance passed. January 18th, Del egates to Southern Congress at Montgomery appointed. January 21st, Senators and Representatives in Con gress withdrew. February 14th, Legislature passed an Act, declaring that it shall be treason, punishable with death, for any citizen of Florida to hold any office in the Federal Government, after a collision between the troops of Florida and those of the United States; also, transferring all Government property over to the Con federate Government. LOUISIANA. December 10th, 1860, Legislature met. December llth, called Convention for January. De cember 23d, passed military bill. December 12th, Mississippi Commissioners received instructions from XI V.] SECESSION OF SLAVE STATES. 213 the Governor to communicate with Governors of the other Slave States. January 23d, 1861, Convention met and organized ; received Commissioners from Ala bama and South Carolina. January 25th, Secession Ordinance passed. February 5th, Senators and Repre sentatives withdrew from Congress ; adopted State flag. March 7th, $536,000 gold in the United States Mint and Customs turned over to the Confederate Gov ernment by Convention. March 14th, Confederate Congress accepted the above sum with resolutions of "a high sense of the patriotic liberty of the old State of Louisiana." March 21st, " Confederate " Constitution ratified; all arms and property in Louisiana "cap tured" from the United States turned over to the Confederate Government.' March 27th ? Convention adjourned sine die. ALABAMA. January 7th, 1861, Convention met. On the 8th, South Carolina Commissioners arrived. Janu ary llth, adopted Secession Ordinance; in secret ses sion refused to Submit Ordinance to the people. Jan uary 14th, Legislature met. January 19th, Delegates to Southern Congress elected. January 20th, Senators and Representatives in Congress withdrew. January 26th, appointed Commissioners to treat with United States relative to United States Arsenals, Forts, and other property within the State; Convention invited the people of the States of Alabama, Missouri, Tennes see, Kentucky, Texas, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, Vir ginia, Delaware, and Maryland, to meet the Delegates in Convention, at Montgomery, on February 4th, 1861 ; passed military bill; appointed Commissioners to Slave- holding States. March 4th, Convention re-assembled. 214 KEPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. March 13th, Confederate Constitution ratified; Forts, Arsenals, etc., in the State, transferred to the control of Confederate Government. ARKANSAS. January 16th, 1861, bill passed by Leg islature calling Convention. February 18th, Delegates elected. March 4th, Convention met. March 18th, Ordinance of Secession defeated in Convention; a com promise being effected by the Convention agreeing to submit the question to the people on the first Monday in August. May 6th, Secession Ordinance passed ; Del egates to Provisional Congress instructed to transfer the Arsenal at Little Rock, and the United States prop erty in the State, to the Confederate Government. TEXAS. January 21st, 1861, Legislature met. Jan uary 28th, State Convention met. January 29th, Leg islature passed resolutions declaring that the Federal Government has no power to coerce a Sovereign State after she has separated from the Federal Union. Feb ruary 1st, Secession Ordinance passed in Convention; passed military bill. February 7th, Ordinance for the forming of a Southern Confederacy passed; Delegates to Southern Congress elected; Ordinance of Secession was voted on by the people. February 23d, Ordinance of Secession voted on by the people adopted. March 4th, Convention declared the State out of the Union; a proclamation to that effect was issued by Governor Houston. March 16th, Convention deposed General Houston ; Houston protested against this, and appealed to the people. March 20th, action of the Convention was confirmed by the Legislature; transferred all United States property in the State to the Confeder ate Government. March 2 3d, Confederate Constitu tion ratified. XI V.] SECESSION OF SLAVE STATES. 215 CAROLINA. November 20th, 1860, Legisla ture met; Governor Ellis recommended a Congress of Southern States, a thorough organization of the miKtia, and an enrollment of all unenrolled persons between 18 and 45 years of age; the organization of a corps of ten thousand men. December 9th, Committee on Federal Relations reported Convention bill. December 17th, $300,000 appropriated to arm the State. Dec. 18th, Senate passed the above bill. December 20th, Commissioners from Mississippi and Alabama received. December 22d, Senate bill above, to arm the State, failed to pass the House; adjourned till 7th of Janu ary, 1861. January 8th, Senate bill to arm the State passed the House. January 30th, no Ordinance of Secession was to be valid unless it was ratified by a majority of the legal voters of the State. January 31st, elected Thomas L. Clingman United States Sen ator. February loth, Georgia Commissioners publicly received. February 20th, military bill passed. Feb ruary 28th, the people voted against a Convention by 661 majority. May 1st, extra session of Legislature met by call of the Governor; same day the Legisla ture passed a bill calling a Convention delegates to be elected on the 15th of May, 1861. May 2d, Legis lature adjourned. May 13th, delegates elected to Convention. May 20th, Convention met at Raleigh. May 21st, passed Ordinance of Secession; also ratified Confederate Constitution. June 5th, Ordinance passed transferring all the property belonging to the United States, within the State, to the Confederate Govern ment. TENNESSEE. January 6th, 1861, Legislature met. January 12th, Convention bill passed. January 30th, 216 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. appointed Commissioners to Washington. February 8th, people voted in favor of a Convention. May 1st, Legislature passed resolutions authorizing the entering iirto a military league with the Confederate States. May 7th, the Legislature, in secret session, declared that until Tennessee became one of the members of the Confederate States she would place her whole military force at the disposal of the President of the Confederate States, and turn over to the Confed erate Government all the military stores, public and private property of the United States in the State ; passed, also, an Ordinance of Secession, and an Ordi nance ratifying and adopting the Confederate Con stitution. The two latter were to be voted on June 8th. On June 14th, the Governor declared the vote of the people to be for Secession, 104,019; against it, 47,238. Tennessee was declared out of the Union. VIRGINIA. January 7th, 1861, Legislature met. Jan uary 8th, anti-coercion resolutions passed. January 10th, Governor sends to the Legislature a dispatch from the Mississippi Convention announcing the un conditional secession of that State. January 16th, Commissioners from Alabama received. January 17th, passed resolutions requesting the United States Gov ernment to avoid a collision with the Southern States. January 18th, $1,000,000 appropriated for the defense of the State. January 19th, passed resolutions advi sory of Virginia uniting her destinies with her sister Slaveholding States. April 9th, Convention recognized the independence of the Southern Confederacy. April 17th, in secret session, passed Ordinance of Secession. On the 4th of February, 1861, the delegates from the seceded States assembled at Montgomery, Ala bama, to form a "New Nation." XIV.] ORGANIZATION OF SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY. 217 The organization of the Confederacy was effected February 8th, 1861. On that day the Congress adopted the Constitution of the United States, with such alterations as suited their views. This Constitu tion was to last one year. The word " Confederacy" was substituted for the word " Union." The President was to hold his office for one year. The Congress could, by a two-third vote, alter or amend the Consti tution. All legislative powers w^ere delegated to Con gress. On the following day, after the adoption of the Provisional Constitution, R. W. Walker was sworn in as President of Congress. He, in turn, swore in the members to support the Constitution and the Confed eracy. The members went into a secret session, after which the doors were thrown open, when the members proceeded to elect, by ballot, a President and Yice- President for the Confederacy for one year. The vote was taken by States, each State having one vote. On the first ballot Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, received six votes, the whole number cast. Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, received the same vote for Yice- President. Davis was declared President, and Stephens Vice- President, of the Confederacy. The announcement of the election was the cause of unbounded joy, and the President and Yice-President of the "Confederated States of North America" received the homage of their subjects from that time forward until the unlucky day, to them, of the 2d of April, 1865, when Ulysses S. Grant put an extinguisher upon the " Government at Richmond." On February 18th, 1861, Davis was inaugurated President, and Alexander H. Stephens Yice-President of the- Southern Confederacy. The Cabinet of the Provisional Government was as follows: Robert 218 REPUBLICANISM IN 'AMERICA. [Chap. Toombs, Secretary of State; C. G-. Memminger, Secre tary of the Treasury; L. P. Walker, Secretary of War; Stephen R. Mallory, Secretary of the Navy; Judah P. Benjamin, Attorney- G eneral ; John H. Reagan, Post master-General. An election for President and Vice-President of the Confederacy was held November 6th, 1861, under the u permanent Constitution." Jefferson Davis was elected President, and Alexander H. Stephens Vice-President, each for the term of six years. There were no oppos ing candidates at this election. The States participat ing in it were as follows, with the following votes in the Electoral College: Alabama, 11; Arkansas, 6; Florida, 4; Georgia, 12; Louisiana,*8; Mississippi, 9; North Carolina, 12; South Carolina, 8; Tennessee, 13; Texas, 8; Virginia, 18 total, 109. They were inaugu rated February 22d, 1862. The following was the "permanent" Administration from February 22d, 1862, to April 2d, 1865: Presi dent, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi; Vice-President, Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia. The Cabinet, confirmed March 23d, 1862, was as follows: Secretary of State, Judah P. Benjamin, of Louisiana ; Secretary of the Treasury, Charles G. Mem- minger, of South Carolina resigned in June, 1864, and was succeeded by George A. Trenholm, of South Carolina; Secretary of War, Geo. W. Randolph, of Vir ginia resigned, and was succeeded by James A. Seddon, of Virginia; Secretary of the Navy, Stephen R. Mai- lory, of Florida; Attorney-General, Thomas H. Watts, of Alabama resigned on election as Governor of Ala bama, in November, 1863, and was succeeded by George Davis, of North Carolina; Postmaster-General, John.H. Reagan, of Texas. (Those names italicized XI V.] SECESSION LONG PREMEDITATED, .,219 were formerly members of the Congress of the United States. For Confederate Constitution^ see Appendix.) At the date of the commencement of the Secession movements, there were four other Slave States Mis souri, Maryland, Delaware and Kentucky fifteen Slave States in all. But these four, through a strong attachment for the old Union, and the fact that they were all bordering on the Free States, did not pass any Ordinance of Secession. Their people were much divided, and they supplied each army, Union and Rebel, with soldiers. It will be borne in mind that proceedings were taken, by every one of the eleven seceded States to place themselves out of the Union many months before Mr. Lincoln's term of office began. In the first stage of the Secession Ordinance the National Congress was not in session. The second session of the 36th Congress convened at Washington, December 3d, 1860. John C. Breck- inridge, Vice-President, and the defeated candidate of one wing of the Democracy for the Presidency in the preceding month, was President of the Senate, and Mr. Jefferson Davis, ex-President of the late Southern Confederacy, was in the Senate from Mississippi. The Democratic members of the Senate and Con gress came to the Capital sadly depressed. They seemed to be conscious of their impending doom. There were yet four months for them to hold possession of the reins of Government ; for at the end of that time, Lincoln, at the head of the new party in power, would take charge of the Executive Department, and with the withdrawal of the Senators and Congressmen of the eleven seceded States, the Republicans would have complete control of the legislative branch in fact of 220 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. every department of the Government. Democracy was at a sad discount in Northern latitudes, and those of the Cotton States sighed to join their brethren down in the "New Nation." They were in a strange land upon foreign soil. They were in the United States of America, while they (many of them) had declared themselves citizens of the Confederacy, and owing no allegiance to the United States Government. Buchanan came into the Executive chair with the tre mor of palsy upon him. Seventy winters had bleached him white for the sepulchre j imbecility and duplicity had adorned him, and chosen him as a fit instrument to consign to the tomb the gaunt spectre of the slave power that still haunted the Capitol. His message (the last he issued) was looked for with deep interest by the people North and South, and by the whole civilized world ; for upon its tone and the position taken by the Executive, at this critical juncture of National affairs, seemed to rest the future destiny of the American Republic. It came, and it did ample justice to its author, and his friends and advisers of the Slave States. It was the reflex of the sentiments of the political leaders of the seceded States, and it was the crowning act of his life , to consign him to eternal oblivion and desecration by the free millions of the nation, who now saw this old man, with the political sins and heresies of three-quarters of a century fresh blown upon him, struggling to drag into the grave with him the constitutional liberty of a nation. The statesmen and patriots of the whole land were shocked at the doctrines set forth in this monument of Democratic statesmanship. The whole of Europe was astounded, and English statesmen, jurists, and writers, condemned in severe terms the outrage he had com- XIY.] BUCHANAN'S VIEWS ON SECESSION. 221 mitted upon the American people. Some extracts from the message ars given here. It was delivered at the Capitol, at Washington, on Tuesday, December 4th, 1860. Mr. Buchanan alluded to the distracted condi tion of the country, and appealed to the American people. He declared that the election of any one of our fellow citizens to th-e office of President does not of itself afford just cause for dissolving the Union. In his message he said : " The question, fairly stated, is: Has the Constitution dele gated to Congress the power to coerce a State into submission which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn, from the Confederacy ? If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to declare and to make war against a State. After much serious reflection, I have arrived at the conclusion that no such power has been delegated to Congress, nor to any other department of the Federal Government. It is manifest, upon an inspection of the Constitution, that this is not among the specific and enumer ated powers granted to Congress ; and it is equally apparent that its exercise is not necessary and proper for carrying into execution any one of these powers. * * * * But, if we possessed this power, would it be wise to exercise it under exist ing circumstances ? The object would doubtless be to preserve the Union. War would not only present the most effectual means of destroying it, but would banish all hope of its peaceable reconstruction. Besides, in the fraternal conflict a vast amount of blood and treasure would be expended, rendering future reconciliation between the States impossible. In the meantime, who can foretell what would be the sufferings and privations of the people during its existence ? " The fact is, that our Union rests upon public opinion, and can never be cemented by the blood of its citizens shed in civil war. If it cannot live in the affections of the people, it must one day perish. Congress possesses many means of preserving it by conciliation, but the sword was not placed in their hand to preserve it by force." In this message, President Buchanan announced to 15 222 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. the world that in the American Union no element of self-preservation existed; that what was known at home, and regarded abroad, as the American Nation, was but a confederate body of States or separate Gov ernments, each distinct in its political organization, practices and interests ; that the tenure of their Union depended upon the pleasure, interest or caprice of the several sections, and that no power existed in the Gen eral Government to hold together by coercive means any portion of the Nation that had seceded, or was attempting to withdraw from the Union. In this proc lamation, if his position be true, he had, with one dash of his pen, struck from the map of Nations a Republic composed of thirty millions of the most enlightened, prosperous and industrious people on the globe. The Constitution that the people claimed to hold them together, was but a political delusion, possessing none of the elements of self-preservation; and all the. laws, treaties and proclamations passed and adopted in pursuance of it, were delusive and void; and the tenure of the period of the existence of the American Itepublic was the capricious political views of the several sections of the nation. This had been the favorite doctrine of the leaders of the Slave States, from the adoption of the Consti tution; and although leaders and even States of that section had attempted to carry these doctrines into effect, yet the National Government had always dis owned and checked such doctrines. But now, with the Slave States passing their Ordinances of Secession, possessing themselves of the* Forts, Arsenals, and Custom Houses, Mints, Post Offices, Treasury and all property of the United States Government within their limits raising armies, and declaring themselves sepa- XIV.] EFFECTS OF SECESSION. 223 rate and foreign nations one fact seemed to assure the people that even if Buchanan was wrong as to the constitutional power to coerce, that the practwal part of coercion would be difficult under the circumstances. But the promulgation of this doctrine was not suffi cient to induce American patriots to abandon the Na tion that had afforded them liberty and protection; and on its announcement the people of the Free States proclaimed against it. The minds of the people were set to thinking: How long will the American Nation last ? How many States must leave the Union to dis solve the Nation ? If several States confederate into separate foreign Nations, may they not soon be superior to the remnant of the remaining States, proscribe and overpower them ? Or if the States drop off one after another until but two or three remain, and finally every State forming the Union separate itself from the Union, and but one State remain, will that be the United States of America ? and even the Government V of the last one become monarchical, where will the United States be ? Where will the old flag hang ? Where will the laws of the United States be? Where the Constitutions and treaties with Foreign Nations ? " Who will I be?" asked the American citizen-patriot. " To whom will I owe allegiance ? Where will be my protection? Where the history of my country, the traditions of my forefathers, the monuments erected to the memory of the heroes of my country; where, oh! where are all these things to be ? I no longer an Amer ican ?" The patriot heart swelled ; tears, whose fount ains had been dried for years, coursed down the cheeks of brave young men, and lingered in the fur rows, made by time, upon the pale face of aged patriots as they contemplated the dissolution of their country. 224 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA [Chap. On the 20th of November, 1860, Jeremiah S. Black, Buchanan's Attorney-General, in response to the re quest of the President, submitted a written opinion upon the subject of the powers of the General Govern ment to " coerce Sovereign States." The following extracts will give an idea of the legal knowledge and patriotism of the last of the Democratic Attorney- Generals : " ATTORNEY-GENERAL'S OFFICE, November 20th, 1860. "Sir: I have had the honor to receive your note of the 17th, and I now reply to the grave questions therein propounded, as fully as the time allowed me will permit. * * Military force can suppress only such combinations as are found directly oppos ing the laws and obstructing the execution thereof. It can do no more than what might and ought to be done by a civil posse, if a civil posse could be raised large enough to meet the same op position. On such occasions especially the military power must be kept in strict subordination to the civil authority, since it is only in aid of the latter that the former can work at all . * ' But what if the feeling in any State against the United States should become so universal that the Federal officers them selves, (including Judges, District Attorneys, and Marshals,) would be reached by the same influences, and resign their places ? Of course the first step would be to appoint others in their stead, if others could be got to serve. But, in such an event, it is more than probable that great difficulty would be found in filling the offices. We can easily conceive how it might become altogether impossible. We are therefore obliged to con sider what can be done in case we have no Courts to issue judi cial process, and no ministerial officers to execute it. In that event troops would certainly be out of place, and their use wholly illegal. If they are sent to aid the Courts and Marshals, there must be Courts and Marshals to be aided. Without the exercise of those functions, which belong exclusively to the civil service, the laws cannot be executed in any event, no matter what may be the physical strength which the Government has at its command. Under such circumstances, to send a military force into any State, with orders to act against the people, would be simply making war upon them. XIV.] JEREMIAH S. BLACK ON SECESSION. 225 " The existing laws put and keep the Federal Government strictly on the defensive. You can use force only to repel an assault on the public property, and aid the Courts in the per formance of their duty. If the means given you to collect the revenue and execute the other laws be insufficient for that pur pose, Congress may extend and make them more effectual to that end. " If one of the States should declare her independence, your action cannot depend upon the rightfulness of the cause upon which such declaration is based. Whether the retirement of a State from the Union be the exercise of a right reserved in the Constitution or a revolutionary movement, it is certain that you have not in either case the authority to recognize her independ ence or to absolve her from her Federal obligations. Congress, or the other States in Convention assembled, must take such measures as may be necessary and proper. In such an event, I see no course for you but to go straight onward in the path you have hitherto trodden that is, execute the laws to the extent of the defensive means placed in your hands, and act generally upon the assumption that the present constitutional relations between the States and the Federal Government continue to exist until a new order of things shall be established, either by law or force. "Whether Congress has the constitutional power 'to make war against one or more States, and require the Executive of the Federal Government to carry it on by means of force to be drawn from other States, is a question for Congress itself to con sider. It must be admitted that no such power is expressly given; nor are there any words in the Constitution which imply it. Among the powers enumerated in Article I, section 8, is that ' to declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and to make rules concerning captures on land and water.' This cer tainly means nothing more than the power to commence and carry on hostilities against the foreign enemies of the Nation. Another clause in the same section gives Congress the power ' to provide for calling forth the militia/ and to use them within the limits of the State. But this power is so restricted by the words which immediately follow, that it can be exercised only for one of the following purposes: 1. To execute the laws of the Union that is, to aid the Federal officers in the performance of their regular duties. 2. To suppress insurrections against the States. 226 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. But this power is confined by Article IV, section 4, to cases in which the State herself shall apply for assistance against her own people. 3. To repel the invasion of a State by enemies who conie from abroad to assail her in her own territory. All these provisions are made to protect the States, not to authorize an attack by one part of the country upon another; to preserve their peace, and not to plunge them into civil war. Our fore fathers do not seem to have thought that war was calculated ' to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the gen eral welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. ' There was undoubtedly a strong and universal conviction among the men who framed and ratified the Consti tution, that military force would not only be useless but perni cious as a means of holding the States together. "If it be true that war cannot be declared, nor a system of general hostilities carried on by the Central Government against a State, then it seems to follow that an attempt to do so would be ipso facto an expulsion of such State from the Union. Being treated as an alien and an enemy, she would be compelled to act accordingly. And if Congress shall break up the present Union by unconstitutionally putting strife and enmity, and armed hostility, between different sections of the country, in stead of the ' domestic tranquillity ' which the Constitution was meant to insure, will not all the States be absolved from their Federal obligations? Is any portion of the people bound to contribute their money or their blood to carry on a- contest like that? The right of the General Government to preserve itself in its whole constitutional vigor by repelling a direct and positive aggression upon its property or its officers, cannot be denied. But this is a totally different thing from an offensive war to punish the people for the political misdeeds of their State Gov ernments, or to prevent a threatened violation of the Constitu tion, or to enforce an acknowledgment that the Government of the United States is supreme. The States are colleagues of one another, and if some of them shall conquer the rest and hold them as subjugated provinces, it would totally destroy the whole theory upon which they are now connected. " If this view of the subject be as correct as I think it is, then the Union must utterly perish at the moment when Congress XI V.] EFFECTS OF BUCHANAN'S MESSAGE. 227 shall arm one part of the people against another for any purpose beyond that of merely protecting the General Government in the exercise of its proper constitutional functions. " I am,, very respectfully, yours, etc., " J. S. BLACK. " To the President of the United States." On the announcement of this doctrine, the Nations of Europe began to speculate upon the subject of American nationality and diplomacy. What is the United States of America? If one-half of the Na tion has separated since we entered into treaties, which half is to be responsible to us ? Are the min isters, consuls, and other agents who came to our Courts from the American Republic one year ago, still the representatives of America ? Is the so- called great Nation of the United States of America but a myth ? If the elements of disintegration be a constituent part of her very existence, and dissolution of her parts follow the proclamation of her President, that there is no power in the Union to preserve its nationality; and if this be the theory and philosophy of Republicanism, then the doctrine of Republicanism is exploded, and the American Nation has no perma nent abiding place in the family of nations. The light in which the calm judgment of British statesmen viewed the proclamation of Buchanan, may be somewhat understood from the tone of the leading English newspapers. The " London Times," the ablest political journal in Europe, commenting upon the proclamation, on January 9th, 1861, makes the follow ing able comments: " Never for many years can the United States be to the world what they have been. Mr. Buchanan's message has been a greater blow to the American people than all the rants of the Georgian Gov ernor or the ordinances of the Charleston Convention. The 228 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. President has dissipated the idea that the States which elected him constitute one people. We had thought that the Federation was of the nature of a nationality; we find it nothing more than a partnership. If any State may, on grounds satisfactory to a local convention, dissolve the union between itself and its fel lows ; if discontent with the election of a President, or the passing of an obnoxious law by another State; or, it may be, a restrictive tariff, gives a State the ' right of revolution/ and per mits it to withdraw itself from the community, then the position of the American people with respect to foreign powers is completely altered. It is strange that a race whose patriotic captiousness when in the society of Europeans is so remarkable, should be so ready to divide and to give up the ties of fellow citizenship for a cause which strangers are unable to appreciate. Still stranger is it that a chief magistrate, who would have plunged the world in war rather than a suspicious craft should be boarded by Eng lish officers after it had displayed the Stars and Stripes, or would have done battle against despots for any naturalized refugee from Continental Europe, should, without scruple, and against the advice of his own Secretary of State, declare the Federal Union dissolved whenever a refractory State chooses to secede. "It may well be imagined that the American people have been taken by surprise, both by the suddenness and violence of the outcry for , secession, and by the ready concessions of the President. From the day the message appeared, it was evident that South Carolina no longer formed part of the Union. The State had, by every organ which it possessed by its Senators, its Eepresentatives, by the voice of the Press, of the great slave owners, and of the multitude declared its resolution to secede. Only courage like that of General Jackson, could have quelled the " Gamecock State," as we perceive some of its admirers call it. But there was a middle path between civil war and such an instant recognition as Mr. Buchanan thought advisable. As one charged with the duty of upholding Federal power, he might have easily used the authority vested in him to delay the move ment, and give tb3 Union and South Carolina itself time for reflection. Mr. Cass would, probably, deprecate holding a State by force; but he still declined to remain in the Cabinet of the Statesman who would not reinforce Fort Sumter, and assert, dur ing the short remainder of his term of office, the supremacy of the Constitution, But as things went, the action of South Car olina was predetermined. XIY.] THE LONDON TIMES ON SECESSION. 229 " On the 20th of December, that State seceded from the Union by a unanimous vote, and by this time has probably gained possession of all the Federal property within its borders, and established a Post Office and Custom House of its own. The instruments which the Carolinians drew up on this occasion are singular and almost amusing. The philosophy and phraseology of the Declaration of Independence of 1776 are imitated. Whole paragraphs are copied from that famous document. The thoughts and style of Jefferson were evidently influenced by the great writers of his age, and we may trace Montesquieu and Rousseau in every line of his composition. It is rather interesting to see his language, which denounced King George's violation of the social compact, used by a conclave of frantic negro-drivers to stigmatize the conduct of those who will not allow a Southern gentleman to bring his ' body servant ' into their territory. South Carolina, however, has shown wisdom in thus taking high ground. People are generally taken at the value which they set on themselves, and Carolina does right to play the part of out raged patience and indignant virtue. She has declared, in the language of the Fathers of the Eepublic, that the Federal Union no longer answers the ends of its foundation by insuring the happiness and prosperity of South Carolina, and that the con duct of several States having been a violation of the compact made by all, South Carolina resumes her rights as a sovereign community, and will make war or peace, conclude treaties, or establish commerce, independently of the Government at Wash ington. ' ' This bold course has its natural effect on the excitable slave-owners. The secession of South Carolina has been re ceived everywhere with enthusiasm. It may, perhaps, be said that the other States have feigned an approbation which they do not feel, in order to bring the North to terms by the menace of a Southern Kepublic. But, whether from feeling or policy, the Secession cry was just at its loudest at the close of the year. It was looked upon as certain that six or seven States would sepa rate from the Union in the first days of 1861. Georgia leads the van. The Ordinance of Secession was looked upon as already passed. The North Carolina Legislature had read a second time the bill for arming the State. Alabama had voted, by a large majority, in favor of Secession. In Virginia the oldest, the most conservative, and the most cautious of the Slave States REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. we are told that the Secession feeling was gaming ground. State Conventions are to meet in Florida on the 3d of January, in Alabama on the 7th, in Texas on the 8th, in Georgia on the 6th, and in Louisiana on the 23d; and our correspondent believes that ' there will be a majority in each of them in favor of imme diate and separate Secession/ Hence, in a few days more, the United States of America, as the world has hitherto known them, will cease to exist. " But now comes the most singular part of this history. Till within a few weeks hardly anybody in this country believed in the dissolution of the Union. People thought that instincts of patriotism and private interest would prevail, and that the Yankees and the Southerners would quarrel harmoniously for many years to come. The event seems to be against these an ticipations, and Englishmen are content to look on in silence and wonder. Not so the Americans. While every mail is bring ing news of fiery speeches and the planting of palmetto trees, the almost universal tone of private letters is that there is noth ing in it at all. South Carolina cannot secede, or if she does she must come back again. The other States only want to make terms and to come back into the Union after having extorted new concessions as the price of reconciliation. The wish may be father to the thought, but that such is the thought is to be learned from the most cursory glance at the American news papers. The course of proceeding is to be as follows: South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Texas, perhaps Louis iana, are to separate, form a federation of their' own, and then treat on equal terms with those who remain faithful to Mr. Lin coln. The Northern Slave States, with Virginia and North Car olina at their head, are to act as mediators, and enforce conces sions by the threat of joining the Southern league, which would then number fifteen Slave States, with a vast territory, and a prospect of conquering all the riches of Mexico. The President, it is whispered, is in favor of compromise; Governor Seward is in favor of compromise; in short, now that the loss of Southern wealth threatens them, great numbers of the staunchest Anti- Slavery men are in favor of compromise. What the terms of compromise shall be of course remains in doubt. The hope of the Democratic party in the North is that the slaveholders will not be too exacting, or insist on the repeal of the personal lib erty acts, by which some of the Abolition States have nullified XIY.] THE LONDON -TIMES ON SECESSION. 231 the Fugitive Slave Act. Many of the Eepublicans are anxious to revive the Missouri Compromise, by which Slavery will be prohibited in any part of the United States territory north of 36 degrees 30 minutes. But as the abolition of this Compromise and the assertion of the slave-owner's right to carry negroes into any part of the territory is a recent and very great victory, it is hardly likely that the South will concede this. " No one in this country can pretend to judge of the event; but this we may conclude from the tone of American discussion, that the North will not be too rigid, and that the slave-owners will receive what all but the most rabid of them will consider satisfaction. Gov. Seward, who first spoke of the ' irrepressible conflict ' which was impending, now prophesies peace and har mony at no distant day, while many of his most intimate friends have given their adhesion to the scheme of compromise brought forward by Mr. Crittenden. But whatever may be the final re sult, we may expect to hear shortly that other States have fol lowed the example set by South Carolina." CHAPTER XV.' MEETING OF THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS. SECOND SESSION, DECEMBER 3D, 1860. CLOSING SCENES OF BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION. SOUTHERN SENA TORS AND REPRESENTATIVES. ORGANIZATION OF THE " SOUTHERN CON FEDERACY. "OFFICERS OF. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. HIS POLITICS. "CORNER-STONE" AND OTHER SPEECHES. JEFFERSON DAVIS. HE DE SIRES MORE ARMS SENT SOUTH. THE second session of the Thirty-sixth Congress having met at the Capitol on the 3d day of December, 1860, President Buchanan delivered his last message (already alluded to). Most of the Senators and Rep resentatives from the several States were present. John C. Breckinridge, the lately defeated Democratic candidate for President of the United States, in his official capacity as Vice-President of the United States, presided as President of the Senate. Many of the Sen ators and Representatives from the Slave States were at the Capital in a double capacity. Some of them had already acted as commissioners and agents in car rying their States out of the Union. South Carolina, as early as the 17th of November, 1860, had passed her Ordinance of Secession, and others, during the month of November, had arranged for Conventions to declare their independence ; yet their representa tives were at the National Capital, for their term of office had not yet expired, and they deemed it their duty, to themselves and their a Sovereign States,' 7 to make the most they could out of the "old concern" that they were deserting; and the scenes of flagrant treason enacted upon the floor of the United States Senate and Congress, by the members from the Slave XT.] CLOSING SCENES OF DEMOCRATIC RULE. 233 States, have never been equaled in the history of civ ilized nations. But the Executive, deaf as an adder, sat in drowsy apathy, while the Vice-President, Attor ney-General, and other Cabinet officers, smiled approv ingly upon the scene. They were at the Capital to announce that their States had left the Union, and to ask the Government at Washington (as they called the United States Gov ernment) to relinquish her right to all public property within their States ; they were there to ask the United States Government to recognize the Independence of their Sovereign States; they were there to keep their brethren at the South informed, by letter and telegram, of their daily proceedings in destroying the Govern ment they yyreteiided to be serving ; they were there to combat and choke down every utterance of patriotism in behalf of saving the Union ; they were there to pos sess themselves of the small remnant of arms and Federal munitions of war in the Free States ; they were there, as they said, to "bury the old Union and the old flag." The Democracy were in working majority in both branches of the National Legislature. Jefferson Davis, ex-President of the late Southern Confederacy, was in the Senate from the State of Mississippi. He was a faithful worker for the "cause;" his State wanted a few more rifles, and on the 21st of February, 1861, on presenting a bill to the Senate, so that his men might get possession of any Federal arms still in the Free States, he said: " I should like the Senate to take up a little bill, which I hope will excite no discussion. [?] It is the bill to authorize the States to purchase arms from the National Armories. There are a num ber of volunteer companies wanting to purchase arms, but the States have not a sufficient supply. I move to take up the bill." 234 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. On March 29th, the bill passed by a strict party vote, all the Democrats voting in the affirmative; Re publicans against it. President Buchanan's Cabinet officers were true to their Democratic record. Almost four years of active labor in their high positions gave them ample facili ties for carrying their schemes into practice; and one by one they deserted the old ship of State, leaving at the helm the imbecile, James Buchanan, whose feeble hands and drooping spirits utterly failed to control her ; and at the mercy of .the winds and faith less crew allowed her to drift well-nigh upon the rugged coast, from whose precipitous walls the faithful agents of the slave power had removed the beacon lights erected by the fathers of the country. One, at least, was found faithful to the Republic. Lewis Cass, Buchanan's Secretary of State, on learning that the President refused to defend the National honor, resigned his office December 12th, 1860. On the 17th, Attorney- General Black was appointed his suc cessor. December 10th, Howell Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, resigned; his "duty to Georgia" was his reason. On December 12th, Philip F. Thomas was ap pointed his successor; he held the office for one month, then abandoned the old ship to join his Democratic brethren at the South, as he " didn't believe in laws to enforce the collection of customs at the port of Charles ton." January 29th, John B. Floyd, Secretary of War, became displeased because "the President declined to withdraw the garrison from the harbor of Charleston." His Secretary of the Interior, Jacob Thompson, also deserted his post, January 8th, 1861 ; he was " dis pleased," because " additional troops, he had heard, had been ordered to Charleston." On the 17th of XV.] CLOSING SCENES OP DEMOCRATIC RULE. 235 December, 1860, Jeremiah S. Black resigned as Attor ney-General and made his way South to meet his 11 brethren." The period from the meeting of the Thirty-sixth Congress, on December 3d, 1860, to its adjournment, April 4th, 1861, was a period of triumph and political activity with the Democracy, both in the Slave States and the National Capital ; and scenes of flagrant trea son were enacted upon the floor of the National Con gress, that in any country of Europe would have con signed the actors to the gallows; but the Executive Department, and, in fact, the Government itself that is, those chosen by the people to administer the affairs of the Nation and see that its laws and Constitution were preserved and enforced, were of a piece with the lead ers, and silently acquiesced in their treason. The hands of the victorious Republican party, who Ijad carried the Presidential election in November, 1860, were completely tied. They were a small minor ity in the Congress, and were unrepresented in the various departments of the Government at Washing ton; and although they had carried every one of the eighteen Free States in the Electoral College, except New Jersey (and Lincoln received four out of the seven of her votes), yet they could not stay the scenes of official corruption and perfidy that now desolated the country. That the reader may have a further knowledge of the manner in which Democratic United States Sena tors of those times guarded the interests of the Nation, a brief record of the legislation of Robert Toombs, Sen ator from Georgia, is here given: " MACON, November 14th, 1860. " To the Honorable L. M. KEITT. I will sustain South Caro- 286 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. lina in Secession. I have announced to the Legislature that I will not serve under Lincoln. If you have the power to act, act at once. We have bright prospects here. B. TOOMBS." This note was written eight days after Mr. Lincoln's election. On the 13th of December a manifesto, signed by all the leading Senators and Congressmen from the Slave States at Washington, was forwarded to their constitu ents, that "the sole and primary aim of each Slave- holding State ought to be its speedy and absolute sepa ration from an unnatural and hostile Union" Senator Toombs, on December 24th, telegraphed from his seat in the United States Senate a manifesto addressed to the people of Georgia, as follows: " Fellow citizens of Georgia: I am here to secure your consti tutional rights. * * * The Committee is controlled by Black Eepublicans, your enemies; * * * Seces sion, by the 4th of March next, should be thundered from the ballot-box by the unanimous voice of Georgia. On the second day of January next such a voice will be your best guarantee for liberty, security, tranquillity, and glory." Among the many individuals who have figured con spicuously in the affairs of the late Rebellion, few have had a more prominent position than Alexander H. Stephens, ex-Yice-President of the late Southern Confederacy; and no man in the American Republic has risen to more public notoriety in the affairs of the Nation, who so little deserves to be ranked with states men or philosophers, than this same man, whose doc trines in all things pertaining to public affairs are highly seasoned with the hypocritical cant of the poli- tidaiij and entirely destitute of the essence of statesman ship. No man in the ^ country, familiar with Mr. Stephens' long and active life in State and National XY.] CLOSING SCENES OF DEMOCRATIC RULE. 237 politics, will doubt his familiarity with the political history of the Nation. Indeed, his whole life has been one of constant application upon political affairs ; and his large knowledge upon these subjects is often con strued by his partisan friends, and those who do not examine his political career critically, as a fountain of wisdom and statesmanship, when at best it is but a well stored mass of general knowledge, whose letter is understood, but not its essence. Indeed, it is difficult to conceive of a mind so well informed upon the history of the events of the Nation and yet so totally ignorant of the prmciples upon which they are founded. Nor are these assertions influenced by any difference of opinion, but are stubborn facts, all of which will be verified from his own mouth. And as I take the lib erty to thus comment upon the public record of this champion of Democracy, a place will be given here to .some extracts from his speeches upon National ques tions. For many years before the Democrats commenced the Rebellion, Alexander H. Stephens was a leading statesman [?] at the South, and had achieved a notoriety through the whole country ; and in his State (Georgia) he was looked upon as an oracle of wisdom in all things pertaining to the affairs of the Nation. When dissensions and dangers threatened the peace of the Republic, he was relied upon as the great expounder of the constitutional rights of the people of the Sov ereign States (South), and in the discharge of these vast responsibilities, he came before the public with his statesmanship and philosophy which deluded the people into rebellion and caused them to hold fast to the negro. But his positions were not always consist ent, nor stable, but the reverse; and form a scries of 16 238 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. political somersaults as novel and spasmodic as they were inharmonious and ludicrous. The following is a speech of Alexander H. Stephens, delivered before the Georgia Legislature, November 14th, 1860: " The first question that presents itself is, shall the people of the South secede from the Union in consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States? My countrymen, I tell you frankly, candidly and earnestly that I do, not think that they ought. In my judgment the election of no man, constitutionally chosen to that high office, is sufficient cause for any State to separate from the Union. It ought to stand by and aid still in maintaining the Constitution and the country. To make a point of resistance to the Government, to withdraw from it because a man has been constitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong. "We are pledged to maintain the Constitution. Many of us have sworn to support it. Can we, therefore, for the mere election of a man to the Presidency, and that, too, in accordance with the prescribed forms of the Constitution, make a point of resistance to the Government without becoming the breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves withdraw ourselves from it ? "Would we not be in the wrong ? Whatever fate is to befall this country, let it never be laid to the charge of the people of the South, and especially to the people of Georgia, that we were untrue to our national engagements. Let the fault and the wrong rest upon others. If all our hopes are to be blasted, if the Republic is to go down, let us be found to the last moment standing on the deck, with the Constitution of the United States waving over our heads. Let the fanatics of the North break the Constitution, if such is their fell purpose. Let the responsi bility be upon them. I shall speak presently more of their acts; but let not the South let us not be the ones to commit the ag gression. We went into this election with this people. The result was different from what we wished; but the election has been constitutionally held. Were we to make a point of resist ance to the Government, and go out of the Union on that ac count, the record would be made up hereafter against us. " But it is said Mr. Lincoln's policy and principles are against the Constitution, and that if he carries them out it will bo de structive to our rights. Let us not anticipate a threatened evil. XV.] ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS ON SECESSION. 239 If he violates the Constitution, then will come our time to act. Do not let us break it because, forsooth, he may. If he does, that is the time for us to strike. I think it would be injudicious and unwise to do this sooner. I do not anticipate that Mr. Lin coln will do anything to jeopardize our safety or security, what ever may be his spirit to do it; for he is bound by the constitu tional checks which are thrown around him, which at this time render him powerless to do any great mischief. This shows the wisdom of our system. The President of the United States is no .Emperor, no Dictator he is clothed with no absolute power. He can do nothing unless he is backed by power in Congress. The House of Representatives is largely in the majority against him. " In the Senate he will also be powerless. There will be a majority of four against him. This, after the loss of Bigler, Fitch, and others, by the unfortunate dissensions of the National Democratic party in their States. Mr. Lincoln cannot appoint an officer without the consent of the Senate. He cannot form a Cabinet without the same consent. He will be in the condition of George III, (the embodyment of Toryism) who had to ask the Whigs to appoint his ministers, and was compelled to receive a Cabinet utterly opposed to his views; and so Mr. Lincoln will be compelled to ask of the Senate to choose for him a Cabinet, if the Democracy of that body choose to put him on such terms. He will be compelled to do this or let the Government stop, if the National Democratic men for that is their name at the North the conservative men in the Senate, should so determine. Then how can Mr. Lincoln obtain a Cabinet which would aid him, or allow him to violate the Constitution? " Why, then, I say, should we disrupt the ties of this Union when his hands are tied when he can do nothing against us ? I have heard it mooted that no man in the State of Georgia, who is true to her interests, could hold office under Mr. Lincoln. But, I ask, who appoints to office ? Not the President alone the Senate has to concur. No man can be appointed without the consent of the Senate. Should any man then refuse to hold office that was given to him by a Democratic Senate ? [Mr. Toouibs interrupted, and said if the Senate was Democratic, it was for Mr. Breckinridge.] "Well, then, continued Mr. Stephens, I apprehend no man could be justly considered untrue to the interests of Georgia, 240 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. or incur' any disgrace, if the interests of Georgia required it, to hold an office which a Breckinridge Senate had given him, even though Mr. Lincoln should be President. * * '* " I will never consent myself, as much as I admire this Union for the glories of the past, or the blessings of the present as much as it has done for the people of all these States as much as it has done for civilization as much as the hopes of the world hang upon it, I would never submit to aggression upon my rights to maintain it longer; and if they cannot be maintained in the Union, standing on the Georgia platform, where I have stood from the time of its adoption, I would be in favor of disrupting every tie which binds the States together. * * * ' ' The next evil which my friend complained of, was the tariff. Well, let us look at that for a moment. About the time I com menced noticing public matters, this question was agitating the country almost as fearfully as the slave question now is. In 1832, when I was in college, South Carolina was ready to nullify or recede from the Union on this account. And what have we seen ? The tariff no longer distracts the public counsels . Rea son has triumphed ! The present tariff was voted for by Massa chusetts and South Carolina. The lion and the lamb lay down together '"every man in the Senate and House from Massachu setts and South Caulina, I thick, voted for it, as did my honor able friend himself. And if it be true to use the figure of speech of my honorable friend that every man in the North that works in iron, and brass and wood, has his muscles strength ened by the protection of the Government, that stimulant was given by his vote, and I believe every other Southern man. So we ought not to complain of that." Mr. Toombs. "The tariff assessed the duties." Mr. Stephens. "Yes, and Massachusetts with unanimity voted with the South to lessen them, and they were made just as low as Southern men asked them to be, and that is the rate they are now at. * * * * There were many among us in 1850 zealous to go at once out of the Union, to disrupt every tie that binds us together. Now, do you believe, had that policy been carried out at that time, we would have been the same great people we are to-day ? It may be that we would, but have you any assurance of that fact ? "Would you have made the same advancement, improvement, and progress in all that con stitutes material wealth and prosperity that we have ? * * XV.] ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS ON SECESSION. 241 ' ' I look upon this country with our institutions as the Eden of the world, the paradise of the universe. It may be that out of it we may become greater and more prosperous, but I am candid and sincere in telling you that I fear if we rashly evince passion, and without sufficient cause shall take that step, that instead of becoming greater or more peaceful, prosperous, and happy instead of becoming gods, we will become demons, and at no distant day commence cutting one another's throats. This is my apprehension. Let us, therefore, whatever we do, meet those difficulties, great as they are, like wise and sensible men, and consider them in the light of all the consequences which may attend our action. Let us see first clearly where the path of duty leads, and then we may not fear to tread therein. * * I say the same; I said it then; I say it now if Mr. Lincoln's policy should be carried out. I have told you that I do not think his bare election sufficient cause ; but if his policy should be carried out in violation of any of the principles set forth in the Georgia platform, that would be such an act of aggression which ought to be met as therein provided for. If his policy shall be carried out in repealing or modifying the Fugitive Slave Law, so as to weaken its efficacy, Georgia has declared that she will, in the last resort, disrupt the ties of the Union and I say so too. I stand upon the Georgia platform, and upon every plank, and say, if these aggressions therein provided for take place I say to you and to the people of Georgia, keep your powder dry, and let your assailants then have lead, if need be. I would wait for an act of aggression. This is my position. * * * Should Georgia determine to go out of the Union I speak for one, though my views might not agree with them whatever the result may be, I shall bow to the will of her people. Their cause is my cause, and their destiny is my destiny; and I trust this will be the ultimate course of all. The greatest curse that can befall a free people is civil war. * * Thus far it is a noble example, worthy of imitation. The gen tleman, Mr. Cobb, said the other night it had proven a failure. A failure in what ? In growth ? Look at our expanse in national power. Look at our population and increase in all that makes a people great. A failure ? Why, we are the admiration of the civilized world, and present the brightest hopes of mankind. " Some of our public men have failed in their aspirations; that is true, and from that comes a great part of our troubles. * * 242 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. " Now, wlien this Convention assembles, if it shall be called, as I hope it may, I would say in my judgment, without dictation, - for I am conferring with you freely and frankly, and it is thus that I give my views I should take into consideration all these questions which distract the public mind ; should view all the grounds of Secession so far as the election of Mr. Lincoln is concerned, and I have no doubt they would say that the consti tutional election of no man is a sufficient cause to break up the Union, but that the State should wait until he at least does some unconstitutional act." Mr. Toombs. " Commit some overt act." Mr. Stephens. "No, I did not say that. The word overt is a sort of technical term connected with treason, which has come to us from the mother country, and it means an open act of rebellion. I do not see how Mr. Lincoln can do this, unless he should levy war upon us. I do not, therefore, use the word overt. I do not intend to wait for that. But I use the words unconstitutional act, which our people understand much better, and which expresses just what I mean. But as long as he con forms to the Constitution, he should be left to exercise the duties of his office. * In this way, our sister Southern States can be induced to act with us; and I have but little doubt that the States of New York, and Pennsylvania, and Ohio, and the other Western States, will compel their Legisla tures to recede from their hostile attitudes if the others do not. Then with these we would go on without New England if she chose to stay out." [A voice in the Assembly. " We will kick them out."] Mr. Stephens."! would jiot kick them out. But if they chose to stay out, they might. I think, moreover, that these Northern States, being principally engaged in manufactures, would find that they had as much interest in the Union under the Constitution as we, and that they would return to their con stitutional duty this would be my hope. If they should not, and if the Middle States and Western States do not join us, we should at least have an undivided South. I am, as you clearly perceive, for maintaining the Union as it is, if possible. I will exhaust every means thus to maintain it with an equality in it. My principles are these : " First, the maintenance of the honor, the rights, the equal ity, the security, and the glory of my native State in the Union; XY.] ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS ON SECESSION. 243 but if these cannot be maintained in the Union, then I am for their maintenance out of it at all hazards. Next to the honor and glory of Georgia, the land of my birth, I hold the honor and glory of our common country. In Savannah I was made to say, by the reporters who very often make me say things which I never did say that I was first for the glory of the whole coun try, and next for that of Georgia. " I said the exact reverse of this. I am proud of her history, of her present standing. I am proud even of her motto, which I would have duly respected at the present time by all her sons Wisdom, Justice and Moderation. I would have her rights and that of the Southern States maintained now upon these princi ples. Her position now is just what it was in 1850, with respect to the Southern States. Her platform then has been adopted by most, if not all, the Southern States. Now I would add but one additional plank to that platform, which I have stated, and one which time has shown to be necessary. "If all this fails, we shall at least have the satisfaction of knowing that we have done our duty and all that patriotism could require." This remarkable speech, a tissue of irreconcilable generalities, forms a most singular phenomenon in the history of incongruity and sophistry, aided in the ut terance by an apparent sincerity, that at first glance insures it attention and respect ; but, when probed and viewed in its true light, exhibits the knave and sophist, for Mr. Stephens cannot claim the charity that we would like (for his own sake) to accord to him of not being informed upon the true issues involved in the subject which he was discussing. The election of no man, constitutionally elected, is cause for the South to secede; and he is pledged to support the Constitution of the United States. If the Republic is to go down, let him go down with it. He will be found to the last moment, holding aloft the old flag, and, with the Constitution in his hands, waving it over his head, he should go down with the old ship 244 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. of State. Let the fanatics of the North break the Constitution, he would not; let the responsibility be upon others. Was he to make a point of resistance against the Government and go out, "the record would be made up hereafter against us." The President of the United States is no Emperor or Dictator; and "until Mr. Lincoln will do some act to violate the Constitution, he will stand by the Union." He did not anticipate that Mr. Lincoln would do any act to violate the Constitution; he will be powerless, for he cannot appoint an officer nor form his Cabinet without the consent of the Senate. He will be com pelled to receive a Cabinet utterly opposed to his views; the Democracy in the Senate must choose his Cabinet. "Why then, I say, should we disrupt the ties of this Union, when his hands are tied; when he can do nothing against us?" He would not disrupt the ties of the Union: he "admired the Union for its glorious past." The North had given the South all it asked for. Massachusetts had voted with unanimity to lessen the tariff. He looked upon the American Republic as the Eden of the world "the paradise of the universe" Further along, as will be seen, he says: "If Lincoln's policy shall be carried out in repealing or modifying the Fugitive Slave Law, so as to weaken its efficiency in Georgia, I shall go in to disrupt tlie ties of this Union" The breath, before giving utterance to this treason, was used in lavish praise of the Union. He would stand on the deck of the ship of State to the last. The Re public is declared to be the Eden, of the world ; and he declares, in exact terms, that he will not disrupt the Union. Now how does it follow that ten minutes later in his speech he "will disrupt?" Where is his love of XV.] TREASON OF ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 245 the " Eden?" How high does he now hold aloft the old flag and the Constitution? "Should Georgia determine to go out of the Union, I speak for one, though my views might not agree with them, whatever the result may be, I shall bow to the will of her, people. Their cause is my cause; their destiny my destiny." How does this comport with his first remarks in this speech ? Now he takes back all he has said about waiting for the " fanatics of the North to break it." He now retracts all he has said about letting the North commit some act of aggression ; about the glory and liberty of the nation. Not as the Union goes will he go now, but as Georgia goes, right or wrong. If Georgia " determine" to go out of the Union, so he will go. He has lost sight of it's being necessary for some " unconstitutional" act to be done; and he says, although his views might not agree with this act, yet he will go with his State. Then he will do an act with which his views may not agree ; how is this ? His con victions and views tell him that he must support the Union to the last; and yet now he is ready to bow to the will of Georgia. " Their cause is my cause; their destiny is my destiny." Whatever cause Georgia espoused, that is his cause; he will follow her (as he did) to commit the most fla grant treason against the Government he has sworn to protect. He will aid her and her people in applying the torch of incendiary rebellion to the magazine that is to explode as a fearful earthquake, and destroy mill ions of the patriots of the Nation bring on a cruel, and fratricidal war. He will deluge the whole land in a sea of blood ; conscript old and young into the army to destroy the happiness and liberty of the peo ple. He will convert the swamps and fens of the 246 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA.' [Chap. South into prison pens, in which he will confine those who go forth to save the old flag and the glorious Union about which he has said so much. He will hire and support cruel and blood-thirsty rebels to shoot down these patriots if they cross the " death line." He will aid in starving them until they cry to heaven for a drop of water which he refuses them. He will hold them in horrible pest pens, bare-headed, bare footed and bare-backed, with a scorching sun beating upon their emaciated frames, until with hunger and disease they die by thousands, or are released when by famine they are emaciated skeletons, beyond the hope of recovery, or wandering maniacs. He will, if Georgia says so, man and equip pirates to prey upon the unof fending commerce of the merchant marine. He will send spies to the Capitol and employ emissaries to poison the aqueducts of cities hundreds of miles from the seat of war. He will put the torch into the hand of the incendiary to fire Northern cities thousands of miles off, because her people are holding up the old flag. He will send scientific physicians to foreign lands to procure the virus of deadly and contagious disease, and infect the wounds of Northern patriots, who lie in hospitals, with the dew of death upon them, caused by wounds and ill-treatment received while fighting to preserve the Union. All this he will do if Georgia says so. Georgia did say so, and did do so; and Stephens went with her. Georgia buried the old flag, and raised a foreign and hostile one ; her people rallied round it, and Alexander H. Stephens cheered them on; and at their head, tore the Stars and Stripes down, trampled upon them, and raised in their stead the banner of the Confederacy. Georgia declared herself out of the Union, allied XV.] TREASON OF ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 247 herself with a Government declared foreign and hostile to the American Republic, in which a new code of laws were enacted, a new Constitution framed, fleets and armies raised and maintained, ministers sent abroad, and all the functions of a de facto Government and belligerent nation maintained. Alexander H. Stephens went with her. He did all those tilings in the name of Georgia. He will secure the honor and the glory of his native State ; and if this cannot be done in the Union, then at aUhazards they must be maintained "out of the Union." He flings back the idea that he loved the Union before and above his State ; it is just the reverse. He is em phatically u a man without a country," unless he can call the State of Georgia a country. In this most inconsistent speech, he concludes that the first duty of the citizen is to his State ; that for his State, and as she may determine, right or wrong, it is the duty of the citizen, patriot or statesman, to go. What an exalted conception this patriot, statesman and philosopher (?) must have of the American Re public. How truly he feels inspired with her history and development. How fully he realizes the spirit that actuated the patriots of the Revolutionary War. How well does he comprehend the principles upon which were engrafted into the Constitution the words: " We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union." How keenly he felt the glory of the great system of liberty and free institutions that have grown up and prospered under the National Government. With what pride did he look upon the record of the achievements of the National arms; and how his breast swelled with gratitude, and pride as he beheld the symbol of the Nation's freedom floating 248 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Gliap. from 'the monuments erected to the memory of the Nation's heroes. How he admired the wisdom of the national legislators, and the system of national and international policy established. How well he loved his country; his country? He has been but a wanderer, a sojourner in a strange land. The Republic of Amer ica has been as much a foreign nation to him," as any of the Governments of Europe. He was not a citizen of the Republic, he was a citizen of Georgia. He owed allegiance to his State first, and then to America. The laws and treaties of his Nation were co-extensive with the share that his State held in the Southern Confed eracy. He never saw the flag of his country, unless he saw the flag of Georgia. He wanders, gazing upon the blue sky for a sign of the symbol of Ms country; the meteor banner of America is there, but his eyes sweep over it in vacancy. A rend from which the Pal metto has been torn, shows a faint line that is fast closing, never to behold the shadow of its departed glory. But he looks, and in vain, for the flag of Ms country; but alas the ensign of the " Sovereign State of Georgia" has no place there. He is the man with out a country. On the 17th of January, 1861, the Georgia Conven tion met, at which they passed an Ordinance of Seces sion. On the debate upon the resolutions declaring that State out of the Union, Alexander H. Stephens being present, opposed secession, principally upon the ground that there was no cause of complaint on the part of the South. He said: " This step (of Secession) once taken, can never be recalled; and all the baleful and withering consequences that must follow will rest on the Convention for all coming time. When we and our posterity shall see our lovely South desolated by the demon XV,] ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS ON SECESSION. 249 of war, which this act of yours will inevitably invite and call -forth/ when our green fields of waving harvest shall be trodden down by the murderous soldiery and fiery car of war sweeping over our land; our temples of justice laid in ashes; all the horrors and desolations of war upon us; who but the Convention will be held responsible for it? And who but him who shall have given his vote for this unwise and ill-timed measure, as I honestly think and believe, shall be held to strict account for this suicidal act by the present generation, and probably cursed and execrated by pos terity for all coming time, for the wide and desolating ruin that will inevitably follow this act you now propose to perpetrate ? Pause, I entreat you, and consider for a moment what reasons you can give that will even satisfy yourselves in calmer moments what reasons you can give to your fellow sufferers in the calam ity it will bring upon us. What reasons can you give the nations of the earth to justify it ? They will be the calm and deliberate judges in the case; and what cause, or one overt act, can you name or point, on which to rest the plea of justification? What right has the North assailed? "What interest of the South has been invaded ? What justice has been denied ? and what claim, founded in justice and right, has been withheld? Can either of you to-day name one governmental act of wrong, deliberately and purposely done by the Government of Washington, of which the South has a right to complain? I challenge the answer. While, on the other hand, let me show the facts (and believe me, gentlemen, I am not here the advocate of the North, but I am here the friend, the firm friend, and lover of the South and her institutions, and for this reason I speak thus plainly and faith fully for yours, mine and every other man's interest, the words of truth and soberness), of which I wish you to judge, and I will only state facts which are clear and undeniable, and which now stand as records authentic in the history of our country. "When we of the South demanded the slave trade, or the impor tation of Africans for the cultivation of our lands, did they not yield the right for twenty years ? When we asked a three-fifths representation in Congress for our slaves, was it not granted? When we asked and demanded the return of any fugitive from justice, or the recovery of those persons owing labor or alle giance, was it not incorporated in the Constitution, and again ratified and strengthened by the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 ? But do you reply, that in many instances they have violated this 250 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. compact and have not been faithful to their engagements ? As individual and local communities, they may have done so; but not by the sanction of Government, for that has always been true to Southern interests. Again, gentlemen, look at another act: When we have asked that more territory should be added, that we might spread the institution of Slavery, have they not yielded to our demands in giving us Louisiana, Florida and Texas, out of which four States have been carved, and ample territory for four more to be added in due time, if you by this unwise and impolitic act do not destroy this hope, and, perhaps, by it lose all, and have your last slave wrenched from you by stern military rule, as South America and Mexico were, or by the vindictive decree of a universal emancipation, which may reasonably be expected to follow ? "But again, gentlemen, what have we to gain by this pro posed change of our relation to the General Government ? We have always had the control of it; and can yet, if we remain in it, and are as united as we have been. We have had a majority of the Presidents chosen from the South, as well as the control and management of most of those chosen from the North. We have had sixty years of Southern Presidents to their twenty-four, thus controlling the Executive Department. So of the Judges of the Supreme Court, we have had eighteen from the South and but eleven from the North; although nearly four-fifths of the judicial business has arisen in the Free States, yet a majority of the Court has always been from the South. This we have re quired so as to guard against any interpretation of the Constitu tion unfavorable to us. In like manner we have been equally watchful to guard our interests in the legislative branch of Government. In choosing the presiding Presidents (pro tern.) of the S :iiate, we have had twenty-four to their eleven. Speakers of the House, we have had twenty-three and they twelve. While the majority of the representatives, from their greater popula tion, have always been from the North, yet we have so generally secure 1 the Speaker, because he, to a great extent, shapes and controls the legislation of the country. Nor have we had less control in every other department of the General Government. Attorney-Generals, we have had fourteen, while the North have had buf five. Foreign Ministers, we have had eighty-six and they but fifty-four. While three-fourths of the business which demands diplomatic agents abroad is clearly from the Free States, XT.] ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS ON SECESSION 251 from their greater commercial interests, yet we have had the principal embassies so as to secure the world-markets for our cotton, tobacco and sugar on the best possible terms. We have had a vast majority of the higher offices of both army and navy, while a larger proportion of the soldiers and sailors were drawn from the North. Equally so of Clerks, Auditors and Con trollers filling the Executive Department; the records show for the last fifty years that of the three thousand thus employed, we have had more than two-thirds of the same, while we have but one-third of the white population of the Republic. " Again, look at another item, and one, be assured, in which we have had a great and vital interest. It is that of revenue, or means of supporting Government. From official documents we learn that a fraction over three-fourths of the revenue collected for the support of the Government has uniformly been raised from the North. " Pause now while you can, gentlemen, and contemplate care fully and candidly these important items. Look at another nec essary branch of Government, and learn from stern statistical facts how matters stand in that department. I mean the mail and Post Office privileges that we now enjoy under the General Government as it has been for years past. The expense for the transportation of the mail in the Free States was, by the report of the Postmaster-General for the year 1860, a little over $13,- 000,000, while the income was $19,000,000. But in the Slave States the transportation of the mail was $14,716,000, while the revenue from the same was $8,001,026, leaving a deficit of $6,- 704,974 to be supplied by the North for our accommodation, and without it we must have been entirely cut off from this most es sential branch of Government. " Leaving out of view, for the present, the countless millions of dollars you must expend in a war with the North, with tens of thousands of your sons and brothers slain in battle, and offered up as sacrifices upon the altar of your ambition and for what, we ask again ? Is it for the overthrow of the American Govern ment, established by our common ancestry, cemented and built up by their sweat and blood, and founded on the broad princi ples of Eight, Justice, and Humanity? And, as such, I must declare here, as I have often done before, and which has been repeated by the greatest and wisest of statesmen and patriots in this and other lands, that it is the best and freest Government 252 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. the most equal in its rights, the most just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most aspiring in its princi ples to elevate the race of men that the sun of heaven ever shone upon. Now, for you to attempt to overthrow such a Govern ment as this, under which we have lived for more than three- quarters of a century in which we have gained our wealth, our standing as a Nation, our domestic safety while the elements of peril are around us, with peace and tranquillity, accompanied with unbounded prosperity and rights unassailed is the height of madness, folly, and wickedness, to which I can neither lend my sanction nor my vote." Here *Mr. Stephens invokes the people of Georgia not to take the fatal step. He sees their green fields trodden down by the murderous soldiery that must follow this act of Secession. " Who but this Convention will be held responsible for all these evils" he says to the Convention " shall be held to a strict account for this sui cidal act by the present generation, and probably cursed and execrated by posterity for all coming time" The present generation are now fulfilling this prophecy, and they do not forget the man who, while he said these things, told the world that as Georgia went so he should go, and who twenty days later accepted the office of Vice- President of the Southern Confederacy. No justifica tion, either to themselves or to the nations of the earth, he says, can be offered for the act of Secession. He "challenges the answer" that the North has ever assailed a single right of the South, and he enters into an elaborate array of historical and statistical facts to show that on the contrary the South has had her own way, and more than her own share of the' public spoils and patronage of the Nation. That the North, at great cost and inconvenience, has defrayed the expenses of the South, and permitted them to fill the public offices of the Government far beyond their legal proportion. XV.] ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS ON SECESSION. 253 The North had gracefully extended the traffic in the slave trade to accommodate the South. The North voted that the South should have a representation in Congress based upon the slave property, and voted to constitute the Federal power a national police for the arrest and return of fugitives from labor ; and when the South asked more territory for the spread of Slavery, the North yielded and gave them Louisiana, Florida, and Texas, and territory ample for four more States. The support of the Government in revenue, he con cludes, came mainly from the North. The North has supplied the funds to carry the mails to the South. There is no cause of complaint, unless the complaint comes from the North. Yet the man possessed of all this knowledge has assured the world that as the " Sov ereign" State of Georgia goes, so will he go. It will cost countless millions of dollars, and the lives of thousands of brave men, offered up as a sacrifice upon the altar of the ambition of the South; and it will overthrow a Government cemented by the sweat and blood of patriots, and founded on Right, Justice, and Humanity. To do this, he says, "is the height Q$ mad ness, folly, and wickedness, to which I can neither lend my sanction nor my vote." Yet he has told them that if his State says he shall, against his judgment, do all that is proposed to be done by Secession, that he will do it. The State, by its Convention, said that they denied all of Mr. Stephens' positions, passed their Or dinance of Secession, and entered into rebellion and cruel war; and Mr. Stephens joined with them, and is elected Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy on the 9th day of February following, (about twenty days after his speech above,) takes the oath of office, subscribed to a declaration of grievances, on the part of 17 25l REPUBLICANISM IN" AMERICA. [Chap. the South, and enters upon active war against the United States. On the 21st day of March, 1861, about one month after Mr. Stephens was elected Yice-Presid^nt of the Southern Confederacy, being at Savannah, in his own State, he made a speech, from which the following ex tract is here inserted : " The new Constitution has put at re^t forever all the agitat ing questions relating to our peculiar institutions African Slav ery as it exists among us the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. : " This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the 'rock upon which the old Union would split.' He was right. What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood 'and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old Constitution, were that the en slavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not we 1 how to deal with, but the gen eral opinion of the men of that day was, that somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the institution would be. evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not incorporated in the Con stitution, was the prevailing idea at the time. The Constitution, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly used against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a san,dy founda tion, and the idea of a Government built upon it, when the ' storm came and the wind blew, it fell.' "Our new Government is founded upon exactly the opposite idea; its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man. That Slavery subordination to the superior race is his natural and normal condition. This, our new Government, is the first, in XY.] STEPHENS' " CORNER-STONE" SPEECH. 255 the history of the world, based upon this great moral and physi cal truth. This truth has been slow in the process of its develop ment like all other truths in the various departments of science. It has been so even among" us. Many who hear m^, perhaps, can recollect well that this truth was not generally admitted even within their day. The errors of the past generation still clung to many as late as twenty years ago. Those at the North who still cling to these errors, with a zeal above knowledge, we justly denominate fanatics. * * * " In the conflict thus far, success has been on our side com plete throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate States. It is upon this, as I have stated, our actual fabric is firmly planted; and I cannot permit myself to doubt the ulti mate success of a full recognition of this principle throughout the civilized and enlightened world. "As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be slow in development, as all truths are, and ever have been, in the various branches of science. It was so with the principles an nounced by Galileo ; it was so with Adam Smith and his princi ples of political economy; it was so with Harvey and his theory of the circulation of the blood. It is .stated that not a single one of the medical profession, living at the time of the announce ment of the truths made by him, admitted them. Now they are universally acknowledged. May we not, therefore, look wjth confidence to the ultimate universal acknowledgment of the truths upon which our system rests. It is the first Government ever instituted upon principles of strict, conformity to nature and the ordination of Providence in furnishing the materials of human society. Many Governments have been founded upon the principles of certain classes; but the classes thus enslaved were of the same race and in violation of the laws of nature. Our system commits no such violation of nature's laws. The negro, by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that condition which he occupies in our system. The architect, in the construction of buildings, lays the foundation with the proper materials -the granite; then comes the brick or the mar ble. The substratum of our society is made of the material fitted by nature for it, and by experience we kuow that it is best, not only for the superior, but for the inferior race that it should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity with the ordinance of the Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of His ordi- 256 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. nances, or to question them. For His own purposes He has made one race to differ from another, as He has made * one star to differ from another star in glory/ " The great objects of humanity are best attained when con formed to His laws and decrees, in the formation of Govern ments, as well as in all things else. Our Confederacy is founded upon principles in strict conformity with these laws. This stone which was first rejected by the first builders, ' is become the chief stone of the corner ' in our new edifice. "The progress of disintegration in the old Union may be expected to go on with almost absolute certainty. We are now the nucleus of a growing power, which, if we are true to our selves, our destiny, and high mission, will become the control ling power on this continent. To what extent accessions will go on in the process of time, or where it will end, the future will determine." The reader will bear in mind that this last speech was made within one month after his speech in the Georgia Convention. This speech is the fairest reflex of the philosophy and prophecy of the "greatest man of the South." He settles the status of the negro " Slav- e^y and subordination is his natural and normal condi tion." Slavery, he says, is of Divine origin, and a Gov ernment built upon an opposite theory will fall. Their new Constitution has set the question at rest forever. The new Government is founded upon these great truths; its corner-stone is laid and rests upon the solid foundations that Slavery is the natural condition of the negro, and their new Government is the first in the history of the world, " based upon this great physical and moral truth." It is wise to condemn all as fanatics who hold opposite views from these; and there are still, he says, some people at the North who entertain opposite views, and who cling to those errors. The development of these great truths may be slow, but it is so with all great truths. He says that the new Gov- XV.] STEPHENS' PHILOSOPHY OF SLAVERY. 257 eminent is the first in the world based upon principles in conformity with Divine Providence. The negro, by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for Slavery. The Creator has ordained it. The stone so long rejected by the architects of Nations, says he, " is become the chief stone of the corner in our new edifice." The American Government is only a thing in name \ its foundations are laid upon quicksands ; it must fall because its " corner-stone" is not laid upon a founda tion in conformity with the laws of Divine Providence. He proclaims the philosophical truth that the curse placed on Canaan, or some other cause, makes the negro a slave by nature. Each State will drop off from this unnatural Union, until no trace of the old concern can be found. Hear the language of Stephens, the prophet: " The progress of disintegration in the old Union, may be expected to go on with almost absolute certainty. We are now the nucleus of a growing power, which if we are true to our selves, our destiny, and high mission, will become the control ling power of this Continent." Within the whole range of Democratic philosophy and- statesmanship, there is no such happy exposition of the doctrines of that party as is contained in this speech of Mr. Stephens. Close observers of the ad vocates of domination had divided the honors of the advocacy of the traffic in men, to other names, that have stood prominent in the cause. But, looking over the long line of illustrious champions, the Pinckneys, Calhoun, Hayne,Yancey, Davis, Brooks, Hunter, Rhett, Floyd, Toombs, Kiett, and others, their past prestige and glory vanish - the master key-note of Democracy had slumbered, and under the dull manipulations of Southern leaders, had failed to emit the joyous sounds 258 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. of supreme perfection, until touched by the scientific finger of the " Yice-President." Other voices had been raised in support of these doctrines protests, debates, and vindictive aspersion, had for three-quar ters of a century distinguished many a Southern gen tleman; rough attacks amounting to physical force, had decked the brow of the Southern statesman, and won for him the admiration of his fellow-countrymen. The impassioned eloquence of Calhoun, Hayne, Yan- cey, and others, had "fired the Southern heart;" but the streams of light now cast upon the subject, the powerful rays of unerring truth, flooded upon the head of the "nigger," by the aid of science, philosophy, and religion, formed a new and luminous page in the great book of Southern truths. What lends such peculiar charms to the doctrines as set forth by this "great man," as enunciated in this speech, is the high office which he graced at the time of their utterance. He was not an itinerant politician seeking the support of his constituents ; he was seated in the second highest office of the first Nation established upon the philosophic basis of the subordination of inferior races. He had no incentive of ambition to gratify; already had he received numerous positions of political preferment, and the highest plaudits of every lover of Slavery; his veins were not fired with the untamed and impetuous blood of youth, nor his judgment undisciplined in the school of political sci ence. He had already ascended the meridian of man hood's allotted period, and he had his feet well down the shady declivity, upon whose sides he gathered the laurels of experience, and at whose base reposed the peaceful land of oblivion. The follies of youth he had lost in the great journey, XV.] STEPHENS' PHILOSOPHY OF SLAVERY. 259 whose weary days and nights had left their imprint upon his placid brow; and now, with calm resignation to the decrees of Divinity, he looked forward only to the fulfillment of its laws the perpetuity of the Gov ernment of the State of Georgia the interests of the Southern people, and a Christian definition of Divine law, as applicable to the " nigger." Let this marvelous speech of the illustrious son of the South, find a place in every catechism and text^ book within the limits of the late Confederacy, and be the caudal appendage of every Democratic platform while that party has a name. CHAPTER XVI. PRESIDENT LINCOLN LEAVES SPRINGFIELD FOE WASHINGTON. JAMES BU CHANAN LEAVES THE EXECUTIVE CHAIR. BEPUBLICAN PARTY ENTER UPON THE ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS. ATTACK ON SUMTER. WAR BEGUN. DEMOCRATS JOIN THE REBELS. JEFFERSON DAVIS ISSUES A PROCLAMATION. WAR SPIRIT OF THE FREE STATES. MASSACHUSETTS SENDS THE FIEST SOLDIERS. THEY ARE ATTACKED AT BALTIMORE. THE PRESIDENT CALLS FOR TROOPS. TERMS OF COMPROMISE. HORATIO SEYMOUR. HIS COMPLICITY WITH THE REBELS. LETTER FROM GEORGE N. SANDERS. SEEMING SUCCESS OF THE REBELS. SOUTHERN SPEECHES, RESOLUTIONS ANJ) THE PRESS AGAINST COMPROMISE. FERNANDO WOOD, MAYOR OF NEW YORK CITY, RECOMMENDS ITS SECESSION. HE PREDICTS A PACIFIC CONFEDERACY. POLICY OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT DURING THE FIRST TWO YEARS OF THE WAR. ANNOUNCEMENT OF EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. EFFECT OF. EXTRACTS FROM LINCOLN'S MESSAGE OF 1861. HARMONY OF THE GOVERNMENT. DEMOCRATS PLOT TO FIRE NORTH ERN CITIES. CONFESSION OF KENNEDY. CONTAGIOUS DISEASE SPREAD AMONG UNION SOLDIERS. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, the newly elected President, left his home in Springfield, Illinois, on his way to the Capital at Washington, on the llth of February, 1861. It had been reported that a certain conspiracy to as sassinate him was organized (which afterwards proved to be true), and as he approached the Capital he took a different route from the one proposed, and entered the City of Washington in disguise, and before the time he was expected, thus thwarting the plans of his would-be assassins. The greatest preparations ever made for a Presidential inauguration were arranged to welcome Mr. Lincoln ; militia companies, numbering several thousand, were in the city. A little after noon on the 4th of March, 1861, James Buchanan and Abraham Lincoln entered the Senate arm-in-arm, and shortly after Mr. Lincoln read his In augural Address, took the necessary oath of office, and XVL] PRESIDENT LINCOLN INAUGURATED. 261 was declared President of the United States, while Mr. Buchanan retired from the highest position in the American Government to be forgotten forever; or, if remembered, only to be execrated by an injured peo ple. As he departed from the halls of the Nation, the past power, influence and corruption of the party he represented took its flight, never to return, unless in a form so helpless and corrupt that it could neither in jure nor deceive. The Republican party, for the first time in the his tory of the country, were in power, and the Democracy in all the Free States completely overthrown. The new party came into power surrounded with an ocean of unprecedented difficulties. The fifteen Slave States had not participated in the fall election, or rather had refused to vote for Lincoln, and already a number of them had confederated themselves together and established a hostile Government. They had, in January preceding, levied war against the United States by firing upon the steamship Star of the West as she was entering Charleston harbor. The standard bearer of the new administration en tered cheerfully upon his duties. He selected his Cab inet from among the truest patriots and statesmen of the Republic. (See Appendix.) Neither in the plat form upon which he was elected nor in his address was there anything that could, by any possibility, be con strued to mean an infringement upon the rights of the people of any section. But the leaders of the Slave States had declared that they would not serve under Republican rule. The second act of aggression by the South was the attack on Fort Sumter. This was made by General Beauregard, on the order of the Secretary of War of the 262 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. - [Chap. Confederacy. The fort surrendered April 13th, 1861, after a gallant defense by Major Anderson and his little band. On the announcement of this wanton attack and fla grant act of rebellion, the 1 whole Free States were in a blaze of excitement ; the insult to the Nation must be redressed; the fort must be retaken; the hostile flag must come down. These were the sentiments that ani mated the people. Mr. Lincoln, two days after, (April 15th, 1861,) is sued a proclamation, declaring that the "laws of the United States have been for some time past, and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Flor ida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the Marshals by law, and to cause the laws to be duly exe cuted," he therefore called out the militia to the num ber of 75,000, and indicated their first service to be "to repossess the forts, places, and property seized from the Union." At the same time he summoned both houses of Congress to assemble on the 4th of July, 1861. . Of the fifteen Slave States, Delaware and Mary land were the only ones that would supply troops all the others refused; but the whole of the Free States pledged all the men and all the money necessary to put down the Rebellion; and thousands of conservative Democrats rushed into the ranks of the army, and lent their money and influence in aid of the Union. Still a large part of the Democratic element throughout the entire country protested against "coercion." In all the large cities throughout the land soldiers were be ing raised, public meetings held, and the most intense excitement prevailed. XVI.] WAR COMMENCED. 263 Jefferson Davis had also issued his proclamation, which began with the following: " Whereas, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, has by procla mation announced the intention of invading the Con federacy with an armed force for the purpose of cap turing its fortresses, and thereby subverting ' its independence, and subjecting the free people thereof to the domination of a foreign power; and whereas, it has become the duty of this Government to repel the threatened invasion and defend the rights and liberties of the people by all means which the laws of nations and usages of civilized warfare place at our disposal," etc. He followed this with a proclamation, calling upon the "good people of the Confederacy" to rally forth and drive back the " invader," and called down the blessing of Divine Providence upon their patriot ism. This was dated April 17th, 1861. The war was now fairly inaugurated, and appeals were made on both sides for volunteers, and each side responded with alacrity. New England was in a blaze of excitement. No such enthusiasm had been known since the days of the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill. On the same day that the President's proclama tion was issued, companies of volunteers began to pour into Boston from adjoining towns and States. Money was freely offered for the support of the families of all those who desired to volunteer, until their return. How many patriots never did return! Civil war with all its horrors was preferable to anarchy. On April 17th, two days after the President's call, Massachusetts volunteers started for the seat of war some to reinforce Fort Sumter, others to protect the Capital and President. The regiment destined for Washington, on its way through the City of Baltimore, 264 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. on the 19th day of April, were attacked by a mob of anti-coercionists, and several of them massacred. This was the first blood shed in the Rebellion, for the firing on the Star of the West and Fort Sumter had ended without serious results. This was the anniversary of the battle of Lexington, for on the 19th of April, 1775, the volunteers of Massachusetts had suffered the first loss in blood in the great Revolution that gave us American freedom, and now they had shed the first blood to save the Union. On the news of this most foul and unnatural murder, the State of Massachusetts was thrown into intense excitement. The news spread from point to point with great rapidity ; men rushed into the streets from stores and offices in great exasperation ; mechanics and work ing men left their shops, and bare-headed and in shirt sleeves, rushed to seek companions to join them, that they might avenge this outrage. The State was destitute of arms. Floyd and Bu chanan had, during the past year, stripped the armo ries and sent them to their " Southern brethren." The next day an agent was sent from Boston to Eng land to purchase 25,000 stand of arms, supplied with $250,000. The State shortly after made an order to England for 5,000 English rifles. Troops continued to be raised in all parts of the Free States, not only in Few England, but throughout the West. The State of New York came to the rescue of the old flag with an enthusiasm perhaps never witnessed in the history of nations. From the 19th of May to the 12th of July the State had sent into the field 42 regiments of 36,- 000 men. It would be doing great injustice to make any comparisons between the patriots and soldiers of any section of our country; but it is but justice to say XVI..] WAR COMMENCED. 265 of the New York volunteers, that their daring exploits and valor have never been surpassed on any battle field. (For full list of soldiers furnished by each State see Appendix.) On the 3d of May, 1861, the President made a further call for 42,000 men for three years, which was cheerfully responded to. The belligerents were in the field; every Free State in the Union was unanimous upon putting down the Rebellion. The South, mean time, being well armed and prepared for the conflict, seemed to have the odds in her favor; varied success on the field had lent confidence to her leaders and en couragement to her Democratic allies in the North. The victory of the Confederates over the Union armies at Bull Run, on the 21st of July, 1861, lent new hope and vigor to the rebel armies. On the reception of the news at the South, vigorous preparations were made to push the war into the North. It was no lon ger a defensive policy, but aggressive, and Washington must fall. New York City was to be sacked; the Pal metto flag to hang from the dome of the Capitol at Washington ; the cavalry horses of the gallant soldiers of the South were to graze on Boston Common while the master called the roll of his slaves at the foot of Bunker Hill. Such were the proclamations of South ern leaders. The Peace Democrats, Conservatives and Anti-Co- ercionists (new names for a certain class of Northern Democrats, aiders and abettors of treason,) were now jubilant. Peace was their suit; "peace on any terms" they cried; "stop this cruel war ;" "compromise;" have respect for the "feelings" of our Southern brethren. Peace Commissioners and propositions of compromise found new voices to advocate their claims. The press 266 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. and leaders of the South denounced all terms of peace ; they did not want any further affiliation with the "base North ;" the " unholy Union" had been a curse to them. The following samples will illustrate this point. Jefferson Davis (President) at Montgomery, Ala- bama, on February 16th, 1861, said: " The time for compromise has now passed, and the South is determined to maintain her position and make all who oppose her smell Southern powder and feel Southern steel, if coercion is persisted in. * * Our separation from the Union is now complete. No compromise, no reconstruction, is now to be entertained." T. R. R. Cobb, of Georgia, a member of the South ern Congress, speaking of reconstruction at Atlanta, said : : " I am against it now and forever. What have we worked for? Simply a new Constitution ? No ! We sought to be relieved of the North, because they were fleecing us giving fishing bounties and otherwise squandering the public treasure and filling their pockets from our labors. " I would not unite with them if they were to bind themselves in amounts more than they are worth and give me a distress war rant to sell them out. I wish the people of Georgia to say this shall be a Slaveholding Confederacy and nothing else." The speeches of Alexander H. Stephens, in another chapter, should be read in connection with this. March 5th, 1861, Mr. Walter Brooks, of Mississippi, .quoting Davis and Stephens in the Confederate Con gress, said : ".I think I speak their sentiments on this floor; from the infor mation I am daily receiving, I do not believe there is a man in Mississippi who desires a reconstruction of this Government, or who will not fully indorse the sentiments uttered by you, Mr. President, that the separation is perfect, complete and perpet ual, and likewise the sentiments of our distinguished President of the Confederate States, when he declared that ' a reconstruc tion is neither practicable nor desirable.' " XVL] SOUTHERN LEADERS ON RECONSTRUCTION. 267 The Rebel Congress, on the 3d of February, 1862, passed the following resolutions: " WHEREAS, the United States are waging war against the Con federate States, with the avowed purpose of compelling the latter to re-unite with them under the same Constitution and Government ; and whereas, the waging of war with such an object is in direct opposition to the sound Republican maxim, that ' all Government rests upon the consent of the governed/ and can only tend to consolidation in the General Government, and the consequent destruction of the rights of the States; and whereas, this result being attained, the two sections can only exist together in the relation of the oppressor and the oppressed, because of the great preponderance of power in the Northern section, coupled with dissimilarity of interests; and whereas, we, the representatives of the people of the Confederate States, in Congress assembled, may be presumed to know the sentiments of said people, having just been elected by them: Therefore, be it Resolved, That this Congress do solemnly declare and publish to the world that it is the unalterable determination of the peo ple of the Confederate States, in humble reliance upon Almighty God, to suffer all the calamities of the most protracted war, but that they will never, on any terms, politically affiliate with a people who are guilty of an invasion of their soil and the butch ery of their citizens. " Alexander R. Boteler, of Virginia, in a speech about this time, said: "In regard to the canvass for Congress, I have been studi ously silent, as I have a special repugnance to whatever may seem like thrusting myself on the public; but you can say for me that I have consented to become a candidate, which I sup pose will be sufficient. In doing so, however, it is but proper that I should say that, having done all that I could, consistent with self-respect, to preserve the Union upon its original basis of constitutional equality, I am equally resolute in my determina tion to resist all attempts, should any be made, for its restora tion;: being unalterably opposed to reconstruction, at anytime or on any terms. This much is due to the people that I should make known before the election, so that they may be aware of the course I shall pursue if elected." - 268 ' REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Horatio Seymour, who was Governor of the State of New York, in 1862, and was in hearty sympathy and cooperation with the leaders of the Rebel Democ racy North and South; who opposed the law passed by Congress for the drafting of soldiers into the Union Army; who was the nominee for the Presidency of the Rebel Democrac}^ who met at New York on July 4th, 1868; and who was defeated in the election of November 3d following among other patriotic doc uments written and received by him received on December 24th, 18G2, from his confidential political agent and friend, George N. Sanders, of Kentucky, (also a good Democrat) the following letter: " Not only do you owe it to yourselves to repudiate every dol lar of this unconstitutional debt, but you owe it equally to your posterity to pay the half, if not all the debt the people of the South have had to incur to maintain the rights of citizens and of States in the establishment of free trade. * * * Let heart and brain into the revolution; accelerate and direct the move ment; get rid of the baboon, (or what is it?) Abraham Lincoln, pacifically if you can, but by the blood of his followers if neces sary. Withdraw your support, material and moral, from the in vading armies, and the South will make quick work with the Abolitionists that remain on her soil. Suffer no degenerate son of the South, upon however plausible a pretext, to idly embar rass your action by throwing into your way rotten planks of recon struction. Unity is no longer, possible. The very word Union, once so dear, has been made the cover of so many atrocious acts, that the mere mention of it is odious in the ears of Southern peo- pie. The State Legislatures will be called upon to obliterate the hated name from counties and towns." Seymour seemed not to have forgotten the contents of this letter when framing the clause in the National Democratic platform repudiating the National debt. The Democrats North and South were highly elated in the fall of 1862, upon the seeming success of their XVI.] SOUTHERN LEADERS ON RECONSTRUCTION. 269 cause, and in 1863 they were jubilant. They had still maintained their military power, and Richmond, their Capital. Civil affairs were undisturbed. The Demo crats of the North hailed the proclamation of Abraham Lincoln, abolishing Slavery, as a favored omen in their cause. The following samples, from leading journals and leading Democrats, are given to show how much they were in favor, at that time, of " restoration." The Richmond Dispatch on the 18th of October, 1862, contained the following: "Nor, after the sacrifices which the South has suffered at Northern hands, could she ever consent, of her own free will, to live under the same Government with that people. ' ' The blood of our murdered children would cry from the ground against their fathers if they could ever be guilty of such unnatural and monstrous ingratitude. If the South has given her blood without a murmur to this contest, it is not because she does not value that blood, but because she values freedom more than life or any earthly possession. Precious, more than aught else save her honor, are the jewels she has laid upon the altar of liberty; and never can she consent to shake hands again under one Government with men who have made so many vacant places in Southern households, and whose steel is dripping with the blood of our brethren and children. Henceforth we are two people." A series of resolutions, passed by the Legislature of North Carolina, on December 2d, 1862, contained the following : "Resolved, That the Confederate States have the means and the will to sustain and perpetuate the Government they have es tablished, and to that end North Carolina is determined to con tribute all of her power and resources. "Resolved, That the separation between the Confederate States and the United States is final, and that the people of North Car olina will never consent to reunion at any time or upon any terms." 18 270 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. On the 8th of December, 1862, Governor Letcher, of Yirginia, wrote as follows: " It cannot be that the people of the Confederate States can again entertain a feeling of affection and respect for the Govern ment of the United States. We have, therefore, separated from them; and now let it be understood that the separation is and ought to be final and irrevocable; that Virginia 'will under no circumstances entertain any proposition from any quarter which may have for its object a restoration or reconstruction of the late Union on any terms or conditions whatever.' " President Davis, in addressing the Mississippi Leg islature, on the 26th of December, 1862, as reported in thp Jackson Mississippian, said: " He alluded to it, however, as a matter of regret that the best affections of his heart should have been bestowed upon an object so unworthy; that he should have loved so long a Gov ernment which was rotten to the core. He had predicted from the beginning a fierce war, though it had assumed more gigantic proportions than he had calculated upon. He had predicted war, not because our right to secede was not an undoubted one and defined in the spirit of that declaration which rests the right to govern upon the consent of the governed, but the wickedness of the North would entail war upon the country. "The present war, waged against the rights of a free people, was unjust, and the fruit bf the evil passions of the North. In the progress of the war those evil passions have been brought out and developed; and so far from reuniting with such a peo ple a people whose ancestors Cromwell had gathered from the bogs and fens of Ireland and Scotland a people whose in tolerance produced discord and trouble wherever they went; who persecuted Catholics, Episcopalians and every other sect that did not subscribe to their bigoted and contracted notions; who hung witches, and did a thousand other things calculated to make them forever infamous. "The President was emphatic in his declaration that under no circumstances would he consent to reunion. He drew a glow ing picture of the horrors of war and the ravages of the enemy, and while his tears flowed for those who suffered, yet all these would be endured cheerfully before our manhood and our liber ties would be surrendered." XYL] SOUTHERN LEADERS ON RECONSTRUCTION. 271 In his speech, delivered at Richmond , and reported in the Richmond Enquirer of the 7th of January, 1863, Mr. Davis said: "You have shown yourselves in no respect to bo degenerate sons of your fathers. You have fought mighty battles, and your deeds of valor will live among the richest spoils of Time's ample page. It is true you have a cause which binds you together more firmly than your fathers were. They fought to be free from the usurpation of the British crown; but they fought against a manly foe. You fight the offscourings of the earth. [Applause.] * * They have come to disturb your social organizations on the plea that it is a military necessity. For what are they waging war? They say to preserve the Union . Can they preserve the Union by destroying the social existence of a portion of the South ? Do they hope to recon struct the Union by striking at everything which is dear to men ? By showing themselves so utterly disgraced that if the question was proposed to you whether you would combine with hyenas or Yankees, I trust every Virginian would say, give me the hyenas. [Cries of l good! good.! ' and applause.] " The following is from the Richmond Dispatch of January llth, 1863: " Eeconstruction ! Can they reconstruct the family circles which they have broken? Can they reconstruct the fortunes which they have scattered ? Can they reconstruct the bodies of our dead kindred, which by tens of thousands they have de stroyed ? When they can do this they can reconstruct the old Union. When they can do this when they can breathe the breath of life into the pallid faces of our sons and brothers, and restore them once more, living and happy, to our desolate fire sides, they may dream of bringing back that Union, whose only principle of cohesion was the mutual love and confidence of its people. * * * ' ' We warn the Democrats and conservatives of the North to dis miss from their minds at once the miserable delusion that the South can ever consent to enter again, upon any terms, the old Union. If the North will allow us to write the conditions ourselves, and give us every guarantee we would ask, we would sooner be under the Gov ernment of England or France than under a Union with men who 272 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. have shown that they cannot keep good faith, and are the most bar barous and inhuman, as well as treacherous of mankind. "If the reconstructionists want peace, they can easily have it upon the terms on which they could have always had it letting us alone. We ask neither more nor less. We are making no war on them. We are not invading their territory, nor giving their homes to the flames, their populations to prison and the sword, their women to a fate worse than death. Let us alone ! That is all we ask. Let us alone, and peace will return once more to bless a distracted land ! But do not expect us to degrade ourselves and cast dishonor upon the graves of our kindred by ever returning to the embrace of those whose hands are dripping with the tears and blood of our people." Alexander H. Stephens, as reported in the Rich mond Dispatch of the 23d of July, 1863, said: " As for reconstruction, such a thing was impossible such an idea must not be tolerated for an instant. Reconstruction would not end the war, but would produce a more horrible war than that in which we are now engaged. The only terms on which we can obtain permanent peace is final and complete separation from the North. Bather than submit to anything short of that, let us all resolve to die like men worthy of freedom." Robert Toombs, a leading Southern man, and mem ber of the " Southern Confederate " Congress, wrote as follows : " WASHINGTON, G-a., August 17th, 1863. " My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 15th instant, asking my authority to contradict the report that ' I am in favor of recon struction/ was received this evening. I can conceive of no ex tremity to which my country could be reduced in which I would for a single moment entertain any proposition for any union with the North on any terms whatever. When all else is lost, I pre fer to unite with the thousands of our own countrymen who have found honorable deaths, if not graves, on the battle field. Use this letter as you please. " Very truly, your friend, etc., "R. TOOMBS. " Dr. A. Bees, Americus, Ga." XVI.] SOUTHERN LEADERS ON SECESSION. 273 In 1864, Governor Zebulon B. Vance, of North Car olina, in a speech delivered at Wilksboro, said: " It is a favorite idea with a great many, that possibly the old order of things could be restored; that our rights under that Constitution could be guaranteed to us, and everything move on peacefully as before the war. My friends, there are a great many desirable things ; but the question, not what may be wished, but what may be obtained, is the one reasonable men may consider. It is desirable to have a lovely wife and plenty of pretty children; but every man can't have them. I tell you now, candidly, there is no more possibility of reconstructing the old Union and reinstating things as they were four years ago, than exists .for you to gather up the scattered bones of your sons who have fallen in this struggle, from one end of the country to the other, re-clothe them with flesh, fill their veins with the blood they have so generously shed, and their lungs with the same breath with which they breathed out their last prayer for their country's triumph, and independence." [Immense ap plause.] Abraham Lincoln's Amnesty Proclamation being discussed by the Richmond Dispatch of March, 1864, that paper said : " No one, however, knows better than Abraham Lincoln that any terms he might offer the Southern people, which contem plate their restoration to his bloody and brutal Govermeni, T, T ould be rejected with scorn and execration. If, instead of devoting to death our President and military and civil officers, lie had proposed to make Jeff. Davis his successor, Lee Commander-in- Chief of the Yankee armies, and our domestic institutions, not only recognized at home, but readopted in the Free States, provided the South would once more enter the Yankee Union, there is not a man, woman or child in the Confederacy who would not spit upon the proposition. We desire no companionship upon any terms with a Nation of robbers and mur derers. The miscreants, whose atrocities in this war have caused the whole civilized world to shudder, must keep henceforth their distance. They shall not be our masters, and we would not have them for our slaves." The most remarkable feature in the Secession move- 274 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. merit, during any period of the rebellion, was the atti tude assumed, and the doctrines advocated, by the quasi-tr&itoT, Fernando Wood, the Mayor of New York City. It is undeniable that his official position in the great commercial city of New York gave him great power for either good or evil, and that his influence was exerted to the fullest extent to overthrow the Government, none can doubt; and it is but a want of a knowledge of his" infamous record that shields his name from an association with those of James Bu chanan, John B. Floyd, and Alexander H. Stephens, as the vilest enemy of human liberty. But the record is made up against him; and that those who are not familiar with his treasonable history may have it before them, his written Address to the Common Council of New York City, in his official capacity, is here given. Hear the Apostle of Modern Democracy ; he discourses with the logic and the prophecy of a Stephens. The following is Mayor Wood's recommendation of the Secession of New York City, January 6th, 1861: "To the Honorable, the Common Council: ( ' GENTLEMEN We are entering upon the public duties of the year under circumstances as unprecedented as they are gloomy and painful to contemplate. * '* It would seem that a dissolution of the Federal Union is in evitable. Having been formed originally on a basis of general and mutual protection, but separate local independence each State reserving the entire and absolute control of its own do mestic affairs it is evidently impossible to keep them together longer than they deem themselves fairly treated by each other, or longer than the interests, honor and fraternity of the people of the several States are satisfied. Being a Government created by opinion, its continuance ic dependent upon the continuance of the sentiment which, formed it. It cannot be preserved by coercion or held togetber by force. A resort to this last dread ful alternative would of itself not only destroy the Government, but the lives and property of the people. XVI.] FERNANDO WOOD ON SECESSION. 275 "If these forebodings shall be realized, and a separation of the States shall occur, momentous considerations will be pre sented to the corporate authorities of this city. We must pro vide for the new relations which will necessarily grow out of the new condition of public affairs. "It will not only be necessary for us to settle the relations which we shall hold to other cities and States, but to establish, if we can, new ones with a portion of our own State. Being a child of the Union, having drawn our sustenance from its bosom, and arisen to our present power and strength through the vigor of our mother, when deprived of her maternal advantages, we must rely upon our own resources, and assume a position predi cated upon the new phase which public affairs will present, and upon the inherent strength which our geographical, commercial, political, and financial pre-eminence imparts to us. " With our aggrieved brethren of the Slave States we have friendly relations and a common sympathy. We have not par ticipated in the warfare upon their constitutional rights or their domestic institutions. While other portions of our State have unfortunately been imbued with the fanatical spirit which actu ates a portion of the people of New England, the City of New York has unfalteringly preserved the integrity of its principles in adherence to the compromises of the Constitution and the equal rights of the people of all the States. " It is, however, folly to disguise the fact that, judging from the past, New York may have more cause of apprehension from the aggressive legislation of our own State than from external dangers. We have already largely suffered from this cause. For the past five years our interests and corporate rights have been repeatedly trampled upon. Being an integral portion of the State, it has been assumed, and in effect tacitly admitted on our part by non-resistance, that all political and governmental power over us rested in the State Legislature. Even the com mon right of taxing ourselves for our own government has been yielded, and we are not permitted to do so without this authority. * " Thus it will be seen that the political connection between the people of the City and the State has been used by the latter to our injury. The Legislature, in which the present partisan majority has the power, has become the instrument by which we are plundered to enrich their speculators, lobby agents, and 276 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Abolition politicians. Laws are passed,, through their malign influence, by which, under forms of legal enactment, our bur dens have been increased, our substance eaten out, and our mu nicipal liberties destroyed. Self-government, though guaranteed by the State Constitution, and left to every other county and city, has been taken from us by this foreign power, whose de-' pendents have been sent among us to destroy our liberties by subverting our political system. '* How we shall rid ourselves of this odious and oppressive connection it is not for me to determine. It is certain that a dissolution cannot be peacefully accomplished, except by the consent of the Legislature itself. Whether this can be obtained or not is, in my judgment, doubtful. Deriving so much advan tage from its power over the city, it is not probable that a parti san majority will consent to a separation. * * Much, no doubt, can be said in favor of the justice and policy of a separation. It may be said that secession or revolution in any of the United States would be subversive of all Federal author ity, and so far as the Central Government is concerned, the re solving of the community into its original elements that, if part of the States form new combinations and Governments, other States may do the same. California, and her sisters of the Pa cific, will no doubt set up an independent Kepublic, and hus band their own rich mineral resources. The Western States, equally rich in cereals and other agricultural products, will prob ably do the same. Then it may be said, why should not New York City, instead of supporting by her contributions in revenue two-thirds of the expenses of the United States, become also equally independent ? As a free city, with but nominal duty on imports, her local government could be supported without taxa tion upon her people. Thus we could live free from taxes, and have cheap goods nearly duty free. In this she would have the whole and united support of the United States, as well as all the other States to whose interests and rights under the Constitution she has always been true. "It is well for individuals or communities to look every dan ger square in the face, and to meet it calmly and bravely. Aa dreadful as the severing of the bonds that have hitherto united the States has been in contemplation, it is now apparently a stern and inevitable fact. We have now to meet it with all the conse quences, whatever they may be. If the confederacy is brokec XVL] FERNANDO WOOD ON SECESSION. 277 up the Government is dissolved, and it behooves every distinct community, as well as every individual, to take care of them selves. "When Disunion has become a fixed and certain fact, why may not New York disrupt the bands which bind her to a venal and corrupt master to a people and a party that have plundered her revenues, attempted to ruin her commerce, taken away the power of self-government, and destroyed the confederacy of which she was the proud Empire City ? Amid the gloom which the present and prospective condition of things must cast over the country, New York, as a Free City, may shed the only light and hope of a future reconstruction of our once blessed con federacy. " FEENANDO WOOD, Mayor. "January 6th, 1861." " Dissolution of the Federal Union is inevitable/' The States cannot, he says, remain together longer than they consider themselves fairly treated. It is a Gov ernment created by opinion, and it is dependent upon the sentiment which formed it. "It cannot be pre served by coercion," for this would destroy lives and property. The "Corporate authorities" (Wood at their head) would have momentous considerations to "'ponder" upon, and must, as a city, rely upon their " inherent strength," and act " with our aggrieved brethren of the Slave- States." The city is unfortu nately imbued with a spirit such as " actuates a por tion of the people of New England;" but New York has been unfalteringly true to the spirit of Compromise. New York has cause for alarm from aggressive legis lation from her own State; "she has already largely suffered." The State Legislature has robbed the city to support "Lobby agents and Abolition politicians;" and the "foreign power" has subverted the liberty of the city, and the "momentous" question is: "How shall we rid ourselves of the odious and oppressive 278 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. connection?" Of this vile State Government, much, very much, can be said in "favor of the justice and policy of the separation." 11 California and her sister States of the Pacific will no doubt set up an independent Republic," and with this glorious prospect before us, and the fact that the "Western States, rich in " cereals," will become another separate Republic, why, therefore, should New York longer bear the burden of the unnatural Union? Why not she become independent? The confederacy of the States being broken up, "it behooves every com munity as well as every individual, to take care of themselves." Let New York City, therefore, " disrupt the bands which bind her to a venal and corrupt mas ter," and in coming ages, amid the gloom and deso lation spread over the land, "New York, as a Free City, may shed the only light and hope of a future recon struction of our once blessed confederacy." Mr. Wood has, since the promulgation of this doc trine, been elected to Congress from New York City, and is supposed to be the ablest exponent of the prin ciples of the Modern .Democracy in the State of New York; indeed, it is said that he has but one equal in the city, and that is his colleague in the National Con gress, the Hon. John Morrissey (pugilist), who some times embellishes his subjects with striking illustrations of physical Democracy. The light that may be shed from New York City upon the body politic of the American Republic will evidently not be very luminous while the people of that city continue to elect to the National Congress men of the contracted notions and shallow calibre of Fernando Wood. The establishment of a National Bureau of Education, with an army of Federal teach XYL] FERNANDO WOOD ON SECESSION. 279 ers, with compulsory laws, pains and penalties, until "Wood's constituents could read and write, would doubt less improve the Tammany Democracy and expand the ideas of the supporters of Morrissey and Wood to a conception of things beyond the purlieus of the Five Points and the corporate limits of New York City. The war at each progressive step was growing more gigantic ; success on either side only inspired the com batants with hope. Much of the dress parade and tinsel show of the first few months had passed away, and each side became inured to dangers and hard ships, only to regard them as the necessary part of the duty of a soldier; but when the terrible surge of mighty bodies of belligerent men came together, and the slain were counted by thousands, the Nation be came appalled at the magnitude of the conflict. The great body of the armies upon either side were kept under the military rules of civilized nations ; but throughout the whole country secret organizations of the friends of the South were in constant activity. The armies were undergoing constant change ; the in competent or unsuccessful were displaced to give room to those whose chances of success were thought to be more certain. Particularly was this so with the Union army, whose leaders, or head, during the first few years, failed of accomplishing any National victories, and were displaced, only in time to save the Nation from ruin ; and hand the armies over to those possessed of more vigor, and of more patriotism. The policy of the Government during the first two years of the war, was tempered with moderation and " conservatism," to suit the notions of the most fastid ious respecting the " feelings" of their brethren at the South. The negro made his appearance about the 280 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. armies, and sought escape and refuge among the Union soldiers. But orders from the commanding Generals were to return the "chattel" to his master, for the doctrine was that the war was not one of " subjuga tion or abolition" that it was only to retake the Fed eral property in the rebellious States, and restore the authority of Federal laws. It was not at first thought expedient to place the " chattel" (negro) upon the contraband list, and he was protected and restored to his master. But as time progressed, and the enemy not only used this species of merchandise for barter, sale, and general usefulness, but employed it in producing the necessaries of suste nance for the army, casting of cannon, shot and shell, building forts, and acting as teamsters, cooks, and gen eral workers about the armies, the fact of their con traband character pressed itself upon the leaders in the field ; still the Administration was loth to change its position upon this subject. Finally the true nature of this property was defined as "contraband" and as such was subject to capture and confiscation. During the year 1862, and while the inactivity of the Union armies and the defiant attitude of the rebel armies caused great despondency throughout the Free States, a great pressure was brought to bear upon the Administration at Washington to pro claim emancipation of all slaves coming within the lines of the armies of the Union, or a universal eman cipation of all the slaves in the Union. But the Exec utive answered that without Federal authority in the Slave States, sufficient to enforce such a law, it would be inoperative and but a source of irritation to a certain class both North and South. The agents of the Confederacy abroad made use of this position. XVI.] EMANCIPATION" AGITATION. 281 They said to the statesmen of Europe (when they re fused to recognize the Confederacy with Slavery in it) that it was not the intention nor the desire of the Gov ernment of the United States to interfere with Slavery. The Administration was aware that Slavery and the slave power must in the future, as in the past, continue to be the great disturbing element of the Nation, and determined that at least in such parts of the country as the Federal armies would have to conquer in order to establish the Federal laws, that unless the people of such places in arms against the Federal ru- thority, should, within a certain specified- time, lay down their arms and return to their allegiance, he (the President) would declare all slaves within such, limits free forever, and to this end the President, on the 22d of September, 1862, issued his proclamation, and in conformity to its terms, did, on the 1st day of January, 1863, issue the following Emancipation Proclamation: " WHEREAS, On the 22d day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit: " That on the 1st day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any States or designated part of a State, the peo ple whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward,, and forever free; and the Execu tive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the free dom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. " That the Executive will, on the first day of January afore said, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith 282 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the ab sence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive e'vidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States. ' ' Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in- Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and Government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly pro claim, for the full period of one hundred clays, from the day first above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States therein the people thereof respectively are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit: "Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, except the parishes of St. Ber nard, Plaquemine, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, La Fourche, St. Marie, St. Martin, and Orleans (including the City of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabana, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty-eight counties desig nated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkley, Acco- mac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth) and which excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued. " And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States and parts of States are and henceforward shall be free; and that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recog nize and maintain the freedom of said persons. " And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. " And I further declare and make known that such persons, of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of XVI.] EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 283 the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. " And upon this act, sincerely believed *-o be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind, and the gracious favor of Almighty God. "In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my name, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the City of "Washington, this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- [L.S.] three, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. "ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "By* the President: "War. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State." The announcement of these proclamations had a great effect upon the Nation, and caused a wider "breach between the two political parties than any event since the commencement of the war. The " Southern heart" was "fired" with resentment against the "Abolition Crusade," and their armies rallied with renewed vigor to protect the "reserved rights of Sovereign States." It was a bomb-shell in the camp of the Democratic wing of the Federal army, who pronounced the war an u Abolition raid to place the negro upon an eqaality with the ivhite man" Officers of Democratic proclivities tore off their shoulder-straps, threw up their commissions, left the army, retired to their homes, and joined the ranks of the "peace men" and "anti-coercionists" in opposing enlistments and throwing every obstacle in their power against the Administration. At the State elections in the fall of that year, large Democratic gains were the result, and fears were entertained that at last Mr. Lincoln had made a fatal error, and that a permanent separation of the Slave States and their ac knowledgment as an independent nation would be the result. 284 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. The great mass of the people of the Free States who had participated in Lincoln's election, and whose ideas of human liberty and Republican Government abhorred the incubus of Slavery and the doctrine of peaceable Secession, rallied with renewed energy. The pulpit, the press and the people proclaimed for this first step towards a permanent peace, and a Nation not merely Republican in name, for in this they saw the beginning of the end of Slavery in America; and, although the proclamation was confined to certain districts, and left Slavery in the Border States and all States and parts of States in which the Federal authority was not resisted on the first day of January, 1863, yet as an advent in the history of progress in National authority over a subject, which of all others had distracted and defied the Government, it received the approbation and sup port of the entire Republican party, who, despite dis couragements attending its announcement, redoubled their efforts in men and money; and from that date forward the power of the Government increased stead ily, until the final surrender of the Confederate armies, the restoration of peace, and the adoption of the thir teenth amendment to the Federal Constitution, abolish ing Slavery, without reservation or condition, in all the States and Territories within the Republic. The National legislation, during the years 1861-2, was principally devoted to measures pertaining to the war then raging, and to the support and equipment of the vast army and navy so suddenly called into exist ence. - It made heavy demands upon the treasury, and the depleted condition of finances on the Repub licans coming into power was a sad blow to the Gov ernment. The success of the Union army, and the ready sup- XVI.] EMANCIPATION IN AMERICA. 285 port rendered by the people, was in a great measure due to the wisdom and harmony exhibited by the Ex ecutive and Legislative branches of the Government. In legislation pertaining to war measures, Congress was always ahead of the Executive, and the people al ways ahead of both. Mr. Lincoln's policy, from the first, seemed to be to follow in the footsteps of the people, rather than to lead in measures before the popular mind was prepared to receive them; and to this, in a great measure, must be attributed his popu larity and success. Still, while Mr. Lincoln could not be called a leader of the people, he was firm in his po sition, and his policy in reference to National legisla tion and the requirements of the times was in full sympathy with the views of the Republican party, and while some of the more radical (so called) declared loudly against his Administration as lacking energy, the mass of the people had unbounded confidence that his heart was in the work before him, and that his apparent stoicism was a better guarantee of success than would be a more radical position. He had told the people in the campaign of 1860 that "the country could not live half free and half slave," but for his part he " believed in the perpetuity of the Union." That the reader may better understand the views of the Executive, some extracts are here given from his first Message to Con gress, on the 4th of July, 1861. He said: " It is thus seen that the assault upon and the reduction of Fort Sumter was, in no sense, a matter of self-defense on the part of the assailants. They well knew that the garrison in the fort could, by no possibility, commit aggression upon them. They knew they were expressly notified that the giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of the garrison was all which would on that occasion be attempted, unless they themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more. They knew that this 19 286 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Government desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but merely to maintain its visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and immediate dissolu tion trusting, as herein before stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot-box for final adjustment; and they assailed and reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object to drive out the visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolution. That this was their object, the Executive well understood; and having said to them, in the Inaugural Address: ' You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggress ors/ he took pains not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of ingenious soph istry as that the world should not be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter with its surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the Government began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight, or in expectancy, to return their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced upon the country the distinct issue * Immediate dissolution or blood.' " And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a Constitutional Republic or Democracy a Government of the people by the same people can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether discontented individuals, too few in num bers to control administration according to organic law in any case, can always upon the pretenses made in this case, or any other pretense, or arbitrarily without any pretense, break up their Government, and thus practically put an end to free gov ernment upon the earth. It forces us to ask: ' Is there, in all Republics, this inherent and fatal weakness ?' ' ' Must a Government of necessity be too strong for the liber ties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence ? " So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power of the Government, and so to resist force employed for its destruction by force for its preservation. * * " Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when all shall have seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite iust to creditors ? Did we notify them of this sage view of XVI.] LINCOLN'S VIEWS ON SECESSION. 287 ours wlien we borrowed their money ? If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if others choose to go, or to extort terms upon which they will promise to remain. *' The seceders insist that our Constituion admits of Secession. They have assumed to make a National Constitution of their own, in which, of -necessity, they have either discarded or retained the right of Secession as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded it they thereby admit that, on principle, it ought not to be in ours. If they have retained it by their own construction of ours, they show that to be consistent they must secede from one another whenever they shall find it the easiest way of set tling their debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust object. The principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no Government can possibly endure. " If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of Secession politicians would at once deny the power and denounce the act as the greatest outrage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being called ' driving the one out,' should be called c the seceding of all the others from that one/ it would be exactly what the seceders claim to do, un less, indeed, they make the point that the one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do what the others, because they are a majority, may not rightfully do. These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of minorities. They are not partial to that power which made the Constitution, and speaks from the preamble, calling itself, ' we, the people/ * * " The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the provision, that ' the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican form of government/ But, if a State may lawfully go out of the Union, having done so, it may also discard the Republican form of government; so that to pre vent its going out is an indispensable means to the end of main taining the guarantee mentioned; and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the indispensable means to it are also lawful and ob ligatory. " It was with the deepest regret that the Executive found the duty of employing the war power in defense of the Government. No compromise by public servants could in this case be a cure. Not that compromises are not often proper, but that no popular 288 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Government can long survive a marked precedent that those who carry an election can only save the Government from im mediate destruction by giving up the main point upon which the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not their servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions." The years 1861, 1862, and 1863 had passed away, producing vast results in the progress of the war. In competent and unsuccessful leaders of the army had given room to those who executed military affairs as if they meant to inflict punishment upon the enemy. " Young Napoleon" (George B. McClellan) had lost the tinsel of his dress parade notoriety. The armies were led by the gallant Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, Thomas, and others. Many Hard fought battles had told the immensity of the struggle. Leaders of the rebel forces had undergone little change, and thoe having the command of their armies exhibited a skill and energy worthy of a holier cause. During all these three eventful years, the Congress and the Executive, working in harmony with the ex pressed sentiments of the people of the Free States, had managed to regulate the finances of the Nation so that ample funds to carry on the war were attainable. The able statesmanship of the Secretary of State,. W. H. Seward, had steered the Ship of State clear of all foreign entanglements, which for a time seemed to presage serious foreign difficulties. Meantime the Re publican party of the North were growing more deter mined that the flag of their country should float over every fort and foot of soil possessed by the rebels, and the Congress and Executive backed up the sentiment in their urgent appeals to the people to sacrifice all, but never to abandon the hope of subduing the enemy. The breaking out of the war was the signal for XVL] ENERGY OF THE REPUBLICANS. 289 thousands of Democrats to join the party in power, and to enter the ranks of the Union Army, or at home to aid the cause by all means in their power; but a very large party throughout the Free States, known as " Peace Democrats," " Anti-Coercionists" and "Con servatives," not only did not aid nor sympathize with the war party, but by all means at their disposal offered every opposition in and out of office, to thwart the Administration and the army in the field; indeed the whole Democratic party which did not affiliate with the people in putting down the Rebellion, and they formed the mass of the Democrats North, and all the Democrats South, were active in denouncing the war as an "Abolition Crusade," in opposing the enlistment of soldiers, in calling for Conventions, and declaring the war a "miserable failure;" in writing the most bitter articles against the' Administration, appealing to the prejudices and passions of their party and when a draft was necessary in openly defying and violating the law. Throughout the whole North, public meetings were held, at which leading Democrats took the most radi cal grounds against the war carried on for the Union. Private organizations were instituted, and, in order to accomplish their object, conspiracies were entered into for the destruction of the civil and military officers of the Government. As early as June 12th, 1861, one of their agents had been arrested in the City of Wash ington for poisoning water and supplying it to Union soldiers. They made agreements among themselves to ,poison the reservoirs of water for the use of Northern cities, entered into incendiary projects to burn all the cities of the North; and to the close of the war, they carried these fiendish schemes into operation. The plot 200 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. for burning New York City, on the 25th of November, 1864, will be somewhat illustrated by the following extract from the confession of Robert Kennedy, made immediately before his execution: "After my escape from Johnson's Island, I went to Canada, where I met a number of Confederates. They asked me if I wa"s willing to go on an expedition. I replied: ' Yes, if it is in the service of my country/ They said: 'It is all right/ but gave me no intimation of its nature, nor did I ask for any. I was then sent to New York, where I stayed for some time. There were eight men in our party, of whom two fled to Canada. After we had been in New York three weeks, we were told that the object of the expedition was to retaliate on the North for the atrocities in the Shenandoah Valley. It was designed to set fire to the city on the night of the Presidential election; but the phosphorus was not ready, and it was put off until the 25th of November. I was stopping at the Belmont House, but moved into Prince Street. I set fire to four places Barnum's Museum, Lovejoy's Hotel, Tammany Hotel, and the New England House. The others only started fires where each was lodging, and then ran off. Had they all done as I did, we would have had thirty- two fires, and played a huge joke on the Fire Department. I know that I am to be hung for setting fire to Barnum's Museum, but that was only a joke. I had no idea of doing it. I had been drinking, and went in there with a friend; and, just to scare the people, I emptied a bottle of phosphorus on the floor. "We knew it wouldn't set fire to the wood, for we had tried it be fore, and at one time had concluded to give the whole thing up. " There was no fiendishness about it. 1 After setting fire to my four places, I walked the streets all night, and went to the Ex change Hotel early in the morning. We all met there that morning and the next night. My friend and I had rooms there, but we sat in the office nearly all the time, reading the papers, while we were watched by the detectives, of whom the hotel was full. I expected to die then, and if I had, it would have been all right; but now it seems rather hard. I escaped to Canada, and was glad enough when I crossed the bridge in safety. " I desired, however, to return to my command, and started with my friend for the Confederacy via Detroit. Just before entering the city he received an intimation that the detectives XVI.] PLOTS TO BURN NORTHERN CITIES. 291 were on the lookout for us, and, giving me a signal, he jumped from the cars. I didn't notice the signal, but kept on, and was arrested in the depot. o had not given vent to their " feelings" of sympa thy for their " brethren of the South," howled the veri est treason from every hall and street corner in the city where they could find an audience. C. L. Val- landigham, who had been banished from the country for treason, but had returned by way of Canada, was on the Committee to draft a platform. Gen. McClellan was nominated for the Presidency on the first ballot, and George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, was nominated for the Yice-Presidency. The platform adopted was as follows: " Resolved, That in the future, as in the past, we will adhere with unswerving fidelity to the Union under the Constitution, as XVIII.] DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM OF 1864. 321 the only solid foundation of our strength, security, and happi ness as a people, and as a frame-work of Government equally conducive to the welfare and prosperity of all the States, both Northern and Southern. Resolved, That this Convention does explicitly declare, as the sense of the American people, that after four years of failure lo restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretense of a military necessity of a war power higher than the Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disre garded in every part, and public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country essen tially impaired. Justice, humanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostil ities, with a view to an ultimate Convention of all the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal Union of the States. "Resolved, That the direct interference of the military author ity of the United States, in the recent elections held in Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, and Delaware, was a shameful violation of the Constitution; and the repetition of such acts in the approach ing election will be held as revolutionary, and resisted with all the means and power under our control. "Resolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to preserve the Federal Union and the rights of the States unimpaired; and they hereby declare that they consider the administrative usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous pow ers not granted by, the Constitution, the subversion of the civil by military law in States not in insurrection, the arbitrary mili tary arrest, imprisonment, trial, and sentence, of American citi zens in States where civil law exists in full force, the suppression of freedom of speech and of the press, the denial of the right of asylum, the open and avowed disregard of State rights, the employment of test-oaths, and the interference with and denial of the right of the people to bear arms, as calculated to prevent a restoration of the Union and the perpetuation of a government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed. "Resolved, That the shameful disregard of the Administration to its duty, in respect to our fellow citizens who now and long have been prisoners of war in a suffering condition, deserves the severest reprobation, on the score alike of public interest and common humanity. 322 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. "Resolved, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is heartily and earnestly extended to the soldiery of our army, who are and have been in the field under the flag of our country; and in the event of our attaining power, they will receive all the care and protection, regard and kindness, that the brave soldiers of the Republic have so nobly earned." McClellan being informed of his nomination, ac cepted the same in a letter written at Orange, New Jersey, September 8th, in which among other things, he said that love for the Constitution and laws of his country have been and must continue to be the guide of his life. " The preservation of our Union was the sole object for which the war was commenced; it should have been conducted for that object only, and in accordance with those principles, which I took occasion to declare when in active service. (?) The Union was originally formed by the exercise of the spirit of conciliation and compromise." The two great political parties were now again be fore the people, with principles as opposite as they were in 1860. The Democrats in the National Congress almost to a man, had, during the period of the war, opposed every measure of that body in support of a prosecution of the war; and the whole Democratic party now rallied round the standard of the " Young Na poleon," upon whose banners was inscribed: " Peace," li Conciliation," u Compromise." Meantime the Union armies in the field were reaping victories. Election day came on November 8th. Gen. McClellan had sent in his resignation as Major- General in the Army of the United States, (he had still held his commission in the army,) which was accepted by the following Order: "WAR DEPARTMENT, Washington, Nov. 14th, 1864. " Ordered by the President: " 1st. That the resignation of George B. McClellan, as Major- XVIIL] PEESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1864. 323 General in the United States Army, dated November 8th, and received by the Adjutant-General on the 10th inst., be accepted as of the 8th of November. 2d. That for personal gallantry, military skill, and just confi dence in the courage and patriotism of his troops displayed by Philip H. Sheridan, on the 19th of October, at Cedar Run, whereby, under the blessing of .Providence, his routed army was reorganized, a great national disaster averted, and a brilliant victory achieved over the rebels for the third time in pitched battle within thirty days, Philip H. Sheridan is appointed Major- General in the United States Army, to rank as such from the 8th day of November, 1864. " By order of the President of the United States. " E, D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General." In the election of 1864, 25 States voted, and 11 were not represented. The total vote cast was 4,000,850, of which Lincoln received 2,203,831; and McClellan, 1,797,019. Lincoln's majority, 406,812. The 25 States represented, gave 234 votes in the Electoral College, of which Lincoln received 213, McClellan 21. Lincoln's majority, 192. McClellan carried only three States out of the 25 ; two of these were Slave States. He carried Kentucky, by 36,000; New Jersey, by 7,300; and Delaware by 610 votes. (For full list of votes, see Appendix.) This was the greatest achievement of the Union party since the war began. All the victories of the three past years together could not equal this unanimous verdict of twenty-two States out of the twenty-five that the war must go on until those in arms against Federal authority submitted to the laws. A prominent feature of Democratic policy was hos tility to the coercive measures of the Administration party, and a firm belief that by conciliatory measures and compromises the war would cease and the Union be restored as it woe. 324 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. The policy of the Executive and the whole Repub lican party was that the American Government was at war with a party in arms against the law of the land, who had of their own acts, without provocation or at tack, levied war; that the laws of the United States were the paramount laws of the land, and that one condition must be complied with by those in rebellion, and that until it was complied with, no Convention, compromise, or anything looking towards it, could be thought of. That condition was, that the people of the South lay down their arms; and this policy was now, by the re-election of Mr. Lincoln, fully endorsed as the policy of the Administration. At this period the whole country was in a blaze of patriotic excitement. The Administration was strengthened by this unani mous support by the people. The news of the victory of the Republican party reached the Army and Navy, and was caught up with shouts of applause and general rejoicing. The whole country now looked the subject squarely in the face, and prepared themselves for a final struggle. What ever the consequences might be the war must go on, was the universal exclamation of the Republican party. Twice the American people fought for liberty upon their own soil, and each time came out victorious. "Would it now be said that a flag foreign to the American Nation floated over forts and public buildings, in defiance of law, and which could not be repossessed by the Gov ernment? Must the stars and stripes be hauled down, never to be raised again upon the soil over which they led the hosts of liberty to victory? Must a foreign and hostile Government be built upon the ruins of the American Republic? Must the horizon of National glory be dimmed by eleven of the stars forming the XVIIL] THE WAR SPIRIT OF 1864. 325 galaxy of States being stricken by a rebel hand, from the blue field of the symbol of American Liberty? And must the "old flag," rent by the cruel hand of civil war, droop mournfully as an emblem of American degeneracy the scoff and ridicule of European Na tions? Such were the questions American patriots asked themselves, and the response came up from the heart as it swelled with pride and indignation the old flag shall float over every foot of American soil, and not a star shall le Hotted or dimmed ly any power opposed to America , from without or within the Union! The second session of the 38th Congress met on the 6th of December, 1864. At this time National affairs presented signs of increasing power. The great accu mulation of war material, the increased strength of the Army and Navy, together with the march of the Union Armies towards the heart of the Rebellion, indicated a hopeful prospect of a speedy and certain end of. the war. Gen. Sherman was on his " march through' Georgia." His immense army, passing over a stretch of country 300 miles to the sea, was reaping golden harvests of victory, which have placed the name and memory of Wm. T. Sherman foremost in the ranks of the most dashing and successful military heroes of any age. Gen. Thomas was dealing severe punishment to the rebels in Tennessee. Sheridan, Kilpatrick, and a le gion of others, were sweeping over Southern fields, sending in wild disorder before their fleet cavalry the affrighted and awe-stricken hosts of the South. Par ticularly brilliant were the achievements of the king of cavalrymen, Philip H. Sheridan, who swept, like stubble from the field, all that opposed him, as like a whirlwind he dashed down the Shenandoah Valley. 326 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Gen. Grant , firm as a rock, was working his way inch by inch to the fountain of the Rebellion. He was encircling Lee's Army, had cut off the Weldon rail road, and was in possession of the key to Richmond, to which he held with a death grip. Meantime, the Navy showed a most efficient condition, not only in the number of ships and men, but in the great improve ments in naval architecture. The powerful ironclads which now guarded the thousands of miles of sesi-coast, and that were battering down Southern forts, were the most formidable floating batteries in the world. 671 vessels, carrying 4,610 guns and about 51,000 men, were in the naval service, and 324 vessels of the enemy, and carrying contraband cargoes, had been captured during the year; and a total of 1,379 vessels had been captured from the beginning of the war to December, 1864 267 of these being steamers. The proceeds from condemned prizes were $14,396,250. There had been expended on account of the Navy, for the build ing of the fleet of ships, as well as all other expenses, from the 4th of March, 1861, to November 1st, 1864, the sum of $238,647,262. The Post Office showed a healthy condition, and now that the North was relieved from paying the expenses of carrying the Southern mails, this branch of the pub lic service was upon a paying basis. Hopeful prospects of the passage of the bill to amend the Constitution to abolish Slavery within the whole jurisdiction of the United States was entertained. (This has since passed, and is now the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution.) The State of Nevada had been admitted into the Union. The project of the rebels to capture the steamers between New York and Aspinwall, and XYIIL] LINCOLN'S ANNUAL MESSAGE, 1864. 827 those between Panama and San Francisco, had been discovered and successfully frustrated; and the " Mon roe Doctrine," asserted in reference to affairs in Mex ico, was strictly maintained. The condition of the country generally was prosperous; large harvests, and active employment for all classes of industry, with a spirit of enterprise and speculation, gave greater activ ity to every branch of trade than had been known for many years. To illustrate the hopeful views of the Executive, a few extracts from his annual message of the 6th of December, 1864, are here given: "Again, the blessings of health and abundant harvests claim our profoundest gratitude to Almighty God. The condition of our foreign affairs is reasonably satisfactory. Mexico continues to be a theatre of civil war. While our political relations with that country have undergone no change, we have, at the same time, strictly maintained neutrality between the two belligerents. * * The war continues. Since the last annual message, all the important lines and positions then occupied by our forces have been maintained, and our arms have steadily advanced; thus liberating the regions left in the rear, so that Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and parts of other States, have again produced reasonable crops. "The most remarkable feature in the military operations of the year is Gen. Sherman's attempted march of three hundred miles directly through the insurgent region. It tends to show a great increase of our relative strength that our General-in-Chief should feel able to confront and hold in check every active force of the enemy, and yet to detach a well appointed large army to move on such an expedition. The result is not yet being known; conjecture in regard to it, is not indulged. '" Important movements have also occurred during the year to the effect of moulding society for durability in the Union. Although short of complete success, it is much in the right direc tion, that twelve thousand citizens in each of the States of Ar kansas and Louisiana have organized State Governments, with free Constitutions, and are earnestly struggling to maintain and 328 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. administer them. The movements in the same direction, more extensive, though less definite, in Missouri, Kentucky, and Ten nessee, should not be overlooked. But Maryland presents the example of complete success. Maryland is secure to Liberty and Union for all the future. The genius of Eebellion will no more claim Maryland. Like another foul spirit, being driven out, it may seek to tear her, but it will woo Her no more. * * Of course, the abstract question is not changed; but an inter vening election shows, almost certainly, that the next Congress will pass the measure if this does not. Hence there is only a question of time, as to when the proposed amendment will go to the States for their action. And as it is to go, at all events, may we not agree that the sooner the better ? " It is now claimed that the election has imposed a duty on members to change their views or their votes, any further than, as an additional element to be considered, their judgment may be effected by it. It is the voice of the people now, for the first time, heard upon the question. In a great national crisis like ours, unanimity of action among those seeking a common end is very desirable, almost indispensable. And yet no approach to such unanimity is attainable unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority. In this case, the common end is the maintenance of the Union; and, among the means to secure that end, such will, through the election, is most clearly declared in favor of such constitutional amendment. " The most reliable indication of public purpose in this country is derived through our popular elections. Judging by the recent canvass and its result, the purpose of the people, within the legal States, to maintain the integrity of the Union, was never more firm nor more nearly unanimous than now. The extraordi nary calmness and good order with which the millions of voters met and mingled at the polls, give strong assurance of this. Not only all those who supported the Union ticket, so called, but a great majority of the opposing party also may be fairly claimed to entertain and to be actuated by the same purpose. " It is an unanswerable argument to this effect, that no candi date for any office whatever, high or low, has ventured to seek votes on the avowal that he was for giving up the Union. There has been much impugning of motives, and much heated contro versy as to the proper means and best mode of advancing the Union cause; but on the distinct issue of Union or no Union, XVIII.] LINCOLN'S ANNUAL MESSAGE, 1864. 829 the politicians have shown their instinctive knowledge that there is no diversity among the people. In affording the people the fair opportunity of showing, one to another and to the world, this firmness and unanimity of purpose, the election has been of vast value to the national cause. So much is shown, affirmatively and negatively, by the election. It is not material to inquire how the increase has been produced, or to show that it would have been greater but for the war, which is probably true. The important fact remains demonstrated, that we have more men now than we had when the war began; that we are not exhausted nor in process of exhaustion; that we are gaining strength, and may, if need be, maintain the contest indefinitely. This as to men. Material resources are now more complete and abundant than ever. " The National resources, then, are unexhausted, and, as we believe, inexhaustible. The public purpose to re-establish and maintain the National authority is unchanged, and, as we be lieve, unchangeable. The manner of continuing the effort re mains to choose. On careful consideration of all the evidence accessible, it seems to me that no attempt at negotiation with the insurgent leader could result in any good. He would ac cept of nothing short of severance of the Union precisely what we will not and cannot give. His declarations to this effect are explicit and oft repeated. He does not attempt to deceive us. He affords us no excuse to deceive ourselves. " He cannot voluntarily re-accept the Union; we cannot volun tarily yield it. Between him and us the issue is distinct, sim ple, and inflexible. It is an issue which can only be tried by war and decided by victory. If we yield, we are beaten; if the Southern people fail him, he is beaten. Either way it would be victory and defeat following war. What is true, however, of him who heads the insurgent cause, is not necessarily true of those who follow. " Although he cannot re-accept the Union, they can. Some of them, we know, already desire peace and reunion. The num ber of such may increase. They can, at any moment, have peace simply by laying down their arms and submitting to the National authority under the Constitution. After so much, the Government could not, if it would, maintain war against them. The loyal people would not sustain or allow it. * * * A year ago general pardon and amnesty, upon specified terms, 330 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. were offered to all, except certain designated classes, and it was, at the same time, made known that the excepted classes were still within contemplation of special clemency. During the year many availed themselves of the general provision, and many more would, only that the signs of bad faith in some led to such precautionary measures as rendered the practical process less easy and certain. During the same time, also, special pardons have been granted to individuals of the excepted classes, and no voluntary application has been denied. 4 * Thus, practically, the door has been, for a full year, open to all, except such as were not in condition to make free choice that is, such as were in custody, or -under constraint. It is still so open to all. But the time may come probably will come when public- duty demands that it be closed, and that in lieu, more vigorous measures than heretofore shall be adopted. " In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the National authority on the part of the insurgents, as the only in dispensable condition to ending the war on the part of the Gov ernment, I retract nothing heretofore said as to Slavery. I repeat the declaration made a year ago, that ' while I remain in my present position, I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation, nor shall I return to Slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any act of Congress/ " If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an Executive duty to re-enslave such persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument to perform it. "In stating a single condition of peace, I mean to say that the war will cease on the part of the Government whenever it shall have ceased on the part of those who began it." The able statesman and patriot, W. H. Seward, Sec retary of State of the United States, steadfast and hopeful as to the result of the Union cause, being called out to speak before a gathering of Republicans at Washington City, September 14th, 1864, said: "Fellow citizens: The Democracy at Chicago, after waiting six weeks to see whether this war for the Union is to succeed or fail, finaljy concluded that it would fail; and therefore went in for a nomination and platform to make it the sure thing by a cessation of hostilities and an abandonment of the contest. At XVIII.] DAVIS' MESSAGE IN MAY, 1864. 331 Baltimore, on the contrary, we determined that there should be no such thing as failure; and therefore we went into save the Union by battle to the last. Sherman and Farragut have knocked the bottom out of the Chicago nominations; and the elections in Vermont and Maine prove the Baltimore nominations staunch and sound. The issue is thus squarely made up McClellan and Disunion, or Lincoln and Union. Have you any doubt of the result on that issue? [Cries of No! No!] Nor do / have any doubt. Many thanks, my friends, for this visit/* In strong contrast with the views of Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward, were the views of Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederacy. The following extracts are from his message to the Rebel Senate and House of Representatives, dated May 2d, 1864. He said: " You are assembled under circumstances of deep interest to your country; and it is fortunate that, coming as you do, newly elected by the people and familiar with the condition of the various localities, you will be the better able to devise measures adapted to meet the wants of the public service without imposing unnecessary burdens on the citizens. The brief period which has elapsed since the last adjournment of Congress has not afforded sufficient opportunity to test the efficacy of the most impor'-ant laws then enacted, nor have the events occurring in the interval been such as materially to change the state of the country. " The unjust war commenced against us, in violation of the rights of the States, and in usurpation of power not delegated to the Government of the United States, is still characterized by the barbarism with which it has heretofore been conducted by the enemy. Aged men, helpless women and children, appeal in vain to the humanity which should be inspired by their condi tion, for immunity from arrest, incarceration, or banishment from their homes. Plunder and devastation of the property of non-combatants, destruction of private dwellings, and even of edifices devoted to the worship of God, expeditions organized for the sole purpose of sacking cities, consigning them to the flames, killing the unarmed inhabitants, and inflicting horrible outrages on women and children, are some of the constantly recurring atrocities of the invader. It cannot be reasonably pretended that such acts conduce to any end which their authors 332 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. dare avow before the civilized world, and sooner or later Chris tendom must mete out to them the condemnation which such brutality deserves. The sufferings thus ruthlessly inflicted upon the people of the invaded districts has served but to illustrate their patriotism. Entire unanimity and zeal for their country's cause have been pre-eminently conspicuous among those whose sacrifices have been greatest. So the army which has borne the trials and dangers of the war which has been subjected to pri vations and disappointments (tests of manly fortitude far more severe than the brief fatigues and perils of actual combat) has been the centre of cheerfulness and hope. From the camp comes the voice of the soldier patriot invoking each who is at home, in the sphere he best may fill, to devote his whole energies to the support of a cause, in the success of which their confidence has never faltered. They, the veterans of many a hard-fought field, tender to their country, without limit of time, a service of priceless value to us, one which posterity will hold in grateful remembrance. " In considering the state of the country, the reflection is nat urally suggested that this is the third Congress of the Confeder ate States of America. The Provisional Government was formed, its Congress held four sessions, lived its appointed term, and passed away. The permanent Government was then organized, its different departments established, a Congress elected, which also held four sessions, served its full constitutional term, and expired. You, the second Congress under the permanent Gov ernment, are now assembled at the time and place appointed by law for commencing your session. All these events have passed into history, notwithstanding the threat of our prompt subjuga tion, made three years ago, by a people that presume to assert a title to govern States whose separate and independent sover eignty was recognized by treaty with France and Great Britain in the last century, and remained unquestioned for nearly three generations. Yet these very Governments, in disregard of duty and treaty obligations, which bind them to recognize as inde pendent Virginia and other Confederate States, persist in coun tenancing, by moral influence, if not in aiding by unfair and partial action, the claim set up by the Executive of a foreign Government to exercise despotic sway over the States thus recog nized, and treat the invasion of them by their former limited and special agent as though it were the attempt of a sovereign to suppress a rebellion against lawful authority." CHAPTER XIX. fERPLEXITIES OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE " CONFEDERACY." HIS MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. HE BELIES UPON THE "UNQUENCHABLE" SPIBIT OF THE PEOPLE. HE IS GRIEVED AT THE NON-RECOGNITION OF HIS GOVERN- MENT BY OTHER NATIONS. HIS VIEWS UPON PLACING THE NEGRO IN THE ARMY. PEACE COMMISSIONERS FROM THE SOUTH. SECOND INAU GURATION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN AS PRESIDENT. HIS INAUGURAL AD DRESS. HOPEFUL PROSPECTS OF THE UNION CAUSE. STRENGTH OF AND OPERATIONS OF THE NAVY. ATTACK ON AND FALL OF FORT FISHER. REBEL PRIVATEERS. WHERE BUILT. CAPTURE OF. SINKING OF THE "ALABAMA" BY THE " KEARSARGE." UNITED STATES NAVY IN THE WAD OF 1812. COLORED SOLDIERS IN THE ARMY. THE next message of the President of the Southern Confederacy was delivered at Richmond, on the 7th day of November, 1864. The "President" was still hopeful of ultimate success. Still the reader cannot but perceive a wavering in the mind of Mr. Davis. His calls upon Divine power are louder and oftener repeated than at any previous time. His tone, both in the praises of the Confederate Armies and his de nunciation of the u barbarities" of the invader, is much subdued. His disgust at the non-recognition of the independence of the Confederacy by foreign nations is very great. His views of placing negroes in the army in the service of the Government, and their " chattel" status, are happily conformable to the true spirit of Democracy as practiced by the party to which he be longs. Still he thinks that if the negro would do good service in fighting the u invader," that it would be well to offer him his liberty, and he is in favor of making them prisoners and ''augmenting their num bers ' m the service. How little did the " President" dream that in five 22 334 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. months from that very day the Capitol of the Confed erate Government, wherein he delivered that message, should serve as a banquet hall for the victorious legions of the North, and that he himself should be escaping for his life in the guise of another sex. And yet this was so. A little more than five months and he was in a felon's cell; the armies of his "Govern ment" dispersed; their arms parked; tHe American flag floating triumphantly over the dome of his late Capitol, and the war ended. Following are extracts from Jefferson Davis' mes sage, dated November 7th, 1864, alluded to: ' ' It is with satisfaction that I welcome your presence at an earlier day than that usual for your session, and with confidence that I invoke the aid of your counsel at a time of such public exigency. The campaign which was commenced almost simul taneously with your session in May last, and which was still in progress at your adjournment in the middle of June, has not yet reached its close. It has been prosecuted on a scale and with an energy heretofore unequaled. AVhen we revert to the con dition of our country at the inception of the operations of the present year, to the magnitude of the preparations made by the enemy, the number of his forces, the accumulation of his war like supplies, and the prodigality with which his vast resources have been lavished in the attempt to render success assured; when we contrast the numbers and means at our disposal for resistance, and when we contemplate the results of a struggle apparently so unequal, we cannot fail, while rendering the full meed of deserved praise to our Generals and soldiers, to perceive that a power higher than man has willed our deliverance, and gratefully to recognize that the protection of a kind Providence in enabling us successfully to withstand the utmost efforts of the enemy for our subjugation. ** If we now turn to the results accomplished by the two great armies, so confi dently relied on by the invaders as sufficient to secure the sub version of our Government and the subjection of our people to foreign domination, we have still greater cause for devout grati tude to Divine power. In Southwestern Virginia successive XIX.] DAVIS' MESSAGE IN NOVEMBER, 1864. 335 armies, which threatened the capture of Lynchburg and Salt- ville, have been routed and driven out of the country, and a portion of Eastern Tennessee reconquered by our troops. In Northern Virginia, extensive districts formerly occupied by the enemy are now free from their presence. In the lower valley, their General, rendered desperate by his inability to maintain a hostile occupation, has resorted to the infamous expedient of converting a fruitful land into a desert by burning its mills, granaries, and homesteads, and destroying the food, standing crops, live stock, and agricultural implements of peaceful non- combatants. The main army, after a series of defeats in which its losses have been enormous; after attempts, by raiding parties, to break up our railroad communications, which have resulted in the destruction of a large part cf the cavalry engaged in the work; after constant repulse of repeated assaults on our defen sive lines is, with the aid of heavy reinforcements, but with, it is hoped, waning prospect of further progress in the design, still engaged in an effort, commenced more than four months ago, to capture the town of Petersburg. "The army of Gen. Sherman, although succeeding at the end of the summer in obtaining possession of Atlanta, has been un able to secure any ultimate advantage from this success. The same General who, in February last, marched a large army from Vicksburg to Meridan with no other result than to be forced to march back again, was able, by the aid of greatly increased numbers, and after much delay, to force a passage from Chatta nooga to Atlanta, only to be for the second time compelled to withdraw on the line of his advance, without obtaining control of a single mile of territory beyond the narrow track of his march, and without gaining aught beyond the precarious pos session of a few fortified points, in which he is compelled to maintain heavy garrisons, and which are menaced with recapture. "The lessons afforded by the history of this war are fraught with instruction and encouragement. Eepeatedly during the war have formidable expeditions been directed by the enemy against points ignorantly supposed to be of vital importance to the Confederacy. Some of these expeditions have, at immense cost, been successful ; but in no instance have the promised fruits been reaped. Again, in the present campaign, was the delusion fondly cherished that the capture of Atlanta and Richmond would, if effected, end the war by the overthrow of our Govern- 336 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. ment and the submission of our people. We can now judge by experience how unimportant is the influence of the former event upon our capacity for defense, upon the courage and spirit of the people, and the stability of the Government. We may, in like man ner, judge that if the campaign against Richmond had resulted in success instead of failure; if the' valor of the army, under the leadership of its accomplished Commander, had resisted in vain the overwhelming masses which were, on the contrary, de cisively repulsed; if we had been compelled to evacuate Richmond as well as Atlanta, the Confederacy would have remained as erect and defiant as ever. Nothing could have been changed in the purpose of its Government, in the indomitable valor of its troops, or in the unquenchable spirit of its people. The baffled and dis appointed foe would in vain have scanned the reports of your proceedings, at some new legislative seat, for any indication that progress had been made in his gigantic task of conquering a free people. The truth, so patent to us, must ere long be forced upon the reluctant Northern mind. There are no vital points on the preservation of which the continued existence of the Confederacy depends. There is no military success of the enemy which can accomplish its destruction. Not the fall of Richmond, nor Wil mington, nor Charleston, nor Savannah, nor Mobile, nor of all combined, can save the enemy from the constant and exhaustive drain of blood and treasure, which must continue until he shall discover that no peace is attainable unless based on the recogni tion of our indefeasible rights. * * We seek no favor, we wish no intervention; we know ourselves fully competent to maintain our own rights and independence against the invaders of the coun try, and we feel justified in asserting that, without the aid derived from recruiting their armies from foreign countries, they would, ere this, have been driven from our soil. When the Confed eracy was refused recognition by Great Britain, in the fall of 1862, the refusal was excused on the ground that any action of Her Majesty's Government would have the effect of inflaming the passions of the belligerents, and of preventing the return of peace. It is assumed that this opinion was sincerely entertained, but the experience of two years of unequal -carnage shows that- it was erroneous, and the result was the reverse of what the British ministry humanely desired. A contrary policy, a policy just to us, a policy diverging from an unvarying course of con cession to all the demands of our enemies, is still within the XIX.] DAVIS' MESSAGE IN NOVEMBER, 1864. 337 power of her Majesty's Government, and would, it is fair to presume, be productive of consequences the opposite to those which have, unfortunately, followed its whole course of conduct from the commencement of the war to the present time. In a word, peace is impossible without independence, and it is not to be expected that the enemy will anticipate neutrals in the recog nition of that independence. When the history of this war shall be fully disclosed, the calm judgment of the impartial publicist will, for these reasons, be unable to absolve the neutral nations of Europe from a share in the moral responsibility for the myriads of human lives that have been unnecessarily sacrificed during its progress. " The renewed instances in which foreign power have given us just cause of complaint need not here be detailed. The extracts from the correspondence of the State Department, which accom pany this message, will afford such further information as can be given without detriment to the public interest, and we must reserve for the future such action as may then be deemed advis able to secure redress. The employment of slaves for service with the army as teamsters, or cooks, or in the way of work upon fortifications, or in the Government work shops, or in hospitals, and other similar duties, was authorized by the Act of the 17th of February last, and provision was made for their impressment, to a number not exceeding twenty thou sand, if it should be found impracticable to obtain them by con tract with the owners. The law contemplated the hiring only of the labors of these slaves, and imposed on the Government the liability to pay for the value of such as might be lost-to the owners from casualties resulting from their employment in the service. " The Act has produced less result than was anticipated, and further provision is required to render it efficacious. But my present purpose is to invite your consideration to the propriety of a radical modification in the theory of the law. ' Viewed merely as property, and therefore as the subject of imprisonment, the service or labor of the slave has been fre quently claimed for short periods, in the construction of defe^s- ive works. The slave, however, bears another relation to the State that of a person. . The law of last February contemplates the relation of the slave to the master, and limits the impress ment to a certain term of service. But for the purpose,^ enu- 338 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. merated in the Act, instruction in the manner of encamping, marching, and parking trains is needful, so that even in this limited employment, length of service adds greatly to the value of the negro's labor. Hazard is also encountered in all the positions to which negroes can be assigned with the army, and the duties required of them demand loyalty and zeal. " In this aspect, the relation of person predominates so far as to render it doubtful whether the private rights of property can consistently and beneficially continue, and it would seem proper to acquire for the public service the entire property in the labor of the slave, and to pay therefor due compensation rather than to impress his labor for short terms; and this the more especially as the effect of the present law would vest this entire property in all cases where the slave might be recaptured after compensa tion for his loss had been paid to the private owner. Whenever the entire property in the service of a slave is thus acquired by the Government, the question is presented by what tenure he should be held. Should he be retained in servitude, or should his emancipation be held out to him as a reward of faithful serv ice, or should it be granted at once on the promise of such service; and, if emancipated, what action should be taken to secure the freed man the permission of the State from which he was drawn to reside within its limits after the close of his public service ? The permissioa would doubtless be more readily ac corded as a reward for past faithful service, and a double motive for zealous discharge of duty would thus be offered to those employed by the Government, their freedom, and the gratifica tion of the local attachment which is so marked a characteristic of the negro, and forms so powerful an incentive to his action. The policy of engaging to liberate the negro on his discharge after service faithfully rendered, seems to me preferable to that of granting immediate manumission, or that of retaining him. in servitude. If this policy should recommend itself to Con gress, it is suggested that, in addition to the duties heretofore performed by the slave, he might be advantageously employed as a pioneer and engineer laborer; and in that event, that the number should be augmented to forty thousand. * * * " The disposition of this Government for a peaceful solution of the issues which the enemy has referred to the arbitrament of arms, has been too often manifested, and is too well known to need new assurances. But, while it is true that individuals and XIX.] PEACE COMMISSIONERS, 1865. 339 parties in the United States have indicated a desire to substitute reason for force, and by negotiation to stop the further sacrifice of human life, and to arrest the calamities which now afflict both countries, the authorities who control the Government of oui enemies have too often and too clearlv expressed their resolution to make no peace except on terms of our unconditional submission and degradation, to leave us any hope of the cessation of hostil ities until the delusion of their ability to conquer us is dispelled.'* During the months of January and February, 1865, Alexander H. Stephens, Vice-President of the Con federacy, R. M. T. Hunter and John A. Campbell, were sent by Tavis as Commissioners to treat upon terms of peace with the President of the United States. They were met on February 3d by President Lin coln and W. H. Seward, Secretary of State; but no terms were agreed upon, so the Commissioners returned to Richmond and the Administration determined to fight it out. The sanguine struggle could not end by compromise. Since the days in which the Constitution was framed, up to the hour of the commencement of the Rebellion, compromise had been strained to its very last stretch cf endurance. Two conditions were precedent to any termination by either party. The Administration of the United States said, that to warrant even a cessa tion of hostilities, the people of the South must lay down their arms; and the South said, that recognition of them as a Nation must precede any cessation on their part. On the 4th of March, 1865, Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated as President of the United States for the second time. His Inaugural Address was brief and seemed to be inspired with a calm yet dignified tone of philosophical hope ; it was as follows ; " Fellow Countrymen: "At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential 340 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then, a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the Nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself ; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it; all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the Nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came. "One-eighth of the whole population was colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but legalized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the Government claimed no right to do more tljan to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the dura tion which it has already obtained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the con flict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. ' Woe unto the world because of offenses! for it must XIX.] LINCOLN'S MESSAGE IN 1865. 341 needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh.' If we shall suppose American Slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believer in a living God always ascribes to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said: ' The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether/ " With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the Nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and for his orphan; to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and a lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." At this period the condition of the country was most hopeful. The victories of the Federal Armies were such as to lead to the belief that the enemy must soon abandon all hope of success. The Cabinet, Congress, and the people were in harmony with the expressed views of the Executive, and as the events from this period to the close of the war were most important, the leading ones are here given in chronological order more fully than the sphere of this volume would ad mit, were it not that they bear so important a part upon the succeeding political affairs of the Nation. Throughout the month of December, 1864, there was a succession of Union victories. Gens. Sherman, Warren, Miles, Burbridge, Hazen, Thomas, Stoneman, and McCook, were defeating and driving the enemy 342 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. from his stronghold. Among the most prominent achievements of this period was the great victory of Gen. Thomas near Nashville, December 15th, in which he captured 17 cannon, and 1,500 prisoners; the defeat of the rebel G-en. Forrest with a loss- of 1,500 in killed and wounded; the rebel Gen. Hood's complete rout before Nashville, and his loss of 13,189 prisoners, 2,207 deserters, 30 cannon, and 7,000 small arms; the capture of the rebel Gen. Quantrel, December 18th, 1864, and the occupation of Savannah by Gen. Sher man, who captured 800 prisoners, 150 pieces of artil lery, 3 steamers, and 33,000 bales of cotton, on De cember 21st, 1864. The year 1865 dawned upon the Nation with most auspicious prospects of speedy victory. " Sherman's march to the sea" had inspired the people with hope, and no difficulty was now felt in filling up the depleted ranks of the army, thinned during the past year. The spring campaign found the army in strong force, and well prepared for active service. The aggregate Na tional military force on the 1st day of March, 1865, of all arms, officers and men, was 965,591. In two months from that date the forces were augmented to 1,000,516 of all arms, officers and men. This was the largest num ber of troops in the army at any one time since* the beginning of the Rebellion, and clearly indicated the determination of the people to adhere to the doctrine of the President, that the only condition upon which hostilities could cease, would be the laying down of their arms by the forces against Federal authority. Of the number of troops enlisted during the war, 178,- 975 were colored. On the 15th of July, 1865, there were 123,156 colored troops in the service, organized into one hundred and twenty regiments of infantry, XIX.] CAPTURE OF FORT FISHER. 343 twelve regiments of heavy artillery, and seven regi ments of cavalry. The attack and capture of Fort Fisher on the 15th of January, 1865, with 2,500 prisoners, 72 guns, Fed eral loss 691, in which there were engaged forty-four war vessels of various classes, some of them formidable ironclads, besides fourteen vessels held as a reserve, was one of the grandest achievements of the war; and the fleet attacking, was perhaps as powerful a naval force as ever engaged a fort, and considering the capacity and formidable character of the vessels engaged, exhibits plainly that no fort can be con structed by man, that cannot in time be reduced and cut down by the conical missiles of modern inven tion, directed by the floating iron batteries known as " Ironclads." That the American Rebellion did revo lutionize the world in this department, and render useless for attack the old style of " wooden walls/' no one will deny. Nor will any denial be made of the fact that the American Navy at the close of the war in the spring of 1865, was the most powerful naval force for home defense of any Nation of the earth; and notwithstanding the supposed inefficiency in the sea-going qualities of this class of naval ships, it is fair to conclude that America, at least upon her own sea- coast, is impregnable against the combined navies of Europe. The extent, operations, and efficiency of the American Navy, form a most interesting part of the history of the Republic. The marvelous rapidity with which the navy was raised from its insignificant con dition in 1861, to its powerful efficiency in 1865, demonstrates the great resources and the ability of the American people to provide against emergencies how ever gigantic; and the splendid achievements of the 344 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. ironclads upon the forts of the enemy during the Re bellion, exhibit the most remarkable and skillful combination of naval power ever exhibited in the world. At the breaking out of the Rebellion, many of the best war ships were on distant and foreign seas ; and most of the officers at home and abroad were brought up in the old school Democratic faith, and were of Southern birth or Southern politics, of whom three hundred and twenty-two traitorously abandoned their posts, and in violation of their solemn oaths, abandoned the flag they swore to support, and enlisted under the flag of the rebels. At the beginning of the year 1861 the navy consisted of five squadrons of 35 vessels, with 445 guns. From March 4th, 1861, to the end of the war, 208 vessels were constructed, and during the same period 418 were purchased, making 626 vessels in all; of these, 313 were steamers. On the 1st day of January, 1865, the squadron blockading the vast rebel sea-coast was 471 vessels, carrying 2,455 guns; this was exclusive of the force on other duties, 213, making 684 vessels in all. The number of men in the navy, at the beginning of the war, was 7,844. This number had been increased to 51,500 at its close, in April, 1865. The total num ber of men employed in the navy yards of the Republic, in 1861, was 3,844. This had increased to 16,880 in 1865, and does not include the number employed in private yards building Government vessels, which was equal to the number in the* navy yards. The ravages of rebel pirates during the war were very great, and their acts of vandalism upon the peaceful mercantile marine, penetrating far into the Pacific seas and burning the inoffensive fishing fleets, exhibited the characteristic villainy of those engaged in it. In their XIX.] CAPTURE OF THE "FLORIDA." 345 operations they were aided by the British Government, which smiled a bland acquiescence in their atrocities, by permitting ships to be built, equipped and manned for their service throughout the British empire. Among the most formidable of the English pirates thus preying upon American commerce was the Sea King, built at Glasgow, Scotland, afterwards known as the Shenan- doah. She continued her depredations for four months after the fall of Richmond, and did not desist until her Commander, Capt. Wadell, was assured that Jefferson Davis was in prison, and Lee on parole. On the 6th of November, 1865, the Slienandoah entered the Mersey, and Wadell, in a formal written letter, surrendered her to the British authorities. The Stonewall, built in France, was another formidable rebel cruiser. The Alabama, Florida and Georgia also were pests of the seas. In 1864 the British added to the rebel fleet three other cruisers the Chickamauga, Olustee and Tallahassee. The Florida, after preying long upon the peaceful commerce, ran into the Brazilian port of Bahia, October 5th, 1864. The United States steamer Wachusett, Capt. Collins, was lying in the harbor. The Florida, for her security from the Waclmsett, dropped her anchor in the midst of the Brazilian fleet, and di rectly under the guns of the fort on shore. The gallant Capt. Collins, finding that the pirate would not leave the port, and that he could not fight her in neutral waters, determined to possess *himself of her, and at 3 o'clock on the morning of the 7th, while she lay at anchor, directly under the guns of the fort, the Wachu- sett, under full steam, and, intending to sink her, ran upon her with full speed, but did not effect her object. Collins at once demanded her surrender; a few shots were fired from the small arms of both parties. About 346 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. half of the crew of the Florida were on shore having a "good time," and the officer in charge, finding him self overpowered, was compelled to surrender. Quick as thought the Florida was boarded, a hawser made fast to her from the Wachusett, which, with full steam, put to sea with the prize, paying no attention to the chal lenge from the Brazilian fort and fleet, which sent shots flying after her. The Wachusett was too swift for the Brazilian ships that gave her chase. Collins brought the Wachusett and Florida into Hampton Roads, where, a few days later, the latter was sunk by collision. The Government disapproved of Collins' act, upon the grounds of the illegality of making the capture in a neutral port, suspended him from duty, and ordered him to appear before a Court Martial. The rebel cruiser Georgia was taken a prize twenty miles off the port of Lisbon, by the United States frig ate Niagara, Capt. Craven, during the year 1864. The Alabama, already mentioned, had a long and prosperous career. She had swept the Indian Ocean and South Atlantic of American commerce, and found her way again to European waters. In June, 1864, she entered the port of Cherbourg, France. The United States gunboat Kearsarge was lying in the Dutch harbor of Flushing; and on her Commander being no tified by telegraph, started at once to look after the pirate. Semmes was in command of the Alabama, and fearing that he might not meet the Kearsarge, he dis patched, on June 15th, 1864, while in the port of Cherbourg, a note to Capt. Winslow, of the Kearsarge, not to leave, as he wanted to fight him ; so that a meet- , ing of the hostile ships was easy and certain. On Sun day, June 19th, 1864, at 10J o'clock A. M., they met, seven miles outside the harbor of Cherbourg, the Ala- XIX.] SINKING OF THE " ALABAMA." 347 lama flying the rebel ensign, eager for the fray. She was followed, as an escort and friend, by the British pleasure steam yacht Deerhound. They steamed di rectly for the Kearsarge, which was making towards the harbor, and while yet a mile distant, the Alabama opened fire upon the Kearsarge. The Alabama's gunners were British subjects, trained on board the British ship Excellent, at Portsmouth; but their skill, when com pared to that of the gunners of the Kearsarge, was very indifferent. The ships were of about the same size and calibre, the odds being in favor of the Alabama. She was 600 horse power, the Kearsarge 400. The Ala- lama had 8 guns, the Kearsarge but 7 guns. The Ala- lama had 150 men and officers, the Kearsarge had 162. The combatants now nearing each other, formed a cir cle, in which they coursed, sending volleys of shot at each other from their 32-pounders. The combat lasted an hour, when the shells from the Kearsarge began to tell upon the Alabama. Her sides were torn to shreds with the constant and well directed volleys from the Kearsarge; eighteen or twenty of her crew were disabled, and nine killed by the explosion of shells. The fate of the Alabama was evident. Sail was now hoisted, and she headed for land. The Deerhound made to her res cue and took on board Capt. Semmes and 60 men and officers. The Alabama now struck her flag, but still headed towards shore. Winslow continued to pour his well directed fire upon her, crushing her to atoms. Nine miles from the harbor of Cherbourg, from which she a few hours before had sailed to engage in volun tary fight, the Alabama sank, reeling beneath the stars and stripes that floated in victory from the Kearsarge, the cannon's roar and the hearty cheers of the patriotic crew of the Kearsarge ringing out her death knell, as 3i8 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. with a plunge she sank into her fretful sepulchre. About sixty of the Alabama's crew were made prison ers by the JZearsarge. The whole expense of the navy during the four years of war, as reported by the Secretary of War, December 4th, 1865, was $314,170,960. To -offset this the value of property captured by the navy during the same period was $21,829,543; and the value of the vessels captured and destroyed (having been built and fitted out in British ports for the rebel service as block ade runners,) was $31,500,000, making $63,329,543 in all. The captures during the period from May 1st, 1861, to the end of the war, was 1,151 vessels, as fol lows: 210 steamers; 569 schooners; 139 sloops; 13 ships; 29 brigs; 25 barks; 2 yachts; 139 small boats; 6 rebel rams; 10 armed schooners and sloops; 7 others, class unknown. There were, in addition to these, sunk, burned, and destroyed by the navy during the war, 85 steamers; 114 schooners; 32 sloops; 2 brigs; 4 bark; 2 ships; 96 small boats; 5 rebel rams; 4 ironclads; 1 other armed vessel, making a total of 355, and a grand total, captured and destroyed, of 1,504 of all classes. The naval force of the United States, at the close of the war in 1812, consisted of 301 vessels; besides these, there were 517 commissioned privateers. These latter captured 1,428 vessels, and the vessels of the regular navy captured 291 vessels making the total naval force 811 vessels, and the total captures 1,719 vessels. In the Revolutionary War of 1776, the navy consisted of 4 vessels only. With the end of the Rebellion, the seas were cleared of Confederate rovers; and the gallant officers and men of the navy, were entitled to a large share of national gratitude for their efficient and patriotic de- XIX.] OPERATIONS OP THE NAVY. 349 votion and aid to the cause of human freedom. Those who have distinguished themselves by devotion and heroism are a host; and while the name of each can not find a place in these limited pages, three only will be mentioned, in each of whom every true lover of American liberty, and every heart that can appreciate patriotism and devotion to the science of war, will hold in grateful remembrance the names of Dahlgren, Porter, and last, but not least, the sea king of the age, the matchless Admiral D. G-. Farragut. 23 CHAPTER XX. STRENGTH OF THE ARMY. IMPORTANT BATTLES. FALL OF' RICHMOND DIS ORDERED FLIGHT OF THE INHABITANTS. SURRENDER OF LEE AND JOHNSTON. NUMBER OF TROOPS IN THE FIELD. NUMBERS SLAIN. NUMBER OF COLORED SOLDIERS. POPULATION OF NORTH AND SOUTH. GRANT'S AND SHERMAN'S FAREWELL ADDRESSES TO THEIR SOLDIERS. JEFF. DAVIS ISSUES A PROCLAMATION. HIS FLIGHT SOUTHWARD. HIS CAPTURE. THE total strength of the army, early in the year 1865, has been already shown. On the 1st of Jan uary it was officered by 66 Major- Generals and 267 Brigadier-Generals. The first event of the year was the arrival of Gen. Grierson at Vicksburg, January 5th, after having de stroyed 100 miles of railroad in the rebel States, cap turing 600 prisoners and 1,000 contrabands (colored citizens). Next followed the capture of Fort Fisher, already alluded to. February 6th, the Army of the Po tomac gained a victory over the rebels at Hatcher's Run, Virginia: Union loss, 232 killed; rebel loss, 1,200 killed. February 22d, Wilmington, North Carolina, occupied. February 18th, Charleston, South Carolina, surrendered. March 10th, capture of Kingston, North Carolina: Union loss, 650 killed, and 1,500 wounded; rebel loss, 2,400 killed, wounded and missing. March 25th, battle of Fort Stedman, Virginia: Union loss, 171 killed, 1,236 wounded, and 983 prisoners; rebel loss, 3,200 killed and wounded, and 1,881 prisoners. March 29th, battle "of Hatcher's Run and Five Forks, Virginia: Union loss, 5,000 killed, wounded and missing; rebel loss, 4,500 killed and wounded, and 7,000 prisoners. XX.] FALL OF RICHMOND. 351 April 2d, assault at Petersburg, Virginia: Union loss, 5,000 killed and wounded ; rebel loss, 5,000 killed and wounded, and 8,000 prisoners. April 6th, battle of Deatonville, Virginia: Union loss, 1,000 killed and wounded ; rebel loss, 7,700 prisoners, killed and wounded not reported. The first of April found Gen. Grant planted before the gates of Richmond the rebel Capital. His veter ans were about him. President Lincoln was at City Point, Virginia, and in constant communication with the Army and with Washington by telegraph. Lee with his veterans was at Petersburg and Richmond, determined to hold his position; but the fates were against him. The armies of conques.t were within sight of the smoke of the chimneys of the rebel Capital, eager for the assault that should destroy the rebel pov 3r. The impetuous Sheridan was dashing his invincible cavalry, ten thousand strong, in the face of the enemy. Meade, Ord, Warren, Griffin, Humphreys, Gregg, Gibbs, Merritt, McKenzie, Win- throp, Mills, Crawford', and a host of others, had con centrated their commands around Richmond and Petersburg, and it would seem as if the whole Army of the Republic was centered about the Capital of the Confederacy. The powerful armies of the Union were closing in upon the enemy. On the morning of the 1st of April a general advance was ordered by Gen. Grant along the whole line, and as if by magic the whole force advanced. Sheridan was in his glory. He had under his immediate command about ten thousand veteran cavalry, and soon they began to in flict terrible punishment upon the enemy. Grant's forces, under the command of the veteran Corps Com manders, moved steadily forward, and inch by inch 352 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. pushed the enemy at the point of the bayonet, who fell back before the resistless forces of the Union, as if it were an avalanche. Throughout the entire day of the 2d, the contest had been stubborn and hard- fought; but each hour brought the soldiers of the Republic over new intrenchments and across the heaps of their slain comrades and of the enemy, and closer to the heart of the rebel Capital. The sky was lurid with smoke and flame; and for miles around the rebel stronghold, the scene was fearfully destructive and appalling. Before 10 o'clock on the morning of the 2d, Lee, who was in command of the rebel forces and who had lost over 10 7 000 of his men within the last two days, saw the hopelessness of his position, and at 10 o'clock A.M., telegraphed from Petersburg to Jef ferson Davis, at Richmond, who was at church, (it was Sunday,) the following message: "My lines are broken in three places ; Richmond must be evacuated this evening." The Slave Power was now in the throes of death; the cold sweat of dissolution had enveloped the whole body the jugular vein of treason was within reach of the iron grasp of Grant. Sheridan was lopping off its paralyzed limbs ; his fierce cavalry were trampling the rebel dead beneath their feet; the artillery were cutting broad gaps through the rebel ranks; the solid columns of Grant's infantry, with their glittering bay onets, moved forward, tier after tier, like waves of the ocean, pouring their leaden rain of death upon the enemy; and now on they marched, banners waving, the fife and drum drowning the groans of the wounded and dying; the screeches of angiy shells, as they burst with terrible destruction, seemed to mock with reckless defiance the struggle of the suffering. Volleys of artil lery boomed out their loud proclamations of victory. XX.] FALL OP RICHMOND. 353 shaking the earth, from the surface of which, in the midst of the struggle of the mighty conflict, went up fitful flashes of flame and jets of smoke; more like a war of nature bursting from the angry breast. of earth's caverns, than like the operations of an army. The sacrifice of life was terrible; but the stake at issue was the life or death of American Nationality. The fate of the liberties of thirty. millions of citizens of the Republic was at stake. The hope of freedom to the millions who were turning their eyes toward the banner of liberty, was in the scale. The fate of Republicanism throughout the world was at stake. The problem whether man is capable of self-govern ment was on trial. The sovereignty of States, or, the sovereignty of the mass of the American people in their aggregate political capacity, was now being tested. Two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil, and of the blood and tears of the poor slave, were calling loudly for redress. Four millions of human beings lifted their manacled limbs and tearful faces toward the emblem of freedom the fate of millions of their race yet unborn, and the fate of millions of the Anglo- Saxon and Celtic races, hung upon the issue the fate of mankind seemed to hang upon a single thread. The banner of the Confederacy could be seen in the distance floating from the dome of the Capitol at Richmond. The armies of the auction block and scourge were bearing their heavy freight; with one hand they thrust their sabres at the army of freedom, while with the other they pressed to their breasts the last relic of barbarism in the Republic. But the heat and burden of the day were heavy; fainting and falling, they fought as they were driven back inch by inch; the burden was more than nature could endure; time and time 354 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. again were they rallied by their commanders, and again and again did they struggle to hold their foot ing, but with each struggle they grew feeble. It would seem as if heaven had opened its batteries of thunder and flame that now swept them down. Still, bleeding and exhausted, they clung to the banner upon which was inscribed the lash and the fetters. Their fire grew more ineffectual; the roar of their cannon was less distinct; the calls of their leaders feeble and faltering; their blows irregular and uncertain; the roll of their drums dull and muffled ; while the march of the army of the Union was firm, steady, and resistless. -Their banners waved higher, and the galaxy of thirty-six stars was visible through the smoke and flame, like a heav enly constellation; their martial music rolled up in inspiring strains; the shower of lead from their in fantry, covered like a pall of death all before it; the bright sabres of the dashing cavalry-men cut -sharp and deep ; fiery steeds pawed at the clouds, and gal loped over the storm, trampling beneath their hoofs the breasts of the slain ; the shouts of the Union lead ers, rallying their hosts, were only equaled by the thunder-tones of the loud and angry-mouthed can non, which, joining in the chorus of the carnage scene, swelled loud the requiem of the slave power. And now the combined hosts of freedom, like a convulsion of nature, encircled the army of despotism, and with one mighty dash, sent the tremor of death through the heart of the enemy, who with trappings of Pal metto flags, State Rights, Compromise, Fugitive Slave Laws, manacle, scourge, and auction block, hung to its neck, with the jubilant shouts of the con quering hosts, sank into the lap of oblivion forever; and flung upon its grave as a funeral pile from the XX.] FALL OF RICHMOND. 355 bright bayonets of the army of victory*, were the shackles of four millions of -slaves who now stood free they and their children forever. From that hour, human Slavery in America was dead beyond the hope of resurrection. But the enemy did not die without a violent strug gle. The City of Richmond was not to be abandoned without the last fiendish acts of barbarity; and as the darkness of night of the 2d of April enveloped the city, and a lull in the conflict seemed to afford the citizens an opportunity to depart, Davis directed the evacuation of his Capital. The rebels, now driven in terrible fright from their stronghold, gathered their goods and " chattels," old and young ; the mother with her babe upon her breast, and the aged sire, joined in the procsssion, which out rivaled in wild disorder and reckless flight any scenes of ancient or modern times. Every species of vehicle, from artillery carriage, dray, truck, coach, hack, to wheelbarrow, with every description of domestic ani mal attached, not in the ordered pairs as they left Noah's ark, but in strange companionship of species and sex, that lent a wild disorder and primitive aspect to a scene already fearfully incongruous and ludicrous, were pressed into the service of the escaping inhabitants. This suddenly improvised and strange-looking conglom erated mass of animals, men, women, and children, of all ages, sexes, and colors, with boxes, trunks, bedding, clothing, all piled and scattered in reckless disorder, made its way towards the Danville depot. The banks were all open, depositors were calling for and receiving their money and then plunging into the throng ; hundreds of thousands of dollars of paper money were destroyed, Night was fast approach* ing no eye was closed in Richmond that night; de- 356 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. struction of property commenced; all liquors in the city were by order of the City Council destroyed; rivers of every kind of fluids mingled in floods, rush ing through the gutters; reckless soldiers and others fell to supplying themselves with the exhilarating bev erage, and from that moment disorder reigned supreme. The air was thick with the fumes of liquor, wild cries of despair were echoed back by the yells of frantic and drunken men, whose last physical strength was turned to breaking windows, and a general and reck less destruction of everything before them. But the scene was not completed ; the fate of the rebel Capital was not yet come ; night was upon them, and an order came from the rebel General Ewell to fire the city. The torch was applied; all the principal warehouses, loaded with all descriptions of merchandise and mili tary stores, were on fire ; the flouring mills, the bridges leading out of the city, and all the shipping were fired. Rebel rams and naval ships were blown up or scuttled. The city was fired at several places, and as gray morn ing broke from the east, dense volumes of smoke rested like an eclipse upon the sky. The roar of the confla gration, mingled with the explosions of powder and other combustibles, filled the air. The flames, reaching above the church steeples, seemed to lash their forked tongues against the clouds, revealing in the streets below the busy throng of escaping citizens and the' riotous rabble, who, plunging through smoke and flame, ransacked the stores and houses, carrying- their booty to places of safety. Jefferson Davis had left the city at 7 P.M., of the 2d, by the Danville railroad, together with the members of the Confederate Congress and other "officials." Gen. Weitzel, who was in command of the Union XX.] FALL OF RICHMOND. 357 army immediately in front of Richmond, learned at 3 o'clock on Monday morning, April 3d, that Richmond was being evacuated; and at the head of his troops inarched into the city, which was surrendered without opposition. The Palmetto flag of the Confederacy was hauled down, and the stars and stripes floated from the dome of the rebel Capitol amid salvos and cheers from the patriot soldiers, whose four years of toil had been repaid by their seeing the inside of the Rebellion. General Weitzel, on~ entering Richmond, Monday, April 3d, 1865, telegraphed to Secretary Stanton as follows : " We took Kichmond at 8 : 15, this morning. I captured many guns. The enemy left in great haste. The city is on fire in one place; am making every effort to put it out. Gen. Grant started early this morning with the army, towards the Danville road, to cut off Lee's retreating army if possible. President Lincoln has gone to the front." President Lincoln, who had been' at City Point, a few miles from the scene of action, on hearing of the fall of Richmond, started immediately for that city, where he arrived on the morning of the day after the capture; he entered the city with his son, Commodore Porter, and a few sailors who rowed him to the wharf. They all started on foot, the President as unostenta tious PS any of the company, and entirely unknown, save to his few companions; but soon his presence became known, and as he passed along the streets, the negroes, old and young, flocked about him, some laughing and bursting forth in wildest ecstacies of joy, exclaiming all kinds of blessings on the President, and clinging to him with tearful faces; and for the first time in their lives breathing the air of freedom, ex claimed: " Glory to God! glory to God! glory, glory;" 858 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. "I thank you, dear Jesus, that I behold President Linkum." * "Bless de Lord! bless de Lord!" "May de good Lord bless you, President Linkum!" Mr. Jjincoln raised his hat, and in silence, as if much affected, bowed as he passed on. He returned the same afternoon to Washington, and in a few days went back to Richmond, accompanied by Mrs. Lincoln, sev eral Senators, and other friends. At Petersburg, the rebels were in strong force, and were driven from it on the same night that they evac uated Richmond; and Lee and his vast army were in full flight, hotly pursued by Grant and Sheridan and the powerful army whose hearts swelled with joy, as they sped missiles of destruction after the flying foe. The news of these achievements was flashed through the land, and the loyal heart of America illuminated the whole country with bonfires the funeral pile of the Slave Power in America. Lee was overtaken by his pursuers and brought to a halt. His power was spent, his faith was gone; hope had died out in his breast. The military chief of the age he who had never faltered, he who had carried the old flag from the far west through the broken ranks of the enemy, and had captured every stronghold in his march Ulys ses S. Grant, stood before him; the banner of freedom in the hands of his patriot host. He bade Robert E. Lee, the leader of the rebel forces surrender. The champion of State Rights bowed a reluctant acquies cence, and the General of the Unior army received the sword of Gen. Lee. This was done on April 9th, 1865. Lee's whole army of 26,000 men were made prisoners, and one hundred and seventy cannon, besides all the small arms, surrendered to Grant. The rebel Gen. Johnston and his army were also in XX.] SURRENDER OF THE REBEL ARMIES. 359 flight. He was pursued by the hero who " marched from Atlanta to the sea/' G-en. Wm. T. Sherman; and on the 26th of April, near Raleigh, North Carolina, the whole Confederate forces of the Rebel Gen. John ston were surrendered to Sherman, upon the same terms as Lee's army was surrendered to Grant. 29,924 men, and 180 cannon, and all the small arms; beside these, large numbers of prisoners and guns had been taken by Grant and Sherman, during the march against the enemy. The surrender of Dick Taylor and the rebel fleet, on the 9th of May, and the surrender of Kirby Smith, with 20,000 men and 150 cannon, on the 26th of May, 1865, closed the Rebellion. "Transportation and subsistence to be furnished at public cost for the officers and men after surrender, to the nearest practical point to their homes," was ac corded to the rebel armies, which was done immedi ately. Lee and his forces being put to flight, and Grant with his victorious army in vigorous pursuit, anxious to stay the further effusion of blood and the destruc tion of property, and seeing the evident fate of Lee and his army, on the 7th of April sent him the follow ing letter, which resulted in the further correspond ence here given, ending with the surrender of Lee and his entire army. "April 7th. "GEN. B. E. LEE, Commander Confederate States Armies: "General The result of the last week must convince you of the hopelessness of further resistance on the part of the Army of Northern Virginia in this struggle. I feel that it is so, and regard it as my duty to shift from myself the responsibility of any further effusion of blood, by asking of you the surrender of 300 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. that portion of the C. S. Army known as the Army of Northern Virginia. "Very respectfully, your obedient servant, " U. S. GRANT, ''Lieut. -Gen. Commanding Armies of the U. States." "April 7th. "To LIEUT.-GEN. U. S. GRANT, Comm-nding Armies of the United States: "General I have received your note of this date. Though not entirely of the opinion you express of the hopelessness of further resistance on the part of the Army of Northern Virginia, I reciprocate your desire to avoid useless effusion of blood, and therefore, before considering your proposition, ask the terms you will offer, on condition of its surrender. "R. E. LEE, General."- "April 8th. " To GEN. B. E. LEE,- Commanding Confederate States Army: " General Your note of last evening, in reply to mine of same date, asking the conditions on which I will accept the sur render of the Army of Northern Virginia, is just received. In reply, I would say, that peace being my first desire, there is but one condition that I insist upon, viz: ' ' That the men surrendered shall be disqualified for taking up arms against the Government of the United States until properly exchanged. "I will meet you, or designate officers to meet any officers you may name for the same purpose, at any point agreeable to you, for the purpose of arranging definitely the terms upon which the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia will be received. " Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "U. S. GRANT, " Lieut. -Gen. Commanding 1 Armies of the U. States." "April 8th. " To LIEUT .-GEN. GRANT, Commanding Armies of the United States: "General I received at a late hour your note of to-day, in answer to mine of yesterday. I did not intend to propose the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, but to ask the terms of your proposition. To be frank, I do not think the XX.] CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN GRANT AND LEE. 361 emergency has arisen to call for the surrender. But as the res toration of peace should be the sole object of all, I desire to know whether your proposals would tend to that end. " I cannot, therefore, meet you with a view to surrender the Army of Northern Virginia, but so far as your proposition may affect the Confederate States forces under my command, and lead to the restoration of peace, I should be pleased to meet you at 10 A.M. to-morrow, on the old stage-road to Richmond, between the picket lines of the two armies. " Very respectfully your obedient servant, " B. E. LEE, "General Confederate States Armies." "April 8th. " GEN. B. E. LEE, Commanding Confederate States Armies: "General Your note of yesterday is received. As I have no authority to treat on the subject of peace, the meeting proposed for 10 A.M. to-day, could lead to no good. I will state, however, General, that I am equally anxious for peace with yourself, and the whole North entertain the same feeling. The terms upon which peace can be had are well understood. By the South laying down their arms they will hasten that most desirable event, save thousands of human lives, and hundreds of millions of property not yet destroyed. " Sincerely hoping that all our difficulties may be settled without the loss of another, life, I subscribe myself, "Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-Gen. U. S. A." "April 9th, 1865. "General I received your note of this morning on the picket line, whither I had come to meet you and ascertain definitely what terms were embraced in your proposition of yesterday with, reference to the surrender of this army. ' ' I now request an interview in accordance with the offer con tained in your letter of yesterday for that purpose. " Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "E. E. LEE, General. "To Lieut.-Gen. Grant, Commanding U. S. Armies." " April 9th. " Gen. E. E. LEE, Commanding Confederate States Armies: "Your note of this date is but this moment (11:50 A.M.) re- 362 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. ceived. In consequence of niy having passed from the Rich mond and Lynchburg road to the Farmvilie and Lynchburg road, I am at this writing about four miles west of Walter's Church, and will push forward to the front for the purpose of meeting you. ' ' Notice sent to me on this road where you wish the interview to take place will meet me. " Yery respectfully, your obedient servant, "U. S. GKANT, Lieut.-Gen." " APPOMATTOX COURT HOUSE, April 9th. " GEN. R. E. LEE, Commanding Confederate States Armies: ' ' In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of the 8th instant, I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia on the following terms, to wit: " Rolls of all the officers and men to be made in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer designated by me, the other to be retained by such officers as you may designate. " The officers to give their individual paroles not to take arms against the United States until properly exchanged, and each company or regimental commander sign a like parole for the men of their commands. "The arms, artillery, and public property to be packed and stacked, and turned over to the officers appointed by me to receive them. This will not embrace the side-arms of the offi cers, nor their piivate horses or baggage. " This done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to their homes, not to be disturbed by United States authority so long as they observe their parole and the laws in force where they may reside. " Very respectfully, "U. S. GRANT, Lieut-Gen." " HEAD-QUARTERS ARMY OF NORTHERN VA., April 9th, 1865. " LIEUT.-GEN. U. S. GRANT, Commanding U. S. Armies: " General I have received your letter of this date, containing the terms of surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, as proposed by you; as they are substantially the same as those expressed in your letter of the 8th instant, they are accepted. I will proceed to designate the proper officers to carry the stipula tions into effect. " Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "R. E. LEE, General." XX.] SURRENDER OP LEE. 363 At 3| P.M. of the 9th of April, 1865, the Articles of Capitulation were signed, and Lee' aimy was re ceived as prisoners of war. Before the surrender, Lee's army being cut off from all supplies and pursued by the Federal forces, rendered his position most des perate. The following description of his flight, made by an eye-witness, will give the reader a pretty clear idea of the circumstances which led to his surrender, and the eminent peril which awaited the Confaderate forces : " Those foragers who returned to Lee brought little or nothing with them. The suffering of the men from the pangs of hunger has not been approached in the military annals of the past fifty years. But the suffering of the mules and horses must have been even keener; for the men assuaged their cravings by plucking the buds and twigs of trees just shooting in the early spring, whereas the grass had not yet started from its wintry sleep, and food for the ur happy quadrupeds there was none. As early as the morning of the 6th, Lee sent off half his artillery toward the railroad, to relieve the famished horses. The artillery, making slow progress, thanks to the exhaustion of the horses, was cap tured by the Federals on the 8th. "It is easy to see that the locomotion of an army in such a plight must have been slow and slower. The retreat was eon- ducted in the following fashion : About midnight the Confeder ates slipped out of their hasty works, which they had thrown up and held during the previous day, and fell back until 10 or 12 o'clock the next morning. Then they, halted, and immediately threw up earth-works for their protection during the day. It was not long before the wolves were again on their heels, and from their earth-works the Confederates exchanged a heavy fire with their pursuers throughout the day. Delayed with the necessity of guarding an ammunition train from thirty-five to forty miles in length, enfeebled by hunger and sleeplessness, the retreating army was only able to make ten miles each night. The delay enabled the active Sheridan to get ahead with his cavalry, and to desiroy the depots of provisions along the railroad between Burkville and Danville. Upon the 5th, many of the mules and horses had ceased to struggle. It became necessary to burn hun- 364 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. dreds of wagons. At intervals the enemy's cavalry dashed in, and struck the interminable ammunition train here and there, captur ing and burning dozens upon dozens of wagons. Toward evening of the 5th, and all day on the 6th, hundreds of men dropped from exhaustion, and thousands let fall their muskets from ina bility to carry them any further. "The scenes of the 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th, were of a nature which can be apprehended in its vivid reality only by men who are thoroughly familiar with the harrowing details of war. Be hind, and on either flank, an ubiquitous and increasingly adven turous enemy every mud-hole and every rise in the road choked with blazing wagons the air filled with the deafening reports of ammunition exploding, and shells bursting when touched by the flames dense columns of smoke ascending to heaven from the burning and exploding vehicles exhausted men, worn-out mules and horses, lying down side by side gaunt famine glar ing hopelessly from sunken, lack-lustre eyes dead mules, dead horses, dead men everywhere death, many times welcomed as God's blessing in disguise who can wonder if many hearts, tried in the fiery furnace of four years' unparalleled suffering, and never hitherto found wanting, should have quailed in pres ence of starvation, fatigue, sleeplessness, misery unintermitted for five or six days, and culminating in hopelessness ? "Yet there were not wanting occasional episodes which recalled something of the old pride of former memories, and reminded men that this hunted, famished crowd was still the same army that had won two Bull Buns, which had twice (in pursuit of a fatal policy) trodden its enemy's soil, and had written Fred- ericksburg, Chancellorsville, and a dozen other names upon its banners. " The reader will have gathered that when Gen. Lee found his depots along the Danville road destroyed by Sheridan, he had no alternative but to make for Lynchburg. He still hoped to get rations and to turn suddenly upon Grant, whose army was dispersed into many columns. The fatigue of the pursuit, though unaggravated by famine, was beginning to tell upon the pur suers. But in pressing for Lynchburg, Lee found himself in a dangerous predicament. He was on a strip of land, not more than seven or eight miles broad, between the James and Appo- mattox Rivers. On the afternoon of the 7th, Lee's situation seemed so unpromising, that Grant, for the first time, sent to XX.] SURRENDER OF LEE. 365 propose surrender. Lee at once replied that his circumstances did not seem to him such as to justify his entertaining such a proposal. On the morning of the 8th, Grant renewed his solicitations. Lee did not decline, but debated the matter, call ing a council of war in the evening. No determination was arrived at on the 8th, and at midnight the usual dreary retreat was resumed. The springs of energy and will, unstrung by long want of food, had run down in the men like the machinery of a broken clock. Hitherto the retreat had been covered by Long- street and Gordon alternately, but now the Federal force, which had got ahead of Lee and was obstructing his retreat, had become so considerable that Gordon was thrown out with 2,000 men in front, while Longstreet, whose pluck neither hunger, nor fatigue nor depression could abate, or subdue, still covered the rear. " At daybreak on the 9th, a courier from Gordon announced to Lee that a large body of Federal cavalry (in other words, Sheridan's army) was across the road at Appomattox Court House. At the same moment a heavy force of infantry under Grant was pushing Longstreet vigorously in the rear. Between Longstreet and Gordon were the remaining wagons, and cling ing to them thousands of unarmed and famished stragglers too weak to carry their muskets. Lee sent orders to Gordon to cut his way through, coute qu'il coute. Presently came another cou rier from Gordon, announcing that the enemy was driving him back. Lee had at this moment less than 30,000 men with mus kets at their hands. The fatal moment had indisputably come* Hastily donning his best uniform, and buckling on his sword, which it was never his fashion to wear, Gen. Lee turned sadly to the rear, to seek the final interview with Gen. Grant. " There is no passage of history in this war which will, for years to come, be more honorably mentioned and gratefully remembered than the demeanor on the 9th of April, 1865, of Gen. Grant toward Gen. Lee. I do not so much allude to the facility with which honorable terms were accorded to the Con federates, as to the bearing of Gen. Grant and the officers about him toward Gen. Lee. The interview was brief. Three com missioners upon either side were immediately appointed. The agreement to which these six commissioners acceded is known. "In the mean time, immediately that Gen. Lee was seen riding to the rear, dressed more gaily than usual and begirt with his sword, the rumor of immediate surrender flew like wild-fire 24 366 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. through the Confederates. It might be imagined that an army, which had drawn its last regular rations on the 1st of April, and harassed incessantly by night and day, had been marching and lighting until the morning of the 9th, would have welcomed anything like a termination of its sufferings, let it come in what form it might. Let those who idly imagine that the finer feel ings are the prerogative of what are called the ' upper classes/ learn from this and similar scenes to appreciate ' common men/ As the great Confederate captain rode back from his interview with Gen. Grant, the news of the surrender acquired shape and consistency, and could no longer be denied. The effect on the worn and battered troops some of whom had fought since April, 1861, and (sparse survivors of hecatombs of fallen com rades) had passed unscathed through such hurricanes of shot as within four years no other men had ever experienced passes mortal description. " Whole lines of battle rushed up to their beloved old chief, and, choking with emotion, broke ranks and struggled with each other to wring him once more by the hand. Men who had fought throughout the war, and knew what the agony and humiliation of that moment must be to him, strove with a refinement of unself ishness and tenderness which he alone could fully appreciate, to lighten his burden and mitigate his pain. With tears pouring down his cheek, Gen. Lee at length commanded voice enough to say: ' Men, we have fought through the war together. I have done the best that I could for you.' Not an eye that looked on that scene was dry. Nor was this the emotion of sickly senti mentalists, but of rough and rugged men, familiar with hard ships, danger, and death in a thousand shapes, mastered by sympathy and feeling for another what they never experienced on theJr own account." The whole number of troops raised by the Union, during the war, was 2,688,523, and the number in service, or on the lists of enrollment, on May 1st, 1865, at the close of the war, was 1,000,516, which was at once reduced to a peace footing of 50,000, of all arms. During the war there were 5,221 commissioned officers and 90,868 men fell dead in battle, or died of wounds received in actual service. Besides these, 2,324 com- XX.] FORCES ENGAGED AND LOSSES. 367 missioned officers and 182,329 men died from disease or accident, making an aggregate of 379,828 who fell in the cause of Liberty, in the service .of the Union army, during the war. This does not include the thou sands who died, after leaving the army, from wounds and disease received and contracted there. Ab jut one- tenth of the male population of the 22,027,627 people from whom the Union armies were drawn that being the population of the twenty-five loyal States in 1860 participated in the subduing of the Rebellion ; and about one-tenth of all enlisted died, or were slain in the service. There were 180,000 black soldiers in the Union armies, of whom 29,298 were slain or died in the service. Mortality from disease was much greater among the blacks than among the whites ; no doubt their exposure was greater. On the rebel side the aggregate mustered into their armies was much smaller than the Union forces. They had, in 1860, in the eleven seceded States 5,449,463 white inhabitants, and a population of 3,607,467 negroes, a few of whom were free. Thus they had a total population of 9,056,930, of all classes, from which to draw their armies; while the North had 22,027,627. At this date there were only 1 ,841,996 more whites than blacks in the eleven seceded States. With the great facilities of the North for supplying and maintaining an army, and supplying and keeping afloat a navy that could completely cut off all supply from without from the rebels; the great odds in their favor of the number of men, and all the foreign immigration coming to the ports of the Free States, it was a physical impos sibility for the South to long continue war against the North, and time alone was waiting to bring the day, when complete exhaustion, or absolute annihilation, 368 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. would leave the rebel army a thing only known of the past. The losses on the- side of the rebels, from insuffi ciencies in hospital comfort and the heavy losses in the field, are computed to be about as great as those of the Union armies. This being so, there must have been at least 760,000 slain and died of disease in the armies of both sides, to say nothing of the thousands who have died since leaving the armies, with wounds and dis eases, contracted while there, and those permanently crippled. These classes are not less than 440,000 making at least 1,200,000 human beings sacrificed on the altar of the Slave Power and State Rights; to say nothing of the untold treasure expended, the great national debt incurred, the burdensome taxation im posed, the sad trials and unrequited grief and misery of the friends of the dead, and the national sorrow that lingers in every household, North and South, where the tears and sighs of the widow and orphan are uttered in silent despair. At whose feet this awful spectacle must rest, let the impartial reader of these pages be the judge. The great facility with which the vast armies of the Nation were disposed of at the close of the war, and the peaceful order in which . they returned to their homes and friends, to mingle in the peaceful pursuits of business and pleasure, is an example of the peculiar features of American Republicanism, which, in time of peace, so harmoniously adapts the conditions of its cit izens to the business and social relations of the country, that no individual class can maintain a distinctive char acter ; but, in the great march of social equality and progressive liberty, the soldier of to-day is the civilian of to-morrow, and the civilian of to-day is the soldier of to-morrow. XX.] SHERMAN'S FAREWELL TO HIS SOLDIERS. 3G9 The vast armies of the Republic, as they stood be fore the hosts of the enemy, at the close of the war, will doubtless never again be called to meet a foe upon American soil. The fast passing events must, in the course of nature, soon seriously deplete their ranks; but so long as they live they will be the sentinels, who, standing upon the pinnacles of our mountain heights, will sound aloud the first notes of alarm, should dan ger from within or without threaten that liberty which is the highest pride and the dearest boon of every American. The parting salutations of the two military cham pions of the age, on taking leave of their victorious armies, are here given; the sentiments they contain will be held dear by every lover of freedom while human liberty has an advocate on earth: " HEAD-QUARTEKS MIDDLE Div. OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD, ) Washington, D. C., May 30th, 1865. ) "Special Order No. 67. "The General Commanding announces to the Armies of the Tennessee and Georgia that the time has come for us to part. Our work is done, and armed enemies no longer defy us. Some of you will be retained in service until further orders ; and now, that we are about to separate, to mingle with the civil world, it becomes a pleasing duty to recall to mind the situation of national affairs when, but a little more than a year ago, we were gathered a /out the twining cliffs of Lookout Mountain, and all the future was wrapped in doubt and uncertainty. Three armies had come together, from distant fields, with separate histories, yet bound by one common cause the union of our country and the perpetuation of the Government of our inherit ance. There is no need to recall to your memories Tunnel Hill, with its Kocky Face Mountain, and Buzzard Koost Gap, with the ugly forts of Dalton behind. We were in earnest, and paused not for danger and difficulty, but dashed through Snake Creek Gap and fell on Besaca; then on to the Etowah, to Dallas, to Kenezaw, and the heats of summer found us on the banks of the 370 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Chattahoochee, far from home and dependent on a single road for supplies. Again we were not to be held back by any obstacle, and crossed over and fought four heavy battles for the possession of the citadel of Atlanta. That was the crisis of our history. A doubt still clouded our future; but we solved the problem and destroyed Atlanta, struck boldly across the State of Georgia, secured all the main arteries of life to our enemy, and Christmas found us at Savannah. Waiting there only long enough to fill our wagons, we again began a march, which for peril, labor and results will compare with any ever made by an organized army. The floods of the Savannah, the swamps of the Combahee and Edisto, the high hills and the rocks o the Santee, the flat quag mires of the Pedee and Cape Fear Rivers, were all passed in midwinter, with its floods and rains, in the face of an accumulat ing enemy; and, after the battles of Averysboro and Bentonville, we once more came out of the wilderness to meet our friends at Goldsboro. Even then we paused only long enough to get new clothing, to reload our wagons, and again pushed on to Ealeigh and beyond, until we met our enemy, suing for peace instead of war, and offering to submit to the injured laws of his and our country. As long as that enemy was defiant, nor mountains, nor rivers, nor swamps, nor hunger, nor cold, had checked us; but when he who had fought us hard and persistently offered submission, your General thought it wrong to pursue him further, and negotiations followed, which resulted, as you all know, in his surrender. How far the operations of the army have contributed to the overthrow of the Confederacy, to tha peace which now dawns on us, must be judged by others, not by us. But that you have done all that men could do has been ad mitted by those in authority; and we have a right to join in the universal joy that fills our land, because the war is over, and our Government stands vindicated before the world by the joint ac tion of the volunteer armies of the United States. " To such as remain in the military service, your General need only remind you that successes in the past are due to hard work and discipline, and that the same work and discipline are equally important in-the future. To such as go home, he will only say, that our favored country is so grand, so extensive, so diversified in climate, soil, and productions, that every man may surely find a home and occupation suited to his tastes; and none should yield to the natural impotence sure to result from our past life XX.] GRANT'S FAREWELL TO THE ARMIES. 371 of excitement and adventure. You will be invited to seek new adventure abroad, but do not yield to the temptation, for it will only lead to death and disappointment. " Your General now bids you all farewell, with the full belief that, as in war you have been good soldiers, so in peace you will make good citizens; and if, unfortunately, new war should rise in our country, Sherman's Army will be the first to buckle on the old armor and come forth to defend and maintain the Gov ernment of our inheritance and choice. "Bv order of Major-General "W. T. SHEEMAN. "L. M. DAYTON, Assistant Adjutant-General." At a later period, the following address was issued by Lieut.-General Grant to all the Armies of the Re public : "GENERAL ORDERS No. 108. " WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, ) " Washington, D. C., June 2d, 1865. ) "Soldiers of the Armies of the United States: "By your patriotic devotion to your country in the hour of danger and alarm, your magnificent fighting, bravery and endur ance, you have maintained the supremacy of the Union and the Constitution, overthrown all armed opposition to the enforce ment of the laws and the proclamations forever abolishing Slavery the cause and pretext of the Rebellion and opened the way to the rightful authorities to restore order and inaugurate peace on a permanent and enduring basis on every foot of Amer ican soil. Your marches, sieges, and battles, in distance, dura tion, resolution, and brilliancy of results, dim the lustre of the world's past military achievements, and will be the patriot's precedent in defense of liberty and right in all time to come. In obedience to your country's call, you left your homes and fami lies and volunteered in its defense. Victory has crowned your valor, and secured the purpose of your patriotic hearts; and with the gratitude of your countrymen and the highest honors a great and free Nation can accord, you will soon be permitted to return to your homes and families, conscious of having discharged the highest duty of American citizens. To achieve these glorious triumphs and secure to yourselves, your fellow countrymen, and posterity the blessings of free institutions, tens of thousands of 372 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. your gallant comrades have fallen and sealed the priceless legacy with their lives. The graves of these, a grateful Nation bedews with tears, honors their memories, and will ever cherish and support their stricken families. "U. S. GEANT, Lieufc.-General." Jefferson Davis, President of the Southern Confed eracy, who had in company with other officials evacu ated Richmond, on the afternoon of Sunday, April 2d, had made his way by railroad to Danville, North Car olina, where, on the 5th of April, he established his Government, and issued the following appeal to his people : " DANVILLE, Va., April 5th, 1865. " The General-in-Chief found it necessary to make such movements of his troops as to uncover the Capital. It would be unwise td> conceal the moral and material injury to our cause resulting from the occupation of our Capital by the enemy. It is equally unwise and unworthy of us to allow our energies to fal ter and our efforts to become relaxed under adverses, however calamitous they may be. * ' For many months the largest and finest Army of the Con federacy, under command of a leader whose presence inspires equal confidence in the troops and the people, has been greatly trammeled by the necessity of keeping constant watch over the approaches to the Capital, and has thus been forced to forego more than one opportunity for promising enterprise. It is for us, my countrymen, to show by our bearing under reverses how wretched has been the self-deception of those who have believed us less able to endure misfortunes with fortitude than to en counter dangers with courage. "We have now entered upon a new phase of the struggle. Believed from the necessity of guarding particular points, our army will be free to move from point to point to strike the enemy in detail far from his base. Let us but will it and we are free. "Animated by that confidence in spirit and fortitude which never yet failed me, I announce to you, fellow countrymen, that it is my purpose to maintain your cause with my whole heart and soul that I will never consent to abandon to the enemy XX.] DAVIS' APPEAL TO HIS SUBJECTS. 373 one foot of the soil of any one of the States of the Confederacy. That Virginia noble State whose ancient renown has been eclipsed by her still more glorious recent history; whose bosom has been bared to receive the main shock of this war; whose sons and daughters have exhibited heroism so sublime as to render her illustrious in all time to come that Virginia, with the help of the people and by the blessing of Providence, shall be held and defended, and no peace ever be made with the infamous in vaders of her territory. " If, by the stress of numbers, we should ever be 1 compelled to a temporary withdrawal from her limits, or those of any other Border State, again and again will we return, until the baffled and exhausted enemy shall abandon in despair his endless and impossible task of making slaves of a people resolved to be free. "Let us, then, not despond, my countrymen, but relying on God, meet the foe with fresh defiance and with unconquered and unconquerable hearts. "JEFFERSON DAVIS." The new phase of which Davis- spoke, upon which the people of the Confederacy had entered, was evi dently not the phase through which himself and the whole army of the seceded States were passing. Lee's telegram to him at Richmond, on April 2d, apprised him that that city, and also Petersburg, must be evac uated at once ; and as he left the rebel Capital, and as the Union army entered, all communication was cut off between himself and the Confederate Army; and, as he indicated, he was still hopeful that the South ern armies, even detached and cut off from all regular sources of supply, could keep up a protracted warfare; and, in the hope of meeting Lee, or some of the lead ing Generals of his armies at his new head-quarters, he remained for several days at Danville. He would not, he said, " abandon a foot of the soil of any one of the States of the Confederacy to* the 'infamous invaders' of her territory." He appealed loudly to "the ancient 374 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. renown of Virginia," " whose bosom has been bared to receive the main shock of the war." How well she received it may be learned from a perusal of a preced ing portion of this chapter. His declaration, that if they should be dri7en from the Confederacy, th^t they should again and again return, has been verified by the reign of terror instituted by his followers throughout the conquered States, and their assumption to regain possession of the reins of Government and institute a system of Slavery among those made free by the opera tions of the war. On the 10th of April the startling news of the fall of Richmond and surrender of Lee reached Davis, who, thinking the tenure of his location too uncertain even for personal safety, packed the Government of the Confederacy in a carpet-bag, and posted off by rail for Greensboro, North Carolina. Here he halted to await events, his faithful Postmaster-General, Mr. Reagan, and a few other officials still with him. The Govern ment was set up in the cars, where the President and his Cabinet kept watch through the weary night. The thing was growing slim. The Confederacy had shrunk from its once proud proportions to the collapsed inte rior of a dusty carpet-bag. But the institution was doomed to a still further contraction. On the 15th of April the news of the surrender of Gen. Johnston's Army to Gen. Sherman had reached him, and Greens boro, like Danville, must now be abandoned. But his flight must be slow, for Gen. Stoneman's force had cut off his retreat by destroying the railroads. A move ment must be made, so the " President" and the " faithful" hurried the Government into a wagon and started upon their pilgrimage to Charlotte, North Car olina. Here the weary Executive and suite were XX.] FLIGHT AND CAPTURE OF DAVIS. 375 kindly received by his subjects, and the Government was taken from the carpet-bag to get an airing. The company rested for a few days, but their repose was doomed to arrest, for soon the news of the approach of General Stoneman's cavalry brought the President to another change of base ; so the carpet-bag was again sought for, but its contents were fast evaporating. Wagon was too slow now fast horses were necessary. Soon, the President and his officials were mounted, the Government was hung to the pummel of Davis' saddle, who surrounded by 2,000 cavalry, started at full speed, headed southward by way of Yorkville and Abbieville, South Carolina. On the 4th of May the remnant of the Presidential escort, which had dwindled down to a few dozen persons, together with the President, ar rived at Washington, Georgia. Here the sack con taining the Government was snatched from the saddle of the foaming steed. Davis unlocked it, and peering in, failed to discover its contents with the naked eye, and in a burst of agony dropped from his nervous fin gers the unsubstantial fabric of the Southern Confed eracy, and again headed South in search of happiness where it could be cheaper and more abundantly ob tained. Davis' family, who up to this time had accompanied him, were now separated from him, and were in pos session of a considerable amount of money. Fearing that the safety of his funds was in danger, Davis has tened to join his family, and with the aid of a few friends, pitched their gypsy tent in the woods, a little distance from the village of Irwinsville, Georgia. Gen. Wilson, of the Union Army, hearing of the escape southward of Davis, dispatched two companies of cav alry in pursuit the first Wisconsin, under Lieut.-CoL 376 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Harden, and fourth Michigan, under Lieut.-Col. Pritchad. The cavalry started upon their important mission. Pritchad at last, on the 10th of May, struck the rebel trail which led him to the "last ditch." Here in the gray of moming he surprised and captured Mr. Davis, his wife, and children, and his wife's sister. At this juncture a melancholy affair occurred. The two companies of cavalry in pursuit had taken oppo site directions, and meeting at this point while it was yet too early in the morning to distinguish each other, and mistaking one another for enemies, commenced an engagement. Two men were killed, and several wounded. The mistake was soon discovered, how ever. Davis, now a prisoner, was dispatched to For tress Monroe, where he was closely confined for some time, but was subsequently released on bail that he would appear before the United States Courts for trial upon two charges found against him by indictment one for treason, the other for complicity in the assas sination of President Lincoln. More than three years have elapsed since the arrest of Mr. Davis to the present time, and he is still at large, without having had a trial. Alexander H. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederacy, had been captured in Georgia ; and he, with the rebel Post master-General Reagan, captured with Davis, were sent to Fort Warren, Boston harbor, from which they were, a few months after, released on parole. The stories circulated about Mr. Davis' attempting to escape in female attire are much exaggerated. Being aroused at early morning, he hurriedly put on his boots, and with a loose wrapper about him, in which he had slept, started to the tent door. Mrs. Davis, fastening his wrapper about him, followed him to the door, and XX.] FLIGHT AND CAPTURE, OF DAVIS. 377 bade iiim go towards the spring, where were his horse and his arms. He complied; and as he was leaving the door, Miss Howell threw a shawl over his head. This he did not attempt to remove, as there was now no time to be lost; so in this attire he made his way hastily towards his horse. These articles are believed, upon good authority, to be all pertaining to female attire upon Mr. Davis. Doubtless his appearance, with his long robe down to his feet, girdled about him, and a shawl thrown over his head, was well cal culated to lead to the belief that he was disguised as a female ; but it is very doubtful if any such inten tion had entered his mind, however the contrary might be among those about him. CHAPTER XXI. ENTHUSIASM AT THE FALL OF EICHMOND. ASSASSINATION OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN. ATTEMPT TO MURDER W. H. SEWARD. ANDREW JOHNSON SWORN IN PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. CAPTURE OF BOOTH, THE ASSASSIN OF LINCOLN. CAPTURE OF THE OTHER CONSPIRATORS. TRIAL AND SENTENCE OF. REWARDS OFFERED FOR JEFFERSON DAVIS, JACOB THOMPSON, CLEMENT C. CLAY, BEVERLY TUCKER, GEO. N. SANDERS, AND W. C CLEARY. PRESIDENT LINCOLN, on the 24th of March, 1865 ; had gone to City Poinf , a few miles from Petersburg and Richmond, Yirginia, to witness the grand attack on the rebel Capital. Grant had kept up continuous tel egraphic reports to him during the siege of Peters burg and Richmond. Mr. Lincoln arrived at Richmond on the 4th of April, the day after its fall, remained a short time, and returned soon again, as has been already stated in the preceding chapter. He returned to Washington on Sunday, April 9th, the day of Lee's surrender. The news of the sur render of Lee reached Washington about the same time that Mr. Lincoln did, and caused another burst of rejoicing throughout the land. All the cities and villages in the Free States were illuminated. Wash ington City was a scene of joy never witnessed before. The fall of Richmond, and the brilliant achievements of Grant and Sheridan and their soldiers, had wrought the public feeling up to a pitch of enthusiasm beyond description. The friends of the Executive were now highly elated. Years of patient toil of the army, in which they had made so many sacrifices and gained so many XXL] JOY OVER THE DEFEAT OF THE REBELS. 379 brilliant victories, were now crowned by success com plete and permanent. The long and painful night of suspense, suffering, and mourning of the Nation, was at last ended ; and the indomitable energy and un interrupted watchfulness of Mr. Lincoln had all been repaid. He had the pleasure of entering the rebel Capital the day after its fall, and gazing upon the charred walls of the city of treason. He saw the smoke from its ruins mingle with the clouds; and the flames from the last funeral pile of the Slave Power in Amer ica illuminate the path of the bondman from the night of Slavery, into the morning of blessed freedom, and be held the symbol of Liberty the flag of his coantry floating where, for four years, the rebel flag had held un interrupted sway. The heart of the mighty enemy was crushed, and America was free. The great problem of human liberty, and the capacity of man for self-gov ernment, had been solved by the terrible arbitrament of the sword. The sacrifice had been great, but the victory and its fruits were not to be garnered in a day ; their results were the liberties of millions yet unborn. And as the magnitude of the victory stood before the humane Lincoln, his great soul rejoiced and praised God. How little did he dream of the tragic fate so close upon him. Already the bullet that was to pierce his brain, had been placed in the pistol by the hand of the assassin. The country was turning toward re pose. Her conquering armies were seeking their homes and dear ones. A tranquillity unknown for years, spread over the land, only however to be eclipsed by the black shadow of mourning, whose sable pall draped every loyal house in the land, and hung from the declivities of the mountains, from the Saco to the Columbia. 380 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. President Lincoln had, on April 13th, 1865, directed that an order issue from the War Office discontinuing all further recruiting for the army. This appeared in the public press on April 14th, the anniversary of the fall of Fort Sumter and its surrender to the rebels, four years prior to that day. A Cabinet meeting had been held during the day, at which General Grant was present. President Lincoln, General Grant, and a few other friends had arranged to spend the evening at Ford's Theatre, in Washington City. The General, however, returned to his post, and did not attend. Mr. Lincoln, with his wife and their friends, Major H. R. Rathbone and Miss Carrie W. Harris, attended the theatre, and occupied a private box. His going to the theatre was to him a moment of relaxation, and as unsuspicious of danger as possibly could be. He, of all others, never had a suspicion of any personal dan ger, notwithstanding that, during the past four years, he had received many anonymous letters of threats of assassination. While seated in the theatre with his friends, J. Wilkes Booth, an o.ctor, born in Baltimore, Maryland, and son of the celebrated tragedian, Junius Brutus Booth, entered, at half-past 10 o'clock, at the door of the box, which he fastened behind him; and, while all were intent upon the play, stood close to the back of Mr. Lincoln, who sat in a high arm chair, and with a Derringer pistol in his right hand, and double- edged dagger in the other, placed the pistol to the President's head, fired, and striking at those in the box with the dagger, sprang to the front of the box, ex claiming, "Sic semper tymnnis!" (Thus always with tyrants the motto of the State of Virginia), leaped upon the stage below, and, brandishing his dagger, shouted, "The South is avenged!" Rushing across the XXI.] ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN. 381 stage, he made his exit through a back door, mounted a horse in waiting for him, and made his flight into Maryland, where he found shelter and protection among his Secession friends. All this was done so quickly, and the confusion was so great, that his pur suers came to the street only to see him flying away upon his fleet horse. When the true state of affairs was known, the excitement in the theatre was intense. Mr. Lincoln was removed insensible; the lights were turned down and the doors closed. Mr. Lincoln, who had been entirely unconscious since he had received the fatal shot, at twenty minutes past seven o'clock on the following morning, April 15th, 1865, expired. His death was the result of an organized conspiracy, by a number of ruffians, to assassinate the President and his Cabinet. While this bloody tragedy was being enacted, Lewis Payne Powell, known as Payne, entered the residence of W. H. Seward, Secretary of State, who was lying in bed disabled by a fall from his carriage, resulting in the breaking of his jaw and one of his arms. Payne stated to a boy in the hall that he had medicine for Mr. Seward, and went up stairs to the third floor. . At the door of Mr. Seward' s room he met Frederick W. Seward, the son of the Secretary, to whom he told the same story, and on being refused admission, drew a pistol and fired,- but without effect. He then Struck Mr. Seward two severe blows on the head, breaking his pistol and fracturing Mr. Seward' s skull. Miss Fannie Seward, being in her father's room and hearing the noise, opened the door. Payne rushed in and commenced to deal terrible blows at the throat of Mr. Seward with a bowie-knife, inflicting desperate wounds. Mr. Robinson, an invalid soldier in the house, and at- 25 382 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. tendant upon Mr. Seward, endeavored to drag the murderer from the bed. Payne turned upon Robin son, inflicting serious wounds upon him. Mr. Seward at this moment rolled himself from the bed and on the floor towards the wall. The would-be assassin, find ing that he could not reach his victim, relieved him self from Robinson and started down stairs. Meeting Major Augustus Seward, another son of the Secre tary, on the stairs, he plunged at him with his knife. Further down the stairs he met Mr. Hansel, an attend ant on the Secretary, whom he stabbed in the back. Miss Seward was now screaming " murder" from her father's room window. Payne passed all obstacles, and rushing for his horse at the door, mounted him and rode away. This took place about half past ten o'clock on Friday night, April 14th, 1865. The news of the assassination of Abraham Lincoln was soon spread throughout the land, and a cloud of mourning like an eclipse draped every dwelling where lived the spirit of liberty. The Nation's pulse stood still. A gloom, sad and sickening, as blank as a pause in nature, suspended the actions of men. The busy streets of yesterday, wherein hundreds of thousands of active seekers of business and pleasure were con gregated, were now a slow-moving procession of sor rowful people. Festivities and hilarity of a few days before, were now hushed into melancholy gloom ; the piping notes of joyous music were answered only by the measured roll of the muffled drum. Throughout the entire land, and over the deep sea, the National flag hung mournfully at half-mast. All business of the country was suspended, and men seemed to wander in idle forgetfulness of their own being. Beside the altar of prayer, old age reverently bowed, XXI.] ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN. 383 while the fountains of tears long locked up, burst forth afresh in copious streams. Vigorous manhood stood appalled, while innocent youth inquired the cause of so much grief. The Goddess of Liberty, from her throne of clouds, sang a melancholy requiem as she wove emblems of national mourning. In the cot tage of the peasant, the lowly cabin of the miner where the tall pine casts its shadow, by the sea-side, in the fisherman's lonely home, where the ceaseless dirge of Atlantic's fretful pulse mingles with the storm- cloud, in the lumberman's secluded abode, obscure and dark in forest gloom; around the shrine of liberty, where stood the sable sons of Africa as they laid their fetters upon the funeral pile of bondage, and breathed prayers of love and gratitude alike in all these, was the same sad mourning, and the same unspeakable sorrow. When the sad news reached across the seas,, the haughty standard of the Monarch was lowered in honor of the dead. The courtly halls of proud Eng land, the royal court of the Czar, the legislative coun cils of the nations, presented scenes of sadness and sympathy. The sturdy Polander, whose breast swelled with manly pride at the mention of Republicanism; the collier of Britain, who from his chamber of dark ness had seen the bright star of American Liberty, through the eternal night to which he was doomed ; the plaided Highlander, who listened to the tales of his conquering clans and sighed for freedom; and the robust son of the Emerald Isle, whose heart yearned for the emancipation of his down-trodden land all joined in the universal mourning all seemed to have lost a friend. The name and the fame of Abraham Lincoln had 384 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. reached to the extreme ends of the earth, for the land of which he was an honored citizen and bold defender, had for four years been passing through a purgation of the heresies of two and a half centuries ; and the great free land of America, where so many exiles had made their homes, was looked to from across the Atlantic as an asylum for the oppressed of all lands. But the tragic death of the good Lincoln was not to arrest the progress of civil liberty in America. Like a giant of the forest, he fell; but he sleeps not his watchful spirit still keeps vigilant guard over the free dom of those he loved so well. And as the tide of time carries the generations of men into the fitful ed dies and whirlpools of political danger, the memory of his patriotism and love of human liberty, will lead them to fields of victory and scenes of peaceful repose. And in the ages that will pass away, the generations that will read of the great struggle, on the American Continent, between barbarism and freedom, in the four years from April 12th, 1861, to April 14th, 1865, will revere the name of Abraham Lincoln, so long as liberty inspires the human heart. At 11 o'clock on the morning of April 15th, the day of Mr. Lincoln's death, Andrew Johnson, who had been elected Vice-President in 1864, took the Consti tutional oath of office as President of the United States. Mr. Johnson, who was a native of North Carolina, one of the original Slave States, and who was United States Senator from the State of Tennessee at the commence ment of the war, unlike his fellow Representatives from the South, proclaimed himself unalterably for the Union. Before his election as Yice-President he had been appointed Military Governor of his State, and during the war stood firm with the Administration, and opposed Secession. XXL] THE FLIGHT AND CAPTURE OF BOOTH. 385 Soon after the death of his predecessor, the question of the status of the States lately in Rebellion became a subject of National interest. The pause in the affairs of the rebellious States, caused by the cessation of hostilities, and while there was yet no civil gov ernment, called for immediate action. All State laws in conformity with any laws of Congress, had been suspended ; the people had just stacked their arms, at the command of a superior physical power; the changes wrought by the revolution in the personal status of the people could not be ascertained in a mo ment; the patriot could not be distinguished from the traitor, so as to adopt a civil policy to suit each; so, accordingly, Military Governors were appointed by the Executive, instructed to improvise such Government as might be adequate to the changed condition of the people, until such time as circumstances might fit the people to again resume relationship with the Govern ment which they had abandoned. (See " Reconstruc tion.") The flight of the assassins from the Capital was as remarkable as the desperation of the deed. Soon the vigilant police and active military were upon their track. Booth and some of his confederates had escaped into Maryland, and were received by their friends. His progress had been retarded by a fracture of his leg, received in leaping from the box to the stage of the theatre. On the night of the 26th of April, twelve days after the murder, his pursuers discovered him and his confederate, Harqld, concealed in a barn near Port Royal. On demand of his pursuers, Booth refused to surrender, and displayed his firearms, and declared that he would not be arrested. The barn was fired. Harold came out and gave himself up, but Booth still 386 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. remained within. The cavalry (New York) that dis covered him, formed themselves in a circle round the barn, and, either from impatience, fear of his escape, or dread of personal injury from the menacing attitude of Booth, who was leveling his Colt's revolver at them, Boston Corbet, a young man of English birth, belong ing to the cavalry, drew his rifle upon Booth, and shot him. He died in a few hours. His body was taken to Washington and surrendered to the United States authorities. It was disposed of secretly. The curi osity of the public to know the locality of the remains of the assassin are likely never to be gratified. The reports that he still lives are as unfounded as many others that distract the minds of curious people. Nine of those immediately connected with this mur derous affair, were tried before a Court Martial, in the City of Washington; and on the 6th day of July, 1865, Mrs. Surratt, Harold, Atzerott, and Payne, were exe cuted by order of President Johnson, on approval of the findings of the Court Martial. O'Laughlin, Arnold, and Dr. Mudd were imprisoned for life, and Spangler for six years. At the trial of these persons, circumstances pointed strongly against Jefferson Davis and many leading Democrats, as being implicated in the schemes of as sassination. But, so far, no trial or conviction of them has been had. On the 2d of May, 1865, the following proclamation was issued by President Johnson : " Whereas, It appears, from evidence in the bureau of Military Justice, that the atrocious murder of the late President, Abra ham Lincoln, and the attempted assassination of the Hon. W. H. Seward, Secretary of State, were incited, concerted, and procured by and between Jefferson Davis, late of Richmond, Va., and Jacob Thompson, Clement C. Clay, Beverly Tucker, XXI.] JOHNSON'S PARDON PROCLAMATION. 387 George N. Sanders, W. C. Cleary, and other rebels and trait ors against the Government of the United States, harbored in Canada. "Now, therefore, to the end that justice may be done, I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do offer and promise, for the arrest of said persons, or either of them, within the limits of the United States, so that they can be brought to trial, the following rewards: $100,000 for the arrest of Jefferson Davis; $25,000 for the arrest of Jacob Thompson, late of Missis sippi; $25,000 for the arrest of George N. Sanders; $25,000 for the arrest of Beverly Tucker; and $10,000 for the arrest of "William C. Cleary, late clerk of Clement C. Clay. The Provost Marshal-General of the United States is directed to cause a de scription of said persons with notice of the above rewards to be published." On the 4th day of July, 1868, President Johnson issued an amnesty proclamation very sweeping in its nature. The policy of this act has been much doubted by some who believe that the spirit of Rebellion was still fresh in the breasts of the leaders of the late Con federacy. But the freedom of America is safe in the hands of the masses who rescued it from the Slave Power. America can afford to be magnanimous. Following is the proclamation: "Whereas, In the month of July, Anno Domini, 1861, in accepting the condition of civil war which was brought about by insurrection and rebellion in several of the States which con stitute the United States, the two Houses of Congress did solemnly declare that war was not waged on the part of the Government in any spirit of oppression nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation; nor for any purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of the States, but only to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution of the United States, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several States unimpaired, and that so soon as those objects should be accomplished the war, on the part of the Government, should cease; "And whereas, The President of the United States has hereto- 388 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. fore, in the spirit of that declaration, and with the view of securing for it ultimate and complete effect, set forth several proclamations offering amnesty and pardon to persons who had been or were concerned in the aforenamed Rebellion, which proc lamations, however, were attended with prudential reservations and exceptions then deemed necessary and proper, and which proclamations were respectively issued on the 8th day of Decem ber, 1863; on the 26th day of March, 1864; on the 29th day of May, 1865; and on the 7th of September, 1867; "And whereas, The said lamentable civil war has long since altogether ceased, with an acknowledgment by all the States of the supremacy of the Federal Constitution and of the Govern ment thereunder, and there no longer exists any reasonable ground to apprehend a renewal of the said civil war, or any for eign interference, or any unlawful resistance by any portion of the people of any of the States to the Constitution and laws of the United States; "And whereas, It is desirable to reduce the standing army and to bring to a speedy termination military occupation, martial law, military tribunals, abridgment of the freedom of speech and of the press, and suspension of the privilege of habeas corpus and of the right of trial by jury, such encroachments upon our free institutions in time of peace being dangerous to public lib erty, incompatible with the individual rights of citizens, contrary to the genius and spirit of our Republican form of Government and exhaustive of the national resources; "And whereas, It is believed that amnesty and pardon will tend to secure a complete and universal establishment and prev alence of municipal law and order, in conformity with the Con stitution of the United States, and to remove all appearances and presumf tions of a retaliatory or vindictive policy on the part of the Government, attended by unnecessary disqualifications, pains, penalties, confiscations and disfranchisements, and on the contrary to promote and procure complete fraternal reconcilia tion among the w r hole people, with due submission to the Con stitution and laws. " Now, therefore, be it known that I, Andrew Johnson, Presi dent of the United States, do, by virtue of the Constitution, and in the name of the people of the United States, hereby proclaim and declare, unconditionally and without reservation, to all and to every person who, directly or indirectly participated in the XXI.] JOHNSON'S PARDON PROCLAMATION. 389 late insurrection or rebellion, except such person or persons as may be under presentment or indictment in any Court of the United States having competent jurisdiction upon a charge of treason or other felony, a full pardon and amnesty for the offense of treason against the United States, or of adhering to their enemies during the late civil war, with restoration of all rights of property, except as to slaves, and except also as to any property of which any person may have been legally divested under the laws of the United States. ' ' In testimony whereof, I have signed these presents with my hand and have caused the seal of the United States to be here unto affixed. " Done at the City of Washington, the fourth day of July, in the year of our Lord 1868, and of the Independence of the United States of America the 93d. "ANDREW JOHNSON. "By the President: " WM. H. SEWAED, Secretary of State." CHAPTER XXII EECONSTRUCTION. STATUS OF THE EEBEL STATES. THE PRESIDENT'S POLICY. ATTITUDE OF THE DEMOCRACY. ACTION OF CONGRESS. AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. CIVIL RIGHTS BILL. AT the close of the war, the States of the conquered Confederacy were destitute of all Civil Government. Whatever sort of laws or forms of Government they had maintained during the period of the Rebellion were in opposition to the Federal Constitution, and upon the fall of Davis' Government the soil was the property of the United States, and the people in the same position as they were before the Rebellion, with this exception that their voluntary acts of treason had attainted them, and rendered them unfit to parti cipate in the affairs of Government, or to perform the acts and fulfill the offices of citizens. The Govern ments, Constitutions and laws of the States were com pletely prostrated, by reason of the people having lost their right of citizenship. To reconstruct these Ter ritories into States, and give them a position in the Union, with Governments Republican in form, and also to restore the people to citizenship, devolved upon the Federal Government new and important duties. On the establishment of Federal authority over these States and people, they were in the exact position of a conquered foreign nation, save that the people owed alle giance to the Government of the United States, of which they could not divest themselves so long as they re mained upon the soil of the Union ; and to recognize any other principle would be contrary to the customs of all XXII.] STATUS OF THE REBEL STATES. 391 civilized nations ; an abandonment of the strictest rules of international law; an acknowledgment of the lack of power in the National Federal Government to hold the several parts oi the nation together, by measures sufficient to guarantee a Republican form of Govern ment and a perpetuity of the Union. The maintaining of de facto Governments for four years in the Slave States; their building and keeping, afloat a navy ; equipping and supporting an army which prosecuted a vigorous offensive and defensive war against the United States ; an acknowledgment of their belligerent power ; exchange of prisoners, and the establishment of National and State Governments for eign and opposed to the laws of the United States, and in violation of the constitutional powers binding the several States to the Union, gave them, so far as acts of hostility were concerned, the position of a foreign enemy; and this character they maintained for four years, and abandoned it only for the want of physical force longer to maintain it. On the cessation of hostilities, the military power of the Nation stepped in under the authority of the Execu tive and the laws of war, to lend protection to the peo ple, until such time as civil government could be established. The whole civil power of these States was prostrate, and the writ of habeas corpus suspended ; and the regulations of the military forces, under the direction of Executive authority, was the only law of the land. At the close of the Rebellion the President had ap pointed Military Governors in the States, and under their directions local elections were held, and other civil acts performed, tending to alleviate the condition of the people and prepare them for affiliation in the 392 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. great body politic of the Republic. It was soon found that these elections resulted in returning to office those who had been foremost in the Rebellion. Ard as they were a majority of the inhabitants, they had complete control of every office in the State; and in most cases a necessary qualification of the candidate was his persistent opposition to the Federal Govern ment during the war. All those who had maintained a neutral position, or who advocated the Union cause, were ostracized from society, or expelled from the State, and considered ineligible to office. Elections were at once held for Congressmen and Senators to the National Councils of the Republic, which resulted in the return of those who in 1860 and 1861 had, in vio lation of their oaths, left the Congress of the Nation to join the Southern Confederacy, and who had acted as the highest officials in the civil and military depart ments of the rebel Government. These persons in due time presented themselves at the National halls for admission. At this point commenced the second phase of the Rebellion. If these men were to enter the Legis lative Department of the Government, the fruits of victory of the four years' struggle would have been lost; the Proclamation of Emancipation would have been overthrown; the legislation prohibiting Slavery in any and all the territory under the jurisdiction of the United States, would have been repealed; the whole war debt of the so-called Confederacy at home and abroad, with every dollar of loss sustained by the States and people of the Slave States, with the value of every slave who had gone over to the Union, or had been lost by the operations of the war, would have been ordered paid, and the people of the North taxed for its liquidation. This conclusion is justified by XXII.] RECONSTRUCTION OF REBEL STATES. 395 the acts and avowals of the leaders of the South, who offerer 1 no regret for their past conduct, nor would give any guarantee for the future, save declarations of open hostility to the Federal Government. The National Congress refused to admit these peo ple upon the powers granted it by the Federal Consti tution, which in Article I, Sec. 5 7 says: "Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifi cations of its own members." The Congress said that many, if not all, of those voting for these persons were, by acts of treason against the Government of the United States, disqualified to vote, as were also the persons elected, and that therefore the elections were illegal and void, and that the persons claiming admis sion to Congress were not qualified to take seats there because they were attainted of treason; and until such elections could be had as would be in conformity with the laws of the Nation, and such persons should pre sent themselves as Congress should deem qualified. These people, and the territory upon which they re sided, must remain under the general laws of Congress, as other territories of the Republic. To this proposi tion the people of the rebellious States demurred, as did also the whole Democratic party of the country, in which they were joined by the President, who dis avowed any power in the Legislative Department of the Nation to prescribe terms of admission to the States lately in rebellion, or to the people of these States, respecting their qualifications. Congress also said that by the acts of rebellion of the people, they had canceled all rights to representa tion; that their former State Constitutions were dead, and that until they adopted new ones, Republican in form, they could not participate in National legislation. 394 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. To this also did the President, the people of the South, and the Democrats in and out of Congress protest. Congress again invoked the Federal Constitution. Article I, Sec. 1, says: "All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives." The regulation and re-admission of the States lately in rebellion, they said, was a purely legislative regulation, and within the exclusive power of. Congress. Chapter IY, Sec. 3, of the Constitution, says: " New States may be admitted by the Congress into the Union." It is clear by this, that Congress must assent to their return as States, if they had been out of the Union. The same chapter and section also say : " Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations, respecting the terri tory or other property, belonging to the United States." Congress justly determined that under this clause, they could treat the States lately in rebellion, as they could treat other territory or property belonging to the United States; and upon this point there can be no legal doubt but that Congress was correct. When they were conquered, they were no longer " Foreign Na tions;" they were not States in the Union, for they had no State Governments the United States owned the soil, and the people were amenable to the laws of Congress. Chapter IV, Sec. 4, of the Constitution, also says: "The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union, a Republican form of Government." Con gress said that the United States meant the people, through the three branches of the Government, each discharging its peculiar functions within its sphere j XXII.] RECONSTRUCTION OF REBEL STATES. 395 the Legislative making the laws, the President executing them, and the Judiciary determining their validity. That those communities in 'the South did not have any State Governments Republican in form or otherwise in conformity with the laws of Congress, and that until they saw fit to adopt Constitutions within the require ments of the National Constitution, they must remain in a territorial condition. To this the people of the South objected; the whole Democratic party of the country sided with them, and the President assured them that he alone had the power of restoration ; that Congress in its position, was assuming the duties of the Executive, dangerous to the institutions of free Government; that it was u no Congress, but a body hanging upon the verge of the Government." Thus encouraged by the Executive and the Democracy, the people of the rebellious States became defiant of Fed eral authority, and instituted a reign of terror through out the South, resulting in serious riots and assassi nation of the advocates of the Congressional views. Here Congress and the President came to a dead lock against each other; and throughout his whole admin istration, to its close, every bill of importance enacted by Congress was opposed by the Democratic members and by the President, and had to be carried over the veto of the latter. At no time in the history of the Republic was dan ger so apparent, resulting from legislative and execu tive conflict, as during the winter and spring of 1868, when the violation of the Constitution and an attempted subversion of the Government to his own will, put Andrew Johnson upon his trial of impeachment for high crimes and misdemeanors. In support of the position taken by Congress that 396 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. in it was vested the exclusive power under the Consti tution to regulate the political affairs of the rebel States, I shall here introduce the views of President Lincoln, the Judiciary Committee of the Senate of the United States, and the opinion of the highest judicial officers of the Republic. President Lincoln, in recognition of the illegality of the State Governments of the seceded States, on the 12th of April, 1865, directed Major- General Weitzel, then in command at Richmond, Virginia, to withdraw any authority for the insurgent Legislature to meet. Conformable to this view, the Judiciary Committee of the Senate, at the Second Session of the Thirty- eighth Congress, (Senate Reports, 127) reported that, in their opinion, the admission of Representatives from the rebel States could not be entertained " till, by some joint action of both Houses, there shall be some recognition of an existing State Government acting in Harmony with the Government of the United States, and recognizing its authority." In the case of Luther v. Borden (7 Howard's Re ports), Chief Justice Taney says: " Under the Consti tution, it rests with Congress to decide wJmt Govern ment is the established one in a State; for, as the United States guarantees to each State a Republican Govern ment, Congress must necessarily decide what Government is established in a State before it can determine whether it is Republican or not; and when the Senators and Representatives of a State are admitted into the coun cils of the Union, the authority of the Government under which they are appointed, as well as its Republi can character, is recognized by the proper constitutional authority, and its decision is binding on every other depart ment of the Government" " Undoubtedly, a Military Government, established XXIL] RECONSTRUCTION OF REBEL STATES. 397 as a permanent Government of a State, would not be a Republican Government, and it would be the duty of Congress to overthrow it." (Fleming v. Page, 9 How ard, 615; Cross v. Harrison, 16 Howard, 194; Feder alist, 69, 85; Halleck's International Law, 785.) No further argument is necessary to show the exclu sive authority of Congress to regulate the affairs of the seceded States, at least so far as legislating for them while they remained in a territorial condition ; and, to judge of the character of their Governments, it is clear, also, that the United States being bound by the Constitution to guarantee to every State a Republican form of Government, that the right to propose or sug gest such forms of State Constitution, or other acts to be performed by these disorganized States, to give them a Republican status, was vested in Congress ; and if these communities did not see fit to adopt them, then they would remain as do other territories of the coun- try. The Thirteenth Amendment, abolishing Slavery, having been adopted by a constitutional majority of the States, it became binding upon the seceded States as they came into the Union. Besides requiring of them to adopt new Constitutions, Republican in form, as a further condition before their admission, they were required to adopt the Fourteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution. (See Constitution, Appen dix.) This also was proclaimed by the President and the Democratic party as unconstitutional, tyrannical and oppressive. Congress being the judge of what is a Republican form of Government, and deeming this a necessary step to enable these disorganized States to become Republican, had undoubted legal authority for this act. 26 398 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. The great objection to this, besides the claim that Congress was assuming authority not delegated to it, was that it forced negro suffrage upon the South. In this its application will extend to every State in the Union admitted from the public territory, if Congress sees fit to exact it. But the amendment is not imper ative, as will be seen by an examination of the second section of the amendment, and any and every State in the Union has the right to disfranchise any class they choose, black or white; and in most of the Western and Middle States proscriptions are still retained in their Constitutions against negroes exercising the right of suffrage ; and no doubt so soon as a sufficient white element prevails in the Southern States, they will dis franchise the negro. The result being in all cases that when any State disfranchises any of its male inhabit ants 21 years of age, being citizens of the United States, and not disqualified by acts of crime, then the representation of such State in Congress shall be re duced in the proportion that such restrictions are to the whole male population 21 years of age. This ap plies to every State in the Union, but was intended to abolish, the long continued unequal advantage of the Southern States over the Free States, by their having a representation in Congress based upon the white population and three-fifths of the slave population. This amendment is indeed a step up the great ladder of American freedom and progress, and one that no man who loves justice can object to. It has purged the National Congress of the odious and Anti-Repub lican custom of a representation based upon property, and in that one respect, at least, places every State in the American Union upon an equal footing. The passage of a law by the First Session of the 39th XXII.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE KEPUBLIC. 399 Congress in 1866, declaring all persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign power, citizens of the Republic, and also extending to every person in America equal rights before the law, brought forth fierce opposition from the whole Democratic party in and out of Congress, who declared that the tyranny of placing the negro upon an equality with them, was destructive of American liberty and the con stitutional guarantees to the people of the sovereign States. The whole Democratic power in Congress voted against the measure, and President Johnson sent in his veto against it. It was carried over the veto, however, by the Republicans. The leading feature of the Act reads as follows: tf That all persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign Power, excluding Indians, not taxed, are hereby declared to be citizens of the United States; and such citizens oi every race and color, without regard to any previous condition of Slavery, or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall have the same right in every State and Territory in the United States to make and enforce contracts; to sue, be parties, and give evidence; to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold, and convey real and personal property; and to full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of person and property as is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall be subject to like punish ment, pains, and penalties, and to none other, any law, statute, ordinance, regulation, or custom, to the contrary notwithstand ing." This law, the principal features of which are now a part of the Federal Constitution, at once places the National authority above the positions assumed by the States, in regulating and controlling the civil rights of the citizens of America. It at once broke down the despotism of those communities called States, which has from the formation of the Union defied and ignored 400 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. the fundamental principles of our National Govern ment, by depriving large classes of the people of a participation in the affairs of the Nation, ignoring, on account of color, birth-place and religion, the right to maintain suits in law or equity, to testify in the Courts of the country, or to be eligible to office of trust or profit. It took a long and bloody struggle for the friends of freedom to erect the monument of equal rights before the law, and to define, even in its present im perfect form, citizenship in the Republic. But the beautiful structure as it now stands, the conservator of the liberties of* the people, marks the era of the tri umph of the principles of the Republican party, and the decay of the barbarism of the Democracy of Amer ica, and the legislation of the Thirty-ninth Congress of 1866, long to be remembered by the friends of progress and human freedom. The leading question absorbing public attention and the National Congress, from the close of the Re bellion to the present time, was the status of the seceded States and their people. This seemed to be paramount to all else. Statesmen and jurists of the highest standing in the Republic, have exhausted their legal knowledge upon the subject. Directly opposite views had been taken by men of acknowledged ability and integrity. The political importance attached to the 'subject, has undoubtedly to a considerable degree, shaped the opinions of some men upon the subject; it would be doing injustice to human nature to suppose otherwise, In discussing the subject of the status of the rebel lious States and their people, which I shall do briefly, I shall endeavor to be guided by the best legal light XXII. ] RELATION OF STATES TO THE UNION. 401 before me, and by the application of those rules adopted by European nations since the formation of civil government: The rea.der has already seen, in preceding chapters of this volume, what my views are upon the relation that the States hold to the Union : that they are but parts of the Nation, and have no sovereignty whatever, when that term is used in its usual meaning as applied to nations; and the reasons for my conclusion upon this subject have been fully set forth already. The remaining questions are: Were the States out of the Union, and what was the status of their inhabitants at the close of the war ? The States composing the Union are all alike subor dinate to the laws and Constitution of the Nation, and any infraction of them may be redressed by the means pointed out by the laws themselves, or by such other measures as the circumstances may require. Congress is bound by the Constitution to guarantee to every State in the Union a Republican form of Government. If, therefore, any State should, by any Legislative act, so change its organic State laws that it would no longer be Republican in form, or fail to maintain a Republi can Government, then it would be the bounden duty of Congress to declare the existing Government not Republican; to refuse it admission or representation in the National councils; to suspend the State Gov ernments, and, through the Executive, declare martial law, or the general laws of the Nation, to be the only laws in -force; and if those laws were resisted, then to call the armies of the Nation to enforce them; and, until such time as Congress recognized the State Government as being Republican, they would not be States in the Union. But then, say some, if they are 402 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. not States in the Union, then they must be States out of the Union, or out of the Union as foreign nations. I answer, no. It is immaterial whether a State holds the position of a suspended State, through Legislative acts of the National Government, or by the force of arms of the same Government. If for a time a State is able to maintain a sufficient resistance to the General Government, that the rights of belligerents be recog nized and accorded to the people during the period of the civil war; if it assume that character, they are un questionably out of the Union or Nation of which they were a member; and if they maintain their independ ence, their right to it would be recognized from the time that they successfully maintained their opposition and their separate Government; but if they/ai^, how ever protracted the contest, they assume the position of conquered provinces. They cannot enter upon a voluntary war to maintain their separation, and after a contest of arms, and failure to gain their independence, assume the status of States as they were when they entered into Rebellion, no more than they could, in defiance of Federal authority, assume the position of States without a Republican form of Government, when they were suspended for not being Republican, as the Constitution requires. And even if their State Consti tutions were Republican when they entered into revolt against the National authority, they could not resume their former position at the close of the contest. First, because, by their acts of rebellion or civil war, they abrogated the former ties the State Constitution which bound them to the Uni. Alabama Arkansas California Connecticut. . . Delaware .... Florida Georgia Illinois *'2d Mon. in November *lst Mon. in November *lst Mon. in December 1st Wed. in May *lst Tues. in January.. *lst Mon. in November 1st Th. in November. *2d Mon. in January. . . *lst Wed. in January. . *lst Mon. in January. . 2d Th. in January *lst Mon. in December *3d Mon. in January. . . 1st Wed. in January. . 1st Wed. in January. . 1st Wed. in January. . *lst Wed. in January. . *lst Tues. in January.. *lst Mon. in January . . *Last Mon. in December 1st Mon. in August 1st Mon. in August 1st Wed. in September 1st Mon. in April 1st Tues. in November 1st Mon. in October. . . 1st Wed. in October... 1st Tues. in November 2d Tues. in October. . . 2d Tues. in October. . . 1st Tues. in November 1st Mon. in August. . . . 1st Mon. in November 2d Mon. in September 1st Tues. in November 1st Tues. in November 1st Tues. in November 1st Tues. in November 1st Mon. in October. . . 1st Tues. in November 1st Tues. in October. . . 1st Tues. in November 2d Tues. in March 1st Tues. in November 1st Tues. in November 2dTh. in August 2d Tues. in October. 1st Mon. in June. . . 2d Tues. in October 1st Wed. in April... 4th Mon. in November 1st Th. in August.. . 1st Mon. in August. . 1st Tues. in September 4th Th. in May 4th Th. in October 1st Tues. in November $2,500 2,500 7,000 1,100 1,330 1,503 3,000 1,500 3,000 2,200 2,500 2,500 4,000 1,500 3,600 5,000 1,500 2,500 3,000 5,000 "6,666 1,000 3,000 4,000 4,000 1,800 1,500 5,000 1,000 3,500 3,000 4,000 1,000 5,000 2,000 1,250 Little Rock Sacramento Hartford & New Haven Dover Tallahassee Milledgeville . Indiana Iowa Indianapolis Des Moines Kansas Topeka Kentucky Louisiana Maine Frankfort Baton Rouge Augusta Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota .... Annapolis Boston Lansing St. Paul Mississippi . . . Missouri Nebraska Nevada Jackson Jefferson City Omaha Carson City 1st Mon. in January. . 1st Wed. in June 2d Tues. in January. . 1st Tues. in January.. *3d Mon. in November *lst Mon. in January. . *2d Mon. in September 1st Tues. in January.. May and January 3d Wed. in October... *lst Mon. in October. . *lst Mon. in November 2dTh. in October *2d Mon. in January. . . 3d Tues. in January . . 2d Wed. in January. . . N. Hampshire. New Jersey. . . New York North Carolina Ohio Oregon Concord Albany Raleigh Columbus Salem Pennsylvania . Rhode Island. . Bouth Carolina Tennessee Texas Harrisburg Newport & Providence (Columbia . . Nashville Austin Yennont "Virginia "West Virginia. "Wisconsin Montpelier Richmond Morganstown Madison 'Meet biennially. XXIII.] ELECTION OF FEDERAL OFFICERS. 435 Those entitled to the elective franchise in the sev eral States, and the qualifications necessary under the State Constitutions for the various State officers, where qualifications are necessary, have already been given, without going into unnecessary details of minor affairs. It now remains to give the qualifications necessary to hold office under the Federal Constitution in the offices of the United States Government where qualifi cations are required. In all cases, both State and Federal, where there is no qualification prescribed by the Constitution or laws, the presumption is, and the practice has been, that citizens, using the term in its political sense, are eligible to office. The President of the United States must be a natural born citizen of the United States, and have attained thirty-five years of age, and been fourteen years a resi dent of the United States ; he is elected for four years, and is Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States. The Vice-President of the United States is elected at the same time and in the same manner, and for the same term as the President; he must have the same qualifications as the President. United States Senators. Two Senators from each State are elected by the Legislature for the term of six years; must have attained the age of thirty years, and have been nine years citizens of the United States ; also be inhabitants of the State for which they are chosen. Representatives to Congress are elected by the peo ple for two years ; must have attained twenty-five years of age, have been seven years citizens of the United States, and inhabitants of the State in which they are elected no other qualifications can be im posed by any State. 436 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Judges of the United States Courts are appointed by the President and Senate, and hold their office " dur ing good behavior." (See Constitution of the United States, Appendix.) The Constitution of the Federal Union is eminently Republican, and the Government of the Union under it well adapted to promote and perpetuate the freedom of the American people. But the changes which have been and are still being made in their social and polit ical affairs, demand corresponding changes in the fundamental law of the land. The hand printing press has given way to the steam power ; the mud wagon to the steam car the dull hulk that floated lazily at tlie mercy of winds and tides to the steam ship; the post-boy to the electric current that en circles the globe, and places us in immediate commu nication with the extreme ends of the earth ; the flint lock musket to the breach-loading repeating rifle ; the hand-loom to the mighty power loom, whose shut tles never cease; the rush and tallow candle to the brilliant gas; the dull rumbling omnibus to the street car; the sheep-skin in the window to plate glass; the painter's pencil to the camera of the photographer; religious bigotry and intolerance to a just appreciation of the rights of conscience; the wager of battle and the star chamber to trial by jury; soothsa3 r ing, proph ecy, miracles, and sorcery, to a comprehension of na ture's laws; ignorance, prejudice, and superstition to ed ucation, intelligence, and scientific knowledge. In the march of this great train of progress, laws and consti tutions must conform to the times; and the Federal Constitution in its improved condition keeps pace with the age. To the American citizen and statesman, the follow- XXIII.] ELECTION OF FEDERAL OFFICERS. 437 ing changes must press their claims, that the affairs of the Government may still. keep pace with the progress of the times, and in harmony with the Republican spirit of our Government. The present mode of election of the President of the United States should be changed, making the direct vote of the people the rule, dispensing with the unnecessary machinery of the " Electoral College," and the unrepublican-like system now m practice the person receiving the greatest number of votes to be elected; the same system to apply to the Vice-Presi dent, each being voted for seperately, and directly by the people. The present mode of electing United States Sena tors by the State Legislatures should be abolished, and the Senators elected by the direct vote of the people of their States. There is no subject in, the whole range of political affairs in the United States, so prejudicial to American liberty, as the system of Senatorial elec tions. Candidates for this position, through them selves and their accomplices, corrupt the political foun tains to their very centre; and under the practices of caucuses and conventions, manipulate the State Legis lative ticket to suit their ends, by selecting, under the pressure of pecuniary and other interests, such tools as will do the bidding of their masters. By this means it too often happens, that the one having the most money, the most efficient " strikers," corruptionists, and polit ical "wire-workers," will be the successful man; while the competent, modest, honest, or impecunious aspir ant, remains at home. The people are cheated out of their votes by this indirect method; the Legislature is packed with hirelings of the aspirant Senator ; the State is defeated out of honest legislation, because the 438 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. members were not elected with regard to their fitness for Legislative business, but solely upon their pledges to vote for United States Senator. When a Senator is thus elected, he is under obliga tions, and they must be fulfilled ; captains and leaders of the "ring" that elected him must be paid, so the Federal patronage must liquidate his promises. The " slate" at the Federal Capital is wiped clean on the arrival of the new Senator, and a new list is substituted for his State; National legislation has to be neglected by the Senator, who finds himself besieged by his political cred itors, so that, one by one, incumbents in Government offices are thrust aside, and the friends of the new Sen ator step in. But the corruption does not end here. During the six years of his administration, he has well stocked every Federal office in his State (so far as he can) with men pledged to his future support; and as another election is to take place in his State, he leaves the National Capital and opens his "office," where the same process as before is gone through with, only upon an enlarged and more scientific scale. Thus, from election of Governor to Constable, all is manipu lated, controlled, and moulded, by this greatest source of political corruption in America. The Federal Constitution should be amended also in relation to the period of the office of Judges of the United States. By the Constitution as it now is, Judges " hold their office during good behavior." A person may exhibit very excellent behavior, and yet be very far from being a competent and honest Judge. The present mode of appointment is the safest to insure competent and honest men; but the time of holding office is the objectionable feature. If the term of office was limited to, say ten years, the public could XXIII.] ELECTION OP FEDERAL OFFICERS. 439 once in a while be relieved of some superannuated or corrupt incumbent without going through the tedious, expensive and uncertain process of impeachment; besides the prospect of future appointment would be an incentive to good behavior. CHAPTER XXIY. CONSTITUTION OP THE UNITED STATES. AMENDMENTS TO. POWERS AND DUTIES OP OFFICERS UNDER. CITIZENSHIP. LAWS OF SOUTH CAROLINA. ATTEMPT TO SELL BRITISH SUBJECTS. THE Constitution of the United States is to the American Nation what Magna Charta is to the British Empire. It is the sheet anchor of American freedom and nationality. Upon it rest the foundations of the Republic. The laws, treaties, and institutions of the Nation are all dependent upon it. Each department of the various branches of the Government held submissive to it. It balances the power, regulates the extent and sphere of action of the Legislative, Execu tive, and Judicial branches of the Government. It keeps in motion and regulates-the action of the several States that gravitate around the common centre, where abide the life and perpetuity of the Republic. It pos sesses within itself the elements of its own preserva tion. It is susceptible of amendment, addition, and even of repeal or abrogation of its own parts. But this must be accomplished by the methods prescribed within itself; and when attempted to be done other wise, is void. (The Constitution, with all its amend ments, will be found in the Appendix of this volume.) The Federal Constitution was adopted September 17th, 1787, by the Convention assembled pursuant to resolution of the Continental Congress, and was rati fied by the requisite number of States January 21st, 1788, and by all the States May 29th, 1790. The first XXIV.] GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 441 Congress under it met on the first Monday in March, (4th,) 1789. At this session the first ten amendments to the Constitution were proposed, and duly ratified by the States in due course of time. The eleventh amendment was proposed in 1794, the twelfth in 1803, and both, duly ratified by the States, became a part ? of the Constitution. From this period down to the breaking out of the Rebellion, in 1861, no amendment had been added. Since that period the thirteenth and fourteenth amendments have been adopted. The Constitution was adopted by the people of the United States, and no act of any State can divest the people of the Union formed by them, or of the guar antees and protection of it. Its adoption by the peo ple bound the State Governments, and held them re sponsible and amenable to the laws and treaties made in conformity with its provisions. " The Constitution was ordained and established, not by the States in their sovereign capacity, but emphatically, as the pre amble declares, by the people of the United States. Martin v. Hunter's Lessee, 1 Wheaton's Eeports, 324." " It required not the affirmance, and could not be negatived by the State Govern ments. When adopted it was of completed obligation, and bound the State Sovereignties. McCullough v. Maryland, 4 Wheaton's Eeports, 404." The Government of the United States is a body porate, and cannot be dissolved by the act of any less number of its people than that that formed it. It is capable of attaining the objects for which it was cre ated, and has the power to use all necessary means to maintain the supremacy of the laws, and the perpetuity of the Nation by legislative or other measures. Section ten, of Article first, says: "No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation." Yet 442 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Southern statesmen have said that they could constitu tionally, as " Sovereign States," peaceably leave the Union and " confederate" as they saw fit. It is diffi cult to conceive how language could be framed more effectually to prohibit specific acts, than is this lan guage of the Constitution. A subject of great National interest during the Ad ministration of President Johnson was as to the pow ers guaranteed to the Executive by the Constitution ; and the latitude assumed by him (Johnson) at one time seriously threatened the safety of the country, and induced Congress to more fully define, and to some extent, prescribe Executive authority. Article second, of the Constitution, relating to the office of President, his duties and powers, would seem to be sufficiently specific, and was all-sufficient to guide the actions of the Executive department through the earlier periods of the Government. But the exigencies of the times, since the breaking out of the Rebellion in 1861, and the new issues and demands upon the va rious branches of the Government, have developed new phases, upon which the Executive assumed author ity totally at variance with all precedent, and subver sive of the laws and Constitution of the Republic. Indeed, so complicated and varied are his func tions, so closely allied with and almost inseparable from the other branches of the Government, that it is difficult to conceive how legislation can confine the Executive within any very limited sphere of action upon subjects not specifically defined by the Constitu tion. The present incumbent, (1868) Andrew John son, has assumed so many new positions Legislative, Executive, and Judicial has gone so far beyond his powers, as defined by tjie Constitution, that serious XXIY.] POWER8 OF THE PRESIDENT. 443 alarm for the safety of the country, from his unlimited assumption of powers, was not without foundation. His assumption of the Legislative duties of the Repub lic in the matter of reconstructing the rebel States, was an arrogance unparalleled in the history of Republi can Government. His positive refusal to execute laws of Congress, stating as his reason his opinion that they were unconstitutional, was a judicial assumption, dan gerous to the Nation, and destructive of the liberties of the people. His wholesale pardoning of the leaders of the Rebellion, thus fitting them to accomplish by legislation what they failed to accomplish by arms, was equally reprehensible and dangerous. The unlim ited use of the veto power against every important leg islative act of Congress, his assumption of the exclusive power of appointment and removal, during the session of the Senate, are features new and novel in the Ameri can Government. Article II, Section 2, of the Constitution, says, (speaking of the Executive) : " And he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and con sent of the Senate, shall appoint Embassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointment is not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law. * * The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, which shall expire at the end of their next session." Citizenship in the Republic is a subject of vital in terest, but one which has been grossly abused by State Constitutions and State laws, which have, in many in stances, ignored all the rights of the American citizen by proscribing his suffrage to the laws and limits of 444 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. the State where he might reside, and in many cases, not only depriving him of participating in State elec tions, but depriving him of voting for United States officers, unless he was of a certain class, thus subvert ing the high position of the American citizen to the narrow limits of State citizenship. In the Slave States, and those also under Democratic rule at the North, the elective franchise has been re served in the hands of an aristocratic class, in direct opposition to the spirit and philosophy of Republican Government. But the days ot such usurpations are drawing to a close, and like the other heresies of State Rights, Sovereign States, and Squatter Sovereignty, practiced by the Democracy, must give place to the doctrine of Manhood Suffrage, as advocated by the Republican party. Article IY, Section 2, of the Federal Constitution, says: " The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the sev eral States." The phraseology of the above clause would seem to convey the idea that citizens from one State going into another and making their domicile and residence there, would be entitled to all the rights of citizens of the State which they had entered. But if such be the intent of this clause, the practice has been in direct op position to it in many of the States. The highest Courts of the Republic have held that the " privileges and immunities" mentioned in this clause, extend only to those general privileges enjoyed by the citizens of one nation while traveling or domiciled in another protection in their business, the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, and of appearance in Courts of Justice thus placing the American citizen of any of the XXIV.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 445 States or Territories, so far as the local privileges and the rights of a citizen are concerned, should he move into another State, on about the same basis as that of an alien; indeed, in many of the States where, under the local and liberal State laws the adopted citizen has enjoyed all the privileges of the native born, he is surprised to find himself completely disfranchised and a foreigner still, when he moves into States which by their laws proscribe the adopted citizen from the rights of citizenship. So, too, with the native born, who, moving across the line of his State into another State of the Union, finds that ten, twelve, or twenty years residence in the State is necessary to enable him to hold offices of profit or trust, and that the profession of some particular religious faith, or belief in hell, or some other institution, must be sworn to before he can enjoy the rights of a citizen. Notwithstanding the construction of Courts upon the clause above alluded to, the depriving a citizen of his political rights by State laws, on account of his having been a resident of another State of the Union, or on account of his religious opinions, or the place of his birth, is Anti-Republican; and it is competent, under the Federal Constitution, for the National Congress to legislate such contracted and illiberal doctrines out of existence; and to assert and maintain that the rights, privileges and immunities of the citizen shall comprehend all the political privileges of the citizen in any State, without regard to former place of birth, residence, or religion, thus equaliz ing citizenship in the whole Republic. Taking the most liberal State as the standard of what Congress will acknowledge to be Republican in form, (Massa chusetts would be a good model,) and conforming all 29 446 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. others to that, a death-blow would be struck at the petty despotisms now existing under the name of State Governments, and the citizen of the State would be a citizen of the Republic, and would be entitled to all the rights, privileges and immunities, equally, in all of the States. The hardships formerly endured from the species of State authority over the citizen was most intolerable. The citizens of the Free States, on going into the Slave States, were completely disfranchised. In some cases, twenty years residence was necessary to enable them to discharge the office of a citizen; in others, large prop erty in land or negroes was necessary, in other cases religious tests. And these Democratic privileges only began to disappear as the Federal Congress began to reconstruct the Sovereign States of the South. Such evils, however, still exist in some of those States under Democratic rule. (See Constitutions.) This subject will be illustrated by the Act of the Leg islature of South Carolina, passed on the 20th day of December, 1820, which applied to " colored citizens." The Act is entitled " An Act for the better regulation of Free Negroes and Persons of Color, and for other purposes." Section third is in these words: " That if any vessel shall come into any port or harbor of this State from any other State, or foreign port, having on board any free negroes, or persons of color, as cooks, stewards, or mariners, or in any other employment on board of said vessel, such free negroes or persons of color, shall be liable to be seized and confined in jail, until such vessel shall clear out, and depart from titis State. And that when said vessel is ready to sail, the captain of said vessel shall be bound te carry away the said free negro or free person of color, and to pay the expense of his detention; and in case of his neglect or refusal so to do, he shall be liable to be indicted, and on conviction thereof, shall be fined in a sum not less than one thousand dollars, and be imprisoned not less XXIY.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 447 than two months. And such free negroes or persons of color shall be deemed and treated as absolute slaves, and sold in con formity to the provisions of the Act, passed on the 20th of De cember, 1820, aforesaid." The reader will observe some of the features of this law. " If any vessel " this does not even except the naval ships of the United States, or of any Foreign Nation "shall come into any port or 'harbor of this State, * * bringing in free colored persons/' such persons are to become ll absolute slaves." And all this to be done without the form of a trial, or allowing the unfortunate "person of color" to be heard in his own behalf. By the Act, too, " they are to be sold," and by the next clause, the Sheriff is vested with absolute power to carry this law into effect ; and he is to receive one-half of the proceeds of the sale. The " Sovereign- State " of South Carolina had freely indulged in capturing and selling the citizens of the United States and other countries; but was brought to grief in 1823, by attempting to put through the process of capture, imprisonment and sale, a British subject, Henry Elkinson, of Liverpool, England. He was taken from on board the British ship Homer, lying in Charleston harbor, and put in prison and held by the Sheriff of the city. He was a native subject of Great Britain, and was in addition a " colored person." But as Great Britain never classified her subjects by color, and her colonies had long since abandoned the microscope, in determining the status of her subjects, color did not enter into the consideration of this affair so far as England was concerned; and to the honor of the British Empire, with that characteristic energy which she h,s always exhibited, and that determina tion that has ever been the rule of her action in pro- 448 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. tecting the rights of the humblest of her subjects, she demanded, through her Consul, the delivery of Mr. Elkinson, who was surrendered after the interfer ence of the United States Government. The subject came nigh leading to a war between England and America. Some remarkable cases are to be found under this statute, where whole ships' crews were placed in prison even in the absence of the Captain, and the ships left to the mercy of circumstances, without a man on board. The case of the British subject alluded to is reported in the second volume of " Wheeler's Criminal Cases," edition of 1851, page 56, as it came before Justice Johnson, of the United States Circuit Court, on habeas corpus, August, 1823. Henry Elkinson v. Francis G. Deli. Citizenship in the Republic, under the wholesome legislation of the Republican party, has, within a few years, been so defined and regulated that the imprison ment and sale of men on account of color no longer exists. The measures adopted by the Congress of the Nation, in reference to the admission of States into the Union, and defining their Republican status, together with the thirteenth and fourteenth amendments to the Constitution,have at last placed the rights of the citizen and the powers of the Federal Union in their true po sition. The admission of States into the Union is purely a constitutional power vested in the Federal Congress. In the palmy days of the Pro- Slavery and Squatter Sovereignty doctrines of the Democracy, the admission of a State was a great event, sometimes occupying the whole Democratic party for years in active service, as will be seen by reference to the debates upon the ad mission of Missouri, Texas, and California. XXIY.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 449 Section 3 7 of Article IV, of the Constitution, says: "New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union." And again: "The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory or other property belonging to the United States." Section 4 says: "The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican form of Government, and shall protect each -of them against invasion." In noticing the first of these sections of the Consti tution, it is evident that the sole power of admitting States is exclusively in the National Congress, and any attempt to admit States by any other process, so long as that clause of the Constitution is in force which says, "New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union," is a direct violation of its provisions. "The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican form of Government." This Section does not define, nor indeed does any part of the Constitution even mention, what is necessary to constitute a Republican form of Government. If the existing Governments of the several States at the adop tion of the Federal Constitution, be regarded as a rule, the great inequality and almost Anti-Republican con dition of some of them at that period, would but ill suit the progressive notions of what should be Repub lican at this time, and what standard of Republicanism should be guaranteed and enforced, should any of the original States, in the lapse of time, become di vested of their Republican qualities, or remain. sta tionary while other States in the march of Freedom left them behind, as stumbling blocks, obstructing and retarding Republican progress. (See Reconstruction.) Article 1, of the first amendment to the Constitu- 450 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. tion, establishing religious freedom and religious equal ity, exhibits the wisdom of its authors. It is the safety-valve of Republican Freedom. Any encroach ment upon it would endanger the very existence of the Nation. In obedience to the law of God, it leaves all men free to worship as to them may seem best- and wherever this sacred right of man is invaded, liberty cannot exist. The enlightened and truly religious al ways accord to others what they themselves demand; but the ignorant, superstitious, and selfish prescribe 'limits for their fellow beings, but demand the right of conscience for themselves. No nation or people can be free where the laws establish and maintain forms of worship. Religion is divine in its origin, and operates through the conscience and sympathies of our nature, and is not dependent upon force for its quantity or quality. The Thirteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitu tion is a master-piece in the history of American leg islation. By this the last relic of barbarism was anni hilated, and an end forever put to the traffic in men, and its attendant evils, that had so long and so sorely afflicted the country. By it four millions of human beings were guaranteed continued liberty to them selves and their posterity forever, and the American Nation became a Republic mfact as well as in name. This amendment was proposed in the United States Senate on the 1st day of February, 1864. It came to a vote on April 8th, 1864 38 for it, all Republicans, 6 against it, all Democrats; so it was carried in the Senate. It went before the House for action on the 31st day of January, 1865. The vote was, for the amendment, 103 Republicans, also 16 Democrats, mak ing in all 119; against it, 56 all Democrats; not vot- XXI V.] CITIZENSHIP IN THE STATES. 451 ing 8, all Democrats; so it passed the House, and was in due time ratified by 27 States, the necesssry legal majority, and took effect as a part of the Constitution on the 18th day of December, 1865-. The amendment is as follows: " SECTION 1. Neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, ex cept as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction." The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution was proposed in the House on the 30th day of April, 1867. It went before the Senate for action on the 8th day of June, 1867. The vote for it was 33 Republicans; against it 11 all Democrats. It went before the House for action, January 13th, 1867. The vote was as follows: for it 138 all Republicans; against it 36 all Democrats. So it was carried in the Congress. Andrew Johnson did not veto either of these amend ments, solely because the veto does not extend to Constitutional amendments. But on the 22d of June, 1867, he sent a communication to Congress expressing his displeasure with the proposed Fourteenth Amend ment. This amendment went to the States for action, as is provided by the Federal Constitution, and in July, 1868, the Secretary of State made official announce ment of the necessary number of States having rati fied it, and that it was a part of the Constitution of the United States, and of the laws of the land. The amendment is another step up the ladder of National greatness; it defines who are citizens of the United States. It declares that " all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States 452 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. and of the State wherein they reside." By the 2d Section, any State may deny the right to vote to any class of its inhabitants. But if they do so, then their representation shall be reduced in the National Con gress, in the proportion that such persons so disfran chised shall bear to the whole male population in such State 21 years of age and upwards. Doubtless the American people will soon see the evils of thus tampering with the sacred rights of the citizen, in leaving to the States the power to disfranchise Ameri- 'can citizens, and will by further amendment to the Fed eral Constitution place citizenship where it belongs, under the exclusive control of the National Congress and the Federal Constitution, and no longer leave the highest privileges and liberties of the American citizen to be frittered away by dominant factions in the commu nities called States. Had the Fourteenth Amendment gone to the extent of guaranteeing to every citizen in the Republic the right to vote at all elections, it would have dispelled the hope now entertained by the sub jects of the late Confederacy, of some day disfran chising large classes of the citizens of the Southern States, and have saved the Republic the political, and it may be the physical, struggle that must eventually take from the people of the States a power which they never should have held which belongs, and must at no distant day be controlled by the National Govern ment that ~ of guaranteeing to every citizen of the Republic the exercise of the franchise in every elec tion, State and Federal, within the Union. CHAPTER XXV. TOTAL AEEA AND POPULATION OP THE UNITED STATES. FOREIGNERS IN AMERICA. THEIR NUMBERS, INFLUENCE, POLITICS, PECULIARITIES, CON DITIONS. ARCHBISHOP HUGHES AS A CITIZEN. HIS LETTER. No nation on the globe possesses so cosmopolitan a population as does the Republic of America. The enumeration of the population made by Federal au thority every ten years, presents many interesting facts connected with the composition of our population. The total area of the States and Territories in 1860 was 3,002,013 square miles. By the acquisition of Russian America (Alaska) in 1867, and the purchase, also, of the Danish West India Islands of St. Thomas and St. Johns, in 1868, ($7,200,000 gold coin having been paid for Alaska, and about the same sum agreed to be paid for St. Thomas and St. Johns,) a material increase has been added to the territorial boundaries of the Republic, which now extend from New Eng land, on the Atlantic side, to Behring Straits and the Arctic Ocean. The area of Alaska is estimated at 578,000 square miles, and its population about 62,000, sixty thousand of whom are Indians and half breeds, and two thousand Russians and Americans, settled at Sitka and other sea-ports. The area of St. Thomas is 27 square miles; its population about 14,000. It is prolific in earthquakes and yellow fever. The area of St. Johns is 22 square miles, and its population 2,500. The products of this island are similar to that of St. Thomas. Thus the total area of the 27 American 454 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. States, and all the Territories, is 3,580,062 square miles, and the population about 36,000,000 at the end of the year 1868. Of the total area of the United States and Territo ries in 1860, the States had 162,649,848, and the Ter ritories 460,872, acres of improved land, making 163,- 110,720 acres of cultivated land in farms; and the States had 241,943,671, and the Territories 2,158,147 acres of land in farms unimproved, making 244,101,818 acres of unimproved land in farms. In the States there were 17 inhabitants to each square mile, and in the Ter ritories there were more than four square miles to each inhabitant. The total population of native born in all the States and Territories of the Union in 1860, was 27,306,187 of all classes, black and white, free and slave; and the total foreign population at the same time, of all classes, was 4,136,175. (See Appendix.) A most interesting feature of the American Nation is the influence of the foreign element upon the social, industrial, and political affairs of the country. For centuries the Kingdoms of Europe have had but lim ited contributions to their numbers from foreign na tions. Their growth depends mainly upon the increase of the parent stock. Russia, Austria, Great Britain, France, and Spain are, as nations, as exclusively managed in their political affairs by the native born, as if each were the only nation on the globe. They receive con tributions in population from those countries immedi ately adjacent ; but as the great mass of the people do not have a voice in political affairs, the immigrant sel dom becomes naturalized, and rarely takes any part in the affairs of his adopted country. This rule, too, applies to the smaller nationalities of Europe, many of which have a less area than some counties in the States XXV.] FpREIGNERS IN THE REPUBLIC. 455 of America. And even in these, where a few hours' journey will take the traveler into a foreign nation, they remain to this day almost uninterrupted by "any strange face seeking a home among them. Year after year, and century after century, the hereditary Prince steps upon the throne of his ancestors, and the great mass of the people, almost unconscious of the existence of a Government, pass along, paying submissive hom age to those whom they believe are ordained as their superiors, and born to rule them, paying taxes and performing military service with the submission of slaves. Great Britain, of all the nations of Europe, is the most cosmopolitan; and while in many districts in all parts of the Empire, the habits and customs of the people are local and distinct, yet in the large cities a mixture of every race may be found. Still in political affairs few foreigners gain admission to the rights of citizens, or participate in political affairs. In most parts of Europe the native population is stationary. It changes but little from one section of the country to another. The same communities and families have lived for generations in the same locality, and continue to follow the same occupations as their ancestors. And thus the masses live a quiet, unosten tatious, and even unambitious life, happy in the repose in which they find themselves. Religious and political prescriptions are looked upon as matters of little con cern. The military service to which they are sum moned at the tap of the drum, arouses little opposition. They are, as they believe, in the discharge of a duty. All they have they account as coming to them from their King, who cannot err. How dissimilar is the American Republic to the 456 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. tions of Europe. America may be said to have no local population or customs; her population roam over her broad States of the whole Union, and into her remote and expansive Territories; always changing, building up new cities and new States, only again themselves and their children to seek still other homes. The people of each State are continuously passing to and fro from one State to another, intermarrying, and in terchanging ideas and customs, until it may well be said, that in costume and physical appearance, edu cation, manners, and accent, there is no provincial ism in America. The great cosmopolitan . mass of human beings that form the aggregate of American population, seem to all appearance to be upon a social equality, and but one large family. The constant con tact in which they are brought by the affairs of busi ness, and the discharge of their political rights, jostling each other not only at the polls, but in the highest offices in the land, to which all citizens are eligible, has completely shaken off the hide-bound ideas of a " Divine right" for man to govern his fellow men. The foreigner, when he arrives in America, at once discovers the broad field open to him for participa tion in the pursuits and positions to which he was a stranger in the land of his birth; caste and conditions depending upon family, wealth, or position, are all swept away, save in a few instances of State proscrip tions, and into the busy scene of activity he must plunge, and battle his way to wealth and eminence if he can. If he be a white man, twenty-one years of age, on his becoming a citizen he will, according to law, be entitled to discharge every duty, and hold any office in the Republic, save that of President and Yice-Presi- dent of the Nation. This is the law under the Federal XX V.] FOREIGNERS IN THE REPUBLIC. 457 Constitution State laws, however, render this rule void in many instances. (See State Constitutions.) There is no more sublime spectacle of the beauties of the Republican Government, than the facility with which men from every land enter upon the business and political affairs of life in America. Customs, habits, and diversified languages, are, as if by magic, obliterated; and a few years residence in their new homes, in most cases, completely reconstructs the new comer into a full-fledged American. Tne peculiar phy siological type and conditions may be retained, a little foreign accent may still remain ; but one generation will obliterate these, and the child of the foreigner born in America is, in all things, as much an American as if his ancestors had lived on the soil since the days of the Revolution. The two leading foreign elements in America, are German and Irish; the first predominates largely in numbers. In 1860, the census showed 1,899,518 Ger mans; besides these, there were 227,661 Prussians; 150,165 Bavarians; 112,835 subjects of Baden; 95,460 of Hesse; 81,336 of Wurtemburg; 53,327 of Switzer land; 43,995 of Norway; 28,281 of Holland; 25,061 of Austria; 18,625 of Sweden; 10,000 of Nassau; 9,962 of Denmark; 9,072 of Belgium; 7,298 of Poland; making a total of 2,772,593 all of whom are, by Amer icans, generally called Germans. There were at the same time within the Union, 1,611,304 Irish; so that basing the German population upon those popularly called Germans in America, there were 1,161,289 more Germans than Irish in the Union, or almost double as many Germans as there were Irish ; or, basing the cal culation upon those from Germany proper, there would still be 288,214 more Germans than Irish; but the 458 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. computation showing the larger figures is correct, as to what Americans understand to be the German pop ulation. The part that these two leading elements of foreign birth act in American affairs, is important and powerful. Germans. Most of these people soon become natu ralized citizens, and enter upon the pursuits of busi ness and pleasure with great alacrity. In business, they soon lead far ahead of many of the native born. They carry into their affairs the frugality and industry practiced by them at home, and as they acquire the language and habits of the American .people, and sur vey the vast field for enterprise before them, they soon become leaders in the mercantile affairs of the coun try if in cities, and towns, or in the farming regions, they are models of industry and prosperity ; in either case, always easy, unassuming, courteous, and seem ingly happy. They love to read the favorite authors of their native land ; and wherever a few Germans are assembled, the air is redolent with festivity, and the songs sang by their fathers upon the Rhine are echoed by their children throughout the broad free Republic of America. Their habits are marked by sobriety, in dustry, and virtue. Physically, they are perhaps the hardiest citizens of America. Their love of liberty has been demonstrated by their patriotism and valor, as they rallied to uphold the Federal Constitution and laws of their adopted country, during the late Rebel lion. The German mind is analytical; when they read, they comprehend; as a people, they are lovers of learning, and searchers after truth ; they are eminently fitted by nature to be the citizens of a Republic ; they are active cob'perators in the affairs of the nation, in XXV.] FOREIGNERS IN THE REPUBLIC. 459 their new homes. They are capable of appreciating freedom, are a power in America, and the keeping of the liberty entrusted to them is in safe hands. Irish. Next in numbers and importance to the Ger mans in America, are the Irish. They, like the Ger mans, soon become citizens, and enter into active operations in business and politics; few of them, com paratively, make their way into the country; they generally prefer to locate in the large cities, although there is scarcely a settlement in America in which Irish man may not be found. Their presence and influence are felt throughout the land. The mass of the Irish in America are hard-working and industrious. They bring with them from their native land, and long retain here, many of the charac teristics of their race activity of body and mind. Their genial warm-heartedness and impulsive natures, often lead them into difficulties, and cause those who little understand them, to attribute to design that which is the result of impulse. In mercantile pursuits, and in the learned profes sions, the Irish in America are unequaled. They accu mulate wealth with surprising rapidity, and become leading land owners in the cities, and extensive busi ness operators; as writers and speakers they are forci ble and eloquent, possessed of talents that cannot be easily counterfeited. The combative organs of the race have been rubbed up by British oppression to such an extent, that the whole people have become pugnacious, carrying the elements of opposition into all their affairs* They love rivalry and contact with op posing forces. An Irishman anywhere is more likely to wear out than rust out. As a people, they enter with more zeal into political 460 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. affairs than do the native, born Americans. They attach themselves to a party, and to that they will stick; although, to their credit be it said, they will not stick to a political party after they know that it is wrong. Republicans, however, think that it takes them some time to see the error of their way, in at taching themselves to the Democratic party. It has been a source of much speculation with the party of progress in America, how it comes that the great mass of the Irish should be attached to the Dem ocratic party, as that party stands in the exact position of 'the party in England who have always trampled upon the rights of Ireland, and who in America co operated with the rebellious States of the South to destroy the American Republic and the liberties that Irishmen as well as others love so well. This is the more astonishing, too, when we consider that in the free North, the great mass of the Irish have found homes, friends, peace and plenty, and that religious and political freedom denied them in their native land and by the Democracy of America. In the free North, as soon as they are citizens, they can partake of all the rights of the native born American ; in most of the Southern States, as they were before and at the break ing out of the Rebellion, they were ineligible to office, on account of the high property qualifications, and the "native born" clause in their Constitutions. That the sympathy of the Irish went towards the South, is strange indeed; no material aid had ever gone from that section to the afflicted of their native land. Charleston and New Orleans did not send ships with provisions, to relieve the famishing of Ireland; but New York, Boston and Philadelphia did. Nor did the Slave States ever have any Government than the XXV J FOREIGNERS IN THE REPUBLIC. 461 kind that Irishmen had been battling against in Britain a Government of caste, of property, of religious proscriptions and intolerance where the poor man, and particularly the poor foreigner, could never aspire to office or influence; nor had any great number of their countrymen found homes in the Slave States, nor a place in the sympathies of the Democracy, for of the 1,611,304 Irish in America at the breaking out of the Rebellion, but 181,845 were in the fifteen Slave States and the District of Columbia, while there were in the State of New York 498,072; and in the little State of Massachusetts 185,434, or 3,589 more than upon every foot of slave territory within the limits of the Republic. Irish immigration, enterprise and industry, found no encouragement there; and of all places in the world, from which the down-trodden of their land could expect assistance or sympathy, the Slave States of America were the least likely to afford it. There, labor was despised; the leaders of their aristocratic Government went into the National Capitol sneering at what they termed the laboring masses " mud-sills" and " greasy mechanics" and throughout the entire Slave States the poor man, who had to make his living by any of the trades, or by labor, was as completely disfranchised as he is to-day by the aristocracy of England. Notwithstanding that 1,429,459 Irish had their homes upon the free soil of America, where they had become prosperous and happy, their children educated at free schools, and their desolate homes in Ireland rendered happy by prosperity in their new abode, when the States of the South, without cause or provocation, undertook to break down the Government in America, and to establish, as they said, a Government whose, 30 462 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. corner-stone should be laid upon men held to service and labor, and when a large number of the Democracy of the Free States aided and abetted the South, and opposed the Federal Administration by all means within their power, the Irish, fresh from the hated tyr anny of the British throne, as a people, retained their position in the ranks of the Democratic party, shouted lustily for their cause cooperated, voted with, and continue in large numbers to vote with that party. It is not my purpose to assign causes for this course of political action. All men in this free land have the right to exercise these privileges as to them may seem best. And no doubt these men can see good reasons for their actions that others cannot see nor compre hend. But all the Irish in America did not oppose the Union party in putting down the Rebellion. Many thousands of them entered the ranks of the Union army, and added new lustre to their fame for bravery and endurance upon the field of battle. Such have built for themselves a monument upon American soil. They have hung upon the pillars that adorn the temple of American Freedom, laurels that will be looked up to by their countrymen with pride for all time. They have shown themselves worthy to be called kins men of Edmund Burke, Charles James Fox, Robert Emmett, Thomas Francis Meagher, Michael Corcoran, and last, but not least, of the devout Christian, scholar, humanitarian, and good man, John Hughes, Archbishop of New York, who, neither ashamed nor afraid to step from his exalted position as a teacher of Christianity, did stand firm by the principles of Freedom, and pro claim his determination to support the laws and pro tect the flag of his adopted country. XXV."] FOREIGNERS IN THE REPUBLIC. 463 The following letter, addressed to the President of a Republican mass meeting, will show the views of the Rev. Bishop Hughes upon the subject of his devotion to his' adopted country: "NEW YORK, April 20th, 1861. " Dear Sir: Unable to attend the meeting at Union Square in consequence of indisposition, I beg leave to state my sentiments on the subject of your coming together, in the following words: " Ministers of religion and ministers of peace, according to the instructions of their Divine Master, have not ceased to hope and pray that peace and Union might be preserved in this great and -free country. At present, however, that question has been taken out of the hands of the peace-makers, and it is referred to the arbitrament of a sanguinary contest. I am not authorized to speak in the name of any of my fellow citizens. I think, so far as I can judge, there is the right principle among all those whom I know. It is now fifty years since, a foreigner by birth, I took the oath of allegiance to this country, under its title of the United States of America. (Loud cheers.) As regards con science, patriotism, or judgment, I have no misgiving. Still de sirous of peace, when the Providence of God shall have brought it, I may say that since the period of my naturalization I have known but one country. In reference to my duties as a citizen, no change has come over my mind since then. The Government of the United States was then, as it is now, symbolized by a National flag, popularly called the ' Stars and Stripes/ (Loud applause.) This has been my flag, and shall be to the end. (Cheers.) I trust it is still destined to display in the gales that sweep every ocean, and amid the gentle breezes of many a dis tant shore, as I have seen it in foreign lands, its own peculiar waving lines of beauty. May it live and continue to display these same waving lines of beauty, whether at home or abroad, for a thousand years, and afterwards as long as Heaven permits, without limit of duration. " JOHN HUGHES, "Archbishop of New York." English. Next in numbers, after the Germans and Irish, come the English. At the breaking out of the Rebellion 431,692 English had their homes in the 464 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. United States; and they, like the great mass of the Irish, were opposed to the Republican party, and did all they could to aid the South, the only difference being that but few of them become naturalized, and therefore can not turn elections in favor of either political party. An Englishman in America is as much an English man as if he were in London. The power of his native land, and the glory of being a British subject, are con stant themes of conversation with him. To him the British Empire is the world ; and unlike the Irishman and . German, he looks upon Republican Government as a farce, declares that the masses of the people are not fit to govern themselves, and that sooner or later a King must rule America. He lives in America be cause he can do better; embarks in trade or a profes sion with strict conformity to the requirements of whatever he follows ; is just, and no man is more hon orable in business or word than an Englishman. Their success in whatever they undertake is equal to any people in the Nation. Like all other people, there are exceptions among them politically. Many of them have, during the late Rebellion, been strong Republi cans, and have entered the arrny and navy of the United States, where they exhibited skill and gallantry find love of freedom. But as a people, one generation must pass away after they arrive in the United States before they can be called American, even in name. British Americans. The colonies of British America supply the United States with the next largest num ber of foreign population. There were 249,970 from these provinces in the Republic at the beginning of fhe Rebellion, in 1861. These people, owing to their proximity to the United States, and the extensive com- XX V.] FOREIGNERS IN THE REPUBLIC. 465 mercial relations and constant communication between them, are soon prepared to participate in the affairs of their adopted country. The mass of them are the descendants of English, Irish, and Scotch, who have settled in these provinces. They are no more English than if they had never heard of the British Empire. They soon become naturalized citizens, and enter into the politics and the general interest of the country. They are soon absorbed in the American element, and after a few years' residence, cannot be distinguished, from the native born. They are generally active, ener getic, and industrious, and in business pursuits are not behind any class of people in the Republic. French. Next in numbers to the British Americans come the French. In 1860 they numbered 109,870. What has been said politically of the English in America, can be said of the French. They carry with them their vivacity and sparkling champagne ; they long retain their native language, and in many instan ces utterly refuse to adulterate it with the smallest particle of English. They rarely become naturalized, and take but little interest in politics; seldom engage in agriculture, but confine themselves chiefly to the cities and towns, where they engage in mercantile or other pursuits, always keeping within the line of goods manufactured in their own country, if possible, if in trade. They have their own hotels and places of amusement and resort; have their " French dinners," at which they smoke choice cigars and drink cham pagne alternately, amid a continuous clatter of tongues and physical gesticulations peculiar to the French lan guage. They rarely intermarry with Americans or other foreigners, and profess to know but little of the political affairs of their adopted country. Frenchmen 466 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. may glory in the name of Republicanism the names of Washington and other American patriots may have charms for them but as the memory of the King of Conquerors looms up before them, all else gives way to the inspiring thought, which breaks forth at regular intervals, vive Napoleon! They are active and shrewd in business, quiet and inoffensive, and make good American inhabitants, for the great mass of them never become Americanized. Indeed, it requires two or three generations before a sufficient amount of the physical and mental type disappears to entitle them to the name of Americans. Scotch. Next in numbers after the French, come the Scotch. At the beginning of the Rebellion in 1861, 108,518 of them had their homes in the United States. They differ materially from the English, although born under the same flag and upon the same soil; their interests are but feebly enlisted in the glory of the British Empire. The compromise through which their country became a portion of Her Britannic Majesty's dominions, is to this day looked upon as a cheat, by which they were robbed of the lustre of their ancient prowess, and is considered a stain upon the heraldry of their chiefs, of whose chivalry they are so justly proud; particularly so is this the case with the High land Scotch, who can no more be made British sub jects than a North American Indian can be made a slave. On their arrival in America, they generally enter quietly into business; few of them engage in manual labor, some in trades; or learned or scientific profes sions engage their attention. They disperse broadcast, and in a short time become citizens, and affiliate in all things with the native born. In. commerce and finance, XXY.] FOREIGNERS IN THE REPUBLIC. 467 they are unequaled ; sober, industrious, and peaceable ; and throughout the manufacturing districts of the Re public they take the lead. It is astonishing to know how many important manufacturing establishments are either owned or managed by Scotchmen and their de scendants in the United States. In literary pursuits, as editors and writers, more than five to one of them are engaged, to either the native born or any other foreigners. In politics, the majority of them have been identified with the Republican party. They are eminently progressive; are slow to act until they have fully investigated. Scotchmen in America do not seem to have lost any of the analytical powers of their an cestors, nor do they soon forget Auld Scotland ; its war riors, statesmen, orators, bards, poets, and scholars, afford them just pride. At the breaking out of the Rebellion, the majority of them, in the large cities, were with the Union party. They raised regiments ex clusively, Scotch, and at the sound of the Slogan they marched to the rescue of Republican freedom. Chinese. Of the 35,565 Chinese in America in 1860, nearly the whole number were in California. Their advent into the country dates from the discovery of gold on the Pacific coast. Politics they have none. It is doubtful if one of them has ever been naturalized in the Republic. There is no amalgamation between them and any other people; few of them become Christians; and in all the towns where they congre gate, they erect and worship their Joss, and believe in Buddha as the Divinity. Their business men are shrewd, and succeed in making money; the laboring class are good domestic servants. The number of Chinese has greatly increased on the Pacific side of the Republic since 1860. They can no more become Americanized than a leopard can change his spots, 468 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Mexicans. Few of the Mexicans in the United States become naturalized; generally, they live exclusively among themselves. Their tendencies are towards Re publicanism ; and most of them who can vote, are with the Republican party. They numbered 27,446 in 1860. Italians. The Italians in the United States soon learn to appreciate the institutions of the country. They become naturalized, and generally act with the party of freedom. The educated of them have shown them selves zealous students of American politics. In 1860 they numbered 10,518 in the Republic. For the other component parts of the foreign resi dents in America, at the breaking out of the Rebel lion, the reader is referred to the tables in the Ap pendix of this volume, where a full list of the foreign ers in the Republic, from every part of the world, is fully set forth. CHAPTER XXVI. NATURALIZATION LAWS OP THE UNITED STATES. DECISIONS OF UNITED STATES AND STATE COURTS UPON. PRE-EMPTION LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. RIGHTS OF ALIENS TO SETTLE UPON AND HOLD LANDS. UNITED STATES AND STATE COURT DECISIONS ON. THE steady and increasing immigration of foreigners from all parts of the world into the United States, and the facility with which they acquire American customs and fraternize with the native population in the gen eral affairs of the country, is strong evidence in favor of the influence of Republican Government to harmon ize the families of men into one great political Union. It has been the policy of the American Government from its origin to the present day, to encourage and aid the inhabitants of all nations to seek homes and protection within the Republic. To this end provis ion has been made in the Federal Constitution and the Federal laws extending to the adopted citizen every political and civil privilege enjoyed by the native born, with the exception of eligibility to the offices of Presi dent* and Yice-President. The achievement of the independence of America was the result of a cooperation of all of the people of the Colonies, regardless of birthplace, and their subse quent formation into a body politic upon the broad principles of equality, at once broke down the ancient barriers that had defined the unnatural limits between King and subject, and opened up a new field for the enjoyment of those fundamental rights of man, the ex ercise of which is attainable only in a Republican Gov- 470 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. eminent, and to the end that in all future time all citizens might participate in the affairs of the Nation, the most liberal laws have been enacted to aid the adopted citizen in enjoying the greatest freedom. Nowhere in the Constitution or laws of the Ameri can Nation is the slightest proscription interposed be tween the naturalized and the native born citizen, save in the single exception in the Constitution, which pro vides that none but natural born citizens shall be President Or Yice-President of the United States. To this wise provision no objection can be offered by the adopted citizen, who if he loves the institutions of free government must see greater safety to the Nation in this than would result from placing the Executive power of the Republic in hands that might, in time of foreign wars or other National difficulties, be influenced favorably towards the land of his birth rather than towards the land of his adoption. That the reader may the better understand the modus operandi by which a foreigner may become a citi zen in America, the laws upon the subject of natural ization are here given, together with decisions upon important points; also the laws .relating to the pre emption of public lands, the right of aliens, and the law of expatriation. Act of April 14th, 1802: " SECTION 1. That any alien, being a free white person, may be admitted to become a citizen of the United States, or any of them, on the following conditions, and not otherwise: u in certain cases virtually de prives the President of his constitutional functions as Commander-in-Chief of the Army;" yet he signed the bill. CHAPTER XXXV. EXISTING REPUBLICS OF THE WORLD IN 1869. Andora. This is the oldest Republic now in exist ence. It is situated among the Pyrennees, between France and Spain. It was founded in the year 790, A.D., and lies in a beautiful valley inclosed on all sides by the mountains Maladetta and the Moncal. It has an area of 190 square miles, and a population of about 8,000. The laws are made by twenty-four Consuls elected by the whole people. Recent writers fail to mention this miniature Republic, but it still has an existence. Bremen. This is a free city of Germany. Thirty- five members compose the Senate; there is also an assembly called Burger couvent ; these jointly discharge the legislative functions. The Senate is presided over by a Burgomaster ; two are elected one for four years-, and one for six years. It comprises an area of 112 square miles, and contained a population of 104,091 in December, 1867. Frankfort. A free city of Germany, with an area of 43 square miles ; the population in 1864 was 91,180. Its Government is Republican, vested in a Senate and Legislative Assembly. The Senate con sists of four syndics, and twenty-one members elected for life. Fifty-seven members compose the Assembly, elected by the burghers, also twenty permanent repre sentatives of the burghers, chosen by the Common 592 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Council of the city, and eleven members chosen by the rural communities. In 1866, Frankfort was an nexed to Prussia, but it still retains its freedom. Hamburg rThis is a free city of Germany; its area 135 square miles \ population in 1866, 298,324. A new Constitution was adopted in 1861, by which the legislative powers were vested in the Senate and the Burgersclwtft. Eighteen members compose the Senate, of whom nine must be lawyers ; and of the other nine, seven at least must be merchants. Senators are elected for life, and cannot tender a resignation until they have served at least six years. The Senate elects an nually, from its own members, a first and second Burgomaster. The Burgerschaft consists of 192 mem bers, 84 of whom are chosen by district elections; the others are chosen by different corporations. Lubec Is a free city of Germany. It adopted a new Constitution, December 29th, 1851. The execu tive power is vested in the Senate, which consists of fourteen members, and the legislative authority in the Burgcrschaft, which consists of 120 members, chosen by the citizens. Lubec is the seat of the Supreme Court of Appeals for the four free cities of Germany. Switzerland Is a Federal Republic of Europe. Its present Constitution was adopted September 12th, 1848. The Republic is divided into 22 Cantons. The legislative power is vested in a Federal Assembly, which consists of two chambers ; a Standerath or Council com posed of two members from each of the Cantons, and a Nationalrath, consisting of 128 members, elected by the people. Elections are held once in three years, and every male inhabitant 21 years of age is entitled to vote. The area of the Republic is 15,933 square miles; and its total population in 1860 was 2,510,494. XXX V.] REPUBLICS OF THE WORLD. 593 San Marino. This little Republic is situated in the Papal territory, and occupies an area of about twenty- one square miles, high up in the mountain range near the shore of the Adriatic. Its population in 1858 was 8,000. The origin of this Republic dates back to the fifth century, since which time it has maintained its Republican character. Once (in 1739) the Pope seized it, but the Emperor of Germany caused him to restore it to freedom. The great conqueror Napoleon, when he overrun Italy, spared this miniature Republic. The Government is conducted by a Council of 300 ancients, and a Senate of twenty patricians, twenty burgesses, and twenty peasants.. The chief executive officer is styled Gonfalonier, and is elected every three months, Liberia. -This Republic was founded by the Ameri can Colonization Society, which was formed at Wash ington City, D. 0., on the night of the 20th of December, 1816. On the 15th of December, 1821, Commodore Robert F. Stockton, U. S. N., and Dr. Eli Ayres, acting as agents of this Society, purchased Cape Mesurado, upon which is now located Monro via, the capital of Liberia. Subsequently six hundred miles of the west coast of Africa, with an average depth interiorwards of twenty miles, was added; its area is 23,859 square miles, and the population in 1867 was 17,000 civilized, and 700,000 uncivilized negroes. The legislative powers are vested in a Sen ate and House of Representatives. Senators are elected for four years; members of the House for two years. A President and Yice-President of the Re public are elected for two years. The President must be thirty-five years of age, and have property of the value of $600 ; the Yice-President must have the same qualifications. The whole government of the Repub- 594 REPUBLICANISM IN AMEEICA. [Chap. lie is conducted by colored men. Mr. Daniel B. War ner, the present President, is an unmixed African; he is a man of culture, and discharges the duties of his office with much ability. The independence of Libe ria has been formally recognized by thirteen of the leading Governments of Europe, and by the United States of America. Argentine Republic. This is a Federal Republic of South America; its area is 820,000 square miles, and its population in 1867 was 1,374,000. It is divided into fourteen provinces. Its Constitution was adopted in May, 1853. The Legislative department consists of two branches the Senate and House of Represent atives; the Senate having 28 and the House of Repre sentatives 54 members. A President and Vice-Presi- dent are elected for six years. The capital of the Republic is Buenos Ayres. Although the Republic is composed chiefly of Spanish and their descendants, yet the population presents a most cosmopolitan as pect. In 1867, there were in the Republic 70,000 Italians, 32,000 Spaniards, 32,000 English, 25,000 Frenchmen, 5,000 Germans and citizens of the United States. Immigration to the Republic is increasing rapidly; in 1866, the number reached 13,000. Bolivia. A Republic of South America; was segre gated from Upper Peru, and established into a Free State by Bolivar, in 1826, at which time he caused himself to be proclaimed President for life; but the people desiring broader liberties, in 1827 entered into revolution, were successful, overthrew the Bolivar Constitution, and established a Federal Government with a President elected for four years, a National Congress, and separate provincial Governments. The area of the Republic is estimated at 374,000 English XXXY.] REPUBLICS OF THE WORLD. 595 square miles. The population in 1858 was 1,987,352. In this Republic, the Andes rise to their greatest ele vation. Here the pinnacle of Sorato rises to 25,380 feet, or nearly five miles in height. Chili. Chili is a Republic of South America, with an area of 132,609 square miles, forming a narrow strip of 1,000 miles along the Pacific coast. Its pop ulation in 1866 was 2,084,945. A President is elected for four years. The Legislative powers are vested in a Senate and Chamber of Representatives the former composed of twenty members elected for nine years, and the latter of one member for every 20,000 inhab itants, who are elected for a term of three years. Ecuador. -This is a Republic of South America, with an area of 284,660 English square miles. The popu lation in 1858 was 1,040,371; of whom 600,000 were the descendants of whites. A President is elected for four years. Quito is the Capital. Paraguay. One of the South American Republics. Its area is estimated at 73,000 English square miles. The population, according to the census of 1857, was 1,337,431. Assumption, the Capital, had a popula tion of 48,000 at that date. The Government of Par aguay can scarcely by termed a Republic. The Presi dent is nominally elected for a period of ten years. The present ruler, President Lopez, has almost abso lute control over the people. He succeeded his father, Charles A. Lopez, in 1862. By the Constitution, the President may appoint his successor by will, in case of his death before the expiration of his term. Peru, Also a Republic of South America, Has an area of 508,986 square miles. The population, in 1860, was 2,500,000. A President is elected by the people for the term of six years. The Senate is composed of 596 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. two members elected from each province, and the House of Representatives of one member for every 20,000 inhabitants. In 1860 the Senate had thirty- six members, and the House eighty-six members. Uraguay. One of the Republics of South America, with an area of 73,538 square miles. The population, in 1864, was 350,000, of whom 150,000 were foreign ers. The President is elected for four years. The Legislative branch of the Government consists of a Sen ate and House of Representatives. Venezuela. Venezuela is one of the Republics of South America, with an area of 426,712 square miles. Her population, in 1858, was 1,565,000. The Repub lic is divided into twenty States. The Executive and Legislative duties of the Republic are vested in a Presi dent, Senate., and House of Representatives. Colombia ( United States of) Republic. This is a Fed eral Republic of Central America, composed of nine separate States. Each claims to be sovereign. These States formerly composed the Government of New Granada. It embraces the States of Antioquia, Boli var, Boyaca, Cauca, Cimdinamarca, Magdalena, Pana ma, Santander, and Tolima. It extends from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean. Colon, (Aspinwall,) on the Atlantic, and Panama, on the Pacific, being con nected by railroad, form the great highway between New York and San Francisco. A new Constitution was adopted in 1863. The President is elected by a majority of the States. The Legislative powers are vested in a Senate and Chamber of Representatives. The former consists of twenty-seven members three from each State, and the latter is composed of one Representative for each 50,000 inhabitants, and every fraction not less than 20,000. Colombia has an area XXX V.] REPUBLICS OF THE WORLD. 597 of about 513,000 English square miles. Her popula tion is 2,794,473, not including uncivilized Indians, who number about 126,000. Of the population, 1,357,000 are Europeans, 600,000 the descendants of Europeans and Indians, 90,000 Africans, and all others 465,000. Costa Rica. Costa Rica is a Republic of Central America. Its area is 21,440 square miles, and the population, in 1864, was 120,471. A President and Yice-President are elected for three years. The Leg islative powers are vested in a Senate, composed of twenty-five members, and House of Representatives, of twenty-nine members. The Capital is San Jose. It has a population of something over 30,000 inhabit ants. Guatemala. A Republic of Central America, and has an area of 44,500 square miles. It is bounded on the north by the Republic of Mexico and the Gulf of Honduras, on the east by the Caribbean Sea, and south and west by the Pacific Ocean. Its population is something over 1,000,000. The' population of the Capital, Guatemala, is over 60,000. The President is elected for four years. The Legislative department of the Republic consists of a Council of State, of twelve members, and a House of Representatives, consisting of fifty-four members, elected for six years. Its inde pendence from Spain was effected in 1821. Honduras Is a Republic of Central America, with an area of 33,000 square miles. Its population is about 350,000. The President is elected for four years. The Legislative powers are vested in a Senate and House of Representatives. The Senate is composed of seven members, and the House of eleven members. Comayagua, the Capital, has about 18,000 inhabitants. 598 REPUBLICANISM IN AMERICA. [Chap. Nicaragua. Nicaragua is a Republic of Central America, with an area of 39,000 square miles. The population is about 400,000. Managua, the Capital, contains about 10,000 inhabitants. A President is elected for the term of four years. There is a Senate and House of Representatives, elected by the people. San Salvador A Republic of Central America, has an area of 7,500 square miles. Her population is about 600,000. The President is elected for four years. San Salvador gained her independence from Spain in 1821. The Senate is composed of twelve members, and the House of Representatives of twenty-four members. Sessions are held biennially. San Salvador is the Cap ital. Meosico. The Republic of Mexico has an area of 829,916 square miles. Its population, in 1861, was 7,360,000. The Executive power is vested in a Presi dent, who is elected for four years. The Legislative powers are vested in a Congress, elected by the peo ple. It numbers 184. Mexico is bounded on the north by the United States, on the east by the Gulf of Mexico, and on the south and west by the Pacific Ocean. Hayti Is a negro Republic of the West Indies, forming a portion of the Island of San Domingo. Its area is 10,081 square miles. Population 572,000, chiefly of African descent. They speak the French language generally. Port au Prince, the Capital, has a population of 21,000 inhabitants. Hayti has passed through many bloody revolutions, which commenced as early as 1791. Its Republican character was estab lished in 1820, since which time it has passed through many phases of government, having as rulers Dictators, Emperors and Presidents. The last royal claim laid XXXV.] REPUBLICS OF THE WORLD. 599 to it was the act of General Santa Anna attempting to cede it to the Spanish Government in 1861. A new Constitution was adopted in 1867. By this the Presi dent is elected by the people for four years. He must be the son of a Haytien father , and must have attained the age of thirty-six years; must be a land owner in the Republic, and is ineligible for the next four years after the expiration of his office. Suffrage is extended to all male citizens twenty-one years of age, who are li engaged in some industrial calling." The Legislative powers are vested in a Senate of thirty members, who are elected for six years by the House of Representa tives, from a list of candidates chosen by an Electoral College. Representatives are elected for three years; must be twenty-five years of age, and land owners in Hayti. San Domingo, or the Dominican Republic. This Re public dates only from the year 1844. It comprises the eastern portion of the island of Hayti, in the West Indies. It is divided into five provinces. Its area is 22,000 square miles. The population is estimated at 200,000, mostly negroes and their descendants. There is no distinction of race or color by the Constitution or laws. APPENDIX. PEESIDENTS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS UNDER THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. First Congress, September 5th, 1774. Peyton Randolph, of Virginia, President. Born in 1723, in Virginia; died in Phila delphia,' October 22d, 1785. Second Congress, May 10th, 1775. Peyton Randolph, Presi dent. Resigned May 24th, 1775. John Hancock, of Massachusetts, was elected his successor. Born at Quincy, Mass., 1737; died October 8th, 1793. He was President of Congress to October, 1777. (In his official capacity he first signed the Declaration of Independence.) Henry Laurens, of South Carolina, President from November 1st, 1777, to December, 1778. Born at Charleston, South Caro lina, in 1724; died December, 1792. John Jay, of New York, President from December 10th, 1778, to September 27th, 1779. Born in New York, December 12th, 1745; died at New York, May 17th, 1829. Samuel Huntington, of Connecticut, President from Septem ber 28th, 1779, to July 10th, 1781. Born in Connecticut, 1732; died 1796. Thomas McKean, of Pennsylvania, President from July, 1781, to November 5th, 1781. Born in Pennsylvania, March 19th, 1734; died June 24th, 1817. John Hanson, of Maryland, President from November 5th, 1781, to November 4th, 1782. Elias Boudinot, of New Jersev, President from November 4th, 1782, to February 4th, 1783. "Born at Philadelphia, May 2d, 1740; died in 1824. Thomas Mifflin, of Pennsylvania, President from February 4th, 1783, to November 30th, 1784. Born at Philadelphia, in 1744; died January 21st, 1800. Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, President from November 30th, 1784, to November 23d, 1785. Born in Virginia, in 1732; died in 1794. John Hancock, of Massachusetts, President from November 23d, 1785, to June, 1786. Nathaniel Gorham, of Massachusetts, President from June 602 APPENDIX. 6th, 178G, to February 2d, 1787. Born at Charleston, Mass., 1736; died June llth, 1796. Arthur St. Clair, of Pennsylvania, President from February 2d, 1787, to January 28th, 1788. Born in Edinburgh, Scotland; died in 1818. Cyrus Griffin, of Virginia, President from January 28th, 1788, to the close of the last Congress under the Confederation, in 1789. Born in England, in 1748; died in 1810. PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES UNDER THE CONSTITUTION. [Elected by the people unanimously.] 1789 to 1793. George Washington, of Virginia, President, inaugurated April 30th, 1789. Born at Wakefield, Virginia, February 22d, 1732; died at Mount Vernon, December 14th, 1799. Vice-President, John Adams, of Massachusetts. Born at Braintree, Mass., October 19th, 1735; died July 4th, 1826. Electoral Vote. George "Washington, 69; John Adams, 34; John Jay, 9; E. H. Harrison, 6; John Kutledge, 6; John Han cock, 4; Geo. Clinton, 3; Samuel Huntington, 2; John Milton, 2; James Armstrong, 1; Edward Telfair, 1; Benj. Lincoln, 1 Total, 69. But eleven States voted, Rhode Island and North Carolina, not having then ratified the Federal Constitution, did not vote. [Elected by the people unanimously.] 1793 to 1797. George Washington, President, inaugurated March 4th, 1793. Vice-President, John Adams. Electoral Vote. George Washington, 132; John Adams, 77; George Clinton, 50; Thomas Jefferson, 4; Aaron Burr, 1 Total, 132. Fifteen States voted. [Adams elected by the Federalists, Jefferson by the Democrats then called Republicans.] 1797 to 1801. John Adams, of Massachusetts, President, in augurated March 4th, 1797. Vice-President, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia. Born at Shadwell, Virginia, April 13th, 1743; died July 4th, 1826. Electoral Vote. John Adams, 71; Thomas Jefferson, 68; Aaron Burr, 30; Samuel Adams, 15; Oliver Ellsworth, 11; Geo. Clin ton, 7; John Jay, 5; James Iredell, 3; George Washington, 2; John Henry, 2; S. Johnson, 2; Charles C. Pinckney, 1 Total, 138. Sixteen States voting. [Elected by the House of Representatives.] 1801 to 1805. Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, President, in augurated March 4th, 1801. Vice-President, Aaron Burr, of New York. Born at Newark, New Jersey, February 6th, 1756; died September 14th, 1836. Electoral Vote. Thomas Jefferson, 73; Aaron Burr, 73; John Adams, 65; Charles C. Pinckney, 64; John Jay, 1 Total, 138. Sixteen States voting. Jefferson and Burr having received a tie vote the highest cast there was no election. Under the rules, the final election APPENDIX. 603 was carried to the House of ^Representatives, when, after 36 bal lots being had, Mr. Jefferson was chosen President, and Aaron Burr, Vice-President. After this, the Constitution was amended so that the President and Yice-President were separately voted for, instead of the second highest being Yice-President, as under the former rule. [Elected by the Democrats then called Republicans.] 1805 to 1809. Thomas Jefferson, President, inaugurated March 4th, 1805. Vice-President, G-eorge Clinton. Born in New York, 1739; died April 20th, 1812. Electoral Vote. For President, Thomas Jefferson, 162; Charles C. Pinckney, 14 Total, 176. Seventeen States voted. For Yice-President, George Clinton, 162; Bufus King, 14. [Elected by the Democrats then called Republicans.] 1809 to 1813. James Madison, of Virginia, President, inau gurated March 4th, 1809. Born March 16th, 1751, in Virginia; died June 28th, 1836. Vice-President, George Clinton, of New York. He died April 20th, 1812. Electoral Vote. For President, James Madison, 122; George Clinton, 6; C. C. Pinckney, 47 Total, 175. Seventeen States voted. For Vice-President, George Clinton, 113; James Madi son, 3; James Monroe, 3; John Langdon, 9; Bufus King, 47, [Elected by the Democrats then called Republicans.] 1813 to 1817. James Madison, of Virginia, President, inau gurated March 4th, 1813. Vice-President, Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts. Born in Mass., July 17th, 1744; died November 23d, 1814. Electoral Vote. For President, James Madison, 128; De Witt Clinton, of New York, 89 Total, 217. Eighteen States voted. For Vice-President, Elbridge Gerry, 131; Jared Ingersoll, 86. [Elected by the Democrats then called Republicans.] 1817 to 1821. James Monroe, of Virginia, President, inau gurated March 4th, 1817. Born in Virginia, 1759; died July 4th, 1831. Vice-President, Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York. Born June 21st, 1774, in New York; died June llth, 1825. Electoral Vote. For President, James Monroe, 183; Kufus King, 34 Total, 221. Nineteen States voted. For Vice-Presi dent, Daniel D. Tompkins, 183; John E. Howard, 22; James Boss, 5; John Marshall, 4; Bobert G. Harper, 3. [Elected by the Democrats then called Republicans.] 1821 to 1825. James Monroe, President, inaugurated March 4th, 1821. Vice-President, Daniel D. Tompkins. Electoral Vole. For President, James Monroe, 231; John Quincy Adams, of Mass., 1 Total, 232. Twenty-four States voted. For Vice-President, Daniel D. Tompkins, 218; Bichard Stockton, 8; Bobert G. Harper, 1; Bichard Bush, 1; Daniel Bod- nev, 1. 604 APPENDIX. [Elected by the House of Representatives Democratic.] 1825 to 1829. John Quincy Adams, of ^Massachusetts, Presi dent, inaugurated March 4th, 1825. Born in Mass., July llth, 1767; died February 23d, 1848. Vice-President, John C. Cal- houn, of South Carolina. Born in South Carolina, March 18th, 1782; died March 31st, 1850. Electoral Vote. For President, Andrew Jackson, 99; John Quincy Adams, 84; Wm. H. Crawford, 41; Henry Clay, 37 Total, 261. Twenty-four States voted. There being no election, the vote was carried to the House of Representatives. Adams received the vote of thirteen States, Jackson that of seven States, and Crawford of 'four States. Adams was therefore chosen President. Electoral vote for Vice-President. John C. Calhoun, 182; Nathan Sanford, 30; Nathaniel Macon, 24; Andrew Jackson, 13; Martin Yan Buren, 9; Henry Clay, 2. [Elected by the Democrats then called Kepublicans.] 1829 to 1833. Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, President, in augurated March 4th, 1829. Born in North Carolina, March 15th, 1767; died June 8th, 1845. Vice-P:re Vdent, John C. Oal- houn, until his resignation, December 28th, 1832. Electoral Vote. For President, Andrew Jackson, 178; John Q. Adams, 83 Total, 261. Twenty-four States voted. Popular Vote. Jackson, 650,028; Adams, 512,158. [Elected by the Democrats.] 1833 to 1837. Andrew Jackson, President, inaugurated March 4th, 1833. Vice-President, Martin Van Buren. Born in New York, December 5th, 1782. Electoral Vote., For President, Andrew Jackson, 219; Henry Clay, 49; John Floyd, 11; Wm. Wirt, 7 Total, 288. Twenty- four States voted. Popular Vote. Jackson, 687,502; Henry Clay, 550,189; Wirt, and Floyd combined, 33,108. Electoral vote for Vice-President. Martin Van Buren, 189; John Sargent, 49; Wm. Wilkins, 30; Henry Lee, 11; Amos Ell- maker, 7. [Elected by the Democrats.] 1837 to 1841. Martin Van Buren, President, inaugurated March 4th, 1837. Vice-President, Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky. Born in 1780; died November 19th, 1850. Electoral Vote. For President, Martin Van Buren, 170; W H. Harrison, 73; Hugh L. Whle, 26; Daniel Webster, 14; W. P. Mangum, 11 Total, 294. Twenty-six States voted. Popular Vote. Van Buren, 762,149. Daniel Webster, W. P. Mangum, and H. L. White combined, 733,736. Electoral vote for Vice-President. Richard M. Johnson, 147; Francis Granger, 77; John Tyler, 47; Wm. Smith, 23. APPENDIX. 605 [Elected by the Whigs.] 1841 to 1845. President, William H. Harrison, of Ohio, in augurated March 4th, 1841. Born in Virginia, February 9th, 1773; died at Washington, April 4th, 1841, just one month after he took his seat as President. John Tyler, who was elected Vice-President with Harrison, became President on the death of the former. He took the oath of office April 6th, 1841. Electoral Vote. For President, Harrison, 234; Van Buren, 60 Total, 294. Twenty-six States voted. For Vice-President, John Tyler, 234; E. M. Johnson, 48; L. W. Tazwell, 11; James K. Polk, 1. Popular Vote. Harrison, 1,274,783; Van Buren, 1,128,702; James G. Birney, (Abolitionist,) 7,609. [Elected by the Democrats.] 1845 to 1849. President, James K. Polk, of Tennessee, in augurated March 4th, 1845. Born in North Carolina, Novem ber 2d, 1795; died June 15th, 1849. Vice-President, George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania. Electoral Vote. For President, James K. Polk, 170; Henry Clay, 105 Total, 275. Twenty-six States voted. For Vice- President, George M. Dallas, 170; Theodore Frelinghuysen, 105. Popular Vote. Polk, 1,335,834; Clay, 1,597,033; Birney, 62,- 290. [Elected by the Whigs.] 1849 to 1853. President, Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, inau gurated March 4th, 1849. Born in Virginia, in 1784; died July 9th, 1850. Vice-President, Millard Fillmore, of New York. Born in New York, January 7th, 1800. Taylor having died about one year after taking his seat as President, was succeeded by Mr. Fillmore, who was elected Vice-President with him. Electoral Vote. For President, Z. Taylor, 163; Lewis Cass, 127 Total, 290. Thirty States voted. For Vice-President, Millard Fillmore, 163; W. O. Butler, 127. Popular Vote. Taylor, 1,362,031; Cass, 1,222,445; Van Buren, 291,455. The latter run as a " Free Soiler." [Elected by the Democrats.] 1853 to 1857. President, Franklin Pierce, of New Hamp shire, inaugurated March 5th, 1853. Born in New Hampshire, November 23d, 1804. Vice-President, Wm. E. King, of Ala bama. Born in North Carolina, April 7th, 1786; died April 18th, 1853. Electoral Vote. Franklin Pierce, 254; Winfield Scott, 42 Total, 296. Thirty-one States voted. For Vice-President, W. K. King, 254; W. A. Graham, 42. Popular Vote. Franklin Pierce, 1,590,490; Winfield Scott> 1,378,589; John P. Hale, (Abolitionist,) 157,296. 39 606 APPENDIX. [Elected by the Democrats.] 1857 to 1861. President, James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, inaugurated March 4th, 1857. Born in Pennsylvania, April 22d, 1791; died June 2d, 1868. Vice-President, John C. Breckin- ridge, of Kentucky. Born in Kentucky, January 21st, 1820. Electoral Vote. For President, James Buchanan, 174; John C. Fremont, 109; Millard. Fillmore, 8 Total, 291. Thirty-one States voted. For Vice-President, John C. Breckinridge, 174; "VV. L. Dayton, 109; A. J. Donalson, 8. Popular Vote. Buchanan, (Democrat,) 1,832,232; Fremont, (Republican,) 1,341,514; Millard Fillmore, (American,) 874,707. [Elected by the Republicans.] 1861 to 1865. President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, in augurated March 4th, 1861. Born in Hardin county, Kentucky, February 12th, 1809; died April 14th, 1865. Vice-President, Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine. Born in Maine, August 27th, 1809. Electoral Vote. For President, Abraham Lincoln, 180; John C. Breckinridge, 72; John Bell, 39; Stephen A. Douglas, 12. Total, 291. Thirty-three States voted. For Vice-President, H. Hamlin, 180; Joseph Lane, 72; Edward Everett, 39; H. V. John son, 12. Popular Vote. Abraham Lincoln, (Republican,) 1,857,610; Stephen A. Douglas, (Democrat,) 1,365,976; John C. Breckin ridge, (Democrat,) 847,953; John Bell, (Constitutional Union,) 590,631. [Elected by the Republicans.] 1865 to 1869. President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, inau gurated March 4th, 1865. Vice-President, Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee. Abraham Lincoln was assassinated at Washington City, by J. .Wilkes Booth, on the 14th day of April, 1865, a lit tle more than one month after he had taken his seat as Presi dent for the second term. Andrew Johnson, who was elected Vice -President with him, succeeded to the Presidency. Electoral Vote. For President, Abraham Lincoln, 212; George B. McClellan, 21. For Vice-President, Andrew Johnson, 212; Geo. H. Pendleton, 21. Popular Vote. Lincoln, 2,223,035; McClellan, 1,811,754. Total vote, 4,034,789. McClellan, in the Electoral College, carried but three States, casting in all, 21 votes New Jersey, 7; Delaware, 3; Kentucky, 11. Mr. Lincoln carried all the other States 23. The States in rebellion did not participate in this election. The following were the only ones voting: Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Con necticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Michi gan, Wisconsin, Iowa, California, Minnesota, Oregon, Kansas, West Virginia, and Nevada, making twenty-five States in all. APPENDIX. 607 [Elected by the Republicans.] 1869 to 1873. Ulysses S. Grant, of Illinois, President, inau gurated March 4th, 1869. Born in Ohio, April 27th, 1822. Vice-President, Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana. Born in New York City, March 23d", 1823. Electoral Vote. For President, (Eepublican,) Grant, 214; Sey mour, (Democrat,) 80. For Vice-President, Colfax, 214; Blair, 80. Popular Vote. Grant and Colfax, 3,021,020; Seymour and .Blair, 2,716,475. Total, 5,737,495. Thirty-four States voted. The Legislature of Florida elected the Electors of that State. Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas not having adopted Constitu tions in conformity with the requirements of Congress, did not participate in the election of 1868. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1868 (34 STATES.) The following table will show the total vote cast at the Presi dential election in 1868 the vote by States for Grant and Sey mour, the majorities for each, the total Electoral vote, as cast by the several States, total number of Senators and Kepresenta- tives in the XLIst Congress, with numbers to which each State is entitled, and the political party which they represent: STATES. ELE COLI T CT'L ,EGE. I N POPULAR VOTE. XLIst CONGRESS. 1 76,366 #3,000 84,575 50,99.5 i5,'oob 57,134 250,293 176,548 119,289 29,708 39,569 34,224 70,426 30,435 136,582 126,901 43,413 [No 95,000 9,729 Seymour Grant's Major ity P o" a p 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 ,Va 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 IV. [V. 2 74 " d 2 2 1 2 " 2" 2 2 2 2 '"2" 2 .... 2 1 cant] 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 cant] 2 cant] 2 b '"i" .... '"i" '"2" '"2" '"i" '"i" '"i" G H 6~ 3 1 1 7 14 11 6 1 9 5 5 5 10 6 2 15 9 1 1 3 5 31 7 19 1 24 4 9 74 3 T8 3 6 226 W D* F P Alabama Arkansas California Connecticut. .. 8 5 5 6 ... 72 086 23.COO 54.069 47,9.72 10,960 12,000 10J.&22 199,143 166,960 73,420 13,400 115,889 74,672 42,396 62,340 59,221 95,929 28,030 Vote. ] 70,509 5,439 5,215 30,571 82,725 429,857 8.1,311 239,032 11,125 313,382 6,548 45,137 25,652 Vote. ] 12,045 Vote. ] 18,000 84,707 2,719 613 4.280 10,000 506 3,043 *3,315 3,000 *45,688 51,150 9,588 45,869 16,308 *76,320 *40,448 28,031). *'A 1.913' 77.361 30,972 15,383 '"24,431' 4,290 1.261 7,147 *2.854 *9.963 11,177 41,290 28.898 6,445 17,163 26,364 i i in ..... 2 10 7 6 1 1 "5" 1 10 6 2 [No 5 1 1 3 2 IS 5 13 "its" 1 3 9 [No 3 [No 5 2 I 1 ....... 4 ' 4 '"a" 5 '"4" Mb'rs 4 ""3" 13 1 8 '"i" Mb'Vs' Mb'rs '"i" 77~ K'iorida 3 9 "ii" 7 Illinois Indiana Iowa Kansas Kentucky Louisiana 16 13 8 3 7 7 Massachusetts.. Michigan ... Minnesota Mississippi 12 8 4 11 Nevada New Hampshire New Jersey New York North Carolina Ohio 3 '"9" 21 33 6,476 37,718 79,871 419,894 96.488 280,322 10,961 342,280 12,993 $62,300 52,016 [No 44.167 [No $27,000 108,293 3 Pennsylvania Rhode Island.... South Carolina.. Tennessee Tessas 26 4 6 11 Vermont Virginia West Virginia... Wisconsin 5 '"5" 8 214 32,122 "'9.000' 23,585 317,968 80 3,037,581 57 11 113 * Democratic majority, t Electors chosen by Legislature, t Unofficial. No Election Feb ruary, 1869 ; at present all Republican. || Election in April, 1869. t Vacant. 608 APPENDIX. "Whole number in Congress when Mississippi, Texas and Vir ginia are represented, 243. Grand total, 5,757,194. Total Electoral vote, 294, (34 States.) The Electoral College, when Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas are added, will be 318. The Federal Constitution regulates and defines the number of Senators and Representatives that each State shall have in Congress. Each State shall have two Sena tors only, however large or small her population, and shall be entitled to one Representative in the lower House, however small her population, and as many in addition as will not exceed in all one for every thirty thousand of her population. Each Territory is entitled to one Representative in the lower House, but is not entitled to representation in the Senate . Senators are elected for six years, and Representatives for two years. Salaries of Federal Officers. President, $25,000 per annum; Vice-President, $8,000. The Cabinet Secretary of State, Sec retary of the Treasury, Secretary of "War, Secretary of the Navy, Secretary of the Interior, Attorney-General, and Postmaster- General, $8,000 each. Supreme Court of the United States- Chief Justice, $6,500; eight Associate Justices, $6,000 each. Senators, $5,000; Representatives, $5,000, and 20 cents per mile as mileage. $8 per diem is deducted from the salary for each day's absence, unless caused by sickness!. POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. First census, in 1790, was 3,929,827, as follows: 3,231,927 whites, and 697,897 blacks. The eight Northern States had 40,- 370 blacks, and the eight Southern States 657,527 blacks, as fol lows: NOBTHEBN. White. Slave. New Hampshire*, ~ , 141 ,741 158 Vermont % 85,399 . 17 Khorte Island 68,158 952 Connecticut 235,382 2,759 Massachusetts 378,717 none New Yoik 318,796 21,324 New Jersey 172,716 11,423 Pennsylvania * .430,636 3,737 Territory of Maine. 96,540 none 1,928,085 40,370 SOUTHERN. White. Slave. Delaware ..-,, 50,209 8,887 Maryland 216,69^ 103,036 Virginia 454,881 293,427 North Carolina 293,179 100,572 South Carolina 141,979 107,094 Georgia 53,284 29,264 Kentucky 61,247 11,830 32,374, 3,417 1,303,845 657,527 The Territory of Maine had a population of 96,540 of all classes, which is added in the population of white. Total black and white in the eight Northern States, 1,968,455. Total black and white in the eight Southern States, 1,961,372. An enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, by law of Congress, is taken at the end of each ten years. The first enumeration was taken in 1790; the last in 1860. The following table will show the entire population, black and white, free and slave, in 1860, in all the States &^d Territories of the Union. The total population in 1700, was 262,000; in 1750, 1,000,000; in 1775, 2,389,300; in 1790 it had reached 3,929,827; and in 1860, 31,443,790. Of this number the fifteen Slave States had APPENDIX. 609 12,996,^59, and the nineteen Free States 18,947,331. The pop ulation of the eleven rebellious States was 9,056,930, being 5,- 449,463 whites, and 3,607,467 colored. CENSUS OF 1860. States. Area, Square Miles White. Free Colored. Slave. Total. Alabama 50,722 52,198 188,981 4,750 2,120 59,248 58,000 55,410 33,809 55,045 81,318 37.C80 41,346 35,000 11,124 7,800 56,451 83,531 47,156 65,350 75,995 9,280 8,320 47,000 81,539 50,704 39,964 95,274 46,000 1,306 34,000 45,600 274,356 10,212 38,352 23,000 53,924 105,818 152,500 526,534 324,186 376,200 451,609 90,697 77,778 591,638 1,704,084 1,340,072 673,925 106,487 920,077 357,652 627,081 516,128 1,221,611 742,289 171,793 353,969 1,064,369 28,696 325,622 647^84 3,831,730 6,813 631,489 2,303,374 52,343 2,849,997 170,703 291,623 826,828 421,411 314,534 { 1,047,613 774,392 2,630 137 3,816 8,542 19,723 908 3,459 7,069 10,869 1,023 623 10,146 18,638 1,195 83,718 9,454 6,823 229 731 2,983 82 450 24,947 49,005 45 30,097 36,225 121 56,373 3,918 9,648 7,235 339 582 57,579 1,481 435,132 111,104 904,296 435,427 380|016 4G0.151 112.218 140^9 1 057 39 Connecticut Delaware . 1,798 61,753 462,232 Illinois 1,711,753 1,350,941 674,948 107,110 1,153,713 709,290 628,276 687,034 1,231.065 759,112 172,022 Indiana Kansas 235,490 333,010 Louisiana Maryland 87,188 Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota 436,696 114,965 791,396 1,182,317 38,778 Missouri Nebraska New Hampshire 326,072 672,031 New Jersey New York 3,880,735 ' 6,857 992,667 2,339,599 52,464 2,906,370 174,621 703,812 1,109,847 602,432 315,116 1,596,079 775,873 Nevada North Carolina 331,081 Ohio . . . Oregon Pennsylvania ... Rhode Island South Carolina. . . . 402,541 275,784 180,682 Tennessee Texas Vermont Virginia 490,887 West Virginia Wisconsin Total 26,727,512 34,153 4,839 470,716 44 3,950,343 31,148,571 34,197 4,839 Territories. Colorado Dakota Idaho 300,000 71,000 Indian Montana Unlmown, 124,450 109,600 71,300 50 678,000 22 27 New Mexico 93,447 40,236 11,548 60,788 70 30 30 11,107 24 29 93,541 40,295 11,578 75,076 Utah Washington District of Columbia " 3,181 Total 27,008,081 2,000 *2,500 *14,000 482,122 t60,000 3,953,587 31,443,790 Alaska St. John's St. Thomas ... ... Total area 3,590,062 * All classes. t Indians. The enumeration of population in all the above cases is made from the census of 1860, with the exception of Alaska, St. John's and St. Thomas, which is calculated in 1868. The area of the Territories is as it was in 1868. COMPOSITION OF THE AMERICAN POPULATION. The composition of the American population here given is 610 VPPEXDIX. based upon the census of I860, and will not include its increase since that period. There were in 1860, 4,131,812 white foreign "born (including Indians and Chinese) and 4,363 free colored for eigners, making a total of 4,136,175. There were 22,869,679 white native born (including Indians and Chinese) and 483,707 free colored, making a total of 23,353,386 native born, and 3,952,801 slaves making the grand total population 31,429,891. The following table will show the numbers of foreign nation alities in the United States in 1860: German States total . 1,301,130 Holland 28 281 1 419 Germany, not spec'd 593,^82 Mexico 27,446 Europe not specified 1 403 431,692 Austria 25 061 1 ' if 'Q British America 249 970 18 G2~ Atlantic 3>les 1 ^fil Prussia 227,061 Italy 10 518 1 231 Bavaria. 150 105 10 233 Sardinia 1 159 Baden 112,8341 Denmark 9 96'2 \frica 56 France 109 870 1 9 072 435 Scotland 103,5181 West Indies 7 353 38 Hesse 95 46 ' Poland 7 298 Pacific Isles 9 86 Wirtemberg 81,336 Spain 4244 233 Switzerland 53,327 Portugal 4 116 18 Wales 45 763 3 263 Norway . . 43,995 Russia... 3,160 Total . . . 4.13G.175 The total number of foreign passengers who arrived by sea in the United States, from September 30th, 1819, to December 31st, 1860, was 5,062,414. Of these 2,977,603 were males, 2,035,536 were females, and 49,275, sex not stated. An interesting feature of our population in 1860 was the fact that within the Union there were 440 white persons living over the age of one hundred years. Of these 73 were 101, 65 were 102, 56 were 103, 47 were 104, 52 were 105, 36 were 106, 28 were 107, 14 were 108, 9 were 109, 28 were 110, 3 were 111, 4 were 112, 2 were 113, 1 was 114, 6 were 115, 3 were 116, 1 was 117, 1 was 118, 2 were 119, 2 were 120, 1 was 121, 1 was 124, 2 were 125, 1 was 126, 1 was 135, a male, and one was 140, a female. Of this total number, 184 were males and 256 females. There were also l>88 blacks in the United States over one ' uii- dred years of age, 295 males and 393 females the oldest being 130 years. There were five persons of that age two males and three females. There were also in the United States, in 1860, 46 mulattoes over one hundred years of age 13 males and 33 females; the oldest was 117 there were two of this age, 1 male and 1 female. There were also at this period 26 native Indians (so far as known) over one hundred years of age 15 males and 11 females. The oldest male was 115 years; there was one female of 120, one of 125, and 1, the oldest of all, of 140 years. It will be seen from these tables that women in general attain a greater age than men. Of the American population there were 730,000 more males than females, while in Great Brjtain, at the same time^ there were 877,000 more females than males, in a population of about twenty-nine million. APPENDIX. 611 The following table will show the whole number of native born citizens contributed by each State to the whole United States, up to 1860: 2 862 516 Maryland 618,319 Mississippi 264 847 Ohio 2,122,603 New Jersey 612,034 jlowa 228 6S3 1 401 410 Missouri 564 289 i Texas 160 3C9 1,053,474 Connecticut 476,310 SRhode Island 155,204 1 040 585 470 257 i Arkansas 148 376 Tennessee 1,005 345 Alabama 457,766 117,362 Indiana 990,262 Vermont 41y,852 Territories 110,578 North Carolina Illinois 906,826 841 661 New Hampshire Not stated 382,521 49 265 District of Columbia 'Oregon 42,484 17 910 81 597 Minnesota 37,615 Florida 42,372 At sea 2,618 Total *. 23,353,386 Kansas 13056 Michigan 330,023 Maine . . . 676,066 Wisconsin. . . 278,362 The following table will show the number of native born in habitants contributed by each State to all the other States, up to 1860: New York 867,032 Connecticut 152,538 1 Delaware 32,493 Ohio 593,043 Pennsylvania 582,512 Virginia . . 399 700 New Jersey 143,019 Alabama 137,740 '"Wisconsin 31,185 jLouisiana 26,974 Maryland . . 137 258 ' Arkansas 24 333 Illinois 134 536 District of Columbia. . 8,479 Texas 7,356 Florida 6 770 Kentucky . . . 331 904 New Hampshire 125,539 Maine 116,036 North Carolina 272,606 Massachusetts . 235 039 Missouri . ... 89 043 California . 3 890 Indiana 215 541 Mississippi 69,041 Rhode Island 45 299 Minnesota 3 310 South Carolina 193,389 Territories . 2 750 Georgia 190,223 Iowa 37,535 Kansas 2,059 Vermont 174 765 Michisran . . 35.195 Orpfon. 1 34.fi The following table will show the number of native born popu lation which each State has received from all the other States, up to 1860: Illinois 680,383 1 Ma,Rsn,fVhiiRfitt,s_ 1 fift 4.0fil CnnnpivHfMit, K5 rt70 Ohio 491 697 New Hampshire 48,153 Vermont 42,268 Maryland 41 *>63 Indiana 457,523 Tennessee. . . 152 267 Missouri 431 294 Iowa 377,684 Kentucky . . . 148 832 Florida 39 768 Michigan. . . 305 193 Georgia 107 921 Maine 30 796 New York 279,635 Kansas 83 516 Oregon 30 779 Wisconsin 251777 Louisiana 80 953 Rhode Island 27 %1 Texas 225,18-1 Alabama 196743! [New Jersey 80212 District of Columbia. . 25,406 North Carolina 24 044 1 Mirmpsnf a. 78 QQfl Arkansas 196,551 Territories 76 847 Delaware 16 384 Pennsylvania . . 195 706 1 1 Virginia 68 685 South Carolina 14 448 The following table will show the" Germ* several States and Territories in 1860 : New York 256,252 Texas 20,553 Ohio 168,210 Minnesota . . . IS 4.00 in inhabitants in the Arkansas 1143 Pennsylvania 138,244 Illinois 130,804 Virginia 10,512 Massachusetts 9 961 i Rhode Island. . 815 i North Carolina 765 Wisconsin 123,879 Connecticut 8,525 Kansas 4 318 Colorado 576 Missouri 88 487 Washington Territory. 572 Indiana 66,705 Tennessee 3 860 Maryland 43,884 District of Columbia. . 3,254 South Carolina 2 947 Florida 478 Michigan 38,705 Iowa 38 555 ! Alabama 2 601 New Jersey 33,772 Georgia 2,472 Mississippi 2 008 Maine 384 Kentucky 27 227 Louisiana 24,61 4 Nebraska 1 742 Utah 158 California 21,646 Delaware . . . 1,263 Dakota... Total number of Germans in the United States, 1,899,518; total number of Irish, 1,611,304 showing 288,214 more Ger mans than Irish. Computing the Germans from all the States and Kingdoms of Europe, who are generally known as Germans 612 APPENDIX. in America, they show 2,772,593, making the Germans in Amer ica more than double the Irish population. The increase since 18GO in the German population has been very great, and will, at the taking of the census in 1870, show about three Germans to one Irish in the United States. The following table will show the foreign born population in the several States and Territories in 1860 total, 4,136,175: New York 998,640 Pennsylvania 430,505 Ohio 328,254 Illinois 324.64o Wisconsin 276,927 Massachusetts 260,o41 Missouri 160,541 Michigan 149,092 California 14(5 ,o 28 New Jersey ... 122,790 Indiana , 118,184 Iowa 106,081 Louisiana 81,029 Connecticut 80,696 Maryland 77,53^ ''Georgia 11,671 Kentucky 59,7^1 South Carolina 9,93e Minnesota 53, 723 'I Delaware 9,16? 8,55i 6,72? 6,351 Texas 43.4221 j Mississippi ^ T.i !-. Q r / JCrif.W.AMV T\T,r,ir-;,rt, Maine 87,45C Rhode Island 37 .304 Virginia 3 ,05 *, [Vermont 32,743 Tennessee 21,226 New Hampshire 20,938 Utah 12,754 Kansas 12,691 District of Columbia... 12,484 Alabama 12,352 New Mexico. Nebraska Oregon Arkansas 3,741 Florida 3,30? North Carolina 3,29f Washington 3,144 Colorado 2,666 Nevada 2,064 Dakota 1,774 The following table will show the Irish in the several States and Territories in 1860 making a total of 1,611,304: 201 939 24 495 Kansas 3 88F 185 434 22 249 i Texas 3 48C Illinois . 87 573 Virginia 1G 501 Nebraska 1,431 Ohio 76 8^6 15 290 1 312 New Jersey 62 003 Vermont 13 480 i Oregon 1,266 "Connecticut 55,445 Minnesota 12,831 (Washington Territory... 1,211 Wisconsin A 9 961 New Hampshire 12 737 North Carolina 889 43 464 12 498 i Florida 827 California 33 147 District of Columbia.. 7,258 New Mexico 827 30 049 6 586 651 Louisiana 28,207 Delaware 5 832 j Colorado 624 Iowa 28 07^ 5 664 ! Utah 278 Rhode Island... 25,235 South Carolina... 4,906 .Dakota... 42 How completely Slave labor retarded the settlement of the industrious foreigners in the Slave States may be seen from the foregoing tables, which show that within the fifteen Slave States and the District of Columbia there were in 1860 but 188,448 Irish, while the population of these States was 12,496,459 with a vast and fertile soil and genial climate. At this same period Massachusetts, with her contracted limits, rigid winters, and a population of only 1,231,065, had within her limits 185,434 Irish, almost as many as were within the fifteen Slave States and the District of Columbia. PAUPERS AND CRIME IN THE UNITED STATES. Some startling facts in reference to the great preponderance of pauperism and crime among the foreign population of the United States will here be given, based upon the census of 1860. At that time the whole population of the Union was 31,429,891. Of this number 27.206,187 were native born, including all classes, free and slave. There were at the same time 4,136.175 of foreign birth of all classes in the Republic; thus it will be seen that about one-eighth of the whole American population was of foreign birth. The whole number of paupers supported during the year 1860 APPENDIX, 613 was 321,665, of whom 160,213 were native, and 161,452 were of foreign birth, showing more than eight times: as many paupers among the foreign as among the native population. The annual cost of the support of this total number was $5,445,143. The whole number of criminals convicted within the year was 98,836, of whom 32,933 were natives, and 65,903 were foreigners, showing that among the foreign population more than sixteen criminals were convicted to one among the native born. Several causes contribute to this state of affairs ignorance of our lan guage, customs and laws; but the greatest of all, and the one most disastrous to America, and disgraceful to those nations practicing the evil, is the transportation of paupers and convicts to the United States, long and extensively practiced by Great Britain, Germany, France and other countries. TROOPS FURNISHED DURING THE WAR OF 1776. NORXHEBN STATES. Continentals. Militia. New Hampshire 12,496 2,093 Massachusetts 68,007 15,155 Rhode Island 5,878 4,284 Connecticut 32,039 7,792 NcwYork*. 18,331 3,304 New Jersey 10,726 6,035 Pennsylvania 25,608 7,357 Total 173,085 46,040 I SOUTHERN STATES. Continentals, [Delaware 2,317 Maryland 13,912 Virginia 26,668 North Carolina 7 ,263 South Carolina 6,417 Georgia 2,679 Total 59,256 Militia. 376 4127 5C20 10,123 Total furnished by the Northern States, 219,125; by the South ern States, 69,377. The whole number of troops in the Revolu tionary War was 288,504 there being 232,341 Continentals and 56,163 Militia. The tables of the population of the States engaged in the war of 1776 will show that the population of what are known as the Northern and Southern States was at that time about equal in the aggregate; but the share that they took in the war of Inde pendence was very unequal indeed. The Northern States, with a population about equal with that of the South, sent into the field 219,125, while the South sent only 69,379; and Massachu setts alone, with a population equal to half that of the- State of Virginia, sent 83,162, or 13,783 more than all the South. See "American Conflict," vol. 1, page 36; also, "Collection of New Hampshire Historical Society," for the year 1824, vol. 1, page 236. UNITED STATES ARMY 1861-5. Total number of men furnished by each State and Territory to put down the Slaveholders' Rebellion, from its commence ment in 1861 to its close in April, 1865: Maine 71 ,745 District of Columbia. Now Hampshire 34,605 Ohio Vermont 35,246 Indiana Massachusetts 151,785 Illinois Rhodo Island 23,711 j Michigan Connecticut - 57,270! | Wisconsin NewYork 464,156 .Minnesota _ New Jersey- 79,511 1 llowa.. Pennsylvania 366,326 1 Delaware 13,651 Maryland 49,731 Missouri . , Kentucky Kansas . . . West Virginia 32,003 j | Tennessee. . 317 133 Nevada 216 195,147 258,217 90,119 96,118 25,034 75,860 108 773 Oregon Washington Terrify. Nebraska Territory . . Colorado Territory.. Dakota Territory New Mexico Terrify 617 895 1,279 1,762 181 2,395 78,540 Total 2,688 523 20,097 12,077 614 APPENDIX. Add to the above the forces under arms by the Eebels, amount ing to about 1,400,000, and we see that there were over 4,000,000 of men in arms during the war a greater number than ever was engaged in any single war at any age, in any country. To illus trate: The fabled army of Sesostris, with which he overran the greater part of Asia, was but 1,137,000. The greatest strength of the armies raised under Rhamses II, in Egypt, was 410,000. The total forces sent against Syracuse numbered 65,000. Alex ander achieved his victories with an army of about 56,000. Na poleon's grand army of 1812 was 200,000 in Spain; 200,000 in France, Italy, Germany and Poland, and 450,000 in Russia making a total of 850,000. The army of 450,000, then in Russia, was the largest army in one country. When Hannibal crossed the Rhone, his army was 46,000. In May, 1854, the allied army, consisting of English, French, Turks and Sardinians, operating in the Crimean war, was 200,000. Composition of the Army. Of the 2,688,523 soldiers in the Federal Army, from the commencement of the war to its close, 494,900 were of foreign birth, as follows: Germans, 176,800; Irish, 144,200; British Americans, 53,500; English, 45,500; other foreigners, nationalities unknown, 74,900 leaving the native Americans enlisted at 2,193,623. The total population of the loyal States and Territories in 1860 was 22,372,961. Of this number 3,901,534 were of foreign birth, leaving the native population in these States 18,471,427. From this number they raised an army of 2,193,623, as shown above. Those of foreign birth in these States, from a population of 3,901,534, raised an army of 494,900. Thus, it will be seen that the honors of the patriotism and success of the arms of the Re public are equally divided among all classes in the twenty-three loyal States that were in the Union at the commencement of the Rebellion. The proportion furnished in men by the native population, was about twelve per cent., while those of foreign birth furnished about thirteen per cent, of their numbers, showing that the adopted citizens of the Republic are not behind, when the laws and the flag that give them liberty are assailed. The fact that there are more males in the foreign population, in proportion to its numbers than in the native population, will account, no doubt, for the large proportion that they furnished to the army. Of what material the army of the Confederacy was composed is not definitely ascertained. It is fair to conclude, however, that its ranks were made up chiefly of native born White and Black. Jefferson Davis' order of banishment of all foreigners from his dominions, would not indicate any very great desire even to have them in his army; besides, but few foreigners had made their homes at the South. At the breaking out of the Rebellion there were within the limits of the eleven States that entered the Confederacy but 234,641 foreigners of all classes 25,900 less than were in the State of Massachusetts. APPENDIX. 615 The total population of the eleven States forming the Con federacy in 1860 was 9,056,930 of all classes; of this number, 5,449,463 were whites, and 3,607,467 blacks, showing but 1,761,- 996 more whites than blacks. From these numbers they raised an army of about 1,400,000 about fifteen per cent, of their entire population. It must be remembered that parts of Virginia and Tennessee and other States in rebellion furnished considerable numbers of troops to the Union Army, and perhaps some of the States not in rebellion furnished some of the Confederate army, but these are not easily ascertained. The following table will show the number of newspapers cir culated by the several States in the year 1860 ; FREE STATES. California 26,111 ,788 1 Connecticut 9,555,672 Illinois 27,464,764 Indiana 10,090,310 Iowa 6,589,360 Kansas 1,565,540 Maine 8,333,278 Massachusetts . . . * 102,000,760 Michigan 11,606,596 Minnesota 2,344,000 New Hampshire 1,024,400 New Jersey 12,801,412 New York 320,930,881 Ohio 71,767.742 Oregon 1,074,640 Pennsylvania 116,094,480 Khode Island 5,289,280 Vermont 2,579,080 Wisconsin 10,798,670 Nebraska Territory 519,000 New Mexico Territory 59,800 Utah Territory 327,600 Washington Territory 122,200 Total 749,051,256 SLAVE-STATES. Alabama 7,175,444 Arkansas 2,122,224 Delaware 1,010,776 Florida 1,081,600 Georgia 13,415,444 Kentucky 13,504,044 Louisiana 16,948,000 Maryland 20,721,472 Mississippi 9,099,784 Missouri 29,741,464 North Carolina 4,862,572 South Carolina 3,654,840 Tennessee 10,053,152 Texas 7,855,808 Virginia 26,772,568 District of Columbia^* . .. 10,881,100 Total , 178,900,292 Total, ..... 749,051,256 Grand Total. ... _______ 927,951,548 FINANCE OF THE UNITED STATES. The total resources and payments of the Federal Government from its commencement, March 4th, 1789, to July 1st, 1861, were total revenue, $1,846,275,863.48; total expenditures during the same period, $1,453,790,786.00 leaving an excess of revenue unexpended of $392,485,077.48. The demands of the war called largely upon the National Treas ury, imposing a burden of taxation amounting, in a single year, to a larger sum than was necessary to defray the whole expenses of the Government from its commencement to 1861. The public debt on the 1st day of July, 1860, was $64,769,703.08; July 1st, 1861, $90,867,828.68; July 1st, 1862, $514,211,371.92; July 1st, 1863, $1,098,793,181.37; July 1st, 1864, $1,740,690,- 489.49; July 1st, 1865, $2,682,593,026.53; October 31st, 1866, $2,681,636,966.34. There was at this time, $130,326,960.60 cash in the Treasury; this would leave the actual debt only $2,551,- 310,005.72. Total debt unprovided for November 1st, 1867, was $2,491,504,450.00. Total debt, October 1st, 1868, $2,534,643,- 718.f5. The debt of Great Britain, in 1860, was 894,644,060 616 APPENDIX. ' sterling, or $4,473,220,300 almost double that of tlie debt of the United States in 1867. The total debt of the United States, on the first day of Decem ber, 1868, was $2,645,711,164.81. Cash in the Treasury, $106,- 679,320.67; of which $88,425,374.54 was coin. The great financial resources of the Republic of America, as developed under the pressure of the late war, and the good grace with which the people respond to the payments of the large sums requisite to defray the expenses of the Rebellion thrust upon them by the Democratic slaveholders of the South, is another illustration of the influence of Republican Government in tempering the public mind to respond to all things, even the burdens of increased taxation, in order to perpetuate their free dom. No Government of the magnitude of the American Republic has at any period of the history of the world, conducted the affairs of government with such small outlays and rigid economy as has that of the United States. In all governments, whatever they be, the whole expenditure has to emanate from the produc ing masses; the wealthy are but the receivers of the labor and industry of the producer. The officials of the United States receive smaller compensation than do those of any other nation, of its magnitude, on the globe. The seven cabinet officers receive $8,000 per annum, each $56,000 in all. The President of the Republic receives $25,000 per annum. The President and Cabinet receiving but a fraction more than it costs the people of Great Britain annu ally for coachmen, postilions and footmen for her Britannic majesty. BANKS. The first Bank in America was established in Massachusetts, in 1740, called the " Land Bank;" this bank was soon dissolved by a royal edict. Up to the year 1781, there were but two banks in America one in Boston, and one in New York. In 1811, they had increased to 88; in 1830, there were 330; in 1840, there were 910; in 1843 there were 691; in 1850, there were 872, with a capital of $227,000,000; and in 1860 there were 1,562 with a capital of $421,000,000; since which time the National Banks established by Congress, have superseded to a great extent the private banking institutions of the country. NATIONAL BANKS. An Act of Congress to establish a general national banking system was passed February 25th, 1863, and another on June> 3d, 1864. Under this law, there were in operation on January 1st, 1866, 1579 banks, with an aggregate capital of $403,357,346. There were also at the close of the year 1866, 351 State Banks, making a total of 1,930 in all. There were on January 1st, 1867, 1644 banks existing u^der the National Bank Acts of the United States; also 297 under State laws. The combined capital of these 1,941 institutions was, at APPENDIX. 617 * the same time, $486,258,464. The number of National Banks on the 1st day of October, 1867, was 1,639, with a capital of $424,394,861. There were at the same time 262 State banks, with a capital of $66,354,033, making the aggregate of 1,901 banks, with a combined capital of 490,748,894. KAILROADS. The first attempt at anything resembling railroads, is supposed to have been the roads constructed of stone, upon which the Egyptians moved the great stones for the pyramids. The ancient Romans made an attempt at railroads, by the laying of stones closely fitted together, upon which wheels were run. Sometime about the year 1676, the first instance of the use of rails was at the collieries, near Newcastle-upon-Tyne, England; and at the same time a suggestion of the possibility of construct ing steam carriages was made by James I. Watt, the Scottish engineer. As early as 1782, Oliver Evans, of Philadelphia, pat ented a steam wagon, and Watt patented a locomotive carriage in 1784. In October, 1829, the first steam locomotive was put in opera tion, in England, and was manufactured by Messrs. Stephenson & Booth; soon followed the general use of locomotives and steam carriages. The first railroad in America, was built from Quincy to the Neoponset Eiver, Massachusetts; it was begun in 1826, and com pleted in 1827, a distance of three miles; the carriages were drawn by horses. The first locomotive used on railroads in America, was one manufactured by George Stephenson, of England, imported to America, and placed upon the road built by the Delaware and Hudson Canal Company, in 1829 from this date the progress in rai'roads in America went ahead with great energy and success. In 1860, there were 30,793 miles of railroad in the United States, at a cost of $1,151,560,829; besides 402 miles of city street car railroads, at a cost of $14,862,840. The great overland railroad from New York to San Francisco, California, to be completed by July, 1869, will of itself add 1,840 miles to the -above, from San Francisco to Omaha, Nebraska; besides which, there have been many hundreds of miles of railroad built in other States, since 1860, and the miles in street railroads alone must have doubled since that time. The Pacific railroad is calculated to cost about one hundred million of dollars. The United States gives the companies building the road the use of fifty million dollars of United States six per cent, bonds for thirty years; also ihefee simple of 12,800 acres. .of land per mile, along the road, which in the ag gregate amounts to about 220,000,000 of acres. This is the most munificent donation made by an^y Government to any enterprise in any age. The total distance from New York to San Francisco, Cal., by this great national highway, will be about 3,390 miles. 618 APPENDIX. INSURANCE COMPANIES. The first Insurance Company in America was established at Boston, Massachusetts, in the year 1724; in 1860, they had in creased to 294, besides 47 Life Insurance Companies. CANALS. The first canal in America, was constructed in 1789, from Boston harbor to the Concord river, a distance of twenty-seven miles, at a cost of $550,000. In 1861, there were 118 canals in the United States, of a total length of 5,462 miles. TOTAL VALUE OF BEAL ESTATE AND PEKSONAL PROPERTY IN THE UNITED STATES. States and Territories. Real Estate and Personal Property. Increase. In crease per cent. 1850. I860. Alabama $228,204,332 39,841,025 22,161,872 155,707,980 21,032,556 22,802,270 335,425,714 156,265,006 202,650,264 23,714,638 $495,237,078 219,256,473 207,874,613 444,274,114 46,242,181 73,101,COO 645,895,237 871,860,282 528,835,371 247,338,265 31,327,895 666,043,112 602,118,568 190,211,COO 376,919,944 815,237,433 257,163,983 52,294,413 607,324,911 501,214,398 156,310,860 467,918,324 1,843,338,517 358,739,399 1,193,898,422 28,930,637 1,416,501,818 135,337,588 548,138,754 493,903,892 365,200,614 122,477,170 793,249,681 273,671,668 41,084,945 9,131,056 20,813,768 5,596,118 5,601,466 $267,032,746 179,415,448 185,712,741 288,566,104 25,179,625 50,239,230 310,439,523 715,595,276 326,105,107 223,623,627 117.01 450.32 837.98 185.32 119.54 219.74 92.56 457.93 100.95 942.97 California Delaware Florida ... . Iowa Kentucky 301,628,456 233,998,764 122,777,571 219,217,364 573,342,286 59,787,255 364,414,656 368,119,804 67,443,029 157,702,580 241,895,147 197,376,728 120.81 157.31 54.92 ^ 71 .93 * 42.19 330.13 Maine Massachusetts 228,951,130 137,247,707 103,652,835 200,000,000 1,080,309,JL6 226,800,472 504,726,120 5,033,474 722,486,120 80,508,794 288,257,694 201,246,686 52,740,473 92,205,049 430,701,082 42,053,595 14,018,874 378,373,781 363,966,691 52,658,025 267,918,324 763,029,301 131,938,927 689,172,302 23,867,163 694,015,698 54,828,794 259,881,050 292,657,206 312,460,141 30,272,121 362,548,599 231,615,073 27,066,071 165.26 2u5.18 50.80 133.95 70.G3 58.17 136.54 471.35 96.05 68.10 90.15 145.42 592.44 32.83 84.17 550.72 193.06 New York Ohio Pennsylvania Rhode Island South Carolina Vermont Virginia "Wisconsin District of Columbia Nebraska 5,174,471 986,083 15,639,298 4,610,035 302.24 467.50 Utah. Territory Total ,.. $7,135,780,228 $16,159,616,038 $8,925,481,011 126.45 The above table is based upon the true valuation; the returns made by the several States, at the periods above mentioned, show a larger assessed value than the above. It will be seen by the annexed table how far the Free States run ahead of the Slave States in the increase of property. SENTIMENTS OF THE FRIENDS OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. The following extracts from speeches, letters, addresses, ora tions, and resolutions will illustrate the sentiments and positions APPENDIX. 619 of prominent public men of America and Europe in relation to the political affairs of the American Republic WILLIAM H SEWAKD. In March, 1858, William H. Seward, in the United States Senate, said:* "The question of Slavery in the Federal Territories, which are now the nurseries of future States, independent of its moral and human elements, involves a dynastical struggle of two antagonist! cal systems the labor of slaves and the labor of freemen for mastery in the Federal Union. ' ' There is a higher law than the Constitution which regulates our authority over the domain. Slavery must be abolished, and we must do it. " Slavery is not and never can be perpetual. It will be overthrown peace fully and lawfully under this Constitution, or it will work the subversion of the Constitution, together with its own overthrow." Iii a speech made by Mr. Seward at Rochester, New York, October 25th, 1858, he said: "These antagonistic systems are continually coming into closer contact, and collision results. "Shall I tell you what this collision means? They who think that it is accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces ; and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slaveholding Nation, or entirely a free Labor Nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina, and the sugar plantations of Louisiana, will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and New Orleans become marts for legitimate mer chandise alone, or else the rye fields and wheat fields of Massachusetts and Now York must again be surrendered by their farmers to slave culture and to the production of slaves, and Boston and New York become once more mar kets for trade in the bodies and souls of men. It is the failure to apprehend this great truth that induces so many unsuccessful attempts at final compro mise between the Slave and Free States; and it is the existence of this great fact that renders all such pretended compromises, when made, vain aaad ephemeral." JOSHUA B. GIDDINGS. Few men in America have been so closely identified with the interests of the down-trodden African and his posterity in the United States, as has this able defender of the rights of man. Nor do his efforts to extirpate human Slavery from his country date from the period when " Abolitionists" were " respectable," but from the time when death penalties were inflicted by the chivalry of the South, for the advocacy of the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, and when in the Free States "constitutional" Democrats hunted down, like wild beasts, those who were bold enough to advocate emancipation. In the House of Representatives, as early as 1850, in response to the declaration of members from the South to disrupt the Uiiiori, Mr. Giddings, in a speech, used the following prophetic language : "When that contest shall come, when the thunder shall roll and the light nings flash; when the slaves of the South shall rise in the spirit of Freedom, actuated by the soul-stirring emotion that they are men, destined to immortal ity, entitled to the rights which God bestcrvTccl upon them ; when the masters 620 APPENDIX. shall" turn pale and tremble; when their dwellings shall smoke, and dismay sit on each countenance; then, Sir, I do not say we will 'laugh at your calamity, and mock when your fear cometh, ' but I do say the lover of our race will then stand forth and exert the legitimate powers of this Government of Freedom. We shall then have constitutional power to ad for the good of our country, and to do justice to the slave. WE WILL THEN STBIKE OFF THE SHACKLES FROM HIS LIMBS. The Government will then have power to act between Slavery and Freedom; and it can best make peace by giving liberty to the slaves. And let me tell you, Mr. Speaker, that time hastens; the President is exerting a power that will hurry it on; and I shall hail it as the approaching dawn of that Millennium which I know must come upon the earth." CHARLES SUMNEK. Among the many living champions of civil and religious lib erty, few equal this eminent American statesman, who lias had the honor to represent the State of Massachusetts in the Senate of the Nation for so many years.* The lead of the progressive political party of the Nation, was for years conceded to him; and if for a short time the reins were held by Thaddeus Stevens, Mr. Sunnier may but feel proud of his competitor. As a clear headed statesman, with a forecast of mind grasping principles and anticipating emergencies, Mr. Sumner has few living equals. As an industrious and faithful public servant, he has no equal. His persistent opposition to Slavery, made him an object of attack by the " chivalry," while that party had control of the Capitol. Throughout the Slaveholders' Rebellion, and during the mem orable conflict between the National Congress and Andrew John son, Mr. Sumner stood foremost and faithful in opposition to treason and venality, and directed the current of National legis lation to its present happy condition, more than did any one man in America. The public measures and laws presented to Congress by him, and which are now leading features of our National legislative enactments, outnumber those promulgated by any living man within the same period. And to his efforts and genius, may we in a large measure feel indebted for the equality of all m&\ before the law in America. His proposition* of the following clause of a law, pending the discussion, in the Senate, of a draft of a law pertaining to witnesses, on the 15th of July, 18G2, was the forerunner of the right of the colored man. to obtain justice in American Courts: "Provided, That there shall be no exclusion of any witnesses on account of color." He offered the following resolution, May 26th, 18G2, which subsequently led to the employment and protection of colored soldiers : " Resolved. That in the prosecution of the present war for the suppression of a wicked Rebellion, the time has come for the Government of the United State:., to appeal to the loyalty of the whole people everywhere, but especially in the rebel districts, and to invite all, without distinction of color or class, to make their loyalty manifest by ceasing to fight or labor for the rebels, and also by rendering every assistance in their power to the cause of the Constitution '.Elected in 18G9, for the fourth time in succession. APPENDIX. G21 and the Union, according to their ability, whether by arms, or labor, or infor mation, or in any other way; and, since protection and allegiance are recipro cal duties, dependent upon each other, it is the further duty of the Government of the United States to maintain all such loyal people, without distinction of color or class, in their rights as men, according to the principles of the Decla ration of Independence." The following extracts from a set of resolutions offered by Mr. Sumner, in the United States Senate, on the llth of February, 1862, relating to the rebellious States, present a clear, legal, and logical exposition of the status of those Territories, upon the cessation of hostilities: "1. Resolved, That any vote of secession or other act by which any State may imdertake to put an end to the supremacy of the Constitution within its territory is inoperative and void against the Constitution, and when sustained by force it becomes a practical abdication by the State, of all rights under the Constitution, while the treason which it involves still further works an instant forfeiture of all those functions and powers essential to the continued exist ence of the State as a body politic, so that from that time forward the territory falls under the exclusive jurisdiction of Congress as other territory, and the State being, according to the language of the law, felo-de-se, ceases to exist. "2. That any combination of men assuming to act in the place of such State, attempting to ensnare or coerce the inhabitants thereof into a confeder ation hostile to the Union is rebellious, treasonable, and destitute of all moral authority; and that such combination is a usurpation incapable of any consti tutional existence and utterly lawless, so that everything dependent upon it is without constitutional or legal support. "3. That the termination of a State under the Constitution necessarily causes the termination of those peculiar local institutions which, having no origin in the Constitution or in those natural rights which exist independent of the Constitution, are upheld by the sole and exclusive authority of the State. "4. That Slavery, being a peculiar local institution, derived from local laws, without any origin in the Constitution or in natural rights, is upheld by the sole and exclusive authority of the State, and must therefore cease to exist legally or constitutionally when the State on which it depends no longer exists; for the incident cannot survive the principle. "5. That in the exercise of its exclusive jurisdiction^over the territory once occupied by the States, it is the duty of Congress to see that the supremacy of the Constitution is maintained in its essential principles, so that everywhere in this extensive territory Slavery shall cease to exist practically, as it has already ceased to exist constitutionally or legally. "G. That any recognition of Slavery in such territory, or any surrender of slaves under the pretended laws of the extinct States by any officer of the United States, civil or military, is a recognition of the pretended Govern ments, to the exclusion of the jurisdiction of Congress under the Constitu tion, and, is in the nature of aid. and comfort to the Kebellion that has been organized. "7. That a,ny such recognition of Slavery or surrender of pretended slaves, besides being a recognition of the pretended Governments, giving them aid and comfort, is a denial of the rights of persons who, by the extinction of the States have become free, so that under the Constitution they cannot again be enslaved. "8. That allegiance from the inhabitant and protection from the Govern ment are corresponding obligations, dependent upon each other, so that while the allegiance of every inhabitant of this territory, without distinction of color or class, is due to the United States, and' cannot in any way be defeated by the action of ^ any pretended Government, or by any pretense of property or claim to service, the corresponding obligation of protection is at the same time due by the United States to every such inhabitant, without distinction of color or class; and it follows that inhabitants, held as slaves, whose paramount alle- 40 622 APPENDIX. glance is due to the United States, may justly look to the National Government for protection. "9. That the duty directly cast upon Congress by the extinction of the State, is reinforced by the positive prohibition of the Constitution that ' no State shall enter into any confederation,' or 'without the consent of Congress keep troops or ships-of-war in time of peace, or enter into any agreement or compact with another State,' or 'grant letters of marque and reprisal,' or ' coin money,' or 'emit bills of credit,' or 'without the consent of Congress lay any duties on imports or exports, ' all of which have been done by these pretended Governments, and also by the positive injunction of the Constitution addressed to the Nation: that 'the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican form of Government, and that in pursuance of this duty cast upon Congress, and further enjoined by the Constitution, Congress will assume complete jurisdiction of such vacated territory where such unconsti tutional and illegal things have been attempted, and will proceed to establish therein Republican forms of Government under the Constitution, and in the execution of this trust will provide carefully for the protection of all the inhabitants thereof, for the security of families, the organization of labor, the encouragement of industry, and the welfare of society, and will in every way discharge the duties of a just, merciful and paternal Government." On the 8th of February, 1863, Mr. Sumner, among other reso lutions, introduced the following, which embraces the views of the Eepublican party throughout the country upon the subject of Reconstruction, presenting the powers and duties of Congress, and at once exploding the assumptions and heresies of Andrew Johnson and the Democratic party, that the Executive possesses exclusive control over these people and Territories: * ' That in dealing with the rebel war the National Government is invested with two classes of rights one the rights of sovereignty, inherent and indefeas ible everywhere within the limits of the United States, and the other the rights of war, or belligerent rights, which have been superinduced by -the nature and extent of the contest; that, by virtue of the rights of sovereignty, the rebel and belligerent region is now subject to the National Government as its only right ful Government, bound under the Constitution to all the duties of sovereignty and by special mandate bound also ' to guarantee to every State a Eepublican form of Government, a^d to protect it against invasion;' that, by virtue of the rights of war, this same region is subject to all the conditions and inci dents of war, according to the established usages of Christian nations, out of which is derived the familiar maxim of public duty, ' Indemnity for the past and security for the future.' "That, in the exercise of this essential supremacy of the National Govern ment, a solemn duty is cast upon Congress to see that no rebel State is prema turely restored to its constitutional functions until, within its borders, all proper safeguards are established, so that loyal citizens, including the new made freedmen, cannot at any time be molested by evil-disposed persons, and especially that no man there may be made a slave; that this solemn duty belongs to Congress under this Constitution, whether in the exercise of rights of sovereignty or rights of war, and that in its performance that system of 'reconstruction' will be found the best, howsoever it may be named, which promises most surely to accomplish the desired end, so that Slavery, which is the synonym of the Rebellion, shall absolutely cease throughout the whole rebel and belligerent region, and the land which it has maddened, impover ished and degraded, shall become safe, fertile and glorious from assured eman cipation. " That in addition to the guarantees stipulated by Congress, and as the cap stone to its work of restoration and reconciliation, the Constitution itself must be so amended as to prohibit Slavery everywhere within the limits of the Republic; that such a prohibition, leaving all personal claims, whether of slave or master, to the legislation of Congress and of the States, will be in APPENDIX. 623 itself a sacred and inviolable guarantee, representing the collective will of the people of the United States, and placing universal emancipation under the sanction of the Constitution, so that freedom shall be engraved on every foot of Che National soil, and be woven into every star of the National flag, while it elevates and inspires our whole National existence, and the Constitution, so often invoked for Slavery, but at last in harmony with the Declaration of Independence, will become, according to the holy aspirations of its founders, the sublime guardian of the inalienable right of every human being to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; all of which must be done in the name of the Union, in duty to humanity, and for the sake of permanent peace." WILLIAM LLOYD GARKISON. In connection with the many advocates of manhood rights, few have labored with more zeal and self-sacrifice than William Lloyd Garrison. His speeches, letters and editorial labors have largely contributed to giving vitality and shape to the early efforts of the "Abolitionists" who pioneered the way through the dreary night of Democratic barbarism into the pure light 01 Republican liberty. The list of the band of Freedom's Defenders, beginning with the earliest history of the Eepublic, might be swelled by thou sands of names, that will serve to illuminate the path of the op pressed so long as liberty has inspiration for man. And, as future generations will read of the great conflict in America between Slavery and Freedom, dating from the proceedings in the Conven tion which framed the Constitution to the time of the end of the Slaveholders' Rebellion in 1865, they will pause in mute respect and generous admiration over the names of George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Lafayette, John Adams, John Hancock, John Quincy Adams, Abraham Lincoln, Benjamin Lundy, Daniel Webster, Thadcleus Stevens, Thomas Starr King, William Lloyd Garrison, Joshua R. Giddings, Wendell Phillips, Owen Lovejoy and Charles Sumner. Not forgetting Horace Greeley, whose fame as a patriot and journalist is co-extensive with modern reform and progressive liberty, and who in the columns of his widely cir culated journal, the New York Tribune, has done more to educate the American people in modern Republicanism than any man in America. THADDEUS STEVENS. Thaddeus Stevens was born in Caledonia county, Vermont, on April 4th, 1792. He died at Washington, D. 0. , on August llth, 1868, aged 76 years. At the time of his death he was a member of the Fortieth Congress of the United States from Pennsylvania, of which State he had been a citizen for many years. He grad uated at Dartmouth College in 1814, in which year he moved to Pennsylvania, where he studied law, and was admitted to prac tice in 1816. He soon rose to great eminence in his profession. At an early age he became an avowed enemy of Slavery. His views of the Dred Scott decision may be learned from his remarks upon learning of the death of its author, Chief Justice Taney. While delivering a speech in Congress, he said: " The Dred Scott decision has damned the Chief Justice to everlasting infamy." 624 APPENDIX. His love of human liberty was the inspiring theme of his whole life; and his withering Sarcasm and sharp invective made him a most formidable antagonist in debate. Always on the side of mercy, and always the enemy of tyranny, he became a piercing thorn in the side of the Democratic body politic, and from the day of their attack upon Fort Sumter, to the close of his life, stood in the National Congress as a giant of terror to their perfidy, and a master spirit at the head of the great national progressive Re publican party. Mr. Stevens entered public life in 1833, by being elected to the Pennsylvania Legislature. He subsequently held many import ant offices in that State. In 1838 he was the champion of uni versal suffrage, and did more to establish free schools in the State of Pennsylvania than any other man. In this he had the Democ racy as a unit against him, and in the Pennsylvania Legislature they made the most strenuous efforts to expel him. A Democratic committee was appointed " to inquire whether Thaddeus Stevens, a member elect from the county of Adams, had not forfeited his right to a seat in the House." He was first elected to Congress in 1848, and was Chairman of the Committee of Reconstruction in the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congress, his last position being Chairman of the Board of Managers on the impeachment trial of Andrew Johnson. In peaceful repose, at a ripe old age, he passed away, to join the hosts of the pure and just. His last hours of pain were allevi ated by the angelic voices of the Sisters of Charity, who had for months before his death watched at his bedside, when ill; their pure hearts had clung to him; they appreciated his noble nature, and had not forgotten the material aid he had secured to them in obtaining an appropriation of over $60,000 from Congress, to help in building their edifice of charity, the ' c Providence Hos pital," in the city of Washington. Few men in any age have achieved for themselves so enviable a name as did Thaddeus Stevens; he was indeed worthy of the title of the great American Commoner; fit to be associated with the champion of freedom, of the British Parliament, the great Commoner of England, John Bright. Mr. Stevens' industry and fidelity in legislation has been un surpassed. In many of his positions he has been considered " radical" and impracticable, even by many of his own party. Doubtless his views were a little in advance of those of the ma jority of the people; but less than a quarter of a century from his decease will find the great mass of the American people up to, if not in advance, of his views. Then will those who shall be in the enjoyment of the blessings of America's free institutions appreciate the untiring energy with which this hero of human rights pursued a venal Executive, and rebellious political factions, and fought them, inch by inch, as he battled with death, down to the very brink of the grave. The following extract, from a speech delivered by Mr. Stevens, APPENDIX. 62 at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, a few days before his death, and wliile suffering with disease, will show the true spirit of this great man. He said: "What is -this world but a world of progress, and what is the statesman worth who is afraid to fight in the front ranks? The liberty of the world is not yet effected. Half the world is yet in chains half the world is yet under kingly government. We must go ahead, and, though I can do but little, I shall do what I can; and if, when I am dead, there sprouts any vigor from my bones and my grave to help forward posterity to proclaim the same doctrines of universal liberty, and universal suffrage, and universal disenthrallment from kings, I shall be satisfied. The Goddess of Liberty is represented in ancient statues as a very nice little goddess, but very small. I want her to grow to put on the habiliments of mature age until she can embrace within her folds every nation, and every tribe, and every human being within God's canopy. I care not what you say of negro equality; I care not what you say of radical ism; these are my principles, and with the help of God I shall die with them. I ask no epitaph. I shall have none; but I shall go with a pure consciousness of having tried to serve the whole human race, and never having injured a human being." EDWAKD D. BAKEE. This illustrious champion of human freedom, one of America's ablest orators, was born in England, about the year 1800. He came to America when five years of age. His father died, leav ing him friendless and in poverty. His earlier days were spent as a weaver in the city of Philadelphia. When he arrived at manhood he moved to ' Illinois, where he commenced the study and practice of the law, in which profession he soon took a leacf- ing position. He soon attached himself to the Whig party,, and in 1846-7 was elected to Congress from Illinois. On the break ing out of the Mexican war he raised a regiment, at the head of which he distinguished himself throughout the war. He returned to Illinois, and was again elected to Congress, where he served until 1850. In 1851 he arrived in California, where he resided until 1859, when he removed to Oregon, where, in 1860, he was elected United States Senator. He was in this position when, in 1861, the rebels fired on Fort Sumter. He soon after received a commission as Colonel in the Union army, at the head of which he was killed at the battle of Ball's Bluff, Virginia, October 21st, 1861. (Baker was commissioned a Brigadier-General after his death.) The following extract is from a speech delivered by him in the United States Senate, December 31st, 1860, in reply to Mr. Ben jamin, of Louisiana the subject of the Union being under dis cussion : "The entire object of the speech is, as I understand it, to offer a philosoph ical and constitutional disquisition to prove that the Government of these United States is, in point of fact, no Government at all that it has no princi ple of vitality, that it is to be overturned by a touch, dwindled into insignifi cance by a doubt, dissolved by a breath, not by maladministration merely, bat in consequence of organic defects interwoven with its vejy existence. "But, Sir, this purpose strange and mournful in anybody, still more so in him this purpose has a terrible significance now and here. In the judgment of the honorable Senator, the Union is this day dissolved; it is broken and 626 APPENDIX. disintegrated; civil war is a consequence at once necessary oud inevitable. Standing in the Senate chamber, he speaks like a prophet of woe. The bur den of tno prediction is the echo of what the distinguished gentleman now presiding in that chair has said before (Mr. lyerson in the chair) 'Too late! too late!' The gleaming and lurid lights of war flash around his brow, even while he speaks. And, Sir, were it not for the exquisite amenity of his tone and manner, we could easily persuade ourselves that we saw the flashing of the armor of the soldier beneath the robe of the Senator. "My purpose is far different, Sir. I think it is far higher. I desire to con tribute my poor argument to maintain the dignity, the honor of the Govern ment under which I live, and beneath whose august shadow I hope to die. I propose, iia opposition to all that has been said, to show that the Government of the United States is in very deed a real, substantial power, ordained by the people, not dependent upon States sovereign in its sphere ; a Union, and not a compact between sovereign States; that, according to its true theory, it has the inherent capacity of self-protection; that its Constitution is a perpetuity, beneficent, unfailing, grand; and that its powers are equally capable of exer cise against domestic treason and against foreign foes. Such, Sir, is the main Eurpose of my speech; and what I may say additional to this, will be drawn :om me in reply to the speech to which I propose now to address myself." The following is an extract from a speech delivered by him at a Union mass meeting at Union Park, New York City, April 20th, 1861: "And if, from the far Pacific, a voice feebler than the feeblest murmur upon its shores, may be heard to give you courage and hope in the contest, that voice is yours to-day; and if a man whose hair is gray, who is well-nigh worn put in the battle and toil of life, may pledge himself on such an occasion and in such an audience, let me say, as my last word, that when, amid sheeted fire and flame, I saw and led the hosts of New York as they charged in contest upon a foreign soil for the honor of your flag, so again, if Providence shall will it, this feeble hand shall draw a sword,- never yet dishonored not to fight for distant honor in a foreign land but to fight for country, for home, for law, for Government, for Constitution, for light, for freedom, for humanity, and in the hope that the banner of my country may advance, and wheresoever that banner waves, there glory may pursue and freedom be established." ANDREW JACKSON. Extracts from the address to the army at New Orleans, De cember 18th, 1814, by Andrew Jackson: " Fellow Citizens and Soldiers: The General Commanding-in-Chief would not do justice to the noble ardor that has animated you in the hour of danger, he would not do justice to his own feelings, if he suffered the example you have shown to pass without public notice. Inhabitants of an opulent commercial town, you have, by a spontaneous effort, shaken off the habits which are cre ated by wealth, and shown that you are resolved to deserve the blessings of fortune, by bravely defending them. Long strangers to the perils of war, you have emboldened yourselves to face them with the cool countenance of vet erans. With motives of disunion that might have operated on some minds, you have forgotten the differences of language and prejudice of national pride, and united with a Cordiality that does honor to your understanding as well as to your patriotism. '^Natives of the United States! They are the oppressors of your infant political existence, with whom you are to contend they are the men your fathers fought and conquered, whom you are now to oppose. "Descendants of Frenchmen! Natives of France! They are English the hereditary, the eternal enemies of your ancient country, the invaders of that you have adopted who are your foes. "Spaniards! Eemember the conduct of your allies at St. Sebastian's, and recently at Pensacola, and rejoice that you have an opportunity of avenging the brutal injuries inflicted by men who dishonor the human race. APPENDIX. 627 " Citizens of Louisiana! The General Commanding-in-Chief rejoices to see the spirit that animates you, not only for your honor, but for your safety, for whatever had been your conduct or wishes, his duty would have led, and will now lead him, to confound the citizen unmindful of his rights with the enemy he ceases to oppose. Now, leading men who know their rights and who are determined to defend them, he salutes you as brethren in arms, and has now a new motive to exert all his faculties, which shall be strained to the utmost in your defense. Continue with the energy you have begxm with, and he promises you not only safety, but victory over the insolent enemy, who insulted you by an affected doubt of your attachment to the Constitution of your country. "Soldiers! The President of the United States shall be informed of your conduct on the present occasion, and the voice of the Kepresentatives of the American Nation shall applaud your valor, as your General now praises your ardor. The enemy is near. His sails cover the lakes. But the brave are united, and if he finds us contending among ourselves, it will be for the prize of valor, and fame, its noblest reward." Extract from President Jackson's proclamation to the people of South Carolina, in 1832: " Fellow Citizens of my native State: Contemplate the condition of that coun try of which you form an important part. Consider its Government, uniting in one bond of common interest and general protection so many different States, giving to all their inhabitants the proud title of American citizens, pro tecting their commerce, securing their literature and their arts, facilitating their intercommunication, defending their frontiers, and making their name respected in the remotest parts of the earth. Consider the extent of its terri tory, its increasing and happy population, its advance in arts which render life agreeable, and the sciences which elevate the mind. "See education spreading the light of religion, humanity, and general information into every cottage in this wide extent of our Territories and States. Behold it as the asylum where the wretched and the oppressed find a refuge and support. Look on this picture of happiness and honor, and say: 'We, too, are citizens of America!' ' The laws of the United States must be executed. I have no discretionary power on the subject; my duty is em phatically pronounced in the Constitution. Those who told you that they might peaceably prevent their execution, deceived you; they could not have been deceived themselves. They knew that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution of the laws, and they knew that such opposition must l>e repelled. Their object is disunion, but be not deceived by names; disunion by armed force is treason. Are you really ready to incur its guilt? If you are, on the heads of the instigators of the act be the dreadful consequences on their heads be the dishonor but on yours may fall the punishment. On your unhappy State will inevitably fall all the evils of the conflict you force upon the Government of your country. Its enemies have beheld our prosper ity with a vexation they could not conceal; it was a standing refutation of their slavish doctrines, and they will point to our discord with the triumph of malignant joy." JOSIAH QUINCY. The following is an exhortation to self-defense, delivered by Josiah Quincy, at Boston, in 1768: "If there ever was a time, this is the hour for Americans to rouse them selves, and exert every ability. Their all is at hazard, and the die of fate spins doubtful. British taxations, suspensions of Legislatures, and standing armies, are but some of the clouds which overshadow the northern world. Now is the time for this people to summon every aid, human and divine ; to exhibit every moral virtue, and call forth every Christian grace. The wisdom of the serpent, the innocence of the dove, and the intrepidity of the lion, with the blessing of God, will yet save us from the jaws of destruction. By the sweat of our brow we earn the little we possess; from nature we derive the common 628 APPENDIX. rights of man, and by charter we claim the liberties of Britons. Shall we, dare we, pusillaniniously surrender our birthright? "Be not deceived, my countrymen. Believe not those venal hirelings who would cajole you by their subtleties into submission, or frighten you by their vaporings into compliance. When they strive to flatter you by the terms ' moderation and prudence, ' tell them that calmness and deliberation are to guide the judgment, courage and intrepidity command the action. When they endeavor to make us ' perceive our inability to oppose our mother country, ' let us boldly answer: 'In defense of our civil and religious rights, we dare oppose the world! With the God of armies on our side, even the God \vho fought our fathers' battles, we fear not the hour of trial, though the hosts of our enemies should cover the field like locusts. If this be enthusiasm, we will live and die enthusiasts.' "O my countrymen! What will our children say when they read the his tory of these times, should they find that we tamely gave way, without one noble struggle, the most inestimable of earthly blessings? As they drag the galling chain, will they not execrate us? If we have any respect for things sacred, any regard to the dearest treasure on earth; if we have one tender sentiment for posterity, if we would not be despised by the whole world, let us, in the most open, solemn manner, and with determined fortitude, swear *We will die, if we cannot live freemen!' " COL. ISAAC BAKKfi. A "Protest against Injustice/' being a speech delivered in the British Parliament in 1765, by Col. Isaac Barre: " Sir, I have listened to the honorable member, who spoke last, with aston ishment. Has he forgotten the history of the Colonies? * Will these Ameri cans, children planted by our care, nourished by our indulgence, protected by our arms, refuse their mite?' "They planted by your care! No; your oppression planted them in Amer ica. They fled from your tyranny, to a then uncultivated and inhospitable country, where they exposed themselves to almost all the hardships to which human nature is' liable, and, among others, to the cruelty of a savage foe the most subtle, and, I will take upon me to say, the most formidable of any peo ple upon the face of the earth and yet, actuated by principles of true English liberty, they met all hardships with pleasure, compared with those they suf fered in their own country from the hands of those who should have been their friends. " They nourished up by your indulgence! They grew by your neglect of them. As soon as you began to care about them, that care was exercised in sending persons to rule them, in one department or another, who were, per haps, the deputies of deputies to some members of this House, sent to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent their actions, and to prey upon them men whose behavior, on many occasions, has caused the blood of those sons of lib erty to recoil within them; men promoted to the highest seat of justice, -some who, to my knowledge, were glad, by going to a foreign country, to escape being brought to the bar of a Court of justice in their own. "They protected by your arms! They have nobly taken up arms in your defense, have exerted a valor, amidst their constant and laborious industry, for the defense of a country whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its interior parts yielded all its little savings to your emoluments. "And, believe me remember I this day told you so that the same spirit of freedom which actuated that people at first will accompany them still. But prudence forbids me to explain myself further. Heaven knows, I do not at this time speak from motives of party heat. What I deliver are the genuine sentiments of my heart. ' ' However superior to me in general knowledge and experience the respect able body of this House may be, yet I claim to know more of America than most of you, having seen and been conversant in that country. The people, I believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects the king has, but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them if ever they should be violated But the subject is too delicate; I will say no more." APPENDIX. 629 DANIEL WEBSTER. "The Union must be preserved," speech in Congress, deliv ered January 26th, 1830, by Daniel Webster: " Mr. President: I have thus stated the reasons of my dissent to the doc trines which have been advanced and maintained. I am conscious of having detained you and the Senate much too long. I was drawn into the debate with no previous deliberation, such as is suited to the discussion of so grave End important a subject. But it is a subject of which my heart is full, and I have not been willing to suppress the utterance of its spontaneous sentiments. I cannot, even now, persuade myself to relinquish it without expressing once more niy deep conviction that, since it respects nothing less than the union of the States, it is of most vital and essential importance to the public happi ness. ' ' I profess, sir, in my career hitherio, to have kept steadily in view the prosperity and honor of the whole country, and the preservation of the Federal Union. I have not allowed myself to look beyond the Union to see what might be hidden in tho dark recess behind. I have not coolly weighed the chances of preserving liberty, when the bonds that unite us together shall be broken asunder. I have not accustomed myself to hang over the precipice of disunion to see whether, with my short sight, I can fathom the depths of the abyss below; nor could I regard him as a safe counselor in the affairs of this Gov ernment whose thoughts should be mainly bent on considering, not how the Union should be preserved, but how tolerable might be the condition of the people when it shall be broken up and destroyed. "While the Union lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying prospects spread out before us, for us and our children. Beyond that, I seek not to penetrate the veil. God grant that in my day, at least, the curtain may not rise! God grant that on my vision never may be opened what lies behind f When my eyes shall be turned to behold, for the last time, the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glorious Union, on States dissevered, discordant, belligerent; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood. Let their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of the Republic, now known and honored throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and tro phies streaming in their original lustre, not a star obscured, not a stripe erased or polluted, bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatory as, What is all this worth? or those other words of delusion and folly, Liberty first and Union afterward; but everywhere spread all over in characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind iinder the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every true American heart, Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable." JAMES BUCHANAN. On the 15th day of February, 1859, in the National Congress, Mr. Morris, ^Representative from Illinois and a Union Democrat, said : "The President, sir, has been weighed in the balance and found wanting, and no flower of gratitude will ever bloom upon his grave. If 'the evil men do, live after. them,' and ' the good is often interred in their bones,' how unfor tunate for him. In his efforts to lead others out of the Democratic party, he has not exactly gotten out himself, for he was never really in it; but he has been the means of the forfeiture of that confidence it might otherwise have continued to bestow upon him in other words, he has committed political siiicide. In his vain endeavors to inscribe his name high upon the roll of fame, he has written it in sand, and the sporting winds will soon obliterate every vestige of it, except the evil deeds connected with it." In the Thirty-sixth Congress, January 16th, 1861, Mr. Morris said : " All I have said of Mr. Buchanan has proved true. * * * Two years 630 APPENDIX. ago, I proposed to bring articles of impeachment against the President; my own conviction prompted me to do so, but I allowed myself to be persuaded to do otherwise. * * '' The fact, sir, is notorious that corruption has been rank in all the Executive Departments of the Government, that they lay around us a mass of moral and political putrifaction, that from the highest to the low est they have plundered the public coffers poisoned the channels of National virtue, prostituted to unholy purposes the highest obligations of patriotism, tarnished the National honor, and destroyed the National credit. * * * In the history of America, Mr. Buchanan will be presented as the prescriptive rint, the rewarder of. perfidy, the squanderer of the public treasure, and the troyer. of public peace. In whatever picture may be hereafter drawn of his, administration, he will appear in the foreground the anguish of guilt working in the hard lines of his face, yet with his lips preaching to his countrymen of honesty, economy, unity and brotherly love." ABRAHAM LINCOLN, On June 17th, 1858, speaking of Slavery, said: "In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this Gov ernment cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided it will become all one thing or all the other." HENRY CLAY. Speaking of Slavery in the Territories, he said: " But if, unhappily, we should be involved in war, in civil war between the two parts of this confederacy, in which the effort upon the one side should be to restrain the introduction of Slavery into the new Territories, and upon the other to force its introduction there, what a spectacle should we present to the astonishment of mankind, in an effort not to propagate right, but, I must say it, though I trust it will be understood to be said with no design to excite feel ing a war to propagate Slavery in the Territories thus acquired from Mex ico. It would be a war in which we should have no sympathies, no good wishes, in which all mankind would be against us; for, from the commence ment of the Revolution down to the present time, we have constantly reproached our British ancestors for the introduction of Slavery into this country." PATRICK HENRY. "War Inevitable," speech in the Continental Congress, in 1775, by Patrick Henry: "They tell us, sir, that we are weak unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of Nature hath placed in our power. "Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of Liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery ! Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable, and let it come!! I repeat it, sir, let it come!!! " It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry peace, peace APPENDIX. 631 but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!" The return of British fugitives advocated by Patrick Henry, in a speech delivered in Congress, in the year 1782 : "I venture to prophecy that there are now those living who will' see this favored land amongst the most powerful on earth able, sir, to take care of herself, without resorting to that policy which is always so dangerous, though sometimes unavoidable, of calling in foreign aid. Yes, sir, they will see her great in arts and arms her golden harvests waving over fields of immeasura ble extent, her commerce penetrating the most distant seas, and her cannon silencing the vain boasts of those who now proudly affect to rule the waves. But, sir, you must have men; you cannot get along without them. Those heavy forests of valuable timber, under which your lands are groaning, must be cleared away. Those vast riches which cover the face of your soil, as well as those that lie hid in its bosom, are to be developed and gathered only by the skill and enterprise of men. Your timber, sir, must be worked up into ships to transport the productions of the soil from which it has been cleared. Then, you must have commercial men and commercial capital, to take off your productions, and find the best markets for them abroad. Your great want, sir, is the want of men, and these you must have, and will have speed ily, if you are wise. "Dp you ask how you are to get them? Open your doors, sir, and they will come in. The population of the Old World is full to overflowing. That pop ulation is ground, too, by the oppressions of the governments under which they live. Sir, they are already standing on tip-toe on their native shores, and looking to your coasts with a wistful and longing eye. They see here a land blessed with natural and political advantages, which are not equaled by those of any other country upon earth a land on which a gracious Providence hath emptied the horn of abundance a land over which Peace hath now stretched forth her white wings, and where Content and Plenty lie down at every door. "Sir, they see something still more attractive than all this. They see a land in which Liberty hath taken up her abode that Liberty whom they had considered as a fabled goddess, existing only in the fancies of poets. They see her here a real divinity, her altars rising on every hand throughout these happy States, her glories chanted by three millions of tongues, and the whole region smiling under her blessed influence. Sir, let but this, our celestial goddess, Liberty, stretch forth her fair hand toward the people of the Old World, tell them to come and bid them welcome, and you will see them pour ing in from the North, from the South, from the East, and from the West. Your wilderness will be cleared and settled, your deserts will smile, your ranks will be filled, and you will soon be in a condition to defy the power of any adversary. "But gentlemen object to any accession from Great Britain, and particularly to the return of the British refugees. * * * Even if they be inimical in point of feeling and principle, I can see no objection, in a political view, in making them tributary to our advantage. And, as I have no prejudices to prevent my making this use of them, so, sir, I have no fear of any mischief that they can do us. Afraid of them! What, sir, shall ice, who have laid the proud British lion at our feet, now be afraid of his whelps? 1 ' FIRST AMERICAN CONSTITUTION. At noon, on Friday, November 10th, 1620 (Old Style), November 21st (New Style), the Mai/flower dropped her anchor at Cape Cod, whereupon on the following day, after prayer and thanksgiving, 632 APPENDIX. and before a landing was made, a compact was entered into and signed by all the men on board (41), forming themselves 'into a body politic for the government of the Colonj^; agreeing to be ruled in all things by the majority. An election was immedi ately held, when JOHN CARVER was unanimously elected Gover nor for one year. For ten years succeeding, the colonists held their property in common. After exploring the coast in small boats for one month,. they, Dec. 11-th, 1620 (Old Style), Dec. 22d (New Style), disembarked. In a few days the May/lower was brought into the harbor, and on the 25th they began building. ' ' Plymouth Bock," now known as " Forefathers' Bock," upon which the pilgrims first placed their feet as they stepped, at high tide, upon the American Con tinent, at Plymouth, was removed from its original position and placed in the square of the town of Plymouth. On July 4th, 1834, it was removed from there and placed in front of the new Pilgrim Hall in the town of Plymouth, under the charge of the Pilgrim Society, where it now is resting upon a base of granite and inclosed with an iron railing, five feet high. Upon an iron wreath ornamenting the head of the railing are cast the names of the forty-one pilgrim fathers who signed the compact on board of the Mayflower. Following is a verbatim copy of this first American Constitu tion. (For Signers, see pages 25 and 26.) " In the name of God, Amen. We, whose Names are underwritten, the Loyal Subjects of our dread Sovereign Lord, King James, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c., Hav ing undertaken, for the Glory of God and advancement of the Christian Faith, and Honour of our King and country, a Voyage, to Plant the first Colony in the Northern Parts of Virginia; Do, by these Presents, solemnly and mutu ally, in the Presence of GOD, and of one another, Covenant and Combine our selves together unto a Civil body Politick, for our better Ordering and Pres ervation, and Furtherance of the Ends aforesaid; and, by Virtue hereof, to enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal Laws, Ordinances, Acts, Constitutions, and Offices, from Time to Time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the General Good of the Colony; unto which we Promise all due Submission and Obedience. In witness whereof, we have hereunder subscribed our Names, at Cape Cod, the eleventh of November, in the year of the Eeign of our Sovereign Lord, King James, of England, France, and. Ireland, the Eighteenth, and of Scotland the Fifty-Fourth, Anno Domini, 1620." UNITED COLONIES OF NEW ENGLAND. From the first settlement in New England, in 1620, up to 1643, the political affairs of the Colonies continued to be con ducted under the charters obtained by the several Colonies from England. The continued treachery and hostility of the Indians, together with apprehensions of hostility from the Dutch at Manhattan, and the French and Dutch settlers in Acadia (Nova Scotia) caused the four Colonies Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven to form a mutual league or confederation, under the name of the " United Colonies of New England." The Con vention to form the Confederacy met at Boston, Mass., where, APPENDIX. 633 on the 19th of May, 1643 (Old Style), May 30th (New Style), they formed a compact, by the terms of which each Colony was to conduct its political affairs by two Commissioners from each, forming a Congress of the United Colonies; each Colony was to furnish its quota of men and arms, in case of any of the Colo nies being invaded. Rhode Island made application for admis sion into the Confederacy; but the conditions exacted did not suit her people, so she was not admitted. In 1672, the Confederation was reorganized, in consequence of the union of the New Haven Colony with Connecticut, in 1G65. From this period, the power of the Commissioners was much restricted. Their executive functions ceasing and their office being only advisory, until under the changed condition and fast-increasing population, each Colony assumed a separate character, until the formation of the Confederation of the Thir teen Colonies under the Articles of Confederation of 1778. DECLAKATION OF INDEPENDENCE. A Declaration of the Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, July 4th, 1776. When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires, that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just pow ers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established should hot be changed for light and tran sient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind ai'e more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves, by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems cf government. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establish ment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world. He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing im portance, unless suspended in their operation, till his assent should be ob tained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 634 APPENDIX. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the repository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have re turned to the people at large for their exercise, the State remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convul sions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that pur pose obstructing the laws of naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their of fices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officer^ to harass our people, and eat out their substance. He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the con sent of our legislatures. He has affected to render the military, independent of, and superior to, the civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acte of pretended legislation : For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us: For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States: For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world: For imposing taxes on us without our consent: For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury: For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses : For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies. For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and alter ing, fundamentally, the forms of our governments: For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and de stroyed the lives of our people. * He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to com plete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with circum stances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms rgainst their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petitions have been answered only by re peated injuries. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have APPENDIX. 635 warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an TMiwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circum stances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably inter rupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind enemies in war, in peace friends. We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in Gen eral Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world, for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our for tunes, and our sacred honor, JOHN HANCOCK. New Hampshire Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton. Massachusetts Bay Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, El- bridge Gerry. Ehode Island Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery. Con necticut 'Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntingdon, Willian Williams, Oliver Wol- cott. New York William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris. New Jersey Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkin- son, John Hart, Abraham Clark. Pennsylvania Kobert Morris, Benjamin Kush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clynier, Jajnes Smith, Geo. Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross. Delaware CaBsar Eodney, George Bead, Thomas M'Kean. Maryland Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll, of Carrollton. Virginia George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Light- foot Lee, Carter Braxton. North Carolina William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn. South Carolina Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jr., Tnomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton. Georgia Burton Gwinnet, Lyman Hall, George Walton. ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the States of New Samp- shire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Con necticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. AETICLE 1. The style of this confederacy shall be, " The United States of America." AET. 2. Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this confederation ex pressly delegated to the United States, in Congress assembled. ART. 3. The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friend ship with each other for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force offeree* to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever. AKT. 4. $ 1. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and in tercourse among the people of the different States in this Union, the free inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States; and the people of each State ^hall have free ingress and regress to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein all 636 APPENDIX. the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions, as the inhabitants thereof respectively; provided, that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property im ported into any State, to any other State, of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided also, that no imposition, duties, or restriction, shall be laid by any State on the property of the United States, or either of them. 2. If any person guilty of, or charged with, treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor in any State, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the United States, he shall, upon the demand of the Governor or executive power of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, and removed to the State having jurisdiction of his offense. $ 3. Full faith and credit shall be given, in each of these States, to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State. ART. 5. 1. For the more convenient management of the general interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such a manner as the Legislature of each State shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, with a power reserved "to each State to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead, for the remainder of the year. 2. No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor more than seven members; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three years, in any term of six years; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the United States, for which he, or any other for his benefit, receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind. 3. Each State shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the States, and while they act as members of the committees of these States. 4. In determining questions in the United States in Congress assembled, each State shall have one vote. 5. Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any Court or place out of Congress, and the members of Con gress shall be protected in their persons, from" arrests and imprisonments during the time of their going to and from, and attendance on, Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace. AET. G. 1. No State, without the consent of the United States, in Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty, with any king, prince, or State ; nor shall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign State; nor shall the United States, in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. 2. No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance whatever, between them, without the consent of the United States, in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue. 3. No State shall lay any imposts or duties which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties, entered into by the United States, in Congress assem bled, with any king, prince, or State, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by Congress to the Courts of France and Spain. 4. No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace, by any State,, except such number only as shall be deemed necessary by the United States, in Congress assembled, for the defense of such State, or its trade; nor shall any body of forces be kept up, by any State, in time of peace, except such number only as, in the judgment of the United States, in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defense of such State ; but every State shall always keep up a regular and well-disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred, and shall provide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage. $ 5. No State shall engage in any war without the consent of the United States, in Congress assembled, unless such State be actually invaded by ene- APPENDIX. 637 mies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such. State, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of delay till the United States, in Congress assembled, can be consulted; nor shall any State grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the United States, in Congress assembled, and then only against a King dom or State, and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be established by the United States, in Congress assembled, unless such State be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall continue, or until the United States, in Congress assembled, shall determine otherwise. AET. 7. When land forces are raised by any State, for the common defense, all officers of, or under the rank of Colonel, shall be appointed by the Legis lature of each State respectively by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such State shall direct, and all vacancies shall be filled up by the State which first made the appointment. AET. 8. All charges of war, and all other expenses- that shall be incurred for the common defense or general welfare, and allowed by the United States, in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several States, in proportion to the value of all land within each State, granted to, or surveyed for, any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated, according to such mode as the United States, in Congress assembled, shall, from time to time, direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the Legislatures of the several States, within the time agreed upon by the United States, in Congress assembled. AET. 9. 1. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the -sixth Article: Of sending and receiving ambassadors; entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall be made, whereby the legislative power of the respective States shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners, as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatever; of establishing rules for de ciding, in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States, shall be divided or appropriated; of granting letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace; appointing Courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas; and establishing Courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures ; provided that no member of Congress shall be appointed a judge of any of the said Courts. $ 2. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also be the last resort on appeal, in all disputes and differences now subsisting, or that hereafter may arise, between two or more States concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever; which authority shall always be exercised in the manner following : Whenever the legislative or executive authority, or lawful agent of any State in controversy with another, shall present a petition to Congress, stating the matter in question, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given, by order of Congress, to the legislative or executive authority of the other State in controversy; and a day assigned for the appear ance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to ap point, by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a Court for hearing and determining the matter in question; but if they cannot agree, Congress shall name three persons out of each of the United States, and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the peti tioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced to thirteen; and from that number not less than seven, nor more than nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the presence of Congress, be drawn out by lot; and the persons whose names shall be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commis sioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part of the judges, who shall hear the cause, shall agree in the deter- 638 APPENDIX. mination; and if either party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, without showing reasons which Congress shall judge sufficient, or being present, shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each State, and the Secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the Court, to be appointed in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and eonclusive; and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such Court, or to appear or defend their claim or cause, the Court shall nevertheless pro ceed to pronounce sentence, or judgment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive; the judgment or sentence and other proceedings being in either case submitted to Congress, and lodged among the acts of Congress, for the security of the parties concerned; provided, that every commissioner, before he sits in judgment, shall take an oath, to be administered by one of the judges of the Supreme r Superior Court of the State where the cause shall be tried, "well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to the best of his judgment, without favor, affection, or hope of reward." Provided, also, that no State shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United States. $ 3. All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under different grants of two or more States, whose jurisdiction, as they may respect such lands, and the States which passed such grants are adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall, on the petition of either party to the Congress of the United States, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between different Slates. 4. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also have the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective States; fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the United States; regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians, not members of any of the States; provided that the legislative right of any State, within its own limits, be not infringed or violated; establishing and regulating post offices from one State to another, throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same as may^ be requisite to defray the expenses of the said office ; appointing all officers in the land forces in the service of the United States, excepting regimental officers; appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the United States; making rules for the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their operations. 5. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have authority to appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denominated, "A Committee of the States," and to consist of one delegate from each State; .and to appoint suh other committees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the United States under their direction; to appoint one of their number to preside; provided, that no person be allowed to serve in the office of President more than one year in any term of three years; to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expenses; to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting every half year to the respective States an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted; to build and equip a navy; to agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each State for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such State, which requisition shall be binding; and thereupon the Legislature of each State shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them, in a soldier-like manner, at the expense of the United States; and the officers and men so clothed, armed and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States, in Con gress assembled; but if the United States, in Congress assembled, shall, on consideration of circumstances, judge proper that any State should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other APPENDIX. 639 State should raise a greater number of men than the quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and equipped in the same manner as the quota of such State, unless the Legislature of such State shall judge that such extra number cannot be safely spared out of the same, in which case they shall raise, officer, clothe, arm, and equip as many of such extra number as they judge can be safety spared, and the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States, in Congress assembled. 6. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall never engage in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defense and welfare of the United States, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander-in-chief of the army or navy, unless nine - States assent to the same, nor shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the United States, in Congress assembled. 7. The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any place within the United States, so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six months, and shall publish the journal of their proceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military operations, as in their judg ment require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each State, on any question, shall be entered on the journal, when it is desired by any delegate; and the delegates of a State, or any of them, at his or their request, shall be furnished with a transcript of the said journal, except such parts as arc above excepted, to lay before the Legislatures of the several States. AKT. 10. The committee of the States, or any nine of them, shall be author ized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as the United States, in Congress assembled, by the consent of nine States, shall, from time to time, think expedient to invest them with; provided, that no power be delegated to the said committee-, for the exercise of which, by the Articles of Confederation, the voice of nine States, in the Congress of the United States assembled, is requisite. AKT. 11. Canada acceding to this Confederation, and joining in the measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and entitled to all the advantages of this Union; but no other colony shall be admitted into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine States. AET. 12. All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts contracted by or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling of the United States, in pursuance of the present Confederation, shall be deemed and con sidered as a charge against the United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged. AKT. 13. Every State shall abide by the determination of the United States, in Congress assembled, in all questions which by this Confederation are sub mitted to them. And the Articles of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual; -nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteration bo agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the Legislature of every State. And whereas it hath pleased the great Governor of the world to incline the hearts of the Legislatures we respectively represent in Congress, to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify the said Articles of Confederation and per petual Union : Know ye, that we, the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that purpose, do, by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratif}* and confirm each and every of the said Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained. And we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective con- 640 APPENDIX. stituents, that they shall abide by the determination of the United States, in Congress assembled, in all questions which by the said Confederation are sub mitted to them; and that the articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by the States we respectively represent, and that the Union shall be perpetual. In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands, in Congress. Done at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, the 9th day^of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, and in the third year of the Independence of America. Neio Hampshire Josiah Bartlett, John Wentworth, Jr. Massachusetts John Hancock, Samuel Adams, Elbridge Gerry, Francis Dana, James Lovel, Sam uel Holten. Rhode Island, etc. William Ellery, Henry Marchant, John Collins. Connecticut Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntingdon, Oliver Wolcott, Titus Hosmer, Andrew Adams. New Tcr/c Jas. Duane, Fra. Lewis, Win. Duer, Gouv. Morris. New Jersey Jno. Witherspoon, Nath. Scudder. Penn sylvania Robert Morris, Daniel Koberdeau, Jona. Bayard Smith, William Clingan, Joseph Heed. Delaware Thos. M'Kean, John Dickinson, Nicholas Van Dyke. Maryland John Hanson, Daniel Carroll. Virginia Richard Henry Lee, John Bannister, Thomas- Adams, Jno. Harvie, Francis Lightfoot Lee. North Carolina John Penn, Cons. Harnett, Jno. Williams. South Car olina Henry .Laurens, William Henry Drayton, Jno. Matthews, Blchard Hut- son, Thomas Hey ward, Jr. Georgia Jno. Walton, Edwd. Telfair, Edwd. Langworthy. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. [Went into operation on the first Wednesday in March, 1789. Osgood v. Speed, 5 Wh. 420.] PBEAMBLE. WE, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. AKTICLE I. OF THE LEGISLATIVE POWER. SECTION \. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Con gress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Rep resentatives. OF THE HOUSE OF BEPKESENTATIVES. SEC. 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States wlaich may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such man ner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not ex ceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative ; and, until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. APPENDIX. 641 When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the execu tive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. The House of Representatives shall choose their speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. OF THE SENATE. SEC. 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first elec tion, they shall be divided as equally as may be. into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first- class shall be vacated at the expiration of the sec ond year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one -third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, dur ing the recess of the Legislature of any State, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and have a President pro tern- pore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the of fice of President of the United States. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sit ting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the Presi dent of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the mem bers present. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit, under the United States ; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment accord ing to law. MANNER OF ELECTING MEMBERS. SEC. 4. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regula tions, except as to the places of choosing Senators. CONGRESS TO ASSEMBLE ANNUALLY The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. POWERS. SEC. 5. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifi cations of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as each house may provide. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member. Each house shall keep a, journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may, in their judgment, require se crecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of cither house on any question shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting 642 APPENDIX. COMPENSATION, ETC., OF MEMBEES. SEC. 6. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place. No Senator or Eepresentative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of either house during his continuance in office. MANNEE OP PASSING BILLS, ETC. SEC. 7. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Repre sentatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections, to that house in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sunday ex- cepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjourn ment), shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be re-passed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representa tives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. POWEK OF CONGEESS. SEC. 8. The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, im posts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common, defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States; To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes; To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States; To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign-coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures; To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States; To establish post-offices and post-roads; To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries; To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court; To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law of nations; To declare vrar, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules con cerning captures on land and water; APPENDIX. G43 To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years ; To provide and maintain a navy ; To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces; To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions; To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for gov erning such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress; To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of tho Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings; and To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into ex ecution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. LIMITATION OF THE POWEES OP CONGEESS. SEC. 9. The migration or importation of such persons as anj of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Con gress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. No capitation, or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appro priations made bylaw; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign State. LIMITATION OP THE POWEBS OP THE INDIVIDUAL STATES. SEC. 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for ex ecuting its inspection laws; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision find control of the Congress. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war, in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or In such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. 644 APPENDIX. AETICLE II. EXECUTIVE POWEB. SEC. 1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows: MANNEB OF ELECTING. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators and Rep resentatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress; but no Sen ator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an. elector. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant with the same State as themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representa tives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for President; and if no person have a majorit} T , then from the five highest on tho list the said House shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be neces sary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-Presi dent. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Sen ate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice-President. TIME OF CHOOSING ELECTORS. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same through out the United States. WHO ELIGIBLE. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United States. WHEN THE PBESIDENT'S POWEB DEVOLVES ON THE VICE-PBESIDENT. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resig nation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law pro vide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then act as Presi dent, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. PBESIDENT'S COMPENSATION. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of them. OATH. Before he enter on the- execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation: " I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully APPENDIX. 645 execute the office of President of the United States, and "will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." POWERS AND DUTIES. SEC. 2. The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States when called into the actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion, in writ ing, of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, Judges of the Su preme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law; but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of law, or in the heads of departments. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session. SEC. 3. He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; hagnay, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. OFFICERS REMOVED. SEC. 4. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office, on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. ARTICLE III. OF THE JTJDICIABY. SEC. 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Su preme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the Supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. SEC. 2. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, aris ing under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all cases affecting ambas sadors, other public ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party; to controversies between two or more States; between a State and citizens of another State; between citizens of different States; between citi zens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different 'States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens, or sub jects. JURISDICTION OF SUPREME CQUBT. In all cases 'affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those iir which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall have orig inal jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the Congress shall make. 646 APPENDIX. OP TEIALS FOB CRIMES. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. OF TEEASON. SEC. 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two wit nesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open Court. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but ao attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. ARTICLE IV. STATE ACTS. SEC. 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, Records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. PBIVILEGES OF CITIZENS. SEC. 2. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and im munities of citizens in the several States. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, io be re moved to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. EUNAWA.YS TO BE DELIVEEED UP. No person held to service or labor in one^State, under the laws thereof, es caping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due NEW STATES. SEC. 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. TEEEITOBIAL AND OTHEB PEOPEBTY. The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting, the territory, or other property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular State. SEC. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a re publican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and, on application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legisla ture cannot be convened), against domestic violence. ARTICLE V. AMENDMENTS. The Congress, whenever two-thiras ol Loth Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution; or, on the application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress; provided, that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thou sand eight hundred and eight, shall in any manner affect the first and fourth APPENDIX. 647 clauses in the ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. AETICLE VI. DEBTS. All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Con stitution, as under the Confederation. SUPBEME LAW OF THE LAND. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. OATH. NO RELIGIOUS TEST. The Senators and Eepresentatives before mentioned, and the members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and*of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirma tion to support this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office, or public trust, under the United States. AETICLE VII. The ratifications of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. Done in Convention, by the unanimous consent of the States present, the seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names.' GEOEGE WASHINGTON, President, and Deputy from Virginia. Nero Hampshire John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman. Massachusetts Nathan iel Gorham, Eufus King. Connecticut William Samuel Johnson, Eoger Sher man. New York Alexander Hamilton. New Jersey William Livingston, David Brearley, William Patterson, Jonathan Dayton. Pennsylvania Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifflm, Eobert Morris, George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsim- moiis, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Governeur Morris. Delaware George Eead, Gunning Bedford, Jr., John Dickinson, Eichard Bassett, Jacob Broom. Maryland James M'Henry, Daniel of St. Tho. Jenifer, Daniel Carroll. Vir ginia John Blair, James Madison, Jr. North Carolina William Blouiit, Eichard Dobbs Spaight, Hugh Williamson. South Carolina John Eutledge, Chas. Cotesworth Piiickney, Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler. Georgia Wil liam Few, Abraham Baldwin. Attest WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary. AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. [The first ten amendments were proposed by Congress at their first session^in 1789. The eleventh was proposed in 1794:, and the twelfth in 1803.] AETICLE I. FBEE EXEBCTSE OF BELIGION. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or pro hibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. 648 APPENDIX.. ARTICLE II. EIGHT TO BEAK AEMS. A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. ARTICLE III. NO SOLDIEB TO BE BILLETED, ETC. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. ARTICLE IV. UNSEASONABLE SEAECHES PEOHIBITED. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirm ation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. ARTICLE V. CRIMINAL PEOCEEDINGS. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be put twice in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled, in any crim inal case, to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. ARTICLE VI. MODE Or TEIAL. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusa tion; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. ARTICLE VII. EIGHT OF TEIAL BY JTTBY. In suits ai common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the '.right of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no fact tried by jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States than accord ing to the roles of the common law. ARTICLE VIII. BAIL. PINES. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. ARTICLE IX. EIGHTS NOT ENTJMEEATED. The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights,, shall not be- con strued to deny or disparage others retained by the people. ARTICLE X. POWEES EESEKVED. The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to the people. APPENDIX. 64 ARTICLE XI. LIMITATION OF JUDICIAL POWEB. The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of another State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. AETICLE XII. ELECTION OF PRESIDENT. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President ; and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which list they shall sign and certify, and trans mit sealed to the seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate ; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Eepresentatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted; the person having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have such a majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Eepresentatives shall choose immediately by ballot the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by .States, the representatives from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be neces sary to a choice. And if the House of Eepresentatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other Constitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole num ber of electors appointed; and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President: a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person Constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States, [Ratified in 1835.] AETICLE Xin. SECTION 1. Neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a pun ishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. SEC. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. [Ratified in 1868.] AETICLE XIV. SECTION 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States, and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States. Nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. SEC. 2. Eepresentatives shall be apportioned among the several States 650 APPENDIX. according to- their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed ; but whenever the right to vote at any election for electors of President and Vice-President, or United States [Representatives in Congress, executive and judicial officers, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crimes, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in that State. SEC. 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof ; but Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. SEC. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States authorized by law, including debts incurred for the payment of pensions and bounties for service in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned ; but neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave, but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be illegal and void. SEC. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, .by appropriate legis lation, the provisions of this article. CONSTITUTION OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES, On the llth of March, 1861, a "permanent" Constitution was adopted by the Confederate Congress. It followed and adopted in almost exact sections and language the Constitution of the United States. The parts in which it differs from that instru ment, either by variation from or addition 'to, is here given, which, by comparing with the Constitution of the United States, will present the Confederate Constitution entire. In regulating the basis of representation, "three-fifths of all slaves" are enu merated : " The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact: That in order to provide speedily, forces to repel invasion, maintain the rightful possession of the Confederate States of America in every portion of territory belonging to each State, and to secure the public tranquillity and independence against threatened assault, the President be and he is hereby authorized to employ the militia, military and naval forces of the Confederate States of America, and ask for and accept the services of any number of volunteers, not exceed ing one hundred thousand, who may offer their services, either as cavalry, mounted rifle, artillery or infantry, in such proportion of these several arms as he may deem expedient, to serve for twelve months after they shall be mustered into service, unless sooner discharged "We, the people of the Confederate States, each State acting in its sov ereign and independent character, in order to form a permanent Federal Government, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity invoking the favor and guidance of Almighty God do ordain and establish this Constitution for the Confederate States of America. "The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen APPENDIX. 651 every second year by the people of the several States; and the electors in each State shall be citizens of the Confederate States, and have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature; but no person of foreign birth not a citizen of the Confederate States, shall be allowed to vote for any officer, civil or political, State or Federal. ' ' The State of South Carolina shall be entitled to choose six, the State of Georgia ten, the State of Alabama nine, the State of Florida two, the State of Mississippi seven, the State of Louisiana six, and the State of Texas six. "The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker ctnd other officers, and shall have the sole power of impeachment, except that any judicial or other Confederate officer, resident and acting solely within the limits of any State, may be impeached by a vote of two-thiras of both brunches of the Legislature thereof. " Congress may, by law, grant to the principal officer in each of the Execu tive Departments a seat upon the floor of either House, with the privilege of discussing any measures appertaining to his Department. ' ' The President may approve any appropriation and disapprove any other appropriation in the same bill. In such case he shall, in signing the bill, designate the appropriations disapproved, and shall return a copy of such appropriations, with his objections, to the House in which the bill shall have originated, and the same proceeding shall then be had as in case of other bills disapproved by the President. ' ' No bounties shall be granted from the Treasury, nor shall any duties or taxes on importations from foreign nations be laid to promote or foster any branch of industry. " Congress shall have power to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes ; but neither this nor any other clause contained in the Constitution shall ever be construed to delegate the power to Congress to appropriate money for any internal improvement intended to facilitate commerce; except for the purpose of fur nishing lights, beacons, and buoys, and other aids to navigation upon the coasts, and the improvement of harbors, and the removing of obstructions in river navigation, in all of which cases such duties shall be laid on the naviga tion facilitated thereby as may be necessary to pay the costs and expenses thereof. " The importation of negroes of the African race from any foreign country, other than the slaveholding States or Territories of the United States of America, is hereby forbidden ; and Congress is required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same. Congress sha 1 ! also have power to pro hibit the introduction of slaves from any State not a member of or Territory not belonging to this Confederacy. ' ' No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State, except by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses. " Congress shall appropriate no money from the Treasury except by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses, taken by yeas and nays, unless it be asked and estimated for by some one of the Heads of Departments, and submitted to Con gress by the President, or for the purpose of paying its own expenses and contingencies, or for the payment of claims against the Confederate States, the justice of which shall have been judicially declared by a tribunal for the investigation of claims against the Government, which it is hereby made the duty of Congress to establish. " All bills appropriating money shall specify in Federal currency the exact amount of each appropriation, and the purposes for which it is made ; and Congress shall grant no extra compensation to any public contractor, officer, agent, or servant, after such contract shall have been made or such service rendered. ' ' Every law or resolution having the force of law shall relate to but one subject, and that shall be expressed in the title. " No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty on tonnapre, except on sea-going vessels, for the improvment of its rivers and harbors nuvi gated by the said vessels, but such duties shall not conflict with any treaties of the Confederate States with foreign nations ; and any surplus of revenue tJW6 derived shall, after making such improvement, be paid into the common 652 APPENDIX. ; nor sliall any State keep troops or ships-of-war in time of enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. But when any river divides or flows through two or more States, they may enter into compacts with each other to improve the navigation thereof. _ "Ho person except a natural born citizen of the Confederate States, or a citizen thereof at the time of the adoption of the Constitution, or a citizen thereof born in the United States prior to the 20th of December, 1860, shall be eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the limits of the Confederate States, as they may exist at the time of his election. " The principal officer in each of the Executive Departments, and all per sons connected with the diplomatic service, may be removed from office at the pleasure of the President. All other civil officers of the Executive Depart ment may be removed at any time by the President, or other appointing power, when their services are unnecessary, or for dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency, misconduct, or neglect of duty; and when so removed, the removal shall be reported to the Senate, together with the reasons therefor. "The President shall have power to fill all vacancies that may happen dur ing the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session; but no person rejected by the Senate, shall be re-appointed to the same office during their ensuing recess. " Tho citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immu nities of citizens in the several States, and shall have the right of transit and sojourn in any State of this Confederacy, with their slaves and other property; and the right of property in said slaves shall not be thereby impaired. "A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime against the laws of such State, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the Executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. "No slave or other person held to service or labor in any State or Territory of the Confederate States, under the laws thereof, escaping or lawfully car ried into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such slave belongs, or to whom such service or labor may be due. 4 ' Other States may be admitted into this Confederacy by a vote of two-thirds of the whole House of Representatives and two-thirds of the Senate, the Senate voting by States; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State, nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. "The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations concerning the property of the Confederate States, including the laws thereof. "The Confederate States may acquire new territory, and Congress shall have power to legislate and provide Governments for the inhabitants of all territory belonging to the Confederate States tying without the limits of the several States, and may permit them, at such times and in such manner as it may by law provide, to form States to be admitted into the Confederacy. In all such territory the institution of negro Slavery, as it now exists in the Con federate States, shall be recognized and protected by Congress and by the Ter ritorial Government; and the inhabitants of the several Confederate States and Territories shall have the right to take to such Territory any slaves law fully held by them in any of the States or Territories of the Confederate States. "Upon the demand of any three States, legally assembled in their several Conventions, the Congress shall summon a Convention of all the States to take into consideration such amendments to the Constitution as the said States shall concur in suggesting at the time when the said demand is made: APPENDIX. 653 and should any of the proposed amendments to the Constitution be agreed on by the said Convention, voting by States, and the same be ratified by the Leg islatures of two-thirds of the several States, or by Conventions in two-thirds thereof as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the General Convention they shall thenceforward form a part of this Constitu tion. "The Government established by this Constitution is the successor of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America, and all the laws passed by the latter shall continue in force until the same shall be repealed or modified; and all the officers appointed by the same shall remain in office until their successors are appointed and qualified, or the offices abolished. "All debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adoption of this Constitution shall be as valid against the Confederate States under this Constitution as under the Provisional Government. "The ratification of the Conventions of five States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. "When five States shall have ratified this Constitution, in the manner be fore specified, the Congress under the Provisional Constitution shall prescribe the time for holding the election of President and Vice-President, and for the meeting of the Electoral College, and for counting the votes and inaugurating the President. They shall also prescribe the time for holding the first elec tion of Members of Congress under this Constitution, and the time for assem bling the same. Until the assembling of such Congress, the Congress under the Provisional Constitution shall continue to exercise the legislative powers granted them, not extending beyond the time limited by the Constitution of the Provisional Government." 42 ANALYTICAL INDEX. ABOLITION, interest in, 18; of Slavery in Mex ico, 133-4. ABOLITIONISTS as a political party, 163-7; nom inate James G-. Birney for the Presidency, 164; vote of the party, 165; nominate Bir ney a second time, 167; increased vote, 167; in the election of 1848, 173; National Convention of 1852, 176; they merge into the Republican party, 179-80, ADAMS, JOHN, in Boston, 38; on committee to draft Declaration of Independence, 39; elected Vice-President, 64; as a Federalist, 504; first and second election, 505, 602. ADAMS, SAMUEL, at Bunker Hill, 38. ADABIS, JOHN QUINCY, proposes to purchase Texas, 104; elected by Congress, 549-50; elected President, 604. ALABAMA secedes from the United States, 213-14; Constitution and citizenship, 424; population and newspaper press, 528; area and population, 609; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. ALABAMA rebel pirate, sinking of by the Kear- sarge, 347-8. ALASKA, area and population of, 453; acquired, 531, 689. ALEXANDER as a slave-dealer, 73; army of, 614. ALIENS, rights of in the United States; may pre-empt lands, 480-2; Davis' banishment of, 571. AMEEICAN PARTY, convention of 1856 nomi nate Fillmore and Donelson, 180; resolu tions of, 181-2. AMNESTY, proclamations of Andrew Johnson of July 4, 1868, and December 25, 1868; 541-43. ANDERSON, JUSTICE, on Slavery in California, 158-9. ANDORA, Republic of, 591. ANGLO-SAXONS as slaves, 73. ANTI-FEDERLISTS, origin of, 504. APPENDIX, 601. ARCHY, a slave in California, 159-60. ARGENTINE REPUBLIC, a Republic of South America, 594. ARIZONA, area and population, 609. ARKANSAS secedes from the United States, 214; Constitution and citizenship, 426-7; area and population, 609; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. .ARTICLES of Confederation, 635. ARMY, operations, 341-2; McClellan's remo val from, 318-19; his resignation, 322-3; W. H. Halleck Commander-in-Chief, 292; of 1776, 38; Lincoln's call for, 262; second call, 265; troops furnished in 1864, 293; Grant's address to, 293-4; Grant Com mander-in-Chief, 292; his troops, 326; Strength of in 1865, 342; Generals of, 350; operations of 1865, 350-78; total raised during the war, 366-7; Grant's i'orewcH to, 371-2; of 1776 and 1861-'65, 613; of Sesos- tris, Rhamses, Alexander, Napoleon, Han nibal, and of the Crimea, 614; of the "Con federacy," 614; foreigners in, 614. AUSTIN, MOSES, operations in Texas, 104. BANKS in America, from 1740 to 1867, 616-17. BAKER, E. D., life and services; speech in. answer to Benjamin, on the war, 625-6. .BARBARIANS as slaves in ancient and modern times, 8iJ-4. "BARNBURNERS" as a political party, 171-2; they nominate Van Buren for the Presi dency, 172. BARRE, COL. ISAAC, speech in the British Par liament on America, G28-9, BEAUTIES op DEMOCRACY, 5G5-79, BELL, JOHN, nominated for the Presidency, 202; vote for, 206-7. BENTON, THOMAS H., speech on the Oregon boundary, 169. BENJAMIN, JUDAH P., in the Confederate Cab inet, 218. BERRY, HENRY, of Virginia, speech opposing Slavery, 583. BIRNEY, JAMES G., nominated for the Presi dency by the Abolitionists, 164; nominated a second time, 167. BLACK, JEREMIAH S., Attorney-General, 183; his opinion upon Secession, 224-7: resigns his office, 234-5. BLACK FLAG to be raised, 500-1. BLAND, MR., on removal from office, 68-71. BOLIVIA, a republic of South America, 594. BORDNAX, MR., of Virginia, speech opposing Slavery, 583. BOSTON, throwing the tea into the harbor of, 34; trouble with the British troops, 37; first newspaper in America published in, 524; convention to frame articles of con federation, 632. BOOTH, J. WILKES, assassinates Abraham Lin coln, 380-1; flight, capture and death of, 385-6. BOTELER, A. R., speech on reconstruction, 267. BOUDINOT, ELIAS, President of the Continental Congress, 601. BOYCE, W. W., of South Carolina, on Seces sion, 209. BRAZIL relaxes the chains of her slaves, 536. BRECKINRIDGE, J. C., nominated for the Vice- Presidency, 178; nominated for the Presi- dency^ 203; vote of, in 1860, 206-7; in the U. S. Senate, 219; elected Viee-President, 606. BREMEN, a free city of Germany, 591. BRITISH AMERICANS in the United States, 464-5; in the army, 614. BRITISH rule in the Colonies, 33-7; troops at Lexington, Boston and Bunker Hill, 36-7. BRIGHT, JOHN, advocates extended franchise, 554. BROOKS, PRESTON S., of South Carolina, on Secession, 184. 656 ANALYTICAL INDEX. BROOKS, WALTER, on reconstruction, 266. BROWN, ALBERT G., Senator of Mississippi, wanted Cuba and Mexico, 185; on con scripting the people of the South, 497; on liberty of speech and the press, 575. BROWN, JOHN, James Buchanan offers a re ward for, 183. BUCHANAN, JAMES, Secretary of State, 167; Commissioner on the Oregon boundary question, 168; before the Democratic Con vention of 1852, 174; nominated in 1856, 178; elected and inaugurated, selects his Cabinet, 183, 606; otters a reward for John Brown, 183; his appointments, 194-5; last days of his rule, 112, 199; his last message, 220-22; vetoes the Homestead Bill, 519-67; his character, by Mr. Morris, 629-30, BULL RUN, battle of, 265. BUNKER HILL, battle of, 38. BURNETT, JUSTICE, his opinion in the case of Archy, 159-60. BURR, AARON, elected Vice-President, 549, 602. BUTLER, Senator of South Carolina, on re bellion, 184. BUTLER, PIERCE, moved for the reclamation of slaves in the Constitutional Convention, 57. CABINET, salaries of officers of, 608. CALIFORNIA seeks admission, 85-6; acquisition of, 109 ; Fremont's expedition, 110-16 ; American flag first raised, 111; first pos sessed by Americans, 112-13; raising the "Bear Flag," 112; Com. Sloat takes pos session, 113-14; proclaimed the property of the United States Government, 115 ; John C. Calhoun opposes her admission, 86 ; Constitutional Convention, 115-16 ; Slavery prohibited in, 116; discussion up- j on admission, 116-27; final vote upon her | admission, 124-5 ; Southern Democracy ! protest against, 125-7, 566; admission of, 127; Constitution and citizenship, 430-1; population and newspaper press, 528-29; Slavery abolished in, 146-7 ; Fugitive Slave Law of, 153 ; area and population, 609; newspapers in, 615; real and person al property, 618 ; soldiers furnished by, 613. CALHOUN, JOHN 0., opposes the admission of California, 86; will make California the test question, 123-4 ; death of, 124 ; op poses the settlement of the Oregon boun dary, 167: elected Vice*- President, 604; speech in United States Senate, 577-8. CAMPBELL, JOHN, publishes the first newspa per in America, 524. CANAL, first in America, 617. CAPITAL of each State in the Union, 434. CARSON, KIT, with Fremont in California, 110; saves Fremont and his party, 112. CARVER, JOHN, elected Governor of Plymouth Colony, 631-2. CABS, GEN. LEWIS, nominated for the Presi dency, 171 ; Secretary of State, 183; re signs his office, 234. CASTRO, GEN., Commander of California, 110- 116. C^SAR, JULIUS, as a dealer in slaves, 73. CENSUS, from 1790 to 1860, -608-9 ; showing composition of population, 609-12. CHASE, SALMON P., as the friend of freedom, 177. CHARLESTON, S. C., surrendered, 350. CHARLESTON MERCURY upon dissolution of the Union, 185. CHESNUT, JAMES J., of South Carolina, on Se cession, 208-9. CHEROKEE INDIANS as slave-owners, 142. CHICKASAW INDIANS as slave-owners, 142. CHILI, a Republic of South America, 595. CHINESE in the United States, 467. CHOCTAW INDIANS as slave-owners, 142. CHRISTIANS, all persons not, could be held as slaves, 84. CITIZENS, negroes are, 139, 152; allegiance to the Union, 403-6; in the several States, 410- 34; in the Republic, 443-52; in the South ern Confederacy, 493-502; suffrage of, 551- 64. CIVIL RIGHTS Bill, 399-400. CIVIL OFFICERS, appointment and removal, 65-71; law KTgulating, 66-7. CLAY, HENRY, fails to get the nomination for the Presidency, 162 ; nominated for the Presidency, 166 ; nominated by the Na tional Republicans, 510; on the admission of Missouri, 87; on th admission of Cal ifornia, 116-17; before the Convention in 1847, 170-1; defeated in Preside'Btial elec tion, 550; speech on Slavery in the Terri tories, 630. CLAY, C. C., reward offered for, 386. CLARK, MR., of Missouri, favors putting all to death, 500. CLEARY, W. C., reward offered for, 387. CLINTON, GEORGE, elected Vice-President, 603. COBB, HOWELL, Secretary of the Treasury, 183; resigns his office, 234. COBB, T. R. R., on reconstruction, 266. COBDEN, in the House of Commons, 308. COLFAX, SCHUYLER, nominated and elected Vice-President, 534-42, 607. COLLEGES and schools, 522. COLOMBIA, a Republic of Central America, 596. COLONIES declared in rebellion, 39; as sover eign powers, 408. COLORADO, area and population, 609. COLONIZATION, first in America, 13-14; Colo nial condition, 23-31. CONFEDERATE CONGRESS, resolutions of, 267 ? Commissioners, 339; cruisers and pirates, 344-50 ; on aliens, 571 ; Confiscation Acts of, 572-3. CONSTITUTION, first in America, 24-5, 631-32; signed on board the Mayflower, 632; Con vention to frame Federal, 48-58; slaves may be captured under, 57-8 ; amend ments proposed, 65-71 ; respecting Slav ery, 130-1 ; proposition to abolish Slavery, 326; thirteenth amendment, 397-8; of the several States, 410-34 ; amendments re quired, 436-7 ; adoption and ratification of, 440; adopted by the people, 441; thir teenth and fourteenth amendments, 450- 52; adoption of, 503; of the United States, 640; of the Confederate States, 650. "-CONSTITUTIONAL UNION" party convention of 1860, 202; platform, 204. CONGRESS, first in America, 27 ; calling of a general, 35 ; meeting of first general, 36 ; second Continental, recommends war, 37 ; preparing for war, 39; adopts Articles of Confederation, 40-1 ; meeting of ninth Continental, 43; first under the Constitu tion, 64; may admit- States, 87-8; requires Ohio to enter the Union free, 91-2; favors the acquisition of Texas, 107; meeting of Thirty-sixth, 219; second session of Thir ty-sixth, 232-6 ; Confederate resolutions, 267; meeting of Thirty -eighth, 325; pow ers over the States, 390-410; views on re construction, 396; Chief Justice Taney on powers of, 396 ; Representatives to, how elected, 435; first Congress under the Con stitution, 441 : Fortieth Congress, 487-8 ; Confederate, on Emancipation Proclama tion, 500-4 ; may elect President, 549-50 ; members and composition of Forty-first, 607; pay of members, 608. ANALYTICAL INDEX. 657 CONFEDERATION, Articles of, adopted, 40-1 ; Articles of, 408, 503, 635. CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT, formation of, 217- 18; collapse of, 374-5; army, 614; Constitu tion of, 650. CONVENTION to frame the Constitution, 48-58; first political, in the United States, 509; to frame articles for New England Confeder ation, 632. CONNECTICUT, Constitution and citizenship, 412; voter must be able to read and write, 560; area and population, 609; newspapers in, 615 ; real and personal property, 618 ; soldiers furnished by, 613. COPYRIGHT, first in America, 524. CORBET, BOSTON, shoots J. Wilkes Booth, 386. CORNWALLIS, GEN., his surrender, 43. COSTA RICA, a Republic of Central America, 597. CRIMEA, army in the, 614. CRIME and pauperism, 612-13. CREEK INDIANS as slave-owners, 142. CROMWELL sympathizes with the Colonists, 29. CURTIS, JUSTICE, dissents from the Dred Scott decision, 148-50, 152-3. CURRY, J. L. M., of Alabama, speech in Con gress, 576. DAHLGREN, ADMIRAL, 349. DAKOTA, area and population, 609; soldiers furnished by, 613. DALLAS, GEORGE M., elected Vice-President, 605. DAVIS, JEFFERSON, believes that a fanaticism is abroad, 121; he wants Slavery extended to the Pacific, 121-2; elected President of the " Southern Confederacy," 217; his Cabinet, 217-18; in the U. S. Senate, 219; he presents a "little bill" to the Senate, 233-4; he issued his first proclamation, 263; speech at Montgomery, 266; thinks hyenas preferable to Yankees, 270-1; still hopeful, 295-7; as a Knight, 310-12; mes sage to Rebel Congress in 18G4, 331-2; his message of November, 1864,333-9; evacu ates Richmond, 352; hour of his depar ture, 356; his appeal to his subjects after he evacuates Richmond, 372-3; his flight south ward and his capture, 373-7; in pris on, 376; his female attire, 376-7; charged with complicity in Lincoln's assassina tion; reward offered for, 386-7; his sub jects made to labor, 498; farewell speech, 569-70; proclamation of banishment, 570- 571. DAVIS, REUBEN, of Mississippi, " will not be driven an inch," 576. DAY, STEPHEN, first printer in America, 524. DEBT of the United States, 615-16. DEAN, HENRY CLAY, Rev., as a Democrat, 320. DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, 503, 633. DELAWARE, Constitution and citizenship, 410; area and population, 609; soldiers fur nished by, 613; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. DEERHOUND as an escort to the Alabama, 347. DEMOCRACY. Southern protest against the admission of California, 125-7; as a party, 162; nominate Van Buren for the Presi dency, 162; nominate Polk for the Presi dency, 166; weaken on the Oregon ques tion, 167-8; National Convention of 1848, 170-2; convention of 1852, 174-6; resolu tions of 1852, 175-6; convention of 1856, 178-9; resolutions of 1856, 178-9; their glory departing, 197-S; meeting of con vention of I860, 199-200; secession in the convention, 200; nominate Stephen A. Douglas for the Presidency, 203; platform of 18GO, 203; defeated in 1860, 204-7; in the Thirty-sixth Congress, 232-6; leaders sign a manifesto, 236; position in the war, 289-91; schemes to poison and burn, 289-91; in the campaign of 18G4, 309-10; their position in 1864, 315; convention of, in 1864, 319-20; nominate McClellan, 320; Platform, 320-2; legislation at the South, 446-7; oppose 13th and 14th amendments to the Constitution, 450-52; on the im peachment of Johnson, 489-92; of the Confederacy made to labor, 498 ; reforma tion of, 499; on the Emancipation Procla mation, 499-502; Origin of, 504; former Republicans, 505-6,- adoption of the name Democrat, 506-9; oppose Washington, 507-10; "Democratic Clubs," first in America, 508-9; Washington denounces the, 509; as a party; 511-16; evil origin and practices of the, 516; education of .he, 518-19; opposed to progress, 518-22; tax o. whisky to educate, 519; oppose the Overland Railroad and Homestead Bills, 519; political position in 1868, 531-42; Presidential campaign of 1868, 534-42; nominate Seymour and Blair, 534; here sies of, exploded, 557; beauties of, 565-79; veto the Homestead Bill, 567; oppose the Overland Railroad, 508; sustain Freed- men's Bureau, 5G8; caucus at Washing ton, 574; True Democracy, 575; will wel come the Republicans "with bloody hands to hospitable graves," 577. "DEMOCRATIC CLUBS" denounced by Wash ington, 508-9, 566. DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, area and population, 609. DONELSON, A. J., nominated for the Vice-Pres idency, 181. DOUGLAS, STEPHEN A., his heresy of squatter sovereignty, 21, 144-5; before the Demo cratic Convention of 1852, 174; on the Kansas question, 177; before the conven tion in 1856, 178 ; nominated for the Presidency, 203; platform, 203; vote for, in 1860, 207. DRED SCOTT decision, 148-50. DUPONT, COMMODORE, in California, 115. ECUADOR, a Republic of South America, 595. EDWARDS, REV. JONATHAN, sermon against Slavery in 1791, 59-60. EDUCATION in America, 517-19; for the Dem ocracy, 518-22; should be compulsory, 561. ELECTION of George Washington, C; of John Adams, 64, 505; Thomas Jefferson, 549; John Qulncy Adams, 549 - 50 ; Andrew Jackson, 50G-7; Martin Van Buren, 105-6; nominations, 1G2, 172-3; W. H. Harrison, 103, 165;.John Tyler, 106,162-65; James K. Polk, 166-7 ; Zachary Taylor, 170-2 ; Mil- lard Fillmore, 171-2, 175-83; Franklin Pierce, 174-6; James Buchanan, 183, 174- 8; Abraham Lincoln in 18GO, 20G-7; be- fore conventions, 180, 201; elected in 1864, 23-4; Ulysses S. Grant in 1S68, 533-42, 607-8. "ELECTORAL COLLEGE," 547-50; in 1868, 607. ELECTIVE FRANCHISE, 558-64; for woman, 561- 4; Democrats on, 566. ELECTIONS, time of in each State, 434; changes necessary, 437-8. EMANCIPATION agitation, 280-1; Proclamation, 281-3; in Southern Confederate Congress. 499-504. ENGLAND oppresses the Colonies, 32; endeavor to possess California, 114-15 ; builds pi rates for the rebels, 308; Mr. Cobden on English cruisers, 309; supply the rebels with ships, 345-9 ; cosmopolitan popula- 658 ANALYTICAL INDEX. tion, 455 newspapers in, 527 ; railroads in, 617. ENGLISH in the United States, 463-4 ; in the army, 614. EQUALITY before the law, 65&*64; for woman, 561-4. EVENS, OLIVER, patents a locomotive, 617. EVERETT, EDWARD, nominated for the Vice- Presidency, 202. EXPATRIATION, law of, 477-9. F,IREAGUT, ADMIRAL, 349. FATJLKNER, C. F., of Virginia, speech opposing Slavery, 583. FEDERALISTS, origin of, 504; Federal party, 510. FEMALES in the United States and Great Britain, 610. FILLMORE, MILLARD, elected Vice-President, 171-2, 605; before the Whig Convention of 1852, 175; nominated for the Presidency by the American party, 181. FINANCE of the United States from 1789 to 18G9, 615-7. FITZHUGH, MR., believes Slavery is Divine, 578. FLORIDA, rebel pirate, captured, 345. FLORIDA secedes from the Union, 212; Consti tution and citizenship, 427-8 ; area and population, 609; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. FLOYD, JOHN B., Secretary of "War, 183; ships arms South, 196 ; resigns his office, 196. 234. FOOTE, SENATOR, believed that Slavery existed in the Territories, 119-21. FORT PILLOW, attack of and massacre, 305-7. FORT FISHER, fall of, 343. FOREIGNERS in the United States, 454-68 ; in the free schools, 522; in all and each of the States and Territories, 610-2; pau perism and crime, 612-3 ; in the army, 614. FRANCE acquires Louisiana, 100; cedes Louis iana and Florida to the United States, 101-3. FRANKLIN, BENJAMIN, on Committee to draft Declaration of Independence, 39; in Con stitutional Convention, 48; as a Federalist, 504; prints a newspaper, 525; petition against Slavery, 580-1. FRANKFORT, a free city of Germany, 591. " FREE SOIL" party, convention of , 172; they nominate Martin Van Buren and John P. Hale for the Presidency and Vice-Presi dency, 173. " FREE SOCIETY," a failure, 578. FREMONT, JOHN C., on a tour of inspection to the Pacific, 110 ; in California, 110-6 ; for the Presidency in 1864, 314-5. FRENCH in the United States, 465-6. FREEDMEN enfranchised, 559. FREE SCHOOLS in America, 517-22; foreigners in, 522. FREEDMEN'S BUREAU sustained by the Democ racy, 568. FREEDOM of the Territories, 21-2; declaration of, 39. GARRISON, WILLIAM LLOYD, the friend of Re- publicanism, 623. GARIBALDI advocates freedom, 554. GASTON, JUDGE, his opinion respecting Slav ery, 152-3. GENERAL of the American Army, grade and rank of, 585-90. GEORGIA, rebel pirate, captured, 346. GEORGIA, delays in adopting the Constitution, 65; secedes from the Union, 211; Gen. Sherman in, 295; Constitution and citizen ship, 411-2; area and population, 609; newspapers in, 613 ; real and personal property, 618. GERRY, MR., on removal from office, 69-70. GERRY, ELBRIDGE, elected Vice-President, 603. GERMANY, mass conventions of women held in, 562. GERMANS in America, 457-9, 610; in the army, 614. GIDDINGS, JOSHUA R., urges the Oregon claims, 168; speech in Congress against Slavery, 619-20. GILLESPIE, LIEUT., bears letter to Fremont from the Secretary of War, 111. GLADSTONE, advocates extended franchise, 554. GLOVER, REV. JESSE, introduces first printing press in America, 524. GOVERNOR, salaries of each State, 434. GOVERNMENT, formation of the National, 40. GRAHAM, W. A., nominated for the Vice-Pres idency, 175. GRANT, ULYSSES S., appointed Commander-in- Chief, 292; his address to the army, 293-4; his letter to Washburne, 294-5 ; in the Electoral College of 1804, 315; encircling the enemy, 326; before Richmond lill of, and surrender of Lee, 351-66; correspond ence with Lee, 359-03 ; farewell to the army, 371-2; elected President in 1868, 533-42, 607 ; personal history of, 543-7; at Fort Donelson, 546; the first General since the adoption of the Constitution, 585-6; appointed Lieutenant-General speech on acceptance, 587 ; enters upon his new office, 587-9; created General, 589-90; vote for in 1868, 607. GREEN, BARTHOLOMEW, prints the first news paper in America, 524. GREELEY, HORACE, a friend of liberty, 623. GREAT BRITAIN, newspapers in, 527; first pub lished in, 527; males and females in, 610. GRIFFIN, CYRUS, President of the Continental Congress, 602. GRIERSON, GEN., at Vicksburg, 350. GUATEMALA, a Republic of Central America, 597. HALLECK, H. W., in the convention that framed the Constitution of California, 115; as Commander-in-Chief, 292, 586-7; re lieved as Commander-in-Chief, at his own request, 588. HALE, JOHN P., nominated by the " Free Soil Party" for the Vice-Presidency , 173; nom inated for the Presidency by the "Free Soil Democracy," 176. HAMILTON, ALEXANDER, leader of the Federal party, 505. HAMLTN, HANNIBAL, nominated for the Presi dency, 201; elected Vice-President, 606. HAMBURG, a free city of Germany, 592. HANCOCK, JOHN, in the war of 1776, 38; Pres ident of the Continental Congress, 40, 601. HANNIBAL, army of, 614. HANSON, JOHN, President of the Continental Congress, 601. HARDY, JAMES H., believes in the divinity of Slavery, 160. HARDIN, MR., of Kentucky, advocates Slavery, 92-5. HARRISON, W. H., petitions for Slavery in the Territories, 62-3 ; elected President, 106, 162, 605; nominated by the Whigs, 162. HARVY, SIR JOHN, seized by the people, 31. HAYTI, a Republic of the West Indies, 598. HEMPHILL, MR., of Pennsylvania, favors Lib erty, 95-7. HENRY, MR., of Tennessee, was in favor of the "black flag," 501. HENDERSON, T. C., of Arkansas, speech in Congress, 576-7. ANALYTICAL INDEX. 659 HENRY, PATRICK, war inevitable, speech, 630-1 speech on British fugitives, 681. HILL, Senator of Georgia, on citizenship, 494-5 favors putting soldiers to death, 501. HINKLEY, THOMAS, Governor of New Ply mouth, 517. HOLT, HON. JOSEPH, appointed Secretary of War, 196. HONDURAS, a Republic of Central America, 597. HOOD, GENERAL, routed by Gen. Thomas, 392. HOSPITALS, patients in, 308. HOUSTON, SAM., becomes President of the Re public of Texas, 105. HOWE, GENERAL, at Bunker Hill, 38. HUGHES, JOHN, Archbishop, as an American, 462-3. " HUNKERS " as a political party, 171-2. HUNTINGTON, SAMUEL, President of the Con tinental Congress, 601. HYENAS preferable to Yankees, 270-1. IDAHO TERRITORY, area and population, 609. IDE, WILLIAM B., issues the first proclamation in California, 112. ILLINOIS, Constitution and citizenship, 423-4; area and population, 609; soldiers fur nished by, 613; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. INDIANS, as slave-owners in America, 141-2. INDEPENDENCE, declaration of, adopted, 39-40. INDIANA, Constitution and citizenship, 421-2; soldiers furnished by, 613; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. INDIAN TERRITORY, area and population, 609. INGLIS, MR., advocates Secession, 186. INSURANCE COMPANY, first in America, 617. IOWA, Constitution and citizenship, 429; uni versal suffrage adopted, 541 ; area and population, 609; soldiers furnished by, 613; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. IRELAND, newspapers in, 527, IRISH in America, 457-63, 612; in the army, 614. IRONCLADS, efficiency and effect of, 343-50. ITALIANS in the United-States, 468. IVESON, Senator of Georgia, on Slavery, 185. JACKSON, MR., on removal from office, 69. JACKSON, ANDREW, advocates the purchase of Texas, 104; elected by the Democrats, 60G-7; defeated for the Presidency, 549; elected President, 604; address to the army at New Orleans, 626; to the people of South Carolina, 626-7. "JACOBIN CLUBS" of the Democracy, 508-9. JAY, JOHN, President of the Continental Con gress, 601. JEFFERSON, THOMAS, on committee to draft Declaration of Independence, 39; his Or dinance of 1784, 44; advocates prohibition of slave trade, 75; on the acquisition of Louisiana, 100; as an Anti-Federalist, 504-5; elected by Congress, 549; speech on Slavery, 582; elected Vice-President and President, C02-3. JEWS as slave-owners, 72-3; made slaves by the laws of Virginia, 84; Jews, Gentiles and Christians to be conscripted, 497. JOHNSTON, rebel General, surrenders, 358-9. JOHNSON, RICHARD M., elected Vice-President, 604. JOHNSON, ANDREW, nominated for the Vice- Presidency, 315; becomes President on the death of Lincoln, 384; offers rewards for the assassins, 386-7; Amnesty Procla mation, 387-8; views on reconstruction, 391-7; assumptions of , 442 ; impeachment trial of, and vote upon, 483-92; pardon to rebels, 537; Amnesty Proclamations, 541- 643; protests against the "Tenure ol Office Act," 590; elected Vice-President, JULIAN, GEORGE W., nominated for the Vice- Presidency by the "Free SoilDemocracy," JURY, Democratic, liberty of trial by, 575. KANSAS and Nebraska difficulties, 177-8; Con stitution and citizenship, 432; area and population, 609 ; soldiers furnished by, 613; newspapers in, 615; real and person- al property, 618. KEARNY, GEN., arrives in California, 115. KEARSARGE sinks the Alabama, 346-7. KETTT, LAWRENCE M., of South Carolina, on disunion, 184; has always been for Seces sion, 186; he will sustain Secession, 235- 236; speech in Congress, 577. KENNEDY, ROBERT, fires New York, execution and confession, 289-91. KENTUCKY, Constitution and citizenship, 418- 419; Resolutions of 1798, 573-4; area and population, 609; newspapers in, 615; sol diers furnished by, 613; real and personal property, 618. KILPATRICK, GEN., in the field, 325. KING, RUFUS, opposes the negro as a basis of representation, 55. KING, THOMAS STARR, a friend of liberty, 623. KING, WILLIAM R., elected Vice-President, 605. " KNIGHTS OP THE GOLDEN CHICLE," 310-2 ; in California, Oregon and Indiana, 311. LANDS, public, may be pre-empted by aliens, 480-2. LANGDON, JOHN, elected first President of Con- gress, 64. LAFAYETTE, a friend of liberty, 623. LARKTN, THOMAS O., American Consul at Cali fornia, 114. LAURENS, HENRY, President of the Continen tal Congress, 601. LAWS first published in America, 524. LEE, RICHARD HEMJY, President of the Conti nental Congress, 601. LEE, R. E., rebel General, before Petersburg and Richmond, 351-66 ; is brought to a halt, 358-63; his surrender, 359-63. LEGISLATURE, time of meeting of each State, 434. LEMOYNE, FRANCIS J., nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Abolitionists, 164. LETCHER, Governor of Virginia, on Secession, 270. LETTERS. Washington to Lafayette, 60-1 ; George N. Sanders to Horatio Seymour, 268; of Gov. Letcher, of Virginia, 270; R. Toombs to Dr. A. Bees, 272; Grant's to Washburne, 294-5; Gen. W. T. Sherman to Gen. Hood, 299; to Gen. Burbridge, 300; to Abraham Lincoln, 301; to Maj. Sawyer, 302-3; John C. Fremont on elec tion of 1864, 314-5; Grant to Lee and Lee to Grant, 359-62; Archbishop Hughes to Union mass meeting, 463; Andrew John son to Edwin M. Stanton, 489; Washing ton to the " Democratic Jacobin Clubs," 509; D. L. Yulee to the Democracy, 574; Washington to Lafayette, 581; to Robert Morris, 581-2. LEXINGTON, battle of, -36-7. LIBERIA introduces Republican liberty, 554; Republic of, 593. LIBRARIES in the Union, 522. LINCOLN, ABRAHAM, before the Republican Convention of 1856, 180; nominated for the Presidency in 1860, 201; Platform, 203: elected. President in 1860, 206-7, 606; leaves Springfield for Washington, 260; inaugur ated President, 260-1; issues his first pro- 660 ANALYTICAL INDEX. clamation, 262; his first call for troops, 262; second call, 265 ; message of July, 1861, 285-8; nominated for the Presidency in 1864, 315-7 ; removes McCleUan, 318 ; election of, in 1864, 323-4, 606; annual mes sage of 1864, 327-30; meets Confederate Commissioners, 339; inauguration in 1865, 339-41 ; enters the city of Richmond, 357-8 ; at City Toint and Bichmond, 378 ; assassi nation of, 379-84; time of his death, 381 ; speech: "A house divided against itself cannot stand," 630. LIQUORS drank annually, 520-1. LIVINGSTON, MB., Minister to France, 101. LIVINGSTON, EGBERT B., on committee to draft Declaration of Independence, 39. LIVERMORE, MR., on removal from office, 70. LOCOMOTIVES, first in America, 617. LONDON, newspapers in, 527. LONDON "TIMES" comments on Buchanan's last message, 227-31. LONGEVITY in the United States, 610. LOUISIANA purchased from France, 89; organ ized as a Territory, 90; ceded to France, 100; secedes from the Union, 212-3; Con stitution and citizenship, 421; area and population, 609; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. LOVEJOY, OWEN, a friend of liberty, 623. LOVE, PETER E., of Georgia, speech in Con gress, 579. LTJBEC, a free city of Germany, 591. LUNDY, BENJAMIN, a friend of liberty, 623. MADISON, JAMES, on the formation of Govern ment departments, 67; speech on Slavery, 582; elected President, 603. MAINE, admission of, 87; Constitution and Citizenship, 424-5 ; area and population, 609 ; soldiers furnished by, 613 ; news papers in, 615 ; real and personal prop erty, 618. MALES in the United States, 610; in Great Britain, 610. MANSFDZLD, LORD, his views on the Sommer- sett case, 151. MARTIN, LUTHER, opposes slaves in represen tation, 56. MARSHALL, CHIEF JUSTICE, his views on Fed eral legislation, 151-2. MARSHALL, THOMAS, of Virginia, speech op posing Slavery, 583. MARYLAND demands the right to tax herself, 32-3; Constitution and citizenship, 413-4; area and population, 609; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. MASON, JAMES M., opposes Slavery in the Con stitutional Convention, 56-7. MASON, SENATOR, believes Slavery existed in California, 121. MASSACHUSETTS adopts representation Gov ernment, 26; General Court established, 28; demands the right of self-govern ment, 32-3 ; people not allowed to hold meetings, 35; caUs a general Congress, 35; population, and soldiers furinshed in the war of 1776, 38; abolishes Slavery, 45, 128; puts a duty on negroes, 61 ; soldiers in the Revolutionary War, 190; first in putting down the Rebellion, 263-4 ; orders arms from England, 264; Constitution and citi zenship, 412-3 ; first printing press in America, 524; first newspaper in America published in, 524; population and newspa per press of, 527; voters must be able to read and write, 560; female suffrage agita ted, 562-3; area and population, 609; Irish in, 612 ; more foreigners in, than in the "Confederacy," 614; furnishes more sol diers than all the South in the war of 1776, 613; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618 ; first Bank in America in, 616; first railroad in America in, 617; first insurance company in America, 618 ; first canal in America, 617. " MAYFLOWER," arrival of, 14, 631-2; Consti tution signed on, 25, G31-2. MAZZINI, Italian patriot, 554. MCCLELLAN, GEN. GEORGE B., loses his mili tary fame, 288 ; looked to by the Democ racy, 317 ; removed from the army, 318-9; nominated by the Democracy, 320 ; his letter of acceptance and resignation, 322; vote for in 1864, 323; Commander-in-Chief, 586. MCDOWELL, JAMES, of Virginia, speech oppos ing Slavery, 583-4. MCKEAN, THOMAS, President of the Continen. tal Congress, 601. MCLEAN, JUSTICE, dissents from the Dred Scott decision, 148-50. MESSAGE, Lincoln's, of July, 1861, 282-8. MEXICANS in the United States, 468; Republic of, 598. MEXICO gains her independence from Spain, 104 ; claims Texas, 106 ; war with the , United States, 107; treaty with the United States, 108 ; abolishes Slavery, 133-4, 554; laws of, respecting Slavery, 146-7 ; war with the United States, 167; "Monroe Doctrine" maintained in, 327. MICHIGAN, Constitution and citizenship, 427 ; area and population, 609 ; soldiers fur nished by, 613 ; newspapers in, 615 ; real estate and personal property, 618. MTFFLIN, THOMAS, President of the Continen tal Congress, 601. MILL, JOHN STUART, advocates extended fran chise, 554, 562. MINNESOTA, Constitution and citizenship, 431; adopts universal suffrage, 541 ; area and population, 609; soldiers furnished by, 613; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. MISSIONARY, home, for the Democracy, 499. MISSOURI Compromise, 86-7; admission of Missouri, 87-99; Constitution and citizen ship, 425-6; area and population, 609; sol diers furnished, 613 ; newspapers in, 615; real estate and personal property, 618. MISSISSIPPI, treaty with Spain, 99; secedes from the Union, 211-2 ; Constitution and citizenship, 422-3 ; area and population, 609 ; newspapers in, 615 ; real estate and personal property, 618. MOHAMMEDANS, as dealers in slaves, 74. MONROE, JAMES, elected President, 603. MONTANA TERRITORY, area and population, 609. MONTGOMERY, COMMODORE, in California, 115. MOORE, MR., of Virginia, speech against Slav ery, 582. MORRIS, ROBERT, in Constitutional Conven tion, 49. MORRIS, GOUVERNEUR, opposes Slavery, 55-6. " MUD-SILLS," as applicable to the negro, 141. NAPOLEON signs away Louisiana and the Flor- idas, 100-3; army of, 614. NATIONAL REPUBLICAN PARTY, 510 ; progress and position of, in 1868, 530-42, 551-8. NATIONAL BANKS in the United States, 616-7. NATURALIZED CITIZENS, rights of, 477-82; who may become, 479-80. NATURALIZATION LAWS of the United States, 469-82. NAVY, efliciency of, 326; prizes by, expense of, 326; operations and strength of, 343-50; cost of captures by and strength of, 348-9; in the war of 1776, 348. ANALYTICAL INDEX. G61 NEBRASKA admitted, Constitution and citizen ship, 433-4; area and population, 609; sol diers furnished by, 613; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. NEGRO in the basis of Federal representation, 51-2; duty levied upon, 61; may be track ed with dogs, 134; a white man may be the father of, 139. NEVADA admitted, 326; Constitution and citi zenship, 433 ; area and population, 609 ; soldiers furnished by, 613 ; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. NEW ENGLAND establishes Republican govern ment, 23; first settlement, 26, 631-2; ad vance of Eepublicanism, 188-92 ; educa tion in, 517-9 ; Confederation of States of, 632. NEW HAMPSHIRE, early political phases, 30; Constitution and citizenship, 414-5; area and population, 609 ; soldiers furnished by, 613; newspapers in, 615; real and per sonal property, 618. NEW JERSEY demands broader liberties, 33 ; one vote from, would prohibit Slavery , 47 ; .Constitution and citizenship, 411 ; area and population, 609 ; soldiers furnished by, 613; newspapers in, 615; real and per sonal property, 618. NEWS LETTER, first newspaper in America, 524. NEW MEXICO TERRITORY, area and population, 609; soldiers furnished by, 613; newspa pers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. NEW NATION. American progress, 551-8. NEWSPAPERS, circulation in the Union, 522-9 ; first established in Massachusetts, 524 ; in Great Britain, 527; in Slave States, 527; in each State and Territory, 615. NEW YORK to the rescue of the country, 264-5; city to be burned, 289-91 ; Constitution and citizenship, 416; first newspaper in, 625; to be a free city, 274-7; area and pop ulation, G09; soldiers furnished by, 613 ; newspapers in, 615 ; real and personal property, 618. NICARAGUA, a Republic of Central America, 598. NIMROD as a slave-owner, 72. NORTH CAROLINA secedes from the Union, 215; Resolutions of 1862, 2C9; Constitution and citizenship, 416-7; smallest issue of news papers, 529 ; area and population, 609 ; newspapers in, 615 ; real and personal property, 618. OFFICERS, salaries of United States, 608. OHIO, Constitution and citizenship, 420-1; area and population, 609; soldiers sup plied, 613; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. " OLD MAMMY," 516. " ORDER OF SONS OF LIBERTY," 310-2. " ORDER OF AMERICAN KNIGHTS," 310-2. ORDINANCE of 1784, 44-5 ; of 1787 prohibiting Slavery in the territories, 61; vote of the States on, 47. OREGON, claims of United States to, 110; Fre mont at Klamath Lake, 111; dispute re specting boundary, 167-70 ; Democracy declines to enforce claims to, 167; vote on pressing claims to, 168; Polk gives notice to England respecting, 168; James Bu chanan commissioned to settle boundary, 168; speech of Thos. H. Benton on, 169- 70; "Knights of the Golden Circle "in, 310-2; Constitution and citizenship, 431- 432; area and population, 609; soldiers sup plied, 613; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. ORPHANS, supported by Government, 308. PACIFIC REPUBLIC, 278. PARAGUAY, a Republic of South America, 595. PARKS, MR., advocates secession, 186. PAUPERISM AND CRIME, 612-3. PENDLETON, GEO. H., nominated for the Pres idency, 320. PENNSYLVANIA, abolishes Slavery, 46; Consti tution and citizenship, 410-1 ; issue of newspapers, 529; petition against Slavery, 580-1; area and population, 609; soldiers furnished by, 613; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. PENSIONERS in 1864, 308. PERU, a Republic of South America, 595; PERKINS, C. AND R., slaves in California, 157- 160. PETERSBURG, VA., Grant before, 351-7;. Lee evacuates, 358. PHELAN, MR., of Mississippi, always for the black flag, 501. PHILLIPS, WENDELL, a friend of liberty, 623. PIERCE, FRANKLIN, nominated and elected President, 174-6, 605. PILGRIMS, arrival of, 15, 631-2; as Christians, 23-4; arrival and landing of, 24-5, 631-2; Constitution signed by, 631-2. PILGRIM HALL in the town of Plymouth, 632. PINCKNEY CHARLES C., opposes the formation of the Union, 51 ; cannot abandon Slavery, 56-8; as an Anti-Federalist, 504. PLATFORMS, Republican of, 1860, 203; Demo cratic of 1852, 175-6 ; of 1856, 178-9 ; of 1860, 203 ; Whig of 1852, 176 ; American Party of 1856, 181-2. PLYMOUTH ROCK, history of and location of, 631-2. PLYMOUTH, settlement of, by the Pilgrims, 26, 631-2; demands the right to tax herself, 32-3. POLITICAL PARTDZS, history of 161-182, 503-14. POLK, JAMES K., nominated for the Presi dency, 166; elected, 167, 605. POPULATION, native and foreign, 454-68 ; 608-14. PORTER, ADMIRAL, 349. POST OFFICE, in 1864, 326. POWELL, MR., of Virginia, against Slavery, 583. PRENCE, THOMAS, Governor of New Plymouth, 517. PRESIDENT of the United States, power to ap. point and remove, 65-71; qualifications of, 435; Constitutional powers, 412-3; how elected, 547-50; who and when elected, by what party, and vote for, 602-7; salary of, 608. PRESIDENTS of the Continental Congress, 601- 602; of the United States, 202-7. PRINTING PRESS, first in America, 524. PRITCHARD, LIEUT.-COL., cjiptures Jefferson Davis, 376-7. PROCLAMATION, Lincoln's first, 262.; Emanci pation, 281-3; effects of, 283-4; Johnson's Amnesty, 387-8; Davis' banishment, 570-1. QUANTREL, GEN., rebel captured, 342. QUINCY, JOSIAH, speech on self-defense, 627-Sv RAILROAD, OVERLAND, Democrats oppose, 519, 568; progress, 531. RAILROADS, first in America, Pacific, 617. RANDOLPH, PEYTON, President of the Conti nental Congress, 601. RANDOLPH, EDMUND, urges the necessity of union, 50. REAL ESTATE, slaves as, 139-40. REBELLION, political results of, 551-8. RECONSTRUCTION, T. R. R. Cobb on, 266; Rich mond Dispatch on, 271-3: Toombs on, 272; A. H. Stephens on, 272 ; Governor Vance on, 273; of rebel States, 390-406; Abraham 662 ANALYTICAL INDEX.. Lincoln's views on, 396 ; relation of the , States to the Union, 400-6. BEID, MR., of Georgia, favors Slavery, 92. REPRESENTATIVES, number to which States are entitled; salaries of, 608. REPRESENTATION under the Constitution, 51-4. REPUBLICANISM, development of, in America, 28-9; origin of the Republican party, 161- 162; development of, 188-92; struggle for, against the slave power, 353; what is, 394-406 ; in the Union, 409; in the States, 410-34 ; progress of, 511-16 ; in 1868, 530- 542. REPUBLICS of the world in 1869, 591-9. REPUBLICANS, origin of the party, 161-2; favor the acquisition of Oregon, 167-9; conven tion of 1856, 179-80; John C. Fremont nominated for the Presidency, 180 ; Res olutions of 1856, 180-1; in the election of 1856, 182 ; gaining strength, 197-8 ; con vention of 1860, 201 ; Platform of 1860, 203 ; victory of 1860, 204-7 ; first time in power, 261; policy of, 279-80; in the cam paign of 1864, 309, 313-7; National Conven tion of 18C4, 315-7 ; Platform of, in 1864, 315-7; elect Lincoln in 18G4, 323 ; adopt thir teenth and fourteenth amendments to the Constitution, origin of, 504 ; as a party, 511-6 ; convention of, in 1868 ; nominate and elect U. S. Grant and Schuyler Colfax, 533-42. RHAMSES, army of, 614. RHETT, MR., believes Secession to have been long premeditated, 186. RHODE ISLAND, early Government of, 28 ; de lays to adopt the Constitution, 65; citizen ship, 417-8; first newspaper in, 525; qualification of voters, 560; area and pop ulation, 609 ; soldiers furnished by, 613 ; newspapers in, 615 ; real and personal property, 618. RICHMOND, fall of, 351-7 ; Unionists rejoicing over the fall of, 378-9. RICHMOND Examiner on Secession, 185 ; Dis patch on restoration, 269, 271-3; will "show up free society," 578. RIVES, MR,, of Virginia, speech against Slav ery, 582-3. ROBESPIERRE, Democracy affililiate with, 508- 509. ROYAL CHARTERS of the Colonies, 27, 29-30. RUSSIA emancipates her serfs, 554. RUTLEDGE, MR., of South Carolina, favors Slavery, 56. SALARIES of United States officers, 608; of Governors of each State, 434. SANDERS, GEORGE N., letter to Horatio Sey mour, 268; reward offered for, 387. SAN DOMINGO, a Republic of the West Indies, 599. SAN FRANCISCO taken possession of by the Americans, 115. SAN MARINO, a Republic of Europe, 593. SAN SALVADOR, a Republic of Central America, 598. SANTA ANNA defeated in Texas, 105. SAVANNAH, United States frigate, enters Mon terey, Cal., 113; city of, taken by General Sherman, 342. SCHOOLS, free in America, 522, 517; foreigners in, 522. SCOTCH in the United States, 466-7. SCOTT, WINFIELD, fails to get the nomination for the Presidency, 162; before the Whig Convention, 171 ; nominated for the Pres idency, 175 ; Brevet Lieutenant-General, 586. SEA KING, 437-8; rebel pirate, 345. SECESSION, Webster on peaceable, 122-3; of South Carolina,'209-ll; Georgia, 211: Mis sissippi, 211-2 ; Florida, 212 ; Louisiana, 212-3; Alabama, 213; Arkansas, 214; Texas, 214; North Carolina, 215; Tennes see, 215-6; Virginia, 216. SEMMES, MR., of Louisiana, on the Emancipa tion Proclamation, 500. SENATORS, United States, how elected, 435. SESOSTRIS, army of, 614. SEWARD, W. H., as Secretary of State, 288 ; Union speech in 1864, 330-1; meets Con federate Commissioners, 339; attempt to assassinate, 381-2; "irrepressible con flict "speech, 619; speech in the Senate, 619. SEYMOUR, HORATIO, Democratic nominee for President, letter from George N. Sanders, 268; vote for, in 1868, 607. SEYMOUR, SIR GEORGE, Rear Admiral, in Cali fornia, 114-5. SHANNON, W. E., in the California State Con vention, 116. SHENANDOAH, rebel pirate, surrenders, 345. SHERIDAN, GEN. P. H., victory at Winchester, 308; appointed a Major-General, 323 ; in the Shenandoah valley, 325; before Rich mond, 351. SHERMAN, GEN. W. T., in Georgia, 295 ; his Field Order, No. 68, 298; his letter to Gen. Hood, 299; letter to Gen. Burbridge, 300- 301; capture of Savannah, 301 ; his letter to Maj. Sawyer, 301-5 ; his march through Georgia, 325; takes the city of Savannah, 342; captures Gen. Johnston, 359; farewell to his soldiers, 369-71; appointed a Lieu- tenant-General, 589. SHERMAN, ROGER, on committee to draft Dec laration of Independence, 39. SINGLETON, O. R., of Mississippi, speech in Congress, 576. SLAVERY, effects of, 15; efforts to abolish, 17 ; Pro-Slavery interests, 18; first in Amer ica, 19; laws prohibiting, 19; ordinance prohibiting, 44 - 5 ; introduction of, in America, 45; vote to prohibit, in the Ter ritories, 46-7; in the basis of representa tion, 51-2 ; Gouverneur Morris opposes, 65-6; slaves may be captured, 57-8; ser mon upon, 59-60; ordinance prohibiting, 61-2; amongst the ancients, 72-4 ; Anglo- Saxons as slaves, 73; slave trade prohib ited, 75 ; Anti-Slavery association, 76 ; address of, 77-80; Louis XIII favors Sla very, 83 ; prohibited in California, 116 ; discussion upon, 116-27; Jeff. Davis be lieves it not immoral, 121; in the Terri tories, 128-32; Massachusetts abolishes, 128; Constitution respecting, 130-1; in the Territories, 131-42 ; all colored persons are slaves, 135-6; may be fircil upon, 137; slaves if convicted are free men, 139 ; as real estate, 139-40; Indians as owners, 141-2; abolished by Mexico, 143-4, 146-7; laws respecting, in California, 153-60; Bra zil relaxes, 554; is Divine, 82-4, 576-9; op position to, by American patriots, 580-4. SLAVE STATES, newspapers in, 527. SLAVE STATES, anti-Republican, 551-8. SLOAT, COMMODORE, takes possession of Cali fornia, 113-4 ; raises the American flag, 114. SMALL-POX, spread by the rebels, 291. SOLDIERS in the war of 1776, 38; Lincoln calls for 75,000, 262; Slave States refuse to sup ply, 282; Lincoln's second call, 205; num ber called for in 1864, 293; Grant's address to, 293-4; number of, in 1865; and number of colored, 312 ; total raised during the war, 366-7 ; killed in battle and died, 366- ANALYTICAL INDEX. ( 663 367; colored soldiers, 367; rebel, 367; total number slain on both sides, 368 ; Sher man's farewell to his, 369 - 71 ; Grant's farewell to the, 371-2 ; furnished by all the States in 1778 and 1861-5, 613; Massa chusetts furnishes more than all the South, 613 ; in the Union and rebel ar mies, 614-5. "SoMMEESETT CASE," as to Slavery, 151. SOUTH CAROLINA, opposes the Union, 51; must have slaves, 5G-7 ; anxious for Secession, 207; Ordinance of Secession, 209-10 ; ac cepts services of Catawba Indians, 210; passes resolutions, 210-11 ; ratifies " Con federate" Constitution, 211; Constitution and citizenship, 414; attempts to sell Brit ish subjects, 4-47-8; smallest issue of news papers, 529 ; area and population, 609 ; newspapers in, 615 ; real and personal property, 618. " SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY," organization of, 216-7 ; President and officers of, 217-8 ; vote for President, 218 ; Resolutions of Congress, 287; collapse of, 374-5; no such thin;? as a citizen of, 493-6; Constitution of,49i; citizenship in, 493-502; foreigners in, 612; army of, 614; Constitution of, 650. SPAEST, treaty with respecting New Orleans and the Mississippi river, 99-100 ; cedes the Floridas, 103. SPEECHES. BIT f us King in the Convention that framed the Constitution, 55; Gouv- ernetir Morris, 55-6 ; Charles Pinckney, 68-7; Luther Martin, 58; Mr. Rutledge, 56; James M. Mason, 56-7; C. C.Pinckney in South Carolina, 58-9; on tenure of civil office Madison, Lee, Smith, Bland, Jack son, "Wliite, Sylvester, Gerry, Livermore, 67-71 ; Mr. Taylor of If. Y. on admission of Missouri, 87-91; Mr. Smythe of Va. on same, 91-5; Mr. Hemphill of Penn. on same, 93-7; Henry Clay on the admission of California, 116-7 ; Mr. Foote, 119 ; Mr. Mason, 120-1 ; Jefferson Davis, 121-2 ; Daniel Webster, 122-3; John C. Calhoun, 123-4; James H. Hardy on the divinity of Slavery, 160; Thos. H. Benton on western boundary, 169-70; Butler of S. C. on se cession, 148 ; Keitt of S. C., 184-6 ; Pres ton S. Brooks on secession, 184; Henry A. Wise of Va., 184-5; Iverson of Ga., 185 ; Brown of Miss., 185; Toombs of Ga., 185; W. L. Yancey, 186; Mr. Parks of S. C., 186; Mr. Ingils, 185 ; Ehett, 188 ; James Ches- nut, Jr., on secession, 208-9; W. W. Boyce, 209; Jeff. Davis' " little bill," 233; Alexan der II. Stephens before the Georgia Legis lature, 238-43 ; in the Georgia conven tion, 248-52; "Corner-stone," 254-6; Jeff. Davis, "no compromise," 266; T. B. R. Cobb, always for separation, 266; Walter Brooks, 288; A.R. Botelerof Va. on seces sion, 267; Jeff. Davis' "bogs of Ireland," 270; "hyenas or Yankees," 271; A. H. Stephens, reconstruction impossible, 272; Gov. L. B. Vance of Va., 273 ; Fernando Wood's address on secession, 274-7; Jeff. Davis in October, 1864, 295-7; A. H. Ste phens on despotism, 297-8; Cobden on Anglo-rebel pirates, 309; Rev. Henry Clay Dean on Lincoln, 320; W. H. Seward in 1864, 330-1; Hill of Georgia and Wigfall of Texas on citizenship, 494-5; Senator Brown of Miss, on aliens, 497; Clark of Missouri, Henry of Tenn., and Phelan of Miss., on the emancipation proclamation, 500-1 ; Jefferson Davis' farewell to Amer ica, 5 elected Vice-President, 603. TOUCEY, ISAAC, Secretary of the Navy, 183. TREATY of peacp signed at Paris, 43. TRIBUNE, New York, as an educator, 623. TROOPS furnished by each State in 1776 and 1861-5,613; Massachusetts furnishes more troops than all the South, 613. TUCKER, BEVERLY, reward offered for, 386. TYLER, JOHN, Presidential term, 106 ; elected Vice-President, 162, 605 ; abandons his principles, 165. UNITED COLONIES of New England, 27. UNION of the States proposed, 50; resolutions to form, 51. UNITED STATES. Declaration of Independ ence, 39-40; formation of Government, 42 ; Convention to frame Constitution, 38-48; war with Mexico, 107-8; treaty with Mexico, 108; take possession of Cal ifornia, 110-10; California declared a part of, 114; powers over the States, 390-406 ; alone sovereign, 407-10 ; citizens in the States, 410-34; President, qualifications of, 435 ; Vice-President, 435 ; Senators, how elected, 435 ; Congressmen, how elected, 435; Judges appointed, 43G; Gov ernment of, 441 ; ought to regulate the elective franchise, 452; total area of pop ulation, 453-4 ; under Declaration of In dependenceArticles of Confederation and Constitution, 503 ; newspapers in, 522-9 ; political affairs in 1808, 530-42 ; Presidents elected in, from 1788 to 1869, 602-7 ; Senators and Representatives in 1869, 607; salaries of officers, 608; popula tion of, from 1790 to 1800, G08-9; area and population in all the States and Territo ries, 608-12; foreigners in all and each of the States and Territories, 610-12; males and females in, 610 ; Germans in, 610-1 ; Irish in, 612; pauperism in, 612-3 ; crime in, 612-3 ; troops furnished in 1776 and 1861-5, 613 ; newspapers in, 615 ; real and personal property, 618; finance from 1789 to 1869, 615-7; debt of , 615-6; railroads, 617 ; canals and insurance, 618. UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE in America, 55S-64.J URAGUAY, a Republic of South America,' 596. USHER, JOHN, obtains first copyright in Amer ica, 524. UTAH TERRITORY, area and population, 609 ; newspapers in, 615 ; real and personal property, 618. VALLANDIG'HAM, C. L., as a " Knight," 310; at the Democratic Convention, 320. VAN BUREN, as President in 1837, 105-6; nom inated to the Presidency by the Democ racy, 162; nominated by the " Barn-burn ers," 172; nominated for the Presidency by the Free Soil party, 173; elected Yice- President and President, 604. VANCE, Z. B., Governor, on reconstruction. 273. VENEZUELA, a Republic of South America, 596. VERMONT, Constitution and citizenship, 418 ; area and population, 609 ; soldiers fur nished by, 613 ; newspapers in, 615 ; real and personal property, 618. VICE-PRESIDENT of the United States election and qualification, 435. VICKSBURG, General Grierson at, 350. VIRGINIA, early settlement of, 15; Colonial condition, 23 ; attempts representative government, 27, 30, 32-3 ; extends early sympathy to Massachusetts, 35 ; recom mends a General Congress, 35 ; soldiers furnished by, in 1776, 38 ; passes laws to enslave the barbarian, 84 ; makes Jews slaves, 84; makes Indians slaves, 84; slaves as real estate, 139-40 ; secedes from the Union, 216; Constitution and citizenship, 415-6; population and newspaper press in, 527; and Kentucky Resolutions of '98, 573-4 ; area and population, 609 ; news papers in, 615 ; real and personal prop erty, 618. VOORHEES, H. W., as " Knight of the Golden Circle," 311. VOTE, popular and electoral, from 1788 to 1869, 602-7. WACHUSETT captures the Florida, 345-6. WALES, newspapers in, 527. WALKER, R. W., President of Southern Con gress, 217. WAR, Colonists preparing for, 3G; commence ment of, 36-7; soldiers in, 38; end of Rev olutionary, 43; New England in, 188-92 ; Southern States in, 191-3; of the Rebel lion of 1861 begun, 263-5; Slavery in the, 279-81; position of the Democracy in, 289-91. WARREN, GENERAL, at Bunker Hill, 37-8. WASHINGTON, GEORGE, appointed General, 37-8; he arrives at Cambridge, 38; in Convention to frame Constitution, 48; letter to Lafayette, CO-1 ; elected Presi dent, 64 ; as a Federalist, 504 ; first and second election, 505; Democratic opposi tion to, 507-10'; letter to Lafayette, 581 ; letter to Robert Morris, 581-2; as General, 585-6; first and second election as Presi dent, 602. WASHINGTON TERRITORY, area and population, 609; soldiers furnished by, 613; newspa pers in, 615; real and personal property,, 618. WATT, JAMES I., first applies steam to car riages, 617. WEBSTER, DANIEL, on peaceable secession, 122-3; appointed Secretary of State, 124 ; before the Whig Convention, 171; before the convention of 1852, 175 ; speech on compromise, 122-3; speech " the Union must be preserved," 629. WELLS, JUDGE, on Slavery in California, 157-CO. ANALYTICAL INDEX. 665 WEST VIRGINIA, Constitution and citizenship, 433; area and population, 609 ; soldiers furnished by, 613. WHIGS, as a political party, 162; origin of the name and party, 510-11; nominate Harri son for the Presidency, 162 ; nominate Henry Clay for the Presidency, 166 ; ac tive in the Oregon boundary question, 167; nominate and elect Gen. Taylor Pres ident, 171; National Convention of 1852, 174-5 ; Resolutions of 1852, 170; dissolu tion of the party, 182. WHISKY, a Democratic necessity, 518-22; an nual consumption in the Republic, 520-2. WHITE, MR., on removal from office, 69. WIDOWS receiving aid from the United States. 308. WIGFALL, SENATOR, on citizenship, 49i.+ WILLIAMS, ROGER, 28. " WILMOT PROVISO," 143-4. WILSON, Senator from Massachusetts n adYO-~ cates female suffrage, 563.. WILSON, JAMES, on suffrage, 52. WISCONSIN, Constitution and citizenship, 429 30; area and population, 609; soldiers fur nished by, 613; newspapers in, 615; real and personal property, 618. WISE, HENRY A., Governor of Virginia, on; Black Republicans, 185. WEITZEL, GEN., enters the city of Richmond, 356-7. " WOMAN'S RIGHTS," 561-4 ; Senator Wilson,^ of Massachusetts, advocates, 5G3 ; John Stuart Mill advocates, 562 ; women hold mass conventions, 562-4. WOOD, FERNANDO, treason of he advocates the secession of New York city, 274; as a Congressman, 278-9. YANCEY, WILLIAM L., would " fire the South-^ ern heart," 186. YANKEES worse than hyenas, 270-1 ; prefera* ble to foreigners, 497. yuLEE,jp. L., letter to. Joseph. tfinegan,, 5744 THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW RENEWED BOOKS ARE SUBJECT TO IMMEDIATE RECALL LIBRARY, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, DAVIS Book Slip-50m-8,'66(G5530s4)458 N 477721 McClellan, R.G. Republicanism in America. E183 M125 LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA DAVIS